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J. M. Harden, An introduction to Ethiopic Christian Literature (1926)
J. M. Harden, An introduction to Ethiopic Christian Literature (1926)
Preface
1. The Country and Language
2. Brief Historical Sketch of the Country and Church
3. Brief Sketch of the Progress of the Literature
4. The Bible of the Ethiopic Church
5. The Liturgies and Other Service Books
6. Theological and Ecclesiastical Books
7. Hagiology, Chronicles and Romance
8. Philosophy and Law
Appendix A --- List of the chief kings of Abyssinia
Appendix B --- The Confession of Claudius
Appendix C --- List of some other Theological and Ecclesiastical Works
AN INTRODUCTION
TO
Ethiopic Christian Literature
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AN INTRODUCTION
TO
Ethiopic Christian Literature
BY
J. M. HARDEN, D.D., LL.D.
Canon of St. Patrick's, Dublin
[1871-1931]
LONDON
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge
New York and Toronto: The Macmillan Co.
1926
PRINTED IN INDIA BY GEORGE KENNETH AT THE DIOCESAN PRESS, VEPERY, MADRAS----1926. C5696
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PREFACE
The present brief work is not intended to be more than is expressed in its title an Introduction to Ethiopic Christian Literature. It is not meant for Ethiopic scholars, but its purpose is to give as simple an account as possible of the Literature with which it deals. Hence its method. It seemed necessary to say something, first of all, of the language and the general history of the Church and country, which, to say the least, are not at all well known. Then follows a brief sketch of the literature as a whole. The concluding chapters deal each with one department of the literature, commencing with the Bible In these later chapters I have chosen for description such books as seemed to me to be of most general interest, or most typical of their class. My intention has been rather to show the general character of Ethiopic Literature than to describe all the works fully. Of a few other works, chiefly such as have not yet been edited, I have given a very brief account in one of the Appendices. The materials I have drawn from many different sources, but in writing Chapters ii and iii I am particularly indebted to Enno Littmann's Geschichte der äthiopischen Litteratur, which itself forms the last part of the Geschichte der christlichen Litteraturen des Orients (Leipzig, 1909), the first three parts treating respectively of the Literatures of the Syriac, Armenian and Coptic Churches. |vi As I have not always indicated my indebtedness to Littmann, I here desire to do so at the beginning.
A word must be said about the Ethiopic names and words which had to be used. The Ethiopic alphabet, as explained more fully in Chapter I, follows the Hebrew and Aramaic alphabets, except for the addition of four letters, two of which are of rare occurrence and are nowhere transliterated in this book. I have followed the usual method of transliteration. The only letters requiring remark are, I think, the following: Teth is t; s stands for two letters, corresponding to samech and sin 1 in Hebrew, h and s stand each for two letters, namely, heth and sade of the Hebrew alphabet, and the two additional letters in Arabic which correspond with these. As the two letters in each of these three groups are of identical sound in Ethiopic (at least in modern times), it seemed unnecessary to multiply symbols to distinguish them from each other.
Aleph (alf) and 'ayin ('ain) are respectively represented by the smooth and rough breathing, except in the case of words beginning with alf, in which the breathing has been omitted. The word Geez I have treated as English; it might have been written Ge'ez.
As to the vowels, i, o, u are always long; a and e may be long or short. I have marked them in Ethiopic words, when long, by the circumflex accent.
J. M. H.
1 Not shin; there is no 'sh' in Ethiopic.
CONTENTS
CHAP. PAGE
I. The Country and Language... 1
II. Brief Historical Sketch of the Country and Church... 8
III. Brief Sketch of the Progress of the Literature...... 19
IV. The Bible of the Ethiopic Church 37 V. The Liturgies and Other Service Books......... 51
VI. Theological and Ecclesiastical Books......... 60
VII. Hagiology, Chronicles and Romance......... 73
VIII. Philosophy and Law...... 92
Appendices----
A. List of the chief kings of Abyssinia......... 103
B. The Confession of Claudius... 104
C. List of some other Theological and Ecclesiastical Works... 108
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CHAPTER I
THE COUNTRY AND LANGUAGE
The name Ethiopia has been used in many senses, but, as it is employed in the history of the Christian Church, it means the country otherwise known as Abyssinia. This country, in its widest extent, stretches from the modern Italian colony of Eritrea on the shores of the Red Sea in the north through more than ten degrees of latitude to British East Africa on the south, and from Somaliland on the east to the Soudan on the west. The divisions of the country, which are most convenient to remember, are Tigre in the north; Amhara, the great table-land and mountainous region in the centre; Shoa, south, or rather south-east, of Amhara; and, furthest south of all, the land of the Galla tribes.
The name Abyssinia comes to us from Arabic writers who speak of the land of Habash, a name which was possibly that given by the Egyptians to some primitive African race. The name given to the country by the Christian inhabitants was Ethiopia. It has no direct connexion with the Ethiopia of classical writers, and with the Ethiopia of the Bible it is also unconnected, except that its adoption was no doubt due to a desire on the part of the Church of Abyssinia to trace back its own history to biblical times. |2
The language of the Church was, as we shall see, Semitic, but it was the language of a minority. Most of the inhabitants were not of Semitic stock. The earliest were of Negro race. Then in pre-historic times there was an immigration of Hamitic tribes who find their modern representatives in the Somali and Danakil tribes in the north and east; the Oromo, or Galla, in the south; and the Agau in the centre. The Falashas also, in spite of their Jewish faith, are said to be of Hamitic stock.1
Ethiopic Church Literature is much more concerned with a second and much later immigration. This was of Semitic tribes who crossed over from South Arabia, probably by the straits of Bab-el-Mandeb. They did not come all at once, but at different dates. Of the tribes who came two chief groups are to be distinguished, the Geez, who settled more to the north in the neighbourhood of Axum, and the ancestors of the Amhara, whose settlements were further south on the east and south-east of Lake Tsana. It is not known at what date these settlements were made, but it must have been before the Christian era.
It is the evidence of the language that shows that the immigration was from South Arabia. The Ethiopic, or more correctly, the Geez language, is allied to Arabic, but is far more closely akin to the language of the Sabean or Himyaritic inscriptions which have |3 been found in South Arabia.2 These are very numerous, and have been preserved from various dates, from long before the Christian era (1000 B.C.) till about a.d. 600.3 The characters too of the Geez alphabet are obviously a development of the Sabean; in fact two of the earliest inscriptions extant in Geez are written in Sabean letters.4
Some remarkable changes in their method of writirig were afterwards made by the Semitic tribes who came over to Africa. In the first place they began to write from left to right, instead of from right to left as in Hebrew, Arabic, Aramaic, and even in the Sabean inscriptions. This change was probably due to Greek influence. Besides this they developed an original and most ingenious system of vocalization. It is well known that in the other Semitic languages the consonantal system is entirely distinct from the vowels. In Arabic, Hebrew, or Aramaic the consonantal text may be pointed or unpointed, that is to say, the vowels may or may not be added. In the former case the vowels are denoted by dots, strokes, or other marks, above, in, or below the consonants. In Ethiopic, on the other hand, the form of the consonant itself is slightly modified according to the vowel with which it is to be sounded. Each consonant has at least seven different forms,5 for example, the character for 'b' may be so written as to express ba, |4 bi, bu, bâ, be, be, or bo, the sixth of the forms ('orders' is the technical word) being used also for 'b' as a vowel-less consonant. From this ingenious system it results that an Ethiopic document is always 'pointed,' and so far therefore easier to read than an unpointed text in another Semitic language. The system has however one or two disadvantages compared with pointed texts. In the first place there is no mark like the dagesh forte in Hebrew to indicate when the consonant is to be doubled; and secondly, there is no outward mark of distinction between a vowel-less consonant and the same consonant followed by a short 'e;' the sign for 'b' and be is the same and so with all the other letters.
The alphabet consists of twenty-six characters. Of these, twenty-two are identical in nature, and the majority also in name, with the corresponding letters of the Hebrew and Syriac alphabets. In some cases where there has been a change of name, it is hard to say why the change has been made, in others the reason is obvious. The name yod, for example, was. abandoned because the Ethiopic word for 'does' not begin with that letter. A word of similar meaning was therefore substituted, and the letter called 'yaman' (i. e. right hand). Similarly nun was given up, and 'nahas' (meaning, serpent) substituted in its place. This was not in every case consistently done, for 'af' (=mouth) was retained as the name of the letter called 'pe,' 'fa,' etc., in the other Semitic languages. This, however, is the only exception to the rule that the name of the letter should begin with the corresponding sound. |5
Of the four additional letters, two, representing different sounds of 'p,' are of very rare occurrence, being chiefly used in words borrowed from other languages such as Greek. The two remaining are also found in Arabic, and represent an earlier stage of the Semitic alphabet, in which there were two forms of the letters heth and sade which were afterwards merged into one by the Hebrews and Arameans.
The Ethiopic or Geez language is not now spoken. It is quite unknown when it ceased to be used as the language of daily life. Possibly it was about the tenth century. It continued in use, in a more or less debased form, for several centuries longer as a literary language. At present it is used merely as the ecclesiastical language, and is, it is said, unintelligible even to many of the priests.
It has, however, its modern representatives in daughter or kindred languages. Two, which may be described as daughter languages of Geez, are still spoken in the north of the country, including the Dahlak Islands in the Red Sea. Of these two languages or dialects, the first is known as Tigre, the second as Tigray or Tigrina. Better names would be northern and southern Tigre. Tigre, which is not spoken in Tigre proper, but further north and chiefly by Moslems, is more closely related to Geez than is Tigrina which is spoken in Tigre further south. Both of these are essentially Semitic languages, though both contain Hamitic elements.6
Better known than either of these is Amharic, |6 which is said to be the most widely spoken, next to Arabic, of all the Semitic languages which are still in use. Amharic has been in Abyssinia the language of the court and state since about the end of the thirteenth century. The natural result was that during the centuries that followed, though Geez was still the language of literature and the Church, it was much influenced by Amharic, chiefly in the way of vocabulary, many of the later works containing numerous loan-words borrowed from the kindred dialect. Indeed, as we shall see later, in one department of literature----the Royal Chronicles----a kind of compromise was effected, and a hybrid dialect, a mixture of Geez and Amharic, was employed.
The Geez language was quite unknown in Europe till the end of the fifteenth century, when Portuguese travellers visited the country, attracted thither by legends as to the famous Prester John. The next century saw envoys from the same country in Abyssinia, soon followed by Jesuit missionaries who endeavoured to introduce a Roman form of Christianity, but had no lasting success.
All our knowledge of the language, and therefore of the literature, depends ultimately on the efforts of two German scholars, one in the seventeenth century, and the other in the nineteenth. The first of these was Leutholf, or Ludolf, as he is generally called, who published in 1661 an Ethiopic Lexicon and Grammar. He afterwards improved both of these and wrote a History of Ethiopia and a commentary thereon. A century and a half later there was a revival of interest in the language and literature, originating |7 in and promoted by the work of the great German scholar Aug. Dillmann. During the nineteenth century also much extra material was made available. Many manuscripts had been brought from the country by missionaries like Krapf and Bruce. The British expedition against Abyssinia in 1868 was the occasion of a great influx of fresh literary material.
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CHAPTER II
BRIEF HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE COUNTRY AND CHURCH
Very little is known of the history of the country prior to the introduction of Christianity beyond the fact that kings of Semitic stock bore rule there from at least the first century A.D. Their capital was at Axum. It is from these kings that the inscriptions come which have been already mentioned in the preceding chapter. The first of these inscriptions is bi-lingual (Greek and Ethiopic) and tells of the wars of a king named 'Aizana. The second is in Ethiopic only, and comes from the reign of Ela-'Amida. These belong to the fourth century and in them the writing runs from right to left contrary to the method which prevailed later. In two inscriptions of a king Tazana dating from the first years of the following century the new method is already in use. Who preceded these kings, or how far back their dynasty goes are matters of which we have no knowledge. The traditions, or rather legends, of the later Christian Church of Abyssinia, for example, those that are found in the Kebra Nagast (see below p. 87ff.) date back the origin of the kingdom to before the time of Solomon. A king of Ethiopia according to those legends was a son of Solomon and the Queen of Sheba. Needless to say this is all pure imagination. |9
The traditional story of the conversion of Ethiopia to Christianity rests on a better basis, and has often been told. The story depends in the main on the testimony of Rufinus, the friend (and enemy) of St. Jerome. It has been repeated after him, with some variations, by various writers. The ecclesiastical historian Socrates gives it as follows. A philosopher of Tyre, Meropius by name, desired to visit the land of the Indians. He took with him two youths and set sail for the country. When he had seen all that he wished, he was returning, but had to put in for provisions at a harbour on the coast. It so happened that at that time there was war between the Indians and the Romans. The Indians therefore seized the philosopher and his companions, and put them all to death except the two boys. Them they saved alive as a gift for their king. He was delighted with the appearance of the lads, and (apparently after some time had elapsed) made one of them whose name was Edesius his cup-bearer, and appointed the other Frumentius as his treasurer. When on his deathbed, the king (whose name, according to Ludolf, was Abreha) gave both of them their freedom. They remained on, however, in the country at the request of the queen as tutors of her son (Erazanes,7 according to Ludolf) until he came of age. Frumentius, while thus engaged, was in the habit of seeking out the Roman traders who visited the country, and of assembling them, if he found any to be Christians, |10 for divine worship. Eventually he built a church, and began to teach the natives. When the young prince came of age, Frumentius and Edesius, having given a good account of their stewardship, asked and received permission to leave the country and return home. Edesius then went to Tyre to visit his friends, but Frumentius did not go further than Alexandria. There he came into touch with St. Athanasius, who had but a short while before been elected bishop, and recounted the story of his travels and sojourn in Ethiopia, and his hopes for the conversion of the Indians. He begged Athanasius to send thither a bishop and other clergy to work amongst them. Judging that Frumentius was the most suitable person for the work, Athanasius consecrated him bishop at once and sent him back again to the country, where he laboured, won converts, built churches and worked miracles. This story Rufinus claims to have heard from the lips of Edesius himself. In the Ethiopic Senkesar the names of the two chief actors, appear in a somewhat disguised form as Frementos and Adeseyos, the former being also known as Abba Salama.
If the date given in the above account can be relied on, Christianity was introduced into Ethiopia in the second quarter of the fourth century. Others however put the date later. It was, in any case, more than a century later that the 'Nine Saints' arrived. Their coming must be put somewhere about the end of the fifth century. Their names are variously given.8 |11 All but one have Ethiopic names, Pantaleon being Greek. These Saints were probably Syrian monks, who reached Abyssinia by way of Egypt or South Arabia, having left their country probably on account of the troubles that followed the promulgation of the decrees of the Council of Chalcedon. It was possibly in consequence of their teaching, but also, in part, because of its close connexion with Alexandria, that the Church of Abyssinia has always been strongly, not to say fanatically, monophysite. The connexion with Alexandria has always been closely maintained, the Abuna or metropolitan of Abyssinia being always an Egyptian, consecrated and sent to rule the Ethiopic Church by the monophysite Patriarch of Alexandria.
The darkness which not unnaturally surrounds the history of the country all through these early times does not clear till we come nearly to the end of the thirteenth century. Two facts may, however, be mentioned about which we have some information, either from outside sources or from the traditions of the Ethiopic Church itself.
The first is that during the earlier half of the sixth century the Christians of Abyssinia made various expeditions to South Arabia to succour their fellow-Christians who were being subjected to persecution. The Abyssinians themselves have but a confused knowledge of these campaigns, and the details found in other historians are often contradictory, but as to the fact of such expeditions having taken place, there can be no reasonable doubt. The hero of these wars is a king of Axum whose name appears in various |12 forms which are ultimately reducible to two, Caleb, evidently his personal name, and Elesbaan, a surname, probably a corruption of a word meaning 'blessed.' 9 Elesbaan came to the throne some time before A.D. 518. At that time the Christians in Yemen (South Arabia) were subject to a king named Dhu Nowas (Dunaan) who had, after his accession to the throne, adopted the Jewish faith, and was endeavouring to spread the same by force amongst his subjects. Elesbaan first sent embassies to protest against his cruelties, but, finding these useless, determined on war. He crossed the straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, defeated the tyrant, drove him from his country, and, when he himself returned home to Abyssinia, left a viceroy to rule the country. A few years later, when this viceroy died, Dhu Nowas left his place of retreat, gathered an army together, and attacked Nejran which was the headquarters of the Abyssinian power in Yemen. He eventually became master of the city by treachery and massacred all the inhabitants who refused to abjure their faith. Some fugitives who escaped spread throughout the East the news of the massacre, and the Patriarch of Alexandria urged Elesbaan to invade Yemen again to avenge the wrongs of the Christians. This he did, and this time the tyrant was defeated and slain.10 After his victories Elesbaan is said to have abdicated and retired into seclusion as a hermit. He has been canonized not |13 only by his own Church but also by the Church of Rome (October 27).
The second fact that stands out during these years of darkness is the fall of the so-called Solomonic line of kings who reigned at Axum. The kings who came after them are described as 'non-Israelitish', and their dynasty as that of the Zâguê. The province of Shoa in the south was the refuge of the descendants of the ancient line. It is not certain when this fall of the old dynasty took place, nor for how long the intruding dynasty held sway. By some native lists its duration is lengthened out to nearly four centuries, and some modern authors take the same view. The more probable duration of the dynasty was from 100 to 150 years. In any case the Zâguê-kings were dispossessed about the year 1270 when Yekuno Amlâk who came from Shoa and was a member of the Solomonic house was restored to the throne of his ancestors, assuming the proud title of Negusa nagast, King of kings, which has ever since been used by the kings of Abyssinia.11 The restoration is said to have been due in great measure to the efforts of the great national saint Takla Hâymânot, and it is further recorded that these efforts on the Saint's part were rewarded by the king by a donation to the Church of one-third of the revenues of the kingdom----a kind of Abyssinian Donation of Constantine. The truth underlying the legend no doubt is that the king to show his gratitude was extremely liberal towards the clergy and the Church, but one-third of the |14 kingdom is, as Littmann remarks, 'somewhat too much.'
During the next two centuries Abyssinia was greatly troubled both by attacks of enemies from outside, and also by internal dissensions, these latter arising chiefly from ecclesiastical matters. The Mahometan Arabs were the external foes. Yet Abyssinia fared better in their attacks than the countries round. This was no doubt due to the difficult nature of the country, the mountain fastnesses proving an obstacle against the invaders. Had the country been an open one like Egypt, it would have succumbed in all probability centuries before, as Egypt did. Two kings are prominent during these centuries, one in the first half of the fourteenth century, the second in the middle of the fifteenth. 'Amda Seyon the first of these reigned from 1312 to 1342, and fought with vigour and success against the Mahometans, while at home he displayed similar energy against the internal unrest caused by the monks. The second, Zar'a Yâ'qob, perhaps the most famous of all the Abyssinian kings reigned from 1434 to 1468. His constant wars did not prevent him, though he came to the throne when already an old man, from efforts to reform the Church and improve the internal organization of the kingdom. Literature also flourished, as we shall see, during his reign, even the king himself entering into the lists as an author.
The first half of the sixteenth century was marked by events of great importance, wars with the Moslems (these were nothing new); the arrival of the Portuguese and the Jesuits; and the invasion of the Galla tribes from the south. |15
As early as the reign of Eskender (Alexander) whose dates are 1478-1495, an envoy of the king of Portugal had been in Abyssinia and had brought back to Europe some account of the Christian kings who reigned in Africa. In the beginning of the sixteenth century a queen, Helena by name, was ruling in Abyssinia as regent for her son Lebna Dengel. She saw with alarm the rising power of the Mahometans in the south-east, where there were two Moslem states----the Emirate of Harar and the kingdom of Adal, the capital of the latter being Zeila, now a port in British Somaliland. The queen bethought her of the Portuguese, and sent as envoy to Portugal an Armenian named Mathaeus who arrived in 1513. The king of Portugal sent de Lima to Abyssinia, who on his arrival found Lebna Dengel already on the throne. Matters do not seem to have moved with any great rapidity, for it was not until 1523 that de Lima returned to his own country accompanied by an Abyssinian envoy with powers to bring about an alliance between the two countries. Meanwhile the Abyssinians were in sore straits. They had been attacked by one of the most powerful foes that they had ever encountered, the Emir of Harar, Ahmed ibn Ibrahim el Ghâzî, generally known as Grañ (i.e. the left-handed). Gran drove Lebna Dengel further and further to the north, conquering, devastating, burning, as he went. Lebna Dengel offered a brave resistance, but the Moslems had fire-arms, and were aided by the Turks. On the death of Lebna Dengel, his son, Galâudêwos (Claudius), succeeded, who bravely continued the unequal struggle, appealing for aid not only to Portugal, but also to |16 the Pope, Paul III At last a Portuguese fleet arrived quite unexpectedly at Massowa on the Red Sea, from which a body of men under the command of Christopher da Gama (brother of the famous Vasco) were landed, and came to the help of the Christians. Christopher was captured by the Moslems and was put to death, but eventually with the help of the Portuguese the Christian cause proved victorious. Grañ was killed in battle in 1543.
A few years later the Jesuits arrived. At first little was accomplished by them, for though the king received them courteously he firmly refused to abandon the faith of his fathers. He engaged personally in controversy with the Jesuit missionaries, and composed a Confession of his Faith,12 which he sent to Europe. The Jesuits went about their work with a strange want of tact, and only succeeded in stirring up civil strife in a country which required the united effort of all its people to resist their enemies outside. They did succeed in persuading one of the kings Susenyos. to submit to the Church of Rome himself, but his efforts to procure by force the adhesion of his people to the same faith were all in vain. Finally, Fâsiladas (Basilides) the successor of Susenyos, drove out the Jesuits, or Franks, as they were called, altogether.
With the reign of Fâsiladas the political interest of the history of Abyssinia may be said to end, until comparatively recent times. Ethiopic Literature also decayed, as we shall see, and nothing new was written |17 but the annals of the successive kings. The Solomonic dynasty still continued, except for the reign of one usurper,13 down to the middle of the nineteenth century, but though the king retained the high-sounding title of Negusa nagast, he enjoyed but a precarious power, and any real power there was, was in the hands of the under-kings. About the middle of the nineteenth century (1855) the old Solomonic dynasty fell. The king of Amhara, Kâsâ by name, succeeded in overcoming his rivals and proclaimed himself king of Abyssinia. He reigned as Theodore II till 1868, when he committed suicide on the capture of his fortress of Magdala by Lord Napier's expedition. His son was taken to England to be educated, but died at school. Yohannes or John, the under-king of Tigre, who had given assistance to the English expedition was allowed to make himself king, and reigned as John IV until 1889 when he was killed in a battle against the forces of the Mahdi. His place was taken by Menelik of Shoa who succeeded in subduing the country and in freeing it from the anarchy into which it had fallen. In this he was assisted by the Italians who had by this time installed themselves in the colony of Eritrea on the shores of the Red Sea. The goodwill between Menelik II and his European patrons was not lasting. A war soon broke out between them which was ended in 1896 by a disaster to the Italian army at Adua.
Menelik reigned until 1914. The great World War had begun. The nearest heir to the throne was |18 Menelik's grandson Lidj Yeassu,14 the son of Menelik's. eldest daughter and an under-king named Mikail. By the influence of German and Turkish advisers the young prince was prevailed on to declare himself a Mahometan and to proclaim Islam as the national religion. Such an insult to their ancestral faith was, not tolerated by the people. At once the Abuna Mâtêwos declared the king deposed for his apostasy and the crown was offered to one of the princesses, Zaodito, who had remained loyal to the Christian faith. In the war that ensued both Lidj Yeassu and his father Mikail were taken prisoners in the final battle. Abyssinia is still a Christian country.
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CHAPTER III
BRIEF SKETCH OF THE PROGRESS OF THE LITERATURE
In the brief space at my disposal I cannot hope to give an account of the character of the Ethiopic Church, or of its organization and beliefs, or of the manner of life of its people, or of the way in which these have varied throughout the centuries of the Church's existence. To do so would require another volume of size at least equal to the present. My task is merely to give some account of the literature of the Church so far as it is known, tracing also as well as as may be the rise and fall of the literary activity during the different stages of the history.
My subject is 'Ethiopic Christian Literature,' and that, for practical purposes, may be said to embrace all Ethiopic Literature.15 In no other Church has Christianity so far permeated, outwardly at least, all literature. Nearly every Ethiopic manuscript, whether it be biblical, or liturgical, or theological, or historical, or philosophical, or even but a magic scroll, begins with 'In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, One God,' or some similar words. |20 This is no doubt to be accounted for by the fact that these manuscripts come to us ultimately from the priests and monks of the Church, in whose hands was all the learning of the country, and who alone were able to read and write.
Much of the literature of the Ethiopic Church, much even of its Bible, is as yet unpublished, and exists only in manuscripts either in Abyssinia, or in the great libraries in London, Oxford, Paris, Frankfurt, Berlin and elsewhere. Fresh works are being edited in Ethiopic, or at least translated every year, but even if all that is extant had already appeared the literature would be but scanty when compared with the literatures of some of the other Oriental Churches, such as the Syrian. This is only natural; the only wonder is that we have so much. The Church was always remote, far away from the different great intellectual movements which made themselves felt elsewhere, and this isolation was naturally intensified after the rise of Islam. The Ethiopic Church and nation was like a Christian oasis in the surrounding desert of Mahometanism. Their only connexion for centuries with the Christian world outside was the ecclesiastical connexion with the Coptic Patriarch of Alexandria.
This literature, as it is known to us, is characterized by a conspicuous defect, its want of originality. It is, in the first place, for the most part a literature of translations. With the exception of the Chronicles of the Abyssinian kings, which are all framed on a stereotyped model, there are very few works which have the stamp of originality. Two philosophers, who lived in the first half of the seventeenth century |21 (see p. 93 ff.) showed themselves to be in a large measure original thinkers, but they, though leavened with a truer Christian spirit, were regarded as unorthodox by their contemporaries. Of course all the works which are extant are not translations, but in many cases, when they are not so, they still show a want of originality by being merely native copies of outside models. The Synaxar or Breviary of the Coptic Church was translated into Bthiopic about the middle of the fifteenth century, but it was afterwards enlarged by additions of notices of native saints, written on the same pattern. The longer Lives or Acts also of the Abyssinian martyrs and saints were conformed to those already known; even Apocalypses were written on the model of the Book of Enoch and similar works.
One other remark of a general nature must be made. I give it in the words of Littmann.16 'The history of Ethiopic literature is far more a history of books and institutions than of men and ideas. The personal element falls largely into the background; only in a few instances do we know the name of an author or of a translator, and we seldom have any particulars about their lives. Scarcely one single vigorous personality has given an effective literary expression to his life and ideas.'
In tracing the rise and progress and decay of Ethiopic literature we may recognize roughly four periods. First the period of growth, beginning with, or soon after, the introduction of Christianity. This lasted for about three centuries and was followed by |22 a period of darkness about which we know nothing so far as literary activity is concerned, and very little else. Then came a revival of literature at the time of Yekuno Amlâk at the end of the thirteenth century. This period of renascence lasted for about a century and a half and brings us up to the Golden Age of the literature, the times of Zar'a Yâ'qob and his successors (1430-1520). The last period is the time of gradual decay in all literary activity and interests, caused by the wars outside, and still more by the religious and other dissensions within the kingdom.
First Period
The rise of the literature was no doubt due to the introduction of Christianity. Dillmann 17 writes emphatically of the Ethiopic Bible that it was 'the foundation of all Abyssinian literature and the standard to which all other writers conformed their style of writing.' The introduction of monasticism which came later had probably here as elsewhere an important effect on literary work. In addition to the Books of the Bible, including of course amongst these the apocryphal and other similar books, we have not much remaining from this period. We must remember however that the Ethiopic Bible includes books not reckoned as canonical in other churches, such as the Book of Enoch and the Book of Jubilees. These reached Abyssinia in this early period and were translated into Geez from Greek. This shown by the fact that |23 not alone proper names but also common nouns are transliterated in accordance with their Greek forms.18 To this same period belongs also the collection of writings known as Qerlos (i.e. Cyril) so called because the first documents of the collection are connected with St. Cyril of Alexandria. The whole work is described by Dillmann 19 as a 'splendid monument of the older language.' Here too is to be put the translation of the Rules of Pachomius, the Ethiopic text of which has been published by Dillmann in his Chrestomathia Aethiopica, and of which Schodde has given an English translation in the Presbyterian Review (1885). The work consists of three parts, of which the first and oldest exists in Greek also in the Lausiac History of Palladius.20 The Physiologus, a work on Natural History, shows by the fact that it has been translated from the Greek that it too belongs to this first period. The Ethiopic version with a German translation has been edited by F. Hommel (1877).
It seems extremely probable that some at least of the Liturgies were translated during this period. It is hardly likely that the Church could have existed so long without fixed liturgical services. No doubt they were afterwards revised and perhaps interpolated; their number too may have been increased. We |24 have, it is true, no liturgical manuscript from this period, but neither have we any manuscript of the Bible or any other work. What is accounted the earliest of all extant Ethiopic manuscripts is an Octateuch now at Paris which is generally believed to date from the end of the thirteenth century.21
Second Period
When the veil is lifted once more after the centuries of darkness, we find in some respects quite a different state of things. The connexion with Alexandria is still indeed maintained, but in Egypt itself a change has meanwhile taken place. Mahometan rule has brought in the use of Arabic. Greek is no longer used, and even Coptic has fallen into the background. From this on, all, or nearly all, the Ethiopic translations are made from Arabic. At any rate none are made any longer from Greek, as they were in the first period. It is just possible that some translations were made from Coptic. Littmann instances the Church Hymn-book Weddâsê Mâryâm (Praises of Mary) as being closer to the Coptic version than to the Arabic. The Ethiopic Didascalia also shows clearly in one place that the Coptic version of the same stands somewhere in its line of descent from the Greek original, and it is different as regards its contents from the Arabic Didascalia found in most manuscripts. Recently another Arabic recension has been discovered which agrees almost entirely with the Ethiopic version. Possibly therefore the Ethiopic |25 Praises of Mary may be a translation of another Arabic version now lost, which was itself derived from the Coptic. There is nothing however antecedently improbable in the supposition that some of the Abyssinians were familiar with Coptic. It will remain true, in any case, however it may have been with a few works, that nearly all the literature of Abyssinia from the commencement of this second period is based on the Arabic literature of the Coptic Church. The name chiefly connected with the renascence of literature during this period is that of Abbâ Salama who ruled the Church during the first half of the fourteenth century. A revision of the Bible was made under his direction, and other works were written or translated at his instigation. The Liturgies also come from this period in so far as they are not from the first. Other ecclesiastical works from this period in addition to the Weddâsê Maryaný already mentioned, and various Lives of Saints and Martyrs, are the Book of Hours (Mashafa 22 Sâ'atât), a Burial Service (M. Genzat), and the apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (Gadla Hawaryat).23 Somewhat later, but still in the same period, come the Interpretation of Jesus (Fekkâre Iyasus) a kind of apocalyptic work prophesying the advent of a king Theodore who was |26 to bring peace and blessing to his country; and the Book of Mystery (M. Mestir) which is in the main a controversial work against various heresies, but is also professedly historical containing legends as to the rise of Christianity in Abyssinia.
Of other works claiming to be historical which come from this same period, two may here be mentioned, one of native origin, and the other a translation of a foreign work. The native work is the famous Kebra Nagast (The Glory of Kings). It is in reality not history but romance, tracing back the origin of kings to the beginning of the world and the lineage of the Abyssinian dynasty to the time of Solomon. A fuller account of this work is given in a later chapter (p. 87 ff). The foreign work is a translation of the Chronicle of Joseph ben Gorion the Jew, under the Ethiopic title of Zend Ayhud, that is, The History of the Jews. It contains the history of the Jewish nation from the time of Cyrus and the return from Babylon up to the capture of Jerusalem by Titus.
It would seem very likely that we should put also in this period three works which Littmann assigns to the next. All three are quoted as authorities by King Zar'a Yâ'qob who comes himself at the beginning of the third period, and it is scarcely probable that they would have been so referred to by him as authoritative had they not been in existence for a considerable time. The first of these is the collection of ecclesiastical constitutions and canons in eight books known as the Sinodos and reckoned by the Ethiopic Church as part of the New Testament. The other two are the Didascalia and the Testament of our Lord. Of these, |27 the former according to the tradition of the Church comes from the earliest period, but this is improbable, as it is a translation not from Greek, but from Arabic, or perhaps, as mentioned above, from Coptic. The latter, the Testament of our Lord is quoted, according to Dillmann 24 not only by Zar'a Yâ'qob but also in the M. Mestir, itself a work of the second period, as we have already seen. Of all these three works more will be said hereafter (chapter vi).
Third Period
This period, though it is shorter than any of the others, is the Golden Age of Ethiopic Literature. Three at least of the kings who reigned during these years interested themselves in literary matters, and two of them, Zar'a Yâ'qob and Nâ'od, figure as authors. The same types of literature are continued, but we find features that are new, or at least further developed. One of these arises from the circumstances of the time. One of Zar'a Yâ'qob's chief efforts at reform was directed against the magic and superstition which were everywhere rife. He himself is credited with having written the Book of Light (M. Berhân), so called from Christ the Light of the world. Its polemic against heathenish practices shows the kind of magic ceremonies and immoralities which were current at the time. One interesting, though unexpected, result of these literary efforts in opposition to magic was that they gave rise to a literature on the opposite side as well. Superstition and magic were not then, and never have been, banished from the country and the Church. |28
In this period, again, we meet for the the first time the writing of regular Chronicles or Annals. Earlier ones may have been written, but if so, they are now lost. The wars of King 'Amda Seyon at least were recounted, but this was in verse, and not in the form of Chronicles. Church hymns of various sorts also come from this period. Earlier we have met with only the so-called Praises of Mary, hymns in honour of the Blessed Virgin arranged for the days of the week. It must remain uncertain how far back in the history of the Abyssinian Church these Church hymns go. According to the tradition of the Church the founder of Church-song was Yâred, a contemporary of the 'Nine Saints,' but this is probably mere guess-work. The details at least are legendary, for the story runs that he was caught up into Paradise, and brought, down thence the invention of plain-song and the division of the Hymns according to the seasons of the year. From the present-period we have in connexion with the name of Zar'a Yâ'qob himself a collection of hymns for the Saints' Days of the year known as Egzi'abher Nagsa (the Lord reigneth) and also another collection, arranged like the Weddâsê Mâryâm for the days of the week, and known as the Organ of the Virgin, or the Organ of Praises (Arganona Dengel, Arganona Weddâsê). Another king who took an interest in Church Song was Nâ'od to whose authorship is assigned a Malke'a Mâryâm (Likeness of Mary), and a collection of Sellâse (six-lined stanzas). Each of these represents a separate type. The so-called 'Likenesses' are hymns in honour of saints in which the various parts of the Saint's body are recounted |29 one by one, each in a separate stanza.25 The Sellâse are a kind of poem intended to be sung in Church after certain verses of the Psalter.
Other books of Church-song, which may come from the same period, are the Degguâ, the Antiphonary (Mawâse'et, i.e. answers), and the Me'râf, which are collections of hymns or anthems for the various festivals throughout the year.
The third of the kings whose name is connected with literature during this period is Lebna Dengel. He does not appear as an author, but it was at his suggestion that Chrysostom's Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews was translated, as well as a commentary on the gospels ascribed to Dionysios.
Meanwhile two types of literature which were found in the preceding period were continued, Lives of Saints (often in the form of Homilies) and apocryphal Gospels or Acts. Of the former type we have from this period the Lives of Takla Haymanot, the great national saint of the time of Yekuno Amlâk, of Yâred the reputed father of Church-song, and of Na'akueto la Ab, the last of the Zâguê-kings; and of the former several connected with the our Lord's birth, the Book of the Birth (M. Milâd), the Wonders of Mary, and the Wonders of Mary and Jesus.
Allied with these, but of a somewhat more scientific kind, are two other works. The first is the Senkesar or Seneksar (the Ethiopia form of Synaxar). This the Calendar or Breviary of the Church. It was translated from the Arabic Synaxar of the Coptic Church in the |30 middle of the fifteenth century, but was afterwards enlarged by adding many notices of native saints and martyrs, as well as by a feature peculiarly Abyssinian, the addition of a short rhymed poem, known as a salâm, at the end of each commemoration (see below, p. 67). The second is a collection of anecdotes and sayings of the Fathers, which is known by two names, Gannat (i.e. Garden or Paradise) and Stories of the Honoured Fathers (Zênâhomýý la-Abau keburâný). Of historical works during this period in addition to the Chronicles already mentioned we have a translation of the Universal History of George the Egyptian who is known in Abyssinia is Giyorgis walda Amid.
Fourth Period
Political strife without and religious dissensions within marked the greater part of this period of the decadence of Ethiopic Literature. The struggles were on the whole prejudicial to literary activity and to the preservation of its products. The wars with the Moslem Arabs and the savage Galla tribes, so long as they lasted, naturally put an end to all opportunity or wish for writing. Not only so, but much also that had been previously written must then have perished when churches and monasteries were sacked and burnt. The effect of the internal dissensions on the literature was not quite the same, but they tended to confine the desire for writing to controversial works. Of these may be mentioned from the time of Galâudêwos (Claudius) his own Confession of Faith already alluded to (p. 16) and a treatise on the monophysite theology called the Refuge of the Soul (Sawana |31 Nafs). These were original works. From about the same time we have, translated from Arabic, the Fekkârê Malakot (Exposition of the Godhead), and the Hâymânota Abau (Faith of the Fathers), the latter being a collection of documents relating to monophysitism.
Near the close of the sixteenth century arose an important worker in the person of 'Enbâqom (Habakkuk). He was a convert from Islam to Christianity. Originally a merchant of Yemen in South Arabia he ended by being the head of the great monastery of Dabra Libânos. Two works connected with him either as author or instigator are, the Superiority of the Christian Faith and the Gate of Faith (Angasa Amin). The purpose of both of these was to win back the Christians who had gone over to Islam during the troublous times of the wars with Grañ (p. 15). In the same monastery and at about the same time another monk, Salik by name, translated a great theological work known as the M. Hawi. This title seems to be a translation of the Greek Pandectes, for the work is a version in Ethiopic of the religious encyclopaedia of Nicon whose title in the original is Πανδέκτης τῶν ἑρμηνειῶν τῶν θείων ἐντολῶν τοῦ Κυρίου. This book is a collection of precepts on various subjects taken from the Church Fathers, treating of the necessity of knowledge of Holy Scripture, the commandments of God, the monastic life, confession, fasting, etc. Another work emanating from the same monastery at about the same time is a refutation of various heresies known as the Talmid (Pupil). The somewhat strange title is due to the fact that the author of the original work was George, a pupil of Anthony, the Syrian. |32
During the next century very few definitely theological works were produced. One however must be mentioned which was translated from Arabic in 1667 at the suggestion of the queen Sabla Wangel, mother of King Iyasu. It is a penitential work entitled Faus Manfasâwi (Spiritual Medicine) and contains in its thirty-five chapters precepts and recommendations with regard to special sins, ending with a series of instructions on the Holy Communion, Baptism, Chrism, the Church, and clerical discipline. There is also another work bearing the same title whose author and date are unknown.
The same Habakkuk who has been mentioned above interested himself also in history and kindred subjects, being the translator of two works, one, the Universal History of Abu Shâkir and the second the Story of Baralâm and Yezvâsef (Barlaam and Josaphat), a popular religious romance. Similar to the last-named work is another from the same period the Romance of Alexander. This is a translation of the Arabic version of the romance attributed in the Middle Ages to Callisthenes, the Greek historian (grandnephew of Aristotle) who wrote a History, now lost, of Alexander's conquests.26 |33
The wars of the sixteenth century caused a revival of writing of Chronicles. One of the most important of these is the Short or Abridged Chronicle, which is extant in more than one recension. It starts with lists of the ancient kings and contains brief accounts of the reigns of the kings from Yekuno Amlâk to Lebna Dengel.27 A fuller story begins at the time of the wars with Grañ. The Chronicle comes down to the reign of Bakâffâ (1730). There are longer Chronicles also for the reigns of many of the kings from Zar'a Yâ'qob onwards. An important historical translation made in this period is that of the Chronicle of John, Bishop of Nikiou, the Arabic original of which is no longer extant. It owes its importance to the fact that that it is a contemporary account, written from the Christian point of view, of the conquest of Egypt by the Arabs. This translation which also was due to royal suggestion, was made by an Egyptian named Gabriel in the reign of Yâ'qob (1595-1605).28 About the same time a monk named Bahrey wrote a brief account of the wars with the Galla tribes. In this in addition to describing the campaigns he gives a description of the Gallas, contrasting them favourably in some respects, especially as to courage, with the men of his own nation (see below, p. 85 ff.).
During the period of decadence it would seem that there was at least one or perhaps two attempts at a revision of the Ethiopic Bible. This is a matter of |34 inference from the character of the text found in the manuscripts now extant. There is not any direct historical evidence on the question. Littmann supposes that one revision came at the resumption of literary work after the wars of the sixteenth century and that another was connected with the religious struggle in the century following. It is extremely probable that the seventeenth century at least saw some such revision, for the mission of the Jesuits must have emphasized the difference between the text current in Abyssinia and the translations which they made from the Vulgate.
It is during this last period that we meet for the first time in Ethiopic Literature writings connected with two fresh branches of learning, law and philosophy. Zar'a Yâ'qob's Book of Light has, it is true, been already mentioned, which is concerned with Church ordinances, and a large part of the Sinodos is made up of Statutes and Canons traditionally connected with the apostles. There was also a book-entitled Ser'ata Mangest, which is mainly a book of court etiquette, but as yet there was no civil or criminal law-book in existence. An attempt to meet the need for such a book was made by a translation of the Nomocanon of Abu Ishaq Ibn al 'Assal, an Egyptian who wrote in the thirteenth century. This Arabic work is a collection of old Roman laws, biblical precepts and ecclesiastical ordinances. The Ethiopic version received the name of Fetha Nagast (The Law of the Kings). It is still the official law-book of Abyssinia in ecclesiastical, civil and criminal procedure (see below, chapter viii). |35
Of philosophy, we have two works which are amongst the most original to be found in the whole course of the literature. Both of these bear the modest title of Enquiry. They come from the seventeenth century and are the work of a philosopher named Zar'a Yâ'qob and his pupil Walda Heywat. Though these two Enquiries combat many of the positions of the fellow-countrymen of the authors, they are both conceived, as has been already hinted, in a spirit far more truly Christian than are the works accounted orthodox. It is refreshing to find some originality in the midst of the dreary monotony of hagiology and stereotyped chronicles that are met with for the most part elsewhere in the literature. Considering the place where and the time when these Enquiries were written, Littmann hardly goes too far when he says (p. 220) that they are a 'real contribution to the history of human thought.'
The end of the seventeenth century saw the close of Ethiopic Literature for all practical purposes. The state chroniclers indeed continued to write the annals of the successive kings, but the language in which these were written degenerated more and more. This was only natural. Geez had died out long before as the language of daily life. The language of the Court and of the majority of the people was, and had long been, Amharic. Naturally therefore the chroniclers here and there in their chronicles employed the Amharic words which were more familiar to them. A hybrid form of writing arose which is known as the lesâna târik the tongue, or dialect, of history. These Amharic words coming in the midst of true Ethiopic |36 words often have a strange appearance, for the Amharic alphabet requires several additional letters to express the sounds of the language. Finally even the Chronicles came to be written in pure Amharic. Other works also during this final period, which were intended for popular use, were written in the same language. In doing this the Jesuits were the pioneers, but the 'orthodox' had to follow suit. Into the rise and progress of this Amharic literature, which is thought by some to have a future before it, we. cannot enter here.
|37
CHAPTER IV
THE BIBLE OF THE ETHIOPIC CHURCH
The canon of the Ethiopic Bible differs both in the Old and in the New Testament from that of any other Church. In the New Testament the difference is a simple one. The number of the books is reckoned as thirty-five. This number is obtained by adding to the twenty-seven books of our New Testament the eight books of a collection of constitutions and canons of the Church known as the Sinodos. A fuller account of this work will be given later on (p. 61 f.). As to the Old Testament canon there is more uncertainty. The number of the books is given uniformly as forty-six, but 'hardly two lists of these books agree.' 29 Let us take as an example of such lists one that is found in a British Museum manuscript (Add. 16188). It runs as follows: Octateuch, 8; Kufâlê (Jubilees), 1; Kings and Chronicles, 5; Job, 1; Solomon, 5; Greater Prophets, 4; Minor Prophets, 12; Ezra, 2; Maccabees, 1; Tobit, 1; Judith, 1; Assenath, 1; Esther, 1; Sirach, 1; Psalter, 1; Uzziah, 1. The total number here, it will be seen, is forty-six, but this list lacks all mention of the Book of Enoch, Baruch,30 Third (or Fourth) |38 Esdras.31 These as well as others are included in other lists.
Of the books named in the list given a few perhaps need a word of explanation. The Octateuch (known to the Ethiopic Church as the Orit, that is, the Law) contains the Books from Genesis to Ruth. 'Kings' includes of course, as in the LXX, the Books of Samuel.32 Five books are assigned in the list to Solomon. This means that Proverbs is counted as two, the two parts being (a) the Proverbs, (b) the Institutions of Solomon (as in Brit. Mus. Add. 16186), and that the other three are Ecclesiastes, Canticles and Wisdom. The Book of Maccabees named in the list is. not the same as any of those generally so entitled. The apocryphal Books of Maccabees were either not translated into Ethiopic at all, or, if they were, the version was lost in early times. To supply their place a romance was composed. This contains the account of the martyrdom of three Jews in the reign of a king who bears the extraordinary name of Sirusâydân, i.e. Tyre and Sidon, followed by discussions on the immortality of the soul and the resurrection of the dead, as well as by some account of the general biblical history of the Jews. The name Assenath probably refers to the apocryphal book with regard to the story of Joseph, which is known in various versions, Greek, Latin, Armenian, Sclavonic, and entitled generally the Book of Joseph and |39 Asenath.33 It was, in its original form, of Jewish origin, but, as we know it now, has been modified by Christian editors. It is quite unknown what book the writer of the list above has in mind in speaking of the Book of Uzziah, which he names last.
Other books, in addition to those already mentioned, which seem to have had at least a semi-canonical authority, were, in the Old Testament, the Ascension of Isaiah, and in the New, the Shepherd of Hennas.
The books of the Old and New Testaments were translated in the early days of Abyssinian Christianity, but probably not all at the same time. A beginning would doubtless be made with the gospels, and the book that was translated last is said 34 to have been the Wisdom of Sirach (a.d. 678). It is generally agreed that the translations were made originally from the Greek, not only in the New, but also in the Old Testament. According to a tradition preserved in the poetry of the country the version was made from Arabic by Abbâ Salama (Frumentius), but this seems to be a mistake due to a confusion of the two men who bore this name, and also to the fact that the Sinodos, which is part of the Ethiopic New Testament, was translated from Arabic. Renaudot held that the version was derived from the Coptic, and Lagarde maintained the extraordinary opinion, which Charles rightly describes as 'preposterous,' that the Ethiopic version was translated from Arabic or Coptic in the |40 fourteenth century. That it was translated from Greek seems proved by internal evidence. In the Old Testament Greek names of animals, plants, precious stones, etc., are at times retained. Hebrew words which are transliterated in the LXX are similarly dealt with in the Ethiopic version, and when the order of the chapters in the LXX differs from that of the Hebrew Bible (e.g. in Exodus), the Ethiopic agrees with the former.
The tradition as to Abbâ Salama has been already mentioned. Others attribute the version to the 'Nine Saints'. It is almost certain that the whole translation is not the work of one man. Not only is the same word translated differently in the different books, but even the style of translation varies from book to book. Some are translated literally, in others paraphrase is employed; some are correctly rendered, others badly.35
It is a matter of dispute what particular type of LXX text formed the basis of the Ethiopic Old Testament. Cornill has argued for the Hesy-chian, others for the Lucianic on the ground that this was the type of text most used in Syria whence the missionaries came. The question can hardly be decided till such time as a critical text of the Ethiopic Old Testament is made. It is more important to notice that though the Ethiopic version is undoubtedly based on the LXX, it differs from it in some places and agrees with the Hebrew text. Dillmann in his Introduction to the |41 Ethiopic version of the Books of Kings says (pp. 3-5) that the extant manuscripts exhibit three types of text. There is first an ancient type, represented by two manuscripts, in which the ordinary division into chapters is not found; second come the manuscripts of the type generally current, which give a text that is the result of a revision from Greek manuscripts; and thirdly there is a type of text, represented by but one manuscript in the Books of Kings, which presupposes a revision of the first type of text in accordance with the Hebrew. This last-mentioned manuscript further agrees with those of the first type in not having the usual chapter-division.
It is, however, possible that this agreement with the Hebrew in these manuscripts is to be accounted for otherwise than by a revision founded on the Masoretic text itself. Archdeacon Charles, for example, favours the idea that Origen's Hexapla was used by the Ethiopic revisers, supporting his opinion by examples taken from the Book of Lamentations.36 The Italian scholar, Guidi, on the other hand, conjectures 2 that the reviser may have got help from the Arabic version of the Jew Saadia Gaon. However this may be, it is certain that the original Ethiopic version of the Old Testament was more than once revised, the first revision coming at the revival of literature at the end of the thirteenth century, and the other, or others, between 1500 and 1700.
The case is somewhat similar with regard to the |42 New Testament. Two types of text are found. The first was evidently made from a Greek original, one probably which had the type of text in use in the neighbourhood of Antioch before the rise of the so-called Antiochian or Syrian Greek text. With this later text the second type of Ethiopic text has been brought into agreement. The Ethiopic New Testament, as at present printed, agrees sometimes with the oldest Greek uncials, sometimes with the 'Western' text, and again in other places differs from these in agreement with the great body of later Greek manuscripts. In the New Testament also, as in the Old, there is a crying need for the formation of a critical Ethiopic text.
As examples of the type of mistake by the translators of the Ethiopic version in all the books of the Old Testament, the following examples which I have noted in the Psalter may not be without interest: ----
In xv. 6 κρατίστοις and κρατίστη are each taken as if from κρατῶ; in both xliv. 9 and xlvii. 4 βάρις is confused with βαρύς; in lxii. 2 ἄβατος is translated 'without wood (or tree)', i.e. a) and βάτος; in lxiv. 8 κύτος is read as κῆτος; in lxvii. 23 the words ἐκ Βασάν are taken as if they were together a part of ἐκβαίνω; in lxxvi. 3 ἠπατήθην is translated as if it were from πατῶ; in cxli. 6 ἠδύνθησαν is confused with ἠδυνήθησαν. In this last case it is possible that the translators found ἠδυνήθησαν in their text, as it is the reading of R (the Verona bi-lingual Psalter) with whose text the Ethiopic Psalter is elsewhere in somewhat remarkable agreement. Both, for example, have in xxxvii. 20 the addition 'and they cast forth their brother as an |43 unclean corpse ' and in cxxxv. 16 the addition 'who brought forth water from the rock, for his mercy endureth for ever.'
The first part of the Bible to be printed in Ethiopic was the Psalter together with such biblical Hymns as the Songs of Moses, of Hannah, of Hezekiah, etc., which are generally found at the end of Ethiopic manuscripts of the Psalter. This was edited in 1513 by Potken. A few years later (1548) the greater part of the New Testament appeared. This volume lacked the thirteen Epistles of St. Paul, but these were published in the following year. The editor Tasfa Seyon (Petrus Ethyops, as he is described in the title) had unfortunately poor materials to work on. In the Acts of the Apostles his manuscript was defective and he was obliged to fill up the gaps by translations of his own from the Greek and Latin. The result was not a success. He also asks pardon for the mistakes due to his 'unskilled assistants.' 'Fathers and brothers,' he pleads, 'judge not harshly the faults of this edition, for those who printed were unable to read, and I was unable to print. So they helped me, and I them, as the blind help the blind. Pardon therefore them and me.' The text of this edition with all its manifold errors was reprinted in the following century in Walton's Polyglot. A revised edition of the Ethiopic Gospels was produced under the editorship of Platt by the British and Foreign Bible Society in 1828, and the whole New Testament in 1830. Platt's edition was revised by the German scholar, Praetorius, in 1899. None of these editions are of critical value. |44
Much of the Old Testament still remains unprinted, and what has already seen the light has been produced piecemeal. Of the canonical books the following have never yet been published: Chronicles, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, Hosea, Micah, Amos, Habakkuk, and Nahum. All the other books have been published, but in very different forms and at widely different dates. The Psalter, as has been already mentioned, was the first book printed in Ethiopic. Canticles was given along with the Psalter in Walton's Polyglot. In the seventeenth century some of the shorter books were published separately, namely, Zephaniah and Ruth by Nisselius, and Malachi and Joel by Petraeus. It was not until two centuries later that the Octateuch was first published, by Dillmann in 1853-1855. The Books of Samuel and Kings were afterwards edited by the same scholar in 1861 and 1871 respectively. The last decade of the nineteenth century saw the publication of four more books, Obadiah, Lamentations, Isaiah and Zechariah. The first three were edited by Bachmann in 1892-1893, and the fourth by Kramer in 1898. Four new books have been added to the list during the present century, all published in the Patrologia Orientalis, namely, Job, Esther, Ezra and Nehemiah.37 Mention should also be made of the edition of the Ethiopic |45 Octateuch which has been commenced in the Bibliotheca Abessinica (E. J. Brill, Leyden). Two volumes have already appeared, the first containing Genesis in. 1909, the second (1911) containing Exodus and Leviticus. Tn this edition which is based on six manuscripts the method adopted is to print the text of the oldest manuscript, corrected only where obviously in error, and to give the variants of the other five at the foot of the page. The editor, Dr. J. O. Boyd, believes that this oldest manuscript does not, as is commonly supposed, belong to the thirteenth century, but to the fifteenth, or to the fourteenth at the earliest.
The Apocryphal books in their Ethiopic form have fared somewhat better than the canonical with respect to publication. Of those which are found in the Apocrypha of our Bibles by far the greater number were published by Dillmann in 1894. This edition, includes Baruch (with the Epistle of Jeremiah), Tobit, Judith, Ecclesiasticus, Wisdom, the Apocalypse of Ezra, (4 Esdras),38 and 3 Esdras. The extra parts of Esther are to be found in the edition of the Book of Esther above mentioned. As Daniel has not yet been published, the Apocryphal additions thereto are in similar case with the exception of the Song of the Three Children.39 There remain only the Prayer of Manasses and the Books of Maccabees. Of these the former is contained entire in the Ethiopic Didascalia as in the Greek Apostolic Constitutions. Its text is |46 therefore available in Platt's edition of the former (chapter v). The Books of Maccabees have already been mentioned. The early Ethiopic book which bears the name has no connexion with the history of the Maccabees. A version of the first and second books is extant, but it is a late (seventeenth century) translation from the Vulgate.
The Book of Baruch above mentioned is the same as that which is found in our Apocrypha. Another book also connected with the name of Baruch is found in the manuscripts of the Ethiopic Bible after Jeremiah. To the book of this prophet are appended (1) the Book of Baruch as in our Apocrypha, (2) Lamentations, (3) the Epistle of Jeremiah, (4) a short prophecy added with the intention of freeing the reference to Jeremiah in Matt, xxvii. 9 from suspicion of error,40 (5) the Rest of the Words of Baruch.
The text of this last-named book has been published in Dillmann's Chrestomathy. It is a translation of a Greek original of the second century, which seems to depend in part on a Jewish work. The book is connected with the better-known Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch, but it is not identical with it.41
Under the heading of the present chapter mention must also be made of certain books belonging to |47 that class usually designated pseudepigraphic. These are well known by name, but it ought not to be forgotten, as it so often is, that the whole of Christendom, indeed, one might almost say the whole learned world, owes a debt of gratitude to the remote and often neglected Church of Abyssinia for the preservation of these documents. Apart from mere fragments elsewhere preserved, it is that Church alone which has handed them down to us.
Foremost amongst these is the Book of Enoch which throws so much light on Jewish thought on various points during the centuries immediately preceding the Christian era. Archdeacon Charles in his edition of the book speaks 42 of it and similar works as 'being practically the only historical memorials of the religious development of Judaism during the two centuries which preceded the birth of Christianity, and particularly of that side of Judaism to which historically Christendom in large measure owes its existence.' It is matter of discussion in what language the book was originally written. The language was certainly Semitic, but whether Hebrew (Halevy) or Aramaic (Schurer and others) is undecided. Charles unites both views, affirming that the original of chapters vi-xxxiv was Aramaic and that of the rest Hebrew. He claims to have discovered also that much of the original text was in verse. Whatever the original may have been, the greater part of the book is now extant only in the Ethiopic version which was translated not from the original but from the Greek. |48
So much has been written in recent years about the Book of Enoch, that it seems unnecessary to speak here of its subject-matter and its various divisions. The editio princeps was the work of the English scholar Laurence who edited it at Oxford in 1838 from a single manuscript which the famous traveller Bruce had brought from Abyssinia in the previous century. The Book was again edited by Dillmann from five manuscripts in 1851, by Flemming in 1902, and finally by Charles in 1906 in a monumental work based on twenty-five manuscripts. There is a convenient English translation, published by the S.P.C.K.43 a reprint of Charles' translation of 1912.
The Book of Jubilees (in Ethiopic Kufâlê, i.e. Divisions) otherwise known as the Little Genesis, has also been preserved entire only in the Ethiopic version. One-fourth of the whole book is extant also in a Latin version and numerous fragments of the Greek version have been handed down in the works of various authors. Here again there is uncertainty as to the original language of the book. For several reasons Charles 44 decides in favour of Hebrew. Of this original the Greek version is a daughter, and from the Greek the Ethiopic is derived. The book is the work of a single author but 'based on earlier books and traditions.' It consists, speaking generally, of a reproduction of the subject-matter of the Book of Genesis (whence the name ' Little Genesis ') in the form of a midrash, and its author belonged to the sect of |49 the Pharisees. The name 'Jubilees' is given to the book because its author divides the history from the creation into jubilee-periods of forty-nine years each.
The Ethiopic text was first edited by Dillmann from two late manuscripts in 1859. A later edition, based on these manuscripts and two others (the only ones so far known), was published by Charles in 1895. The same scholar has also published an English translation with full commentary and introduction (1902). This has been reprinted in a convenient form by the S.P. C.K.
We owe to the Ethiopic Church the preservation of yet one more book in its entirety, namely, the Ascension of Isaiah. It was first published by Laurence in 1819 from a single manuscript, afterwards in 1877 by Dillmann from three manuscripts, but both of these editions have been superseded by Charles' edition of 1900. The same work exists in part in Latin. Of the Greek, which was the original language of the book, we have a considerable part preserved in a manuscript of the twelfth century, in which however the book has undergone recasting and rearrangement. The book is also known in Sclavonic. It dates, or at least the various parts of which it is composed date, from the first Christian century. One of these parts gives some information of interest about the early organization of the Christian Church. The opening part of the complete book, which is the work of a Jew, is known as the Martyrdom of Isaiah, the concluding part is the Vision of Isaiah, and these are united by a brief apocalyptic passage which is of Christian authorship. A convenient translation has been issued by S.P.C.K. (1917). |50
Of the books which may be called the Apocrypha of the New Testament, we have in Ethiopic only the Shepherd of Hermas. The Ethiopic text has been edited by d'Abbadie. It seems somewhat strange that we should have none of the works of the other Apostolic Fathers, nor even the Didache, except so far as this tract is preserved in the latter part of the Ethiopic Didascalia (see below, p. 63 ff.).
|51
CHAPTER V
THE LITURGIES AND OTHER SERVICE BOOKS
Le Brun in his Explication de la Messe,45 in writing of the Ethiopic Liturgies, ventures to conjecture that one of them was the first of all to be committed to writing. His argument is that while the other liturgies were not written out till the end of the fourth century, 'St. Athanasius making a layman a bishop at one step, and sending him into a country where was neither bishop nor priest to instruct him, must naturally have given him the Liturgy in writing, and that the first Bishop Frumentius would leave it to his Church in order that the bishop who should succeed him might make use of it.' He also refers in proof to the fact that the Liturgy translated by Ludolf makes mention of no Fathers of the Church later than the 318 Orthodox of Nicaea whom St. Athanasius himself had seen. The former argument takes of course for granted that we can fully depend on the historical accuracy of the details as to the introduction of Christianity into Abyssinia.
Brightman,46 on the other hand, when speaking of the date of the Liturgy found in the Ethiopic Church |52 Ordinances, says, 'the history of liturgical development in Abyssinia is too little known to justify even conjecture.' The relevance of this argument is not very clear, for in the context he is speaking of Bunsen's view that the Liturgy of the Church Ordinances dates from the second century, at which date, on any theory, there was no Christianity, and therefore no Liturgy in the country. We may, however, regard the words as true generally, and yet in spite of our want of knowledge of liturgical development in Abyssinia count it not unreasonable to argue on general grounds, as has been done in a former chapter, for the existence of a Liturgy, or Liturgies, in the Ethiopic Church in the first stage of its history. Why should Abyssinia, so closely connected as it was with Alexandria have lacked what other churches had?
The earliest form of Liturgy of the Church known to us is that already mentioned as found in the Ethiopic Church Ordinances. These are a part of the Ethiopic Statutes of the Apostles which themselves constitute a section of the larger Sinodos to which reference was made in the last chapter. In the Ethiopic Church Ordinances this Liturgy, or rather Anaphora, is connected with the service for the; consecration of a bishop. Historically it not only has connexion, as Brightman points out, with the Clementine Liturgy found in the eighth book of the Apostolic Constitutions, but also borrows some features from the Canons of Hippolytus. It is also the source from which the later Ethiopic Anaphora known as that of the Apostles was developed. This may easily |53 be seen by comparing the two in the translations given by Brightman.47
We have spoken above of various Liturgies of the Ethiopic Church. It would have been more precise to have spoken of various Anaphoras. It is the Anaphora, the central part of the service, which varies, while the common frame-work, the ordo communis, as it is generally called, remains invariable.
The Liturgy printed by Brightman, called by him the Liturgy of the Abyssinian Jacobites, consists of this ordo communis together with the Anaphora of the Apostles. The whole service is known in Ethiopic as the Qeddâsê, though this word is used also in another sense.48 The phrase the Qeddâsê of St. Dioscorus, for example, may mean either the variable part, the Anaphora which bears the name of that saint, or the ordo communis together with the same Anaphora.
These Anaphoras of the Ethiopic are sixteen in number. Besides that already mentioned these are according to the order in which they are named by Brightman:
(1) Of our Lord Jesus Christ.
(2) Of our Lady Mary.
(3) Of St. Dioscorus.
(4) Of St. John Chrysostom.
(5) Of St. John the Evangelist.
(6) Of St. James the Lord's Brother. |54
(7) Of St. Gregory the Armenian.
(8) Of the 318 Orthodox.
(9) Of St. Athanasius.
(10) Of St. Basil.
(11) Of St. Gregory Nazianzen.
(12) Of St. Epiphanius.
(13) Of St. Cyril (I).
(14) Of St. Cyril (II).
(15) Of James of Serug.
Two of these, namely, Nos. 6 and 14, are found only in one manuscript.
It would be outside the purpose of the present work to describe from a liturgical point of view the details of the Ethiopic Liturgy. It is enough to say that it shows, as would have been expected, the characteristics of the Alexandrian family. It is most closely connected with the Greek Liturgy of St. Mark and with the Coptic, St. Cyril. Like them it assigns a prominent part to the Deacon, and in it, as in them, the Great Intercession occurs in the middle of the Preface. Hammond is incorrect in saying 49 that 'it is unique in not having the " Sursum Corda '" with the usual response.' It will be seen from Brightman these are to be found at the beginning of the Anaphora.
Four Lessons from the New Testament are read at each celebration of the Eucharist, the first from the Pauline Epistles, the second from the Catholic Epistles, the third from the Acts of the Apostles, and the fourth from the Gospels. This is another point, of agreement with the Coptic Liturgy of St. Cyril. |55
The Ethiopic Liturgy was the first to be published of all the Oriental Liturgies. It was printed at Rome in 1548 along with the New Testament mentioned in the preceding chapter, a Latin version being given in the following year. What was then printed was the ordo communis along with three of the Anaphoras, viz. of the Apostles, of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of our Lady Mary. As it was printed at Rome the editor made it conform to the Roman Missal in certain respects. The words 'and the Son' (the filioque clause) were added to the Creed, and the form of the Epiclesis or Invocation was also mutilated.
The Ethiopic text of the ordo communis is most easily accessible in the appendix to Dr. Swainson's work on the Greek Liturgies published in 1884. In the title of the work it is described as the Coptic ordinary Canon of the Mass! An English translation is also added which bears obvious marks of its having been made by a foreigner. Dr. Swainson did not print the Anaphora, being mistaken in supposing that the manuscript from which the text was taken did not contain it.
The same three Anaphoras already mentioned as published at Rome were translated into English and published by Rodwell in his Ethiopic Liturgies and Hymns (vol. i, pp. 1-40).
Only two of the other thirteen Anaphoras have so far been published, those, namely, numbered 3 and 4 in the above list, that of St. Dioscorus (with a Latin translation) by Vansleb in 1661 from a Bodleian manuscript and that of St. John Chrysostom from the same manuscript by Dillmann in his Ethiopic |56 Chrestomaihy in 1866. The last named is not accessible in any translation.50
Besides the Liturgies in the strict sense of the term there are also naturally several other offices of the Church. These are for the most part known only in manuscript form as few of them have been edited. The Baptismal Service (M. Temqat, Book of Baptism) has been published with a German translation by Trumpp (Munich, 1878), and Dillmann has included in his Chrestomathy the Morning Prayers known as the Testament of the Morning. There is also a Testament of the Evening. Mention has been made in a previous chapter of the Ritual for the Burial of the Dead (M. Genzat) and the Book of Hours (M. Sâ'atât).51 These hours are night, prime, terce, sext, none, vespers, compline. The Weddâsê Amlâk, or Praises of God is the name given to another form of prayers arranged according to the days of the week. The prayers in this collection are ascribed to various saints, those for Sunday to St. Cyril of Alexandria, those for Monday to St. Basil of Caesarea, those for Tuesday and Wednesday to St. Ephraim the Syrian, and so on.
The Gebra Hemâmât, or Acts of the Passion, is a |57 collection of lessons and homilies for the days of Holy Week from the Sunday of Hosannas (Palm Sunday) to Easter Eve. There are also collections of lessons connected with different saints. The Nagara Maryam, or History of Mary, is a collection of stories about her Life arranged for the twelve months of the year. There are besides this collections of homilies to be read on the Festivals of the Virgin; on those days (the twelfth day of each month) dedicated to Michael the Archangel; and on the Festivals of Gabriel and Raphael.
A Lectionary is also used containing the lessons for evening and morning prayer; for the evening two, from the Psalter and the Gospels; for the morning eight, in the somewhat strange order, Psalter, Gospels, Pauline Epistles, Catholic Epistles, Acts, Psalter, Gospels.
Of the Church Song of the Ethiopic Church very little that is definite seems to be known. It has been already mentioned that Yâred was reputed to be its author. The story ran that he was caught up into Paradise and there received the precepts that were to guide him. These precepts are said to be contained in the Mazgabâ Degguâ (Treasury of Plain-song). The three modes of chanting used in the Church known respectively as ge'ez, ezel and arârâi are also attributed to his invention.
The general name for Church-song seems to Degguâ. So Dillmann and Basset use the word, though Littmann speaks of the Degguâ as if it were the name of a collection of Church Hymns. Possibly the word has both meanings. Besides the Degguâ, if |58 it be the name of a collection, there are others. Mention has been already made of the Praises of Mary and the Organ of the Virgin, or Organ of Praises. Both of these are collections of Hymns in honour of the Virgin arranged for the different days of the week. The Psalter of Christ is the name of another similar collection. These collections are sometimes interwoven in a similar arrangement. Thus a combination is found of the Organ of the Virgin and the Praises of Mary, and another in which these two are interwoven with the Weddâsê Amlâk named above.
The Antiphonary of the Church is known as the Mawâse'et (Answers). It consists of anthems for special festivals throughout the year. The Mer'âf also has hymns and chants for the festivals of the year, the difference between the two being apparently the type of hymn contained in each.
Certain types of hymns or poems were particularly popular. The Qenê were one of these. These were short hymns, often extemporized, which were sung after certain verses of the Psalter. Another well-known type was the Salâm, of which more will be said in a later chapter (see below, p. 67).
Lastly, the Malke'a or Likeness may be mentioned. This was a special favourite. In this type the poem consists of numerous stanzas. In each stanza one member of the saint's body is so to speak greeted. For example, the Malke'a of Yârid commences thus: 52
Hail to the hairs of thy head which were not shorn for pleasure! |59
Never was poured on them the defilement of ointment with fragrance
O Yared, priest of the Altar on high in the heavenly places,
Whither the glorious hand of the Father of all hath led thee,
Lead thou me also with thee, that with thee I may chant together.
Then the stanzas continue, greeting in succession the saint's head, face, eyebrows, eyes, ears, cheeks, nose, lips, mouth, teeth, etc. The final stanzas greet the feet, soles, heels, toes, toe-nails! Not a very elevating type of Christian poem.
|60
CHAPTER VI
THEOLOGICAL AND ECCLESIASTICAL BOOKS
Chief amongst these, and therefore first to be noticed here, are two, which however important from a doctrinal and ecclesiastical point of view, must be confessed to be extremely uninteresting from the point of view of literature. These are the Qerlos (Cyril) and the Sinodos. The first has already been mentioned as a product of the first period of the literature and the second has been named in chapter iv as a constituent part of the Ethiopic New Testament. Both of these works, or rather compilations, are alike in nature. They are collections of documents of theological import bearing on the early history of the Catholic Church, selected no doubt for translation into Ethiopic as being supposed to favour the monophysitism which was orthodox in Abyssinia.
Qerlos.----It is so named apparently because the documents which come first in it are connected with St. Cyril of Alexandria. The first document is a short biography of that saint,53 which is followed by |61 two treatises of his on the 'true faith of our Lord Jesus Christ.' The first of these is the one that was addressed to the Emperor Theodosius at the time of. the Nestorian controversy, and the second is the former of the two treatises sent at the same time to the princesses, Pulcheria and the Emperor's other sisters. The fourth document is the dialogue between Cyril and Hermias, called Palladius in the Ethiopic version, on the theme that God is One. The other documents in the collection are homilies and letters on points of doctrine, namely, the Epistle of the Council of Ephesus to John of Antioch, the Epistles of John of Antioch to Cyril and of Cyril to John, seven discourses (two about Melchizedek) of Cyril, two of Theodotus of Ancyra, two of St. Epiphanius, and eight other discourses by various authors, including one by St. Gregory Thaumaturgus. The work ends with a disquisition of the Council of Nicaea on the Nicene Creed. The only parts of the Ethiopic text of the Qerlos which have been published are two of the letters and seven of the homilies which Dillmann included in his Chrestomathy, doubtless because they are such 'a splendid monument of the ancient language.'
Sinodos.----The second of these compilations, though so highly regarded by the Ethiopic Church, and though in parts of great interest historically is even more unattractive as literature than the Qerlos.
It is the Corpus Juris Ecclesiastici of the Church. The various elements of which it is composed are all found as a rule in the manuscripts in which it is. contained, but they are not always in the same order |62 in all. These elements are the Constitutions of the Apostles, the Statutes of the Apostles, the Canons of the Apostles, followed by lists of the Canons of different councils, Nicaea, Gangra, Sardica, Antioch, Neo-Caesarea, Ancyra, and Laodicaea. Various discourses and treatises are also included.
(a) An exposition of the decalogue ascribed to St. John Chrysostom.
(b) On the Essence of the Holy Trinity.
(c) How to distinguish between good and evil.
(d) On the fear of God.
(e) On the ancient people and a refutation of the Jews.
(f) A discourse of St. Gregory of Armenia against the Jews.
(g) Hortatory discourse to believers who desire to walk in the paths of wisdom and knowledge.
(h) The discourse of the Nicene Fathers on the Holy Trinity.
(i) The penitential canons of our Lord to Peter.
The Creed of Africa, that is, the Athanasian Creed, is also found amongst these in some manuscripts.
Some of the earlier portions of the Sinodos have been published, viz. by Fell in 1871 and by Horner in 1904.
Qalêmentos (Clement). This is another work, which is contained in various manuscripts, but is strangely left unnoticed by Littmann. It contains the 'Instructions of St. Peter to his disciple Clement.' It is divided by the manuscripts into seven chapters. If the titles of these give any clue to their contents, the subject-matter of the book must be somewhat comprehensive. The first chapter contains an account of the creation and a summary of Scripture history up to |63 the time of Jehoram of Judah. The titles of the remaining chapters are:----
(2) Mysteries revealed by Peter to Clement.
(3) The power and the wonders which God displayed to Peter.
(4) Discourse of Peter to Clement concerning what shall take place on earth for mercy to mankind.
(5) Ordinance of the Christian Church given by our Lord to Peter,
(6) On the Rod of Moses.
(7) The Vision of Simon bar Yona.
Didascalia.----The Ethiopic Didascalia, like the Sinodos, comes probably from the second period of the literature. It seems to have been translated from Arabic inasmuch as it agrees very closely with the earlier of the two Arabic recensions of the same document. The Didascalia in its various versions has been the subject of much discussion in recent years. It is a work which was originally composed in Greek, probably in the middle of the third century. Its general character is well summed up by Bishop Wordsworth who speaks of it as 'a somewhat rambling discourse on Church life and society.' The whole work was afterwards, somewhere in the fourth century, incorporated in the compilation known as the Apostolic Constitutions. The original Greek Didascalia has been lost, but the work is known to us now in various versions besides the Ethiopic. These, though they all bear the same title, do not all contain the same subject-matter. The Syriac version has the substance of the first six books of the Apostolic Constitutions; the Latin, of which only fragments are extant, contains portions of Books I-VI and VIII; the Arabic version |64 found in most manuscripts also runs parallel with Apostolic Constitutions, Books I-VI, but has some extra chapters not found in the Constitutions at all.54 The Ethiopic differs from all these. It includes, like the others, the substance of Books I-VI, but adds afterwards the substance of Book VII, a book which in its early chapters is an expansion of the much earlier Didache, and which contains at the end some liturgical» matter, prayers to be used at baptism and other times unspecified. Unfortunately, a fairly long section is now lacking in the Ethiopic Didascalia in this concluding part, but this may be merely due to accident, for the title of one of the chapters seems to imply the former existence of matter now wanting.
The Didascalia, then, in its Ethiopic version probably represents a form intermediate between the shorter Didascalia, best represented by the Syriac version, and the complete work found in the Apostolic Constitutions. It may, of course, be argued that the Ethiopic version is an abbreviation of the Apostolic Constitutions and not one of its component parts, but, if so, why was no part of Book VIII included? It seems more reasonable to suppose that we have in the Ethiopic Didascalia, and in the earlier Arabic recension already mentioned, representatives of an enlarged Didascalia which was compiled in Egypt.
The Ethiopic Didascalia with an English translation was edited in an incomplete form in 1834 by T. H. Platt. He had only one manuscript, which |65 contained only the first half of the work. An English translation of the whole by the present writer has been included by the S.P.C.K. in the Translations of Early Documents (Series IV).
Senkesar.----We pass now to what may be called the Breviary of the Ethiopic Church. It is known as the Senkesar or Seneksar (Synaxar) and has been alluded to in chapter iii as having been translated in its original form from Arabic in the third period of the literature. In this form it was simply the Synaxar of the Coptic Church done into Ethiopic. It was, however, afterwards enlarged, chiefly by the addition of notices of saints and martyrs belonging to the Church of Abyssinia, as well as by short rhymed poems in honour of all those who are commemorated. This latter feature is peculiar to the Ethiopic Senkesar. According to Guidi, who has edited several sections of the whole work in the Patrologia Orientalis, the manuscripts clearly show these two stages. For the month of Sanê (June-July), for example, he used three manuscripts. One of these comes from the fifteenth century, being thus contemporary, or almost so, with the time of its translation from Arabic. The others, which contain the additions, are much later, coming from the eighteenth century. On the 29th of Sanê the list of commemorations (each followed by a salâm, that is, a short poem of the type just mentioned) is as follows: (1) Memorial of the Feast of the Nativity of our Lord, (2) The Holy Martyrs, the seven ascetics of Tuna and their 140 companions, (3) The Holy Martyrs, Abbâ Hor, Abbâ Besoy and Daydara their |66 mother, (4) Tewodros (Theodore), son of David, King of Ethiopia, (5) Mark, King of Rome, (6) Twofold translation of the body of St. 'Amda Mikâ'êl, once in the reign of Eskender, and again in the reign of Lebna Dengel. The last three of these, two of which are commemorations of Abyssinian worthies, are found only in the later manuscripts.
As examples of the commemorations peculiarly Ethiopic may be given the following: ----
Sanê 12 (June 6) Lalibala. 'On this day is also (the feast of) Lâlibalâ, King of Ethiopia, the blessed and pure, and the seer of the mystery of the heavens. This saint his parents reared from the day of his birth in the fear of God; and when he grew up and reached the age of manhood, the king, his elder brother, feared that he should inherit the kingdom. Thereupon envy seized on him, and he sat and called him. And when he (Lâlibalâ) came and stood before him, he trumped up a charge against him, and commanded, and he was beaten with many stripes from the third hour of the day unto the ninth. And after this he commanded him to be set before him, and when he stood before him, the king and all his officers were amazed when they saw that no hurt had befallen him. It was that an angel had protected him. And then the king said unto him, 'Forgive me, my brother, for what I have done unto thee.' Then were they reconciled and at peace, the one with the other. And God regarded his torments on that day, and made him to inherit, and gave him the kingdom. And when he became king, he bethought him how he might please God, and gave much alms to the poor and needy. And when God saw the strength of his love, the angel of God appeared unto him in a dream and carried him away unto God. And He showed him how to build the churches of varied shape; and he did as God had showed him. And when he had finished building these churches, |67 he delivered the kingdom to his brother's son and then rested in peace.' May God have mercy upon us by the prayer of this saint for ever and ever. '
Then follows, as usual, the short-rhymed poem known as the salâm. The following version of this, which does not attempt to preserve the rhythm of the original, will give some idea of the style of these.
Hail! King Lâlibalâ, who in dry stone With wisdom churches built, nor mortar used. To show that his should be the kingly power, (People and kings he charmed with honey sweet) Bees round him swarmed the day that he was born.
On Sanê 13 (June 7), there is a commemoration of another native saint, a princess.
And on this day too is the feast of St. Magdalâwit, martyr of Christ, the mother of Fânu'el, of the family of the princes of Dawâro, of the seed royal. She was an Israelitess of the race of the glorious King Saifa Ar'ed.55 The Moslems tortured her cruelly in the time of Grañ with various sore torments and she ended her martyrdom by being crucified, and (thus) followed Christ her Lord, She received the crown of martyrdom in the kingdom of the heavens. Her prayer and her blessing, and the gift of her aid be with us for ever. Amen.
On Sanê 20 the Old Testament saint Elisha is commemorated. The salâm in his honour is here added as another example of the general type.
To Elisaeus hail! who of Elias asked
A double part on his ascent to heaven.
He found therein a power that mighty proved;
Twice he prevailed therewith to raise the dead
And twice therewith he parted Jordan's stream.56 |68
The Testament of our Lord.----The so-called Testament (Kidân) of our Lord Jesus Christ comes from an earlier period than the Senkesar. The Ethiopic version is probably derived from the Arabic. The original of this work was doubtless Greek, but the date of its composition is quite uncertain. Besides, the Ethiopic version there are versions in Syriac and Arabic, and fragments of a Latin and Coptic version are also extant. The first part of the work is Apocalyptic in form containing revelations supposed to have been given by our Lord after His resurrection, telling of the signs which shall usher in His second coming, the doom of various nations, and the advent of Antichrist. This is followed by chapters which are akin in subject-matter to the numerous works, generally grouped together under the name of Church Orders. These chapters give, that is to say, diverse regulations about Church worship and discipline, and include certain forms of prayer to be used on specified occasions. After these comes the 'Word which our Lord Jesus Christ spake to His eleven disciples, in Galilee after He rose from the dead.' This section is also Apocalyptic, but is without any apparent logical order. Its first part is similar to the opening, section of the Testament, but this is followed by other chapters treating of the Birth, Ministry, Resurrection, and second coming of our Lord (this is to be in the 150th year between Pentecost and Passover), |69 prophecies as to the rise of heresy (Cerinthus and Simon are specially mentioned), promises to the apostles, denunciation of sinners, etc. The work concludes with our Lord's Ascension to heaven at the end of the discourse.
This latter part has been published (1912) in the Patrologia Orientalis (9. iii) under the somewhat misleading title of Le Testament en Galilee de Notre-Seigneur Jesus-Christ. It is not the whole Testament, but only the concluding part. No English translation of the Ethiopic version has been published, but there is a translation of the Syriac version into English by Dr. Cooper and Bishop Maclean, with full introduction and notes (1902).
Book of the Mysteries of Heaven and Earth.----I pass next to give some account of a somewhat remarkable book, which is in this respect historically interesting that it was at one time mistaken for the Book of Enoch. It seems to be an original Ethiopic work though modelled of course on the pattern of Enoch and similar Apocalypses. It belongs, according to Guidi, to the fifteenth century, and the single manuscript 57 in which it is known may possibly be the autograph of the author. This manuscript was acquired in the seventeenth century by a French bibliophile named Peiresc. How it came into his possession is not certain. It may have been sent to him from Abyssinia by a French adventurer, Vermellius by name, who was for a time commander-in-chief of the Abyssinian army. Peiresc is known to have sent |70 him out books on mathematics and architecture and to have asked for Ethiopic books in exchange. He thought when he got it that he had found the Book of Enoch for which he had been searching. It was the famous Ludolf who discovered the error, and he vented his disappointment by describing the book's contents as 'futiles et absurdissimas narrationes, crassae ac putidae fabulae, etc' Much that is in the book deserves indeed the stigma.
It begins, after a chapter on the mystery of the Trinity, with the creation of the six heavens, the orders of angels, the earth, the sea, the stars, birds, fish, beasts and man. In this section comes quite a Miltonic description of the struggle between Michael and Satan. Then follows an account of the temptation and fall. All the birds refused to show Satan the way to Eve. He then applied in succession to the elephant, the leopard, the hyaena, the bear, the boar, and the 'serg, a strange animal who now lives in the middle of the sea.' All these refused. At last the young Camel agreed and mounted on its back the tempter came to Eve. The tree of which Adam and Eve ate (at the third hour of the morning) was called the 'sezen '. The second part contains an account of the Deluge and a list of Noah's descendants, together with some notices of the Pentateuchal story up to the time of the building of the Tabernacle. Then a wide interval is passed over and the larger part of the book is taken up with a description of the vision of the restored Temple at the end of the Book of Ezekiel. The concluding section is Christian, referring to the Incarnation and the Resurrection of Christ. |71
I have spoken of the description of the fight between Michael and Satan as Miltonic. Indeed, though prosaic, it reminds one of some of the descriptions in 'Paradise Lost.' 'Satan,' we read, 'said, I will set my throne above the stars, and will be made like unto the High and Lofty One.' Then there was a great war in heaven; Michael prepared a great host which God reviewed. The numbers of the heavenly army are given in tedious detail. There were 600,000 targeteers, 800,000 with fiery swords, 700,000 with slings of fire, etc. In the battle Satan first breaks the ranks of his enemies, and they take to flight. Once again they are defeated. The third attack, as in Milton, is the decisive one. God gives Michael the Cross of Light inscribed with the name of the Trinity. When Satan sees this, he is routed.
Again we have in Paradise Lost the well-known description of Satan.
His other parts besides
Prone on the flood, extended long and large,
Lay floating many a rood; in bulk as huge
As whom the fables name of monstrous size.
These other parts, left by Milton to the imagination, are fully detailed here. 'His head was a great mountain, his mouth forty cubits wide, his eyebrows the length of three days' march, the spittle that flowed from his mouth was as the Jordan, etc'
An anecdote that occurs in the first part may be noticed as it shows how the power of the Archangel Michael was regarded in the Church of Abyssinia:
A man never did any good thing in his life, but every month celebrated Michael's feast and had pity on the |72 poor. When he died, the demons rejoiced and came to claim him, but God said, Choose one of these two things. Either Michael shall hide him and you will seek, or you shall hide him and Michael seek. They chose the former, and concealed him in a corner of Gehenna. Three times Michael plunged into Sheol, and the third time found and delivered the man, rescuing many others also at the same time.
|73
CHAPTER VII
HAGIOLOGY, CHRONICLES AND ROMANCE
Lives of saints were, according to Littmann,58 first written in the fourteenth century. These were, even in the case of native saints, borrowed from outside sources. Later, Lives were written, which were in a sense more original as not having any foreign work as their basis. Even in these Lives the outside models were not entirely abandoned, but a stereotyped pattern was adhered to.
It would be useless to enumerate here all these Lives, Such as have been published are given in a list at the end of this chapter. The word that is used for 'Life' is a somewhat peculiar one. It is gadl, which, according to its root meaning had the signification of 'conflict, struggle.' When applied to the saints, it seems to be used in the sense of the Latin Acta. It is unnecessary, and indeed misleading, to translate it literally, as Budge attempts to do in giving to the apocryphal Acts of the Apostles the title Contendings of the Apostles.
Littmann,59 following the Russian scholar Turaiev, divides the Abyssinian Saints historically into those of five periods.
(1) The Axumitic Period.----To this belong the 'Nine Saints,' and Yâred the founder of Church song. |74 Of the 'Nine' Aragâwi is perhaps the best known. King Kâlêb (Elesbaan) the hero of the wars in South Arabia is also amongst the saints of this period.
(2) The Period of Transition.----From this not many names have come down. Two of the kings of the Zâguê dynasty have been canonized, Lâlibalâ and Na'akueto la Ab. To these may be added the greatest name of all, that of Takla Hâymânot.
(3) The Period of Persecution.----This was a time of contention between Church and State. The cause of this was partly moral, partly ecclesiastical. King 'Amda Seyon had married his step-sister an action which caused protests on the part of the clergy. This first, but there were also differences of opinion as to Sabbath observance and the date of Christmas. Those who were the protagonists on the clerical side against the State were naturally honoured as saints afterwards. Of these may be mentioned, Baþalota Mikâ'el, Filpos (Philip) of Dabra Libânos, Aron the wonder-worker, Filpos of Dabra Bizan, and his pupil Yohannes, Two other names should be added, Ewostâtêwos (Eustathius), the founder of an order of ascetics named after him, and one of the kings Têwodros (Theodore) I.
(4) The Period of Zar'a Yâ'qob.----This king and his wife were both canonized, and so was one of his generals, 'Anýda Mikâ'el. Mabâ'a Seyon and Besua Amlâk also belong to this period.
(5) The Period of the Franks (Portuguese).----The wars with the Moslems and Gallas and the religious struggles between the Jesuits and the 'orthodox' naturally produced many names to be afterwards |75 honoured as saints. Two kings who reigned during this time were canonized, Lebna Dengel and Galâudêwos. The foundress of an order of nuns, Walatta Petros, whose biography is of great importance for the light which it throws on the contemporary religious life, must also be noticed. The list of saints comes down to as late as 1700. Two of the last names to be included were those of King Yohannes I and Zar'a Buruk.
In order to show the type of literature contained in these Lives, I have judged it best not to make extracts from several, but to describe at some length one of the most important, the Gadl of King Lâlibalâ.
I have selected it, not only on account of the description of the remarkable Churches which are mentioned therein, but also because it is one of the earliest. Two manuscripts of this Life are found in the British Museum.
Portions of one of these have been edited with a very paraphrastic and erroneous French translation by Perruchon (Paris, 1892). The life is in the form of homilies or discourses. After a tedious and difficult introduction, which treats, amongst other things, of the Trinity and the Life of Christ and the praises of Lâlibalâ in general, the writer, or orator, proceeds to recount the birth of the saint in simple language quite biblical in character.
Now there was a city of the cities of Ethiopia which was named Roha, the birthplace of the blessed Lâlibalâ, and there was in that city a man of a very great and noble family, exceeding rich in gold and silver, in raiment and fine apparel, in manservants and maidservants. The |76 name of the man was Jan Seyum,60 and he took him a wife, and begat a son, this blessed and holy (saint) who was in mystery called Lâlibalâ. Its interpretation I will declare unto you, (and) for what reason he was called by this name Lâlibalâ. When his mother bare him, many bees came and swarmed around him, even as they swarm around honey. And his mother saw that the bees swarmed and thronged around her son as the host surrounds the king. And when she saw this, there descended on her the spirit of prophecy, and she said, 'The bees know that the child is great.' Therefore she named him Lâlibalâ, which means, 'The bees know his grace.'
When he grew up, his brother, Harbây who was King of Ethiopia envied him, and tried, with the help of one of his sisters, to poison him, but though the poisoned cup caused the death of a deacon who tasted it first, it did Lâlibalâ but slight hurt.
God then sent an angel who carried the saint through all the heavens, till he was in the presence of God in the seventh. There he was shown ten wondrous churches made each of a single stone. The Almighty then said unto him, 'Be not anxious for the kingdom, (thinking) that I have set thee for any transitory glory, but for the sake of the churches which thou hast seen that thou mayest build them----for this cause have I anointed thee with the oil of the kingdom and have made thee the Anointed of my people, until thou hast finished these my sanctuaries.'
After three days he is brought back to earth. He meets with further persecution from his brother, and resolves to retire into the desert. While he was in |77 the desert, the angel who had taken him up to heaven appeared to him one day and said to him, 'To-morrow at this same hour a maiden shall come unto thee.' And he described the signs by which he might know her, and the garments which she should wear, and he said unto him, 'She shall be to thee to wife, and she is elect even as thou, and she shall be to thee as thine own heart. The beauty of her acts is not less than thine own. She is a servant of God, and from her thou shalt learn many good works.' It happened as the angel had foretold. Lâlibalâ met the maiden, sought her hand in marriage, and for a while lived happily with her in her father's house.
Hearing of his marriage his brother sent for Lâlibalâ, and when he came he was accused before the king of having taken to wife a maiden who was betrothed to another. At the king's orders he was scourged, but though the scourging lasted for some hours, Lâlibalâ was miraculously preserved from hurt. He then retired with his wife, Masqal Kebra, to the desert where they were miraculously fed like Elijah of old.
There follows then a visit of the saint to Jerusalem in company with Gabriel but this part of the story has not been published. On his return from the Holy Land he rejoins his wife, and both of them go to the royal court along with Gabriel and Michael. Here the way had been prepared for their reception. Our Lord had appeared to Harbây the king in a dream, and bidden him go seek his brother and set him on the throne. The king obeyed, went to meet his brother and they were reconciled. They then return to the capital where Lâlibalâ is proclaimed king |78 under the name of Gabra Masqal. When on the throne he by no means changed his former manner of life, but fasted and prayed and gave alms as before. The next section is chiefly concerned with miracles ascribed to the saint. One example will suffice.
There was a certain rich woman and as she ate the flesh of beasts, she began to eat-the-flesh 61 of men also in her calumny. And she falsely accused Lâlibalâ of evil deeds, blaspheming against him. And (one day) she was eating flesh, but the flesh choked her, and would not go down or come forth, but stayed in her throat suffocating her. And her eyes started from their sockets from the grievous pain of the choking. Then she cried out in her heart saying, I have sinned against thee, O Gabra Masqal, my lord, the Anointed of God. From henceforth I will not speak evil of thee, nor remember thy name for evil but for good. As she said this, the piece of flesh came forth with (a rush of) blood from her throat, and fell to the ground.
We now reach the concluding section, the real subject of the Life. Lâlibalâ prepares workmen and materials to construct the churches on the pattern which he had seen in heaven. The churches at least are a reality, for they still exist. They are cut from the solid rock, and so are 'of one stone.' They have been described by various travellers.62 The names of the ten churches are given in the Life and these agree for the most part with the accounts given by the travellers. The Life however goes on to say that in these works Lâlibalâ was aided by the angels, who |79 added at night thrice as much again as the workmen had built during the day. No wonder the orator adds at the end of his account. 'Any man of Ethiopia who hears the story of the churches made from one stone and does not go to the holy city of Roha is like a man who desires not to see the face of our Lord Jesus Christ.'
His work finished, Lâlibalâ endowed the churches he had built and soon after died, having first made preparation for the return of the kingdom to the house of Israel, that is, to the so-called Solomonic line of kings.63
That Lâlibalâ was an historical personage need not be disputed, but beyond the account in this Life there seems to be nothing to connect him with the building of these churches. The other details of the Life are obviously not such as to inspire much confidence in its author in historical matters.
When we return to the Chronicles of the Kings we have more or less contemporary documents, particularly in the case of the later kings. These works are chronicles, not history. They are far more concerned with relating of the different movements of the king than with giving a real idea of the history of the country and the people. The details of these annals are entered by years and months, and, in the longer chronicles, by the days of the month. Much that is now quite without interest is recorded, but these chronicles may be regarded as giving reliable |80 information as to the civil and religious constitution of the kingdom, whenever these are touched on.
There are Chronicles extant of all the kings from Zar'a Yâ'qob to Sarsa Dengel, then during a time of anarchy there was apparently a break. The Chronicles are however commenced again in the reign of Susenyos and they continue down to the present time, with the exception of the reign of Fâsiladas, of which no account seems to have been written. The majority of these Chronicles have already been edited, chiefly by Pereira at Lisbon and Perruchon at Paris.
In addition to these longer chronicles there is an Abridged Chronicle which is extant in more than one form, but the exact relationship of this to the longer chronicles has not yet been investigated. One form of this Abridged Chronicle has been published by Basset, with a French translation and notes.
The style in which these chronicles are written may best be judged by some extracts. As a first example I take the commencement of the Chronicle of the King, of Kings A'lâf Sagad (Yohannes I).
'In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, One God. We begin to write the story----sweeter than honey and sugar, more to be desired than gold and the precious topaz stone, which draweth the mouth to tell and the ear to hear----of the honoured and great king of kings A'lâf Sagad by the grace of God, who was called by the name of Yohannes the Evangelist. Name agreeth with name, and faith with faith, and works with works. He (the Evangelist) driveth forth demons when men resort to his tomb, and healeth every disease and trouble when men anoint themselves with the dust (of the place) where his holy body resteth. And may God bring our writing to a (happy) end.' Amen. |81
'This righteous king was the son of the King of kings Sâlam Sagad (Fâsiladas), the son of the King of kings Seltân Sagad (Susenyos), and was born of the noble lady Ehta Krestos, the daughter of a man of the nobles of Walaqâ, whose name was Aqâryos. And after he was born, he was carefully trained in counsel and discipline, and he learnt the Holy Writings, that is, the Old and the New (Testaments), and when he grew up he was taught to hurl the lance and to shoot the bow, to ride the horse and to swim in the sea. And his father took for him to wife (a lady) whose name was Sablâ Wangel, the daughter of a nobleman, whose name was Gabra Masqal of the people of Mandabây whom he loved. He (Yohannes) loved his wife, and she him, for they twain were united in purity and the fear of God. And Yohannes was good before God and man, for he loved the poor and needy, the widows and the orphans. He wept with those that wept, and rejoiced with those that rejoiced. And for this cause all the men of the city, the judges and the officers loved him more than all the king's sons his brothers.'
These Chronicles may well be included in a history of Christian Literature, for they are as much interested in ecclesiastical as in political matters. That this is so, will be seen from the following extracts from the same Chronicle. During the first year of the king's reign (1667) an account is given of two Franks (Europeans) who had come from Rome disguised as Egyptians pretending to be envoys of the Patriarch of Alexandria. When they were taken prisoners, the king:
Gathered together all the judges, the elders, the doctors, and all the great men of the kingdom, and took |82 counsel to try and examine them (the Franks) touching their faith. Then it became clear and evident that they were men of Rome, andý believed in the faith of the unclean heretic Leo, for they spake with their own lips saying, There are two Natures in Christ. Then the king and his men answered and said, We say not thus, but we say that there is no duality in Christ after the union of the Godhead and Manhood without confusion or intermingling. We believe in the faith of the holy Dioscorus, true in speech. And now it were good for us to take counsel concerning these men, lest they lead astray our people and renew in the minds of the heretics their faith which has now grown cold. Then they passed judgment, and the judges condemned them, saying, It is right that they should die, first, because in their words they divide Christ in twain, as did Leo their father, secondly, because the ancestors of these deceivers put to death our metropolitan Abba Semcon, and slew our fathers the orthodox teachers, and many of our faithful brethren who said there is but one Nature in Christ. The day of their death was the Day of Hosanna,64 on the 19th of Magabit. 65
Later in the reign (1678) we read of one John, and envoy who came from Armenia with a precious relic, a bone of the hand of St. Eustathius. Though he was introduced by a letter from the Patriarch of Alexandria, a Synod is summoned to test his orthodoxy. After the reading of the Patriarch's letter, the following questions are put to him through an interpreter:----
In whom believest thou?
I believe in the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, who are Three as to personality, and One as to Godhead. |83
Which of the Three Persons put on flesh of men?
It was the Son who put on flesh of men of the Holy Virgin Mary.
Has Christ but one Nature or two?
The Nature of Christ is One, as say Athanasius, and Cyril and Dioscorus and their adherents, the men of Armenia and Syria and Egypt and Ethiopia.
Whom dost thou adore?
I adore the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, and I adore our Lady Mary, the mother of God, and I adore the Holy Cross.
If Christmas or Epiphany fall on Wednesday or Friday, dost thou fast or eat?
I do not fast, but eat whatsoever is eaten during the days of Pentecost.66
The last quotation is a good index of what was considered orthodox and important in Abyssinia.
As a specimen of the style of the Abridged Chronicle a brief extract from the account of the reign of Lebna Dengel, may be given from the Chronicle edited by Basset.
In this month of yakâtit (the sixth month, February to March) on the third day (of the month) Gechê Ambâ Nagast (i.e. the royal Ambâ) 67 was destroyed and pillaged. There was found there much gold and raiment of silk, the treasures of the ancient kings, which had been gathered there from (the time of) Yekuno Amlâk to the reign of |84 Lebna Dengel, and other treasures whose sum none knoweth save God alone.68 Then was gold as stones, and raiment of silk as leaves; the price of the heleq (ὁλκή) was 30 amlês 69 and that of an ox one ounce. The Israelites 70 who dwelt there were slain with the sword, and some were hurled into the sea for their faith's sake. So did the wazir Mudjahid and Amdush. And after this in the year of Matêwos 71 (Matthew) our king Lebna Dengel entered into rest on the fifth of maskaram, (the first month, September to October) and he slept with his fathers, and the years, of his reign were thirty-two.72 And he was buried in Dama in the convent of Abba Aragawi.
The work next to be noticed claims to be historical, but perhaps might have been better included amongst the ecclesiastical and theological works. It deserves at any rate some mention as being in the judgment of its editor an original work, and not a translation as nearly all similar works are. As it is connected with the Jewish controversy, the editor supposes that it may have been written for the benefit of the Falashas or Abyssinian Jews. The book is found in but one manuscript (D'Abbadie 51) and is entitled Sargis of Aberga. It is an account of what happened in the time of the Emperor Herâqâl (Heraclius). He made |85 Sargis governor of two places which appear in the MS. as Afragyâ and Tartagyâ (Africa and Carthage?), and ordered him to baptize the Jews who had been converted to the Lord. Many Jews are forced by Sargis to accept baptism. The story is written by one of those so treated, Joseph by name. In the treatise another of the same Jews who was afterwards convinced of the truth of Christianity explains its doctrines to his fellow-countrymen. The questions discussed are, the Coming of Christ, His Birth, Life, Passion, Resurrection and Ascension, the genealogy of the Virgin, and the Christian Church.
Mention has been already made in Chapter iii of several translations into Ethiopic of historical works in Arabic. These were in the second period of the literature, the translation of the Chronicle of Joseph ben Gorion the Jew; in the third, the Universal History of George the Egyptian; and in the last period, the Chronicle of John of Nikiou and the Universal History of Abu Shakir. As these are merely translations of foreign works it seems unnecessary to give extracts from them.
It is otherwise with the brief History of the Gallas which comes also from the last period. We have here to do with an original work of a monk named Bahrey. His description of the men of his nation is of considerable interest, and he is quite impartial in the comparison he makes between them and the Gallas. The main part of his book is an account of the Gallas, their leaders and the wars waged by them against Abyssinia. It is near the close of the book that the passage to which I refer comes. |86
'The wise,' he writes, 'make many enquiries and say, How did the Gallas conquer us, when we are many in number and have many weapons of war? Some have said, The Lord hath permitted this because of our sins. And there are others who have said, It is because of the division of our people into ten classes, nine of which do not go to war, and are not ashamed of their cowardice; and only the tenth fights and wars as well as may be. If our numbers are great, yet those who can fight are few, and there are many who do not go to war One class of these is that of the monks, who are without number. Some are monks from their childhood, like the writer of this Chronicle and such as he, persuaded thereto by the monks at the time of their education; others become monks through fear of war. Another class are called dabtera.73 They study the Scriptures and all manner of things relating to the priests; they clap with their hands, and applaud with their feet (in the public worship), but are not ashamed of their cowardice. They take as their pattern the Levites and priests, the sons of Aaron. The third class... guard the Law, and also themselves, by not fighting.74 The fourth class consists of the guardians of the wives of the dignitaries and the princesses----strong men in the prime of life. They do not go to war, but say, We are the guardians of the women.' |87
The next classes mentioned are, in order, the landowners, the labourers, the merchants, the craftsmen (smiths, tailors, etc.), the musicians (singers, drummers, harpists). This last class are beggars.
They bless him who gives to them, and give him (in return) idle praise and empty rewards; and if they curse him who gives them nothing, it is accounted by them no blame, for, say they, It is our custom. These also-keep aloof from war. The tenth class are those who take spear and shield, and understand war, and follow the king on his expeditions; and since these are so few, our land is overcome.
Amongst the Gallas there are none of these nine classes which we have mentioned, but they are all skilled in war from the least to the greatest. Therefore do they destroy us and slay us. Now those who say that (the Gallas) slay us by the command of God take as their reason the conquest of the children of Israel and their destruction at the hands of the kings of Persia and Babylon; and, say they, if the mighty (always) conquered, who would ask help of God, the High and Lofty One? and if the many conquered the few, the word of the Scripture would be vain, which saith, One shall put to flight a thousand, and two shall pursue ten thousand.
Now you, ye wise, will know whether the words of the former disputants, or the latter, are true.
We pass once more to romance when we come to the work called the Glory of Kings, or Kebra Nagast. Not that it is so accounted in Abyssinia. There it passes for genuine history. It is a work written in the thirteenth century with a very definite purpose. Indeed the purpose was twofold, to trace back the origin of kingly power to the creation of the world, and to extol the glory of the kings of Abyssinia by attempting to give an historical foundation for their |88 claims to be descended from Solomon. The following description of the book will make it clear that though the names are the names of the Bible and Church History, yet the ideas are the ideas of the Arabian Nights.75
The work consists, roughly speaking, of three parts. In the first it is told that Gregory Thaumaturgus (Gregory the Illuminator is meant) declared at the council of the 318 orthodox Fathers (at Nicaea) that during the fifteen years which he had spent in the pit, he had meditated on human history. He then recounts the history of the kings from Adam to Shem, and how God had given to Shem the rainbow, and promised the Ark in the future, as a sign that He would not again send a deluge. Then the rest of the biblical story is narrated up to the time of David.
In the second part the speaker is Domitius, who is described as the Patriarch of Constantinople. He relates that he had found in the Church of St. Sophia in Constantinople a book in which was written that the whole world belongs to the King of Rome and the King of Ethiopia, both being descendants of Solomon, the latter the first-born. Then follows the 'history' of the kings of Ethiopia. When Solomon was engaged in building the Temple, he sent to all the merchants of the world to get the materials he needed. Amongst these was Tamrin the chief merchant of Mâkedâ, Queen of Ethiopia. On his return from Jerusalem Tamrin told the queen of all the wonders of |89 that city and of Solomon's wisdom, with the result that she determined to go thither herself. She was splendidly received there, given a place to reside in, and loaded with presents every day. In consequence of her conversations with Solomon the queen became a believer in the true God. Before her departure there was a great feast in the royal palace. Mâkedâ remained in the palace for the night, for Solomon had sworn to her that no harm would come to her, if she swore in return to do none to his property. During the night she became thirsty and rose to drink water, but Solomon reminded her of her oath. She answered, Be thou free of thine oath, but let me drink. Next morning the queen took her departure, receiving from Solomon a ring as a sign of remembrance. On the way home she bare a son to whom she gave the name Baina-lehkem (i.e. bin al hakim, son of the wise).76 This son, when he was grown, returned to Jerusalem with the ring. He was received with honour and pressed to remain, but refused. Before he departed, he was anointed king with the name David. The sons of some of Solomon's nobles and priests accompanied him on his return to Ethiopia. These carried with them the Ark which the priests' sons had stolen. Miracles marked their homeward way; they are borne to the Red Sea on a chariot of the wind by the archangel Michael. Here it is that David first learns about the theft of the Ark. Solomon also has meanwhile discovered the theft and followed the culprits, but is unable to overtake them. The Ark |90 brings the travellers safely across the Red Sea, and they all reach Ethiopia. An account of the last year of King Solomon and some other matters follow.
In the third part is told how Gregory again rises and enumerates the Messianic prophecies of the Old Testament.77 Then he is asked for how long will the Chariot of the wind and the Ark of Zion abide with the Ethiopians, and the 'Subduer-of-enemies' (a bridle made out of the nails of the Cross) with the Romans. He answers that the Romans will depart from the true faith and lose the bridle, but that the Ethiopians will ever remain orthodox, and so lose neither of their treasures. The Ark will return to Zion only on the day the Lord returns to dwell there. The Chariot will however eventually vanish, and on this wise. Justinus, King of Rome, and Kâlêb, King of Ethiopia will unite and march on Jerusalem and annihilate the Jews. Each of them will leave behind there one of his sons as governor. Kâlêb's eldest son Israel will be so left, while his second son Gabra Masqal becomes King of Ethiopia. In the contest of the two brothers for the Ark, God will permit them to choose between it and the Chariot. Israel will choose the Chariot, will vanish with it, and become a heavenly king; Gabra Masqal will choose the Ark, and be king on his father's throne, greater than all the kings of the earth.
This summary clearly shows what the views of the Ethiopic Church were about history. No doubt they similarly regarded as history those other romances also |91 which have been mentioned above in Chapter iii as having been translated into Geez, those, namely, of Barlaam and Josaphat, and of Alexander.
Lives of Saints which have been already published. In the Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalis, Series altera----
17
SS. Yâred and Pantalêwon.
20
(i)
SS. Basalota Mikâ'êl and Anorêwos (Honorius).
(ii)
SS. Aron and Filpos.
21
(i)
S. Ewostatêwos (Eustathius).
22
(i)
S. Marqorêwos.
23
(i)
SS. Fere Mikâ'êl and Zar'a Abrehâm.
24
(i)
S. Abakerazun.
(ii)
S. Takla Hawaryat.
25
(i)
S. Walatta Petros.
(ii)
Miracles of Zar'a Buruk.
28
(i)
Acts of the Martyrs.
In the Patrologia Orientalis----
4 (vi) Acts of Severus of Antioch.
By Pereira (at Lisbon) ----
Vida do Abba Samuel, 1894.
Vida do Abba Daniel, 1897.
Historia dos Martyres de Nagran, 1899.
Martyrio de Santa Emerayes, 1902.
Martyrio do Abba Isaac de Tiphre, 1903.
Vida de S. Maria Egypcia, 1903.
Vida de S. Paulo de Thebas, 1903.
Various----
Histories of Takla Maryam (Mabâ Seyon), and Gabra Krestos. Budge, 1898.
Acts of Takla Hâymânot. Conti Rossini. Rome, 1896.
Vie de S. Abba Johannes. Basset, Alger, 1884.
Vie de Lalibala, roi d'Ethiopie. Perruchon, Paris, 1892.
|92
CHAPTER VIII
PHILOSOPHY AND LAW
There is little in Ethiopic Literature that can be considered to come under the first of these two headings apart from the two 'Enquiries' which have already been mentioned more than once. One book seems to make the claim, the so-called M. Falâsfâ Tabibân, that is, The Book of the Wise Philosophers. It, however, consists merely of a collection of aphorisms of various men reputed for wisdom in different ages and amongst divers nations. There are found in it extracts, short and long, from Socrates, Plato, Aristotle and Diogenes amongst the Greeks, from Cicero and Gregory amongst the Romans, from David and Solomon amongst the biblical writers, and from Haiqar and Chosroes amongst other Orientals. These names are given only as examples and are by no means exhaustive. The whole work has been edited by Cornill. Selections also of the Bthiopic text are given in Dillmann's Chrestomathy.
Of the names included in the above list that of Haiqar deserves a notice. This is the Ethiopic form of Ahiqar, the wise man whose story is found in many languages, to which there are said to be allusions even in The Book of Tobit. Into the story itself it is unnecessary to enter here, for it does not seem to be |93 extant in Ethiopic. Some of his wise sayings however are included in the M. Falâsfâ Tabibân. Fifteen of these are given by Cornill. As examples of their style the following may be cited:----
My son, if thou hearest a discourse, hide it in thy heart and disclose it not to thy neighbour, that it become not to thee as a coal and burn thy tongue and bring derision upon thee and make thee hateful to God.
My son, make fair thy discourse and thy behaviour; for the wagging of a dog's tail gives him bread, but his jaw brings him stones.
My son, if a house could be built by talk without action, an ass would build two houses in one day.
My son, if a rich man eats a snake, they say of him, He seeks a medicine therein; but if a poor man eats it, they say of him, It was from hunger.
My son, if the course of water should turn backwards and if birds should fly without wings, and if a raven should become white as snow, then may a fool become wise.
Two writers, however, do deserve the name of philosophers. They come late in the history of the literature. These are Zar'a Yâ'qob and his pupil Walda Heywat. The master was born in the year 1599, so both of their Enquiries belong to the seventeenth century. Of the life of the pupil we have practically no information, but Zar'a Yâ'qob gives us some autobiographical details both at the beginning and at the end of his treatise. He was the son of a peasant from near Axum. He tells us of his school days, and how from the first school where he had learnt the Psalms of David, he was sent by his father, at the master's advice, to a better one to learn the zêmâ or Church song. His 'voice was not good, and |94 his throat was rough, and he was a mockery and a laughing-stock to his companions.' So he left at the end of three months, and attached himself to another master. He spent ten years in all in study, and then returned and taught at his native Axum for four years.
This time was an evil one, for in the nineteenth year of the reign of Susenyos came the Abuna Efons (i.e. Alphonso Mendez, the Jesuit) from the land of the Franks, and after two years.there was great persecution in all the land of Ethiopia, for the king accepted the faith of the Franks, and therefore persecuted all those who would not receive that faith.
Zar'a Yâ'qob was no bigoted supporter of either school and so he
was friendly with all men, both with the Franks and with the Egyptians. And when I taught and interpreted the Scriptures, I said, "Thus and thus say the Franks, and thus and thus say the Egyptians." I did not say, "This is good and that is evil," but I said, "All is good, if we are good ".
It was to no purpose, for
on account of this they all hated me; for to the Egyptians I seemed as a Frank, and to the Franks I seemed as an Egyptian.
He was therefore accused before the king, and fled away to the South by night. There in the land of Shoa he found a cave, where he remained hidden for two years until the death of the king. It was during this time that he pondered on the mysteries of life and evolved his teaching. On the death of Susenyos he left his hiding-place, and went again northward. He did not return to Axum, for he 'was not ignorant |95 of the wickedness of the priests.' He found a refuge at the house of a rich man named Habtu, and supported himself there by copying manuscripts and teaching his patron's sons. In this place he married and continued to live till the end of his life, refusing all invitations to return to Axum. Here too he wrote his Enquiry in his sixty-eighth year. He died at the age of ninety-three, according to a note which his pupil Walda Heywat adds at the end of the book.
The Enquiry is throughout an appeal to reason. He is a master of the Scriptures and quotes them freely, but receives them only when they satisfy his conscience, or his understanding, as he calls it. He even works out for himself an a priori proof for the existence of God. He is quite impartial in his criticisms and his censure. Judaism, Christianity and Mahometanism all alike come under them when they teach things contrary to his understanding.
'And thus,' he says, 'if I enquire about other matters in the law of the Orit (i.e. the Octateuch), and in the law of the Christians, and in the law of Islam, I find much which is not agreeable to truth and the righteousness of our Creator which our understanding reveals to us. For the Creator has put the light of understanding in the heart of man that he may see good and evil, and may know what is lawful and what is unlawful, and may discern truth from error.'
The Jews teach that the natural functions of the body are unclean, but as these are natural, they are from the Creator, and therefore without impurity. The doctrine of Mahomet about polygamy cannot be from God, for the number of men and women is equal and this proves that monogamy was intended by the |96 Creator. Similarly, because nature teaches us that all men are equal as brothers, the teaching of Mahomet about slavery is erroneous. The Christians again are astray in their teaching about the excellence of the monastic life. All three alike are astray about fasting, for 'God created man with an equal desire of eating on all days and in all months.'
He has positive teaching as well. The future life is thus proved:
In this world our desire is not fulfilled, but those who lack, seek; and those who have, desire to add to what they have; and even if a man acquired all that is in the world, yet would he not have enough, but would desire more. This disposition of nature teaches us that we are not created for this world alone.
He was a man of prayer, too, and a story which he tells of himself in this connexion is worth recording as showing the man's common sense.
One day a messenger from the king came to me and said, The king says, Come quickly to me. Then was I sore afraid, but could not escape, for the king's men were guarding me. And I prayed the whole night with a sad heart, and I arose in the morning, and went to the king and entered. Now God had made the heart of the king gentle, and he received me kindly, and said unto me nought of what I had feared, but asked me many many questions touching learning and books, and said unto me, Since thou art a learned man, thou oughtest to love the Franks, for they have great learning. And I said unto him, Yea; for I was afraid, and the Franks in truth are learned. And then the king gave unto me five ounces of gold, and sent me away in peace. And when I came forth from before the king, I marvelled and gave thanks to God who had done good unto me. But another time when Walda Yohannes accused me, I fled, and did not |97 pray to God to save me as at the first, for it was possible for me to flee; and a man ought to do all that is possible and not tempt God uselessly.
The Enquiry of Walda Heywat the pupil is not nearly so original, but he works on his master's lines, and falls back fundamentally on reason and conscience. Near the beginning of his book he gives the following warning:
And in like manner believe nothing that is written in books, until thou searchest into them and findest them true. For as for the books, it was men who wrote them, who may write lies. And if thou searchest into books, thou wilt quickly find a base wisdom that agreeth not with our understanding which God hath given us to seek withal.
And again:
And lest I should,err in my faith, I believe nothing but what God hath showed unto by the light of my understanding. And if any say unto me, If thou believest not, judgment from God will befall thee, I say unto them, God cannot bid me believe in lies, and He cannot judge me, if I reject a faith which doth not seem true unto me; for He it is that hath given me the light of understanding that I may discern between good and evil, truth and lies.
Though we have in this second Enquiry no autobiographical details such as those which Zar'a Yâ'qob has given, Walda Heywat occasionally varies his teaching, which is more ethical in tendency than his master's, with illustrative stories.
One or two instances of these may be of interest.
One of his own relatives married young and lived with his wife for ten years in peace. He then grew tired of her, got a divorce, and married again. With |98 the second wife he soon quarrelled, and wishing to divorce her also, she anticipated him, accused him falsely, he was put into prison, and lost all that he had. Two years after he married again. The third wife was passionate and garrulous. One day he was going to beat her, but she was too quick for him, and hurling a log of wood at him, knocked out his eye. In spite of the derision of his friends he still lived with her, and said to them, 'This trouble I have brought on myself. My first wife was a good woman, and I would not dwell with her in peace, so I married the second and she robbed me of my goods. The third has robbed me of my eye, and if I were to marry a fourth, she would kill me.'
The other follows in his own words:
The wife of a certain man was a lazy and rough, so he came to hate her, and was unfaithful to her. Then she grew jealous, and arose and went to a magician, and said to him, My husband hateth me; and now make for me a charm that he may love me (again). And he said unto her Yea; but go thou and pluck three hairs from a lion's forehead, and bring them to me, for they are needed for this charm. And she departed and pondered and said, 'How can I get near to a lion, and he eat me not?' So she took a lamb, and went into the country, and a lion came forth, and ran upon her to eat her, and she gave him the lamb and fled away, and the lion finding somewhat to eat, ceased to pursue her. And on the next day she did likewise, and many days also she persevered in this thing, for jealousy of her husband had seized her. And when the lion saw that this woman brought him food, he hated her not but loved her; and when she came with the lamb he received her with joy, wagging his tail, and caressed her like a dog and played with her. Then she plucked from his forehead the three hairs and brought them to the |99 magician, and said, Lo, I have brought thee what thou needest for the charm. And he said unto her, How wast thou able to pluck them? And she told him all that had happened. Then said he unto her, Go and do unto thy husband as thou didst unto the lion.
These two Enquiries have been edited by Littmann in the Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium (Series Prima, xxxi).78
As the necessarily incomplete account that has here been given of these two works scarcely gives an idea of their originality, it may be well to add something as to the impression which the study of them made on their editor. Of the first of them he says, while bewailing the want of originality in Ethiopic Literature in general; 'A man like Zar'a Yâ'qob gave utterance at the time of the Thirty Years' war to thoughts which first became current in Europe at the time of Rationalism in literature.' Again, in words already referred to, he describes them both as ' two religious philosophical works which stand apart as the most original writings in Ethiopic Literature, and which are a real contribution to the history of human thought.'79
The Fetha Nagast or Laws of the Kings which I have left to the end might almost have been included in a previous chapter, for it is in large part nothing more or less than an ecclesiastical book. This will justify its place in a History of Ethiopic Christian Literature. Besides this, however, it touches on secular matters and deserves mention as the only book on Law current in Abyssinia. |100 Unlike the Kebra Nagast it is not of native origin, but is a translation made in the sixteenth century of the Nomocanon of Abu Ishaq ibn al 'Assâl, a work written in Egypt in the thirteenth century. The following account of the work has been abridged from that given by Dillmann in his Catalogue of the Ethiopia MSS. in the Bodleian Library. In the MS. which Dillmann is describing the work itself is preceded by a Preface which consists of two parts. In the first of these some account is given of the supposed origin, the use, arrangement, and authority of the book. The account of the origin, by whomsoever and whenever it was written, is not very intelligent, for it makes the Arabic author draw up the work at the request of Constantine! In the second part of the Preface the sources from which the book was compiled are enumerated. Apart from the books of the Bible are mentioned various Canons of the Apostles, the Didascalia, the Canons of different Councils,80 the Canons of St. Hippolytus and St. Basil, and the Canons of the (Roman) Emperors. The book itself is divided into two parts, one treating of matters, ecclesiastical and the other of things secular.
The first part consists of twenty-two chapters and these deal in succession with such subjects as the Church, the number of the Canonical Books, Baptism, Patriarchs, Bishops, Priests, Deacons and other orders of the clergy, the Liturgy, the Eucharist, |101 Prayer, Fasting, Almsgiving, Martyrs, Confessors, etc.
The twenty-nine chapters of the second part are supposed to refer to things secular, yet so close was the connexion of Church and State in Abyssinia that some subjects, such as marriage, are here introduced which would seem more naturally to belong to the first part. Amongst the matters included which are really secular are the laws as to creditor and debtor, deposit, guardianship, sale, wills, succession to property, murder, punishments, etc.
The whole work, with an Italian translation, has been published in two large volumes by Guidi (Rome, 1897).
I have come to the end of my task of introducing (it is but an Introduction) the reader to the literature of the ancient Church of Abyssinia. It is in some respects a literature which cannot awaken any feelings of lively interest, for it is to a very great extent devoid of that quality of originality, which most of all inspires interest. The dreary monotony of its hagiology, exemplified best of all perhaps in the Acts of the Apostles which Dr. Budge has published, tends to excite weariness rather than interest; and the Chronicles of the Kings are, except here and there, concerned with events of merely local and transitory importance. Yet there is another side. The literature is of priceless value in having preserved for us books which, though known otherwise, are not extant in their entirety in any other language. A literature which contains the Book of Enoch, the Book of Jubilees and the Ascension of Isaiah can never be |102 negligible. For purposes of Biblical criticism too the Ethiopic version of the Old and New Testaments (including the Apocrypha) is already of use, and has been used; and its value in this respect will be increased whenever critical editions have been published. The student of Christian Liturgies also will find in the many Anaphoras of the Church material to help him in his studies. Something has been done to make these available, some yet await publication. The Ethiopic version of the Didascalia probably proves that it was not, as was generally thought, the compiler of the Apostolic Constitutions who wrote the greater part of Book VII of that work, but that he found his material already to hand for him in a lengthened form of a Greek Didascalia. These are all points which inspire interests of various kinds. Church History owes a debt to a work such as the Chronicle of Bishop John of Nikiou which gives a contemporary account of a period of which little is known from the Christian standpoint. Nor should I omit to emphasize once more the interest inspired by a study of the two Enquiries which have been the main subject of this concluding chapter, and which show that even in such an uncongenial soil freedom of thought could flourish, and that the consciences of some at least could shake themselves free from the chains of the bigotry and superstition and folly which were so rife around them.
|103
APPENDIX A
LIST OF THE CHIEF KINGS OF ABYSSINIA
These dates are taken from Basset's Etudes sur l'Histoire d'Ethiopie. They are not in exact agreement with those given by Littmann, but there is in no case a difference of more than two years.
1268-1283 Yekuno Amlâk.
1283-1292 Salomon I.
1312-1342 'Amda Seyon.
1380-1409 Dâwit (David) I.
1409-1412 Têwodros (Theodore) I.
1412-1427 Yeshaq (Isaac).
1434-1468 Zar'a Yâ'qob.
1468-1478 Ba'eda Mâryâm.
1478-1495 Eskender (Alexander).
1495-1508 Nâ'od.
1508-1540 Lebna Dengel.
1540-1559 Galâudêwos (Claudius).
1563-1595 Sarsa Dengel.
1595-1605 Yâ'qob.
1605-1632 Susenyos.
1632-1665 Fâsiladas (Basilides).
1665-1680 Yohannes (John) I.
1680-1706 Iyâsu (Joshua) I.
1706-1709 Têwoflos (Theophilus).
(1709-1784) Yostos (Justus).
1714-1719 Dâwit II.
1721-1730 Bakâffâ, or Bakâfâ (Basset).
|104
APPENDIX B
THE CONFESSION OF CLAUDIUS
In the Name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, Amen.
This is the faith of my fathers, the Israelitish kings, and the faith of my flock, which is the fold of my kingdom.
We believe in One God and in His Holy Son Jesus Christ, His Word and His Power, His Counsel and His Wisdom, who was with Him before the world was created; and in the last days He came unto us, not laying aside (lit. being bereft of) the throne of His Godhead, and was made man of the Holy Spirit and the Holy Virgin Mary; and He was baptized in the River Jordan in the thirtieth year; and He was perfect Man, and He was crucified on the wood of the Cross in the days of Pontius Pilate (lit. Pilate the man of Pontus), He suffered, died, and was buried, and rose again on the third day, and then on the fortieth day He ascended to heaven in glory and sat on the right hand of His Father; and He shall come again in glory to judge the quick and the dead; and of His kingdom there shall be no end.
And we believe in the Holy Spirit, the Lord, the Life-giver, who hath proceeded from the Father; and we believe in one baptism for the remission of sins and we hope for the resurrection of the dead unto life that is to come for ever. |105
And we walk in the King's highroad (that is) plain (and) true, and turn not aside to the right hand or to the left from the doctrine of our Fathers, the Twelve Apostles, and of Paul, the spring of wisdom, and of the seventy-two disciples and of the 318 orthodox who were gathered together in Nicaea, and of the 150 in Constantinople and of the 200 in Ephesus.
Thus I proclaim and thus I teach, I, Claudius, King of Ethiopia, whose reigning name is Asnâf Sagad, the son of Wanâg Sagad, the son of Nâ'od.
And concerning the charge that we honour the first Sabbath (i.e. Saturday), we do not honour it as the Jews do who crucified Christ, saying, 'His Blood be on us and on our children'. For those Jews do not drink water nor light a fire, nor cook food, nor make bread, nor move from house to house; but we so honour it that we celebrate thereon the Eucharist, and have love-feasts, even as our Fathers the Apostles have taught us in the Didascalia. We do not honour it as (we honour) the Sabbath of the first day of the week, which is the new day, concerning which David saith, 'This is the day which the Lord hath made, let us be glad and rejoice in it (or, we will be glad, etc.). For on it our Lord Jesus Christ rose again, and on it the Holy Spirit descended on the Apostles in the upper-room of Zion, and on it He became incarnate in the womb of Saint Mary ever-Virgin, and on it He will come again to reward the righteous and to recompense sinners.'
And concerning circumcision, we are not circumcised as the Jews, because we know the words of Paul the spring of wisdom, who saith, ' Circumcision availeth |106 not, and uncircumcision availeth not, but rather a new creature, which is, faith in our Lord Jesus Christ.' And again he saith to the men of Corinth, 'He that hath received circumcision, let him not receive uncircumcision.' All the books of the doctrine of Paul are in our hands, and teach us concerning circumcision and uncircumcision. But the circumcision that is practised amongst us is according to the custom of the country, like the tattooing of the face in Ethiopia and Nubia and the piercing of the ear amongst the Indians. And what we do (we do) not in observance of the Law of Moses, but according to the custom of men.
And concerning the eating of swine's flesh we are not prohibited from it, as the Jews are, by observance of the Law. Him also who eats thereof we do not abhor, and him who eats not thereof we do not compel to eat, as our Father Paul wrote to the Church of Rome, saying, 'Let not him who eateth despise him who eateth not; and, God receiveth all'. The Kingdom of God is not eating and drinking, all is clean to the clean, but it is evil for a man to eat with offence. And Matthew the Evangelist saith, 'There is nothing that can defile the man except that which cometh forth from his mouth, but that which is in the belly goeth forth and is contained in the draught, and is cast out and poured forth; and (thus) He maketh all meats clean'.
And saying this He hath destroyed all the structure of the error of the Jews who are taught from the Book of the Law.
My faith is also the faith of my faithful priests who |107 teach by my command within my kingdom, and they depart not from the way of the Gospel, nor from the doctrine of our Father Paul, either to the right hand or to the left.
And in the Book of History it is written that Constantine the King gave order in his reign that all Jews that were baptized should eat swine's flesh on the Day of the Resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ. Howbeit (with us) even as a man is minded in his heart, he abstaineth from eating animal food. There are some who delight in the flesh of fish, and there some who delight in the flesh of fowl, and there are some who abstain from eating the flesh of sheep and every man as it seemeth good unto him follows his own inclination. This is the good will and pleasure of men. And touching the eating of animal food there is no law or canon in the New Testament. All is clean to the clean. And Paul also saith, ' Let him that believeth eat all things'.
This is all that I desired to write, that thou mightest know the truth of my faith.
It was written in the 1555th year from the Birth of our Lord Jesus Christ, on the 23rd day of sanê in the country of Damot (Domot).
|108
APPENDIX C
LIST OF SOME OTHER THEOLOGICAL AND ECCLESIASTICAL WORKS
A list of some other theological and ecclesiastical books, most of which have as yet not been published. 1. M. Berhân.----This work is ascribed to King Zar'a Yâ'qob. It is written against the superstitious and immoral practices which were rife in his time, and contains also an indictment of some heresies and schisms which had arisen. The Stefanites, for example, refused to pay adoration to the Blessed Virgin and the Holy Cross, and the Eustathian monks would have no ordained priests. Other subjects which are discussed are: the two Sabbaths (Saturday and Sunday), feast-days, Church attendance, public worship, the Holy Communion, etc.
2. M. Mestir.----This book contains, according to Ewald, a very minute refutation of all heresies, beginning with those which arose in the time of the Apostles. Then a list of twenty-seven others, which arose later, is given, commencing with Sabellius and going down to the time of Leo and the Council of Chalcedon. The work, he adds, is important not only as showing what was considered the true faith amongst the orthodox, but also as being about the best example of what the Ethiopic Church was able to produce of itself. |109
3. The Apocalypse of Baruch.----This is quite a different work from that which has been mentioned above (p. 46). It consists of two parts. In the first of these Baruch is led by the angel Suryal to visit the abodes of the damned and the blessed in the world below; in the second he is given various revelations, chiefly with respect to the future destinies of the Ethiopic Church.
4. Retu'a Hâymânot or the Right Faith.----A collection of various homilies for divers occasions on the Birth of Christ, His Baptism, various days in Lent, the Ascension, the Trinity, and the Four Beasts.
5. The Book of the Pearl of Great Price.----A doctrinal treatise which discusses the Holy Trinity, the Incarnation, various events in our Lord's Life, the Descent into Hades, the Resurrection, the Ascension, the Second Coming, the Holy Spirit, the Equality of the Holy Trinity.
6. Homilies of Severus, Bishop of Esmunayn on Christian doctrine: (1) on the Three Persons of God and their union, (2) on the Incarnation of the Son and His Crucifixion, (3) on passages of the Pentateuch and Joshua which demonstrate the Glory of the Christian faith, (4) on the Passover (the Lord's Supper), (5) on the warring of demons against the faithful and how they may be conquered, (o) on the glory of the First Day (Sunday), (7) on the Fast of Wednesday and Friday, (8) on fasting, (9) on the death which God conquered on the Cross, (10) on the stability of the orthodox Jacobite faith, (11) exposition of the Songs of Moses and Miriam and other songs, and (12) on the consolation of believers and their patience under affliction. |110
7. Hâymânota Abau (Faith of the Fathers).----This work is fully described by Dillmann in his Catalogue of the Ethiopic MSS. in the British Museum (No. xiv). It was, according to the Preface in the MS. translated from Coptic into Arabic, and afterwards from Arabic into Ethiopic. The work commences with extracts from the Testament of Our Lord and the Didascalia. These are followed by multitudinous extracts from different Fathers commencing with Hierotheus and continuing down to the eleventh century. The Fathers from whom the largest number of extracts on doctrinal points is taken are St. Athanasius, St. John Chrysostom, and St. Cyril of Alexandria. The work ends with a series of anathemas against heresy taken from various sources.
8. The Vision of the Virgin.----This is an Apocalyptic work, similar to the Apocalypse of Baruch (No. 3) which relates a vision seen by the Virgin after her death. Accompanied by her Son she visits the abodes of the blessed and the damned, and learns their rewards and punishments. She tells the vision to John who writes the story. The work was originally written in Greek and was translated into Ethiopic from Arabic. The Ethiopic text has been edited by Chaine in the Corpus Script. Christ. Orientalium (series I, vii).
9. The Book of the Birth of Mary.----This is an Ethiopic version of the work known as the Protevangelium Iacobi. It is extant in Greek, Latin, Syriac and Arabic. The last-named version has not been published. The Ethiopic text has been edited by Chaine in the same volume as No. 8. |111
10. The Book of the Passing of Mary.----This work is similar to the two last named. It is extant in Greek, Syriac and Arabic and has been edited in all these languages. The Ethiopic text was first published by Chaine along with that of the two last-named works.
There exist also in manuscript two of the treatises of St. Epiphanius, the Ancoratus and the Hexaemeron (Aksimaros). The writings of Mar Isaac of Nineveh seem to have been particularly favoured, for they are found in many MSS.
1. 1 Stern, however, says (see Life, etc., by Isaacs, p. 195). 'In physiognomy most of the Falashas bear striking traces of their Semitic origin.' The Falashas themselves trace their descent to the Hebrews who came to Ethiopia with the Queen of Sheba in the time of Solomon.
2. 1 Amharic too is essentially Semitic.
3. 2 Littmann, p. 189.
4. 3 Cf. Noldeke, Die Semitischen Sprachen, p. 68.
5. 4 Four of the consonants (q, h, k, g) have five additional forms to mark the insertion of the letter 'u' between the consonant and its vowel. For example, in the case of 'k' the five additional forms express kua, ktýi, kuâ, kuâ kue.
6. 1 Cf. Noldeke, op. cit., pp. 71-2.
7. 1 The names of the king and his son given in the Ethiopic Senkesar are, Ela-Alada and Ela.....[damage in photocopy]... Basset, Etudes sur l'Histoire d'Ethiopie, p. 220.
8. 1 The three most often mentioned are, Aragâwi (Mikâ'el), Garimâ, Pantalêwon.
9. 1 Most of the later kings of Abyssinia had also two, or even three names, see the extract from the Chronicle of Yohannes I given in chapter vii.
10. 2 According to another account he committed suicide.
11. 1 A list of the most important reigns, with dates, is given in Appendix A.
12. 1 A translation of this Confession is given in Appendix B
13. 1 Yostos, i.e. Justus, 1709-1714.
14. 1 Note that the names are no longer Geez, but Amharic
15. 1 There is a small amount of literature connected with the Falashas or Jews of Abyssinia. Some of this has been published e.g. the Te'ezâza Sanbat (ordinances of the Sabbath) edited by Halevy (Paris 1902).
16. 1 pp. 203 f.
17. 1 Lexicon, Proleg. p. v.
18. 1 See Charles, Book of Jubilees, Introd., p. xxx.
19. 2 Lexicon, Proleg. p. vii.
20. 3 The chapters of the Lausiac History named by Dillmann are xxxix and xl, but in the English translation (S.P.C.K. W. K. Lowther Clarke) they are those numbered xxxii and xxxiii (first section). The second part of the Ethiopic work is also extant in a Greek manuscript at Florence and in a Latin version in the Acta Sanctorum.
21. 1 The latest editor of the Octateuch does not put the date of this manuscript so early, see below, p. 45.
22. 1 This word occurs so often in the titles of books that after this I use merely the abbreviation M.
23. 2 These have been edited by E. A. Wallis Budge, with an English translation (1899 and 1901) under the title the Contending s of the Apostles. It consists of thirty shorter narratives dealing with the preaching and deaths of the apostles and their followers, succeeded by longer Acts of SS. Thomas Peter and Paul.
24. 1 Lexicon, Proleg. p. viii.
25. 1 An example of these is given later on (p. 58 f).
26. 1 A translation of this work forms the main part of the volume entitled the Life and Exploits of Alexander the Great published by E. A. Wallis Budge in 1896. In the same volume are also included (1) those parts of the Histories of Walda Amid, Abu Shâkir, and Joseph ben Gorion which deal with Alexander's life; (2) an anonymous history of Alexander's death; (3) a Christian Romance on Alexander, and (4) the History of blessed men who lived in the time of Jeremiah the Prophet. As these are all translations from Ethiopic, they deserve a notice here.
27. 1 Littmann, p. 218.
28. 2 This Chronicle was edited by Zotenberg. There is an English translation of his text, published by Charles in 1916.
29. 1 See Charles, Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible, i, p. 791.
30. 2 This is no doubt included in Jeremiah, see below, p. 46
31. 1 Unless, as is not likely, the Books of Esra and Nehemiah are counted as one, and the two apocryphal as another, see below, p. 44 (n).
32. 2 Chronicles is obviously counted as one book.
33. 1 An English translation, by E. W. Brooks, has been published by the S.P.C.K. (Translations of Early Documents, Series ii, 1918).
34. 2 See Littmann, p. 203.
35. 1 Littmann, p. 224.
36. 1 Hastings, Dictionary of the Bible, i, p. 792. He mentions also The Book of Malachi, but gives no examples from it. 2 Cf. Littmann, p. 226.
37. 1 These last two Ezra-Nehemiah are published Patr. Or. 13 v., under a title calculated to mislead, namely, the Third Book of Ezra. As the editor, Pereira, points out in his Introduction the writings known as Ezra are in the Ethiopic version classed in three books, 1 Ezra = the Apocalypse of Ezra (our 4 Esdras), 2 Ezra = our 3 Esdras, 3 Ezra = the two Canonical books of Ezra and Nehemiah.
38. 1 The Apocalypse of Ezra had previously been edited by Laurence in 1820.
39. 2 This is included amongst the biblical hymns above mentioned.
40. 1 This runs as follows: 'They will sell him who is above price, and will grieve him who will cure grief, and will condemn him who will forgive sin, and will receive thirty (pieces of) silver, the price of him who was valued whom the children of Israel will sell, and will cast the money into the field of the potter.'
41. 2 Cf. Charles, Apocalypse of Baruch, p. xviii. The best edition of the Greek text is that of J. R. Harris (1889).
42. 1 Introduction, p. ix.
43. 1 Translations of Early Documents, Series I, No. 3
44. 2 Introduction, pp. xxxii-xxxiii.
45. 1 Edition of 1860, vol. ii, p. 484.
46. 2 Liturgies, Eastern and Western, p. lxxv.
47. 1 Liturgies, etc., pp. 189-93 and 228-43.
48. 2 It is also used in a third sense. (Cf. Brightman, Liturgies, etc., p. 579) referring to the 'proclamation of the divine holiness in the tersanctus.'
49. 1 Antient Liturgies, Introduction, p. lvi.
50. 1 Neale and Littledaie in an Appendix to their translations of the Liturgies of SS. Mark, James, etc., have given the words of the Formula of Institution as they occur in all the liturgies known to them. It is interesting to notice that in all, except three, of the Ethiopic Liturgies cited by them the words in the case of the Bread run ' This Bread is My Body, not, This is My Body.'
51. 2 There is also another M. Sâ'atât differing entirely from the one above mentioned. Cf. Wright, Catalogue of the Ethiopic Manuscripts in the British Museum.
52. 1 In this translation I have not attempted to preserve the rhythm of the original.
53. 1 This is not contained in all the manuscripts. Indeed the majority of the manuscripts of the British Museum which have the Qerlos are without the words.
54. 1 They are however allied to certain parts of the Testament of Our Lord.
55. 1That is Newâya Krestos (1344-1370).
56. 2 The two resurrections from the dead refer to the Shunammite's son and the man raised by Elisha's bones. The double parting of the Jordan is not mentioned in the Hebrew Bible. In 2 Kings ii. 14 the Ethiopic version, like the LXX and Vulgate, speaks of a double ' smiting ' of the waters, by Elisha, the first unsuccessful and the second successful.
57. 1 Apart from a copy of it made by Vansleb.
58. 1 p. 243.
59. 2 p. 244.
60. 1 The first part of this name is Amharic and not Ethiopic.
61. 1 To 'eat the flesh' of any one is, according to the idiom of different Semitic languages, to calumniate him.
62. 2 By Francisco Alvarez in the sixteenth century, by Rohlfs in 1870, A. Raffray in 1882, and by G. Simon in 1885.
63. 1 This does not quite agree with the account given in the Senkesar see above, p. 67.
64. 1 That is, Palm Sunday.
65. 2 That is, March to April.
66. 1 That is, from Easter to Pentecost.
67. 2 Ambâ is the name given to the hills of peculiar formation found in Abyssinia. They are of the shape of truncated cones, and are often, as in the case in the text, made into mountain, fortresses.
68. 1 Basset translates this last phrase in an absurd way: 'et d'autres richesses innombrables, sans possesseur.' The Divine name can never mean 'possessor', though one of its component parts may.
69. 2 The amlê was a cake of salt of fixed size used as currency.
70. 3 That is, the members of the royal family of the Solomonic line.
71. 4 The years in the Ethiopic reckoning go in cycles of four, each dedicated to one of the Evangelists. Leap Year belong, to St. Luke.
72. 5 Basset adds in his translation, 'and thirty-two days.' The words are not in the Ethiopic text which he prints.
73. 1 Stern thus describes this class: 'The Debterahs (sic), or scribes, constitute the lowest, but most influential body in the church. These worthies enjoy no ecclesiastical rank, are under no ecclesiastical discipline, and yet no service can be properly performed unless they take part in it. Their chief duty consists in chanting the Psalms and Liturgy, but their uncouth gesticulation and discordant shouting, instead of elevating devotion, tend rather, at least in European estimation, to convert the service of God into a sinful burlesque, and the sanctuary into a bedlam. The scanty learning of the country is exclusively monopolized by this order.' (Life, etc., by Isaacs, p. 182.)
74. 2 There seems to be a play on the words here which I have endeavoured to bring out in translation.
75. 1 This account I have abridged from that given by Littmann who has, in his turn, taken the summary he gives from Bezold's edition of the work (Munich, 1905).
76. 1 Generally known as Menelik.
77. 1 The list of the prophecies is considered to be a later insertion.
78. 1 Littmann, p. 202.
79. 2 pp 219-220.
80. 1 Namely of Ancyra, Kertagena, Gangra, Antioch, Nicaea, Laodicaea, Sardica. If we compare this list of Councils with that in the Sinodos it would seem that by the Council of Kertagena is meant that of Neo-Caesarea.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: intro_to_modern_syriac_grammar.htm
Introduction to a grammar of modern Syriac, Journal of the American Oriental Society 5 (1856) pp.3-8.
Introduction to a grammar of modern Syriac, Journal of the American Oriental Society 5 (1856) pp.3-8.
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.
It is an interesting fact that, although the Nestorians of Persia have for many centuries been conquered and outnumbered, and have had very little share in civil affairs, and their brethren in the Koordish Mountains have enjoyed only a doubtful independence, they have preserved to the present time a knowledge of their vernacular language. In Persia, most of the Nestorians are indeed able to speak fluently the rude Tatar (Turkish) dialect used by the Mohammedans of this province, and those of the mountains are equally familiar with the language of the Koords. Still, they have a strong preference for their own tongue, and make it the constant and only medium of intercourse with each other. This is the more noticeable, as in modern times, until within a short period, they had no current literature, and the spoken, dialect was not even reduced to writing. Their manuscript copies of the Bible and other books were very scarce, and were carefully hid out of sight, covered with dust and mildew. Very few, if any, except the clergy, aspired to be readers, and still fewer were able to read with any degree of intelligence.
The first attempt worthy of record to reduce the Modern Syriac to writing, was made by Rev. Justin Perkins, a Missionary of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, at Tabreez, in the winter of 1834-5, in connection with the study of the language, under the instruction of the Nestorian Bishop Mar Yohannan.
The first attempt to write it in a permanent and useful form, was made by Dr. Perkins in the construction of school-cards, in the winter of 1836, after he and Dr. Grant had settled at Oroomiah. On the 18th of January of that year their first school was commenced. Says Dr. Perkins: "Seven boys |4 from the city attended. They all took their stand in a semicircle around the manuscript card suspended on the wall, which Priest Abraham with my assistance had prepared; and as they learned their letters and then began to repeat a sentence of the Lord's prayer, for the first time, with a delight and satisfaction, beaming from their faces, equalled only by the novelty of their employment, I could understand something of the inspiration of Dr. Chalmers, when he pronounced the Indian boy in the woods, first learning to read, to be the sublimest object in the world."---Residence in Persia, p. 250.
In another connection, Dr. Perkins, speaking of the preparation of the cards for that missionary school, says: "There was no literary matter for its instruction and aliment, save in the dead, obsolete language. I therefore immediately commenced translating portions of the Scriptures from the Ancient Syriac copies, by the assistance of some of the best educated of the native clergy. We first translated the Lord's prayer. I well remember my own emotions on that occasion. It seemed like the first handful of corn to be cast upon the top of the naked mountains; and the Nestorian priests who were with me, were themselves interested above measure to see their spoken language in a written form. They would read a line and then break out in immoderate laughter, so amused were they, and so strange did it appear to them, to hear the familiar sounds of their own language read, as well as spoken. "We copied this translation of the Lord's prayer on cards for our classes. Our copies were few. We therefore hung up the card upon the wall of the school-room, and a company of children would assemble around it, at as great a distance from the card as they could see, and thus they learned to read. We next translated the ten commandments, and wrote them on cards in the same way, and then other detached portions of the Word of God; and thus continued to prepare reading matter by the use of the pen, for our increasing number of schools, until the arrival of our press in 1840. This event was hailed with the utmost joy by the Nestorians, who had long been waiting for the press, with an anxiety bordering on impatience; and it was no less an object of interest and wonder to the Mohammedans. They too soon urgently pressed their suit, that we should print books for them also; and a very respectable young Meerza sought, with |5 unyielding importunity, a place among the Nestorian apprentices, that he too might learn to print. The first book which we printed in the modern language, was a small tract, made up of passages from the Holy Scriptures. As I carried the proof-sheets of it from the printing-office into my study for correction, and laid them upon my table before our translators, Priests Abraham and Dunkha, they were struck with mute rapture and astonishment, to see their language in print: though they themselves had assisted me, a few days before, in preparing the same matter for the press. As soon as recovery from their first surprise allowed them utterance, 'It is time to give glory to God,' they each exclaimed, 'that we behold the commencement of printing books for our people;' a sentiment to which I could give my hearty response."
The first printing in the Nestorian character was an edition of the four Gospels published by the British and Foreign Bible Society in 1829, the type being prepared in London from a manuscript copy of the Gospels obtained from Mar Yohannan, by the eccentric traveller Dr. Wolff, several years before, and taken by him to England for that purpose. This volume is all that has ever been printed in the modern language of the Nestorians, otherwise than by the agency of our mission-press, with the exception of one or two small Papal tracts, published a few years since at Constantinople, with miserable type prepared under the supervision of the Jesuits in that city.
Since the arrival of our press in 1840, it has been busily employed in printing books for the Nestorians, in both their ancient and modern language, mostly in the latter.
Dr. Perkins has furnished the following list of our more important publications, arranged nearly in the order in which they have been issued from the press.
The Psalms, as used in the Nestorian churches, with the Rubrics, in Ancient Syriac. 196 pp. to.
Instructions from the Word of God, in Modern Syriac. (Extracts from the Bible.) 77 pp. 12mo.
The Acts and the Epistles, in Ancient Syriac. vo.
The Great Salvation, a tract in Modern Syriac.
Sixteen short Sermons, in Modern Syriac.
A Preservative from the Sins and Follies of Childhood and Youth, by Dr. Watts, in Modern Syriac.
Aids to the Study of the Scriptures, in Modern Syriac. 109 pp. vo. |6
Scriptural History of Joseph and the Gospel of John, in Modern Syriac. 316 pp. vo.
The Gospel of Matthew, in Modern Syriac. 192 pp. 12mo.
Tracts on Faith, Repentance, the New Birth, Drunkenness, and The Sabbath, by Mr. Stocking, in Modern Syriac.
The Faith of Protestants, in both Ancient and Modern Syriac, in separate volumes. 164 pp. vo.
Scripture Questions and Answers, in Modern Syriac. 139 pp. vo.
First Hymn Book. 10 pp. 12mo.
The Dairyman's Daughter, in Modern Syriac. 136 pp. vo.
Useful Instructions, in Modern Syriac. The Four Gospels, in Modern Syriac. 637 pp. vo.
The New Testament, in both Ancient and Modern Syriac, the translation being made by Dr. Perkins from the Peshito, with the Greek differences in the margin. 829 pp. to.
Scripture Help or Manual, in Modern Syriac. 192 pp. vo.
Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, in Modern Syriac. 712 pp. vo.
Questions on Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, in Modern Syriac. 99 pp.
Second Scripture Manual, and a larger Hymn Book, in Modern Syriac. 131 pp. vo.
The Shepherd of Salisbury Plain, in Modern Syriac. 70 pp. vo.
The Young Cottager, in Modern Syriac. 98 pp. vo.
Smaller Arithmetic, in Modern Syriac. 24 pp. vo.
Larger Arithmetic, in Modern Syriac. 192 pp. vo. By Mr. Stocking.
A Geography, in Modern Syriac. 302 pp. vo. By Dr. Wright.
The Lord's Prayer, Ten Commandments and Catechism for Children, in Modern Syriac. 78 pp. vo.
A Spelling Book, in Modern Syriac. 54 pp. vo.
The Old Testament, in both Ancient and Modern Syriac, the latter being translated from the Hebrew by Dr. Perkins. 1051 pp. large to.
Spelling Book, with Scripture Readings, in Modern Syriac. 160 pp. vo. |7
The Rays of Light, a monthly periodical, devoted to Religion, Education, Science and Miscellanies. Fourth volume now in progress.
In press, an edition of the New Testament in Modern Syriac, and Baxter's Saint's Rest.
Ready for the press, Scripture Tracts, of the American Tract Society, and Green Pastures, an English work, consisting of a text of Scripture, with a practical exposition, for each day in the year.
Our schools have been gradually increasing in number, till the present year. We now have about eighty village-schools and flourishing Male and Female Seminaries. Of course, the number of intelligent readers is rapidly on the increase, and the modern language is assuming a permanent form. It should still, however, be considered as imperfect. It is difficult to give in a precise manner either its orthography, its etymology or its syntax, because the language is not to-day just what it was yesterday, nor just what it will be to-morrow. Until the publication of the Old and New Testaments, there was no standard of usage. It was difficult to say which dialect should have the preference. The same uncertainty in a measure still remains. If we assume that the dialect which is nearest to Ancient Syriac should be the standard, this will necessarily be unintelligible to a large portion of the people. We generally use the language in our books which is spoken on the plain of Oroomiah, unless there are obvious reasons for variation in a particular case.
Rev. Mr. Holladay, one of our missionary associates, prepared a very brief, though excellent sketch of the grammar of the Modern Syriac, about the year 1840. He also aided much in translating works for the press. His health and that of his family obliged him in 1845 to leave us for America, where he still resides, near Charlottesville, Va." 1
Much time has been bestowed on the preparation of the following grammar; although, as it has been written with indifferent health and amid the pressure of missionary duties and cares, it has not been subjected to so thorough revision as it would have been under other circumstances. The Syriac has been written by Deacon Joseph, our translator, |8 who has had much experience in labor of this kind, and is perfectly familiar with the grammar of the Ancient Syriac, My design has been to trace up the language, as now spoken, to the Ancient Syriac, and I presume no reader will complain of the frequent references made to Hoffman's large and valuable grammar. As some may find occasionally Ancient Syriac words written in a manner different from that to which they are accustomed, it may be well to suggest that the Syriac of the Jacobites, which has generally been the Syriac of European grammars, differs somewhat from the Syriac of old Nestorian books. The latter are of course the standard with us.
It may seem unnecessary to some to link in the Hebrew with the Modern Syriac, and I have had myself many doubts about the expediency of doing it. But, considering how many Hebrew scholars there are in America, who would take pleasure in glancing over the following pages, and how few of them are at home in Ancient Syriac, it seemed to me not inappropriate to adopt the course I have. The references to Nordheimer's Hebrew Grammar certainly add little to the size of the work, even if they do not at all increase the interest of the reader.
Every thing serving to develop the Ancient Aramean of these regions is worthy of investigation. And it has occurred to me, as not at all unlikely, that the Nestorians use many words, and perhaps grammatical forms, in their daily intercourse, which have never found their way into grammars and lexicons, and yet are very ancient, and owe their origin to the Aramean, which was once so extensively spoken in Persia and made even the court-language.---Ezra 4: 7, 8.
I at first designed to give in an appendix an outline of the Jews' language as now spoken in this province. It is nearly allied to the Modern Syriac, and Jews and Nestorians can understand each other without great difficulty. But whether these languages had a common origin, within the last few centuries, or whether they are only related through the Ancient Syriac and Ancient Chaldee, we have not yet the means of determining. The discussion of this subject, which is necessarily omitted now, may be resumed hereafter.
D. T. STODDARD.
Oroomiah, Persia, July, 1853.
1. * Mr. Holladay has kindly consented to superintend the printing of this grammar. Comm. of Publ.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: urmiah_appeal.htm
Proceedings, Journal of the American Oriental Society 14 (1890) pp.clxxx-clxxxv
Proceedings, Journal of the American Oriental Society 14 (1890) pp.clxxx-clxxxv
American Oriental Society's Proceedings, Oct. 1889.
17. Account of a Syriac Lectionary; by Dr. Isaac H. Hall, of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City.
This manuscript, brought to this country by Mr. Shedd and owned by him, is a splendid Evangelion, or Lectionary of the Gospel, written in magnificent Estrangela, except the two last pages, which are in Nestoriau script, written smaller to get all the matter in. The dimensions of the page are 13.5 x 10 inches, the book 3 inches thick. Written in two columns to the page, about 19 lines to the column. At present it contains 167 leaves. Bound in old leather-covered wooden boards, the leather marked and stamped in patterns. A few leaves are gone, and the condition of the manuscript is somewhat damaged, but it is a line specimen. It was written at El Qosh, by one Daniel, in the year of the Greeks 1519 (=A. D. 1208), finished in the month Heziran. The date of the Hejra is also given, as 604. Yaballaha was then, as the |clxxxi colophon says, on the apostolic throne of Mar Mari, whose seat was in the cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon. The lessons are according to the order of Rabban Ya'qob, said in the colophon to be in regular use about Mosul. The 'unithe and hymn for each Sunday and festival are given regularly with each lesson. At the end is given a scheme of lessons for all sorts of occasional festivals, as the consecration of bishops, etc. On all accounts it is a very interesting manuscript, and 1 only regret that I have not been able to retain it long enough to allow of giving fuller information. The special convent in which the manuscript was written is called xxxxxxx. In numerous details, especially in the formulas of stating the lessons, the lectionary differs from those I have usually seen. I hope that at sometime either I or some one else may be enabled to present its peculiarities in proper shape.
18. Notes and news on Syriac texts and translations; by Dr. I. H. Hall.
I stated that the History of Rabban Sauma and Mar Yawallaha had been printed, and exhibited a copy. It is published at Paris by Maison-neuve, though printed by Drugulin at Leipzig. Its French title is "Histoire de Mar Jab-Alaha, Patriarche, et de Raban Sauma." The preface is not an affair of any great moment, the editor being one of the Oroomia Lazarists, who has edited sundry other works, some of considerable importance and interest, and generally from a point of view antagonistic to that of the American missionaries, and sometimes, I regret to say, with none too great regard for facts. In this preface he has given a notoriously wrong account of the finding of the MS., though in such a way that it cannot be called intentionally false, and would not be worth noticing if it had not misled such a scholar as Rubens Duval (see his recent notice of the publication in the Journal Asiatique). The fact is that the MS. was discovered by Rabban Yonan, secretary of the patriarch, in one of the churches of Kurdistan, and is known by everybody to be at Kochannis, the seat of the patriarchal residence. The copies at Oroomia and those in America were obtained in the most open way; and it is very difficult to explain, in the light of the facts, the obscurity and mistakes under which the editor of the printed text labors. As the editor says that he has made sundry changes in the text of his MS. copy, it is my purpose, as soon as practicable, to collate my own MS. with his printed text, and examine more thoroughly the quality of his work. The editor says:
"Le livre que je public pour la premiere fois est tellement rare que je n'en connais pas de manuscrit en Europe. C'est a M. Salomon, Lazariste Chaldeen du Kurdistan, que je dois la bonne fortune d'en posseder une copie. Mon confrere, ayant vu ce livre enfere les mains d'un jeune homme de Tekhouma (Kurdistan turc), en reconnut la valeur, et en fit faire une copie a Ourmiah, en Perse, au mois de mars 1887. Le possesseur du manuscrit a depuis disparu avec son livre; et je n'ai eu a ma disposition que la copie qui a |clxxxii ete faite a Ourmiah, sans que j'aie pu rien apprendre sur l'age ou la provenance de l'original."
Now the members of the Society will remember that in October, 1886, I exhibited a copy of the MS., and commented upon it in the " Proceedings." My copy was made in 1886. In the early part of that year, a translation of the MS. was published in the "Rays of Light" at Oroomia, extending through several numbers, so that the matter must have been one of common talk and notoriety. In view of all this, the statements of the editor of the printed text are, to say the least, very remarkable---whatever they may be taken to admit.
The remaining portion of the "Notes and News" was in reality expanded into two papers, which I hope to publish in the Journal in due time. They concern a MS. which I recently received from Oroomia, containing several legends extant in other languages, but not common anywhere, and probably of Egyptian or Ethiopian original, but not otherwise known in Syriac except in this MS. The MS. contains 62 written pages, 19 lines to a page, on paper of about ordinary letter size. Contents: 1. "Narrative of Moses approved in Prophecy" (pp. 1-15), giving a colloquy of Moses with the Lord on Mt. Sinai. 2. "The Letter of Holy Sunday, that descended from heaven upon the hands of Athanasius Patriarch of Rome" (pp. 15-27), being a legend similar in matter to that I published in the Journal, but so differently wrought and worded as to be a different recension. It enables me to correct, however, several false readings and interpretations in my publication of the former recension. 3. "Narrative of the Holy Martyr Giwargis (or, the Martyr St. George), brilliant among martyrs" (pp. 27-49). I am not sure whether I have not read the same matter in print. 4. "Narrative of the father Arsenius, King of Egypt, how Our Lord raised him to life" (pp. 49-55). This is a remarkable legend of Christ's finding a large skull on the Mount of Olives, making it answer his questions and describe a man's experience at death and in the lower regions, and finally restoring it to life. 5. Sundry prayers and ceremonies, with a set of magic rules for divining in cases of sickness---which may be a later relic of the "Babylonian numbers" (pp. 55-62).
Mr. W. A. Shedd, of Oroomiah (son of Rev. J. H. Shedd, D.D.), has brought to the country a couple of very interesting Syriac MSS. One is the Gezza, or service book for all the year except Sundays, festivals, etc. It is a ponderous volume, nearly a foot thick, written in the Nestorian script (of course), on paper, and seems to be from 150 to 200 years old. I cannot at present describe it further. The other is the important lectionary above noticed (No. 17).
19. Scheme for collecting and preserving ancient Syriac texts at Oroomia, by Dr. I. H. Hall.
I desire to speak, with much sympathy and earnest recommendation, of a plan now on foot for gathering up and preserving the manuscript Syriac literature in the neighborhood of Oroomia. When we reflect that a large share of the rich Sachau collection at Berlin was obtained |clxxxiii through the American missionaries, that money has otherwise diverted to Europe what should more naturally have come to America and enriched our libraries here, and that the acquisitions actually in our country have for the most part been rather scattered as curiosities than considered as worth preserving in places lit for scholarly use and reference, it would seem to be time to welcome and aid such an effort. It will best be made known in the words of one of the missionaries, the Rev. Dr. J. H. Shedd:
"The effort is being made by the Missionary College at Oroomia, Persia, to obtain a copy of every work still existing among the Nestorians in the Old Syriac language; also to secure valuable ancient manuscripts.
"These works are fast passing away; some can be bought, others can be copied. Some are very rare works, not found in European libraries. "To secure the funds for this enterprise, twice the original cost is charged to the buyers in this country [America --- including transportation and all expenses abroad]. This gives the College at Oroomia the means to save a manuscript or a copy of every work for its library, and provides at a reasonable rate these rare and ancient works for the libraries of scholars of Europe and America. "About $500 worth have been sold on this plan.
"The price for copying which we charge purchasers is three cents per hundred words. Ordinarily some of the manuscripts [i. e. some of the originals as gathered up from native possessors] are for sale at the same rate. Others are cheaper or dearer as the case may be. The work both of buying and copying involves an immense amount of trouble to those in charge at Oroomia. The copying is done carefully by trained native scribes, and for some works a high price must be paid.
"Any person wishing to obtain manuscripts or copies should address me at Marietta, Ohio [or Rev. B. Labaree at Oroomia, Persia, and Rev. Mr. Shedd at the same place before very long], and indicate what books are desired, and the order will be sent to Oroomia, and in a few months the works will arrive. There are now collected over two hundred different works. There are duplicates ready of many of these in [originally acquired] manuscripts or copies.
"The works embrace: Scriptures; Rituals and Church Books; Commentaries; Works on Theology, Philosophy, Ethics; Legends and Chronicles; over twenty Saints' histories and Martyrdoms; Poetry; Grammars; Collections of History, Stories, Charms, and other miscellany.
"Indicate the class of works you desire, and a full catalogue of that class can be given, with a statement of the duplicates now on hand."
I can say, from having obtained and used various manuscripts procured through the above means, that the copies are good, and the enterprise in every way deserving. (A number of such copies were exhibited and commented upon.) An extract from a former letter of Dr. Shedd will serve for comment; |clxxxiv
"As to the study of the ancient literature, you know the condition of such scholarship is leisure. There was a time when some of the missionaries had some knowledge of the ancient language, but they were not proficient scholars. The work they did in the ancient language was done as I am doing it now, through the native scholars. We have plenty of help, but this does not remove the need of the missionaries being ancient Syriac scholars. For the last 15 or 20 years our force has been always so reduced that no one has had the time to devote to such pursuits. The demand is that our college should be placed on the same liberal basis as the Syrian colleges... Then some one would have the time to study... Till then there is not much hope.
[Here follows a long and interesting statement respecting the study of the ancient tongues, but too much interspersed with private matters to permit transcribing.]
"For three or four years past I have taken much trouble to collect all the ancient Syriac MSS., and save here a copy of every extant work. The result is now a collection of about 200 separate works. We have no funds; but by selling some to seminaries, and by some gifts from the native brethren, giving them a share in the library, by using some college funds, and by personally advancing some, we have quite a library, as you see from the enclosed brief mention. [Dr. Shedd, writing from Oroomia, enclosed me a list of works in lines I had indicated. ]
"The students have learned to copy---some of them beautifully---as you mention in reviewing the MS. of the Chronicles of Mar Yawallaha. What we charge for MS. books sent to America is... [three cents per hundred words]. This leaves a margin of nearly one half; and this pays for our library here. At this rate I can furnish the old MSS. as far as they are on hand, or as we have good copies made of any work in our library. It gives to needy students the means of their working their way. [It only costs about $25 to support a student at Oroomia for a year.] There will be no expense of transportation [from Persia to America] besides.
"The MSS. of Old Testaments or parts are very scarce. So of the New Testament; but if we had the funds, some copies of the New Testament in vellum could be had---at considerable expense, much above the terms above.
"I would like very much to employ a copyist to visit Kochannis and copy any work there which we do not possess. There are some old churches where we could do the same, though it would be impossible to buy the MSS. they have. If you see the way to help in such a work, some rare MSS. I think would be rescued, and we should gradually secure all that really exist, and have copy for our library here besides those sent to America. The catalogue of the British Museum is very poor in Nestorian MSS., rich in the Jacobite. So of most of our libraries."
I feel that to this appeal I can add little but testimony. It is in every way a worthy object, and almost vital to Semitic scholarship in America. A working fund of $500 to $1000 would enable the |clxxxv district of Kochannis to be explored, and its literary treasures to be exhumed and preserved, and all our libraries to be enriched. The copies made at Oroomia are done in a scientific way; first by a skilled penman, who writes beautifully, and then compared and corrected by one or two other hands. Some suggestions I have made once or twice in this regard, as well as regarding the preservation of the ancient colophon of the MS. copied, and other particulars, have been adopted; and we can depend upon the Oroomia copies in a manner we cannot upon those of Arabic and Syriac MSS. made farther west. I have already a number of works in MS. which I do not know of as existing elsewhere ----much less in print. The discovery of the History of Rabban Sauma and Mar Yawallaha, whose importance is now everywhere recognized, is perhaps the greatest item thus or thus far accomplished.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2007. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: arabic_christian_writers.htm
Arabic Christian Writers
Arabic Christian Writers
This page contains a list of Christians whose works exist or were written in Arabic. The page numbers are to Georg Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Litteratur. BOOK 2: ARABIC WRITERS TO THE MIDDLE OF THE 15TH CENTURY
1. MELKITES (pp. 3-93)
Overview 3
Theodor Abu Qurra 7
Doubtful works 16
Works transmitted in Greek 20
Works transmitted in Georgian 20
Spuria 21
Vita of John of Edessa 25
Other anonymous apologetical works prior to the 11th century 26
The Disputation of the monk Abraham of Tiberias 28
Qustā ibn Lūqā 30
Yūhannā (Yahyā) ibn al-Bitriq 32
Eutychius, Sa'id ibn Bitriq (Batriq)
Agapius, Mahbūb ibn Qustantin 36
Atanāyūs 40
Antonius, Abbot of the monastery of St. Simeon 41
Ibrahim ibn Yūhannā al-Antāki 45
Abu 'Ali Nazif ibn Yumn 48
A poem of defamation 49
Yahyā (Yūhannā) ibn Sa'id ibn Yahyā al-Antāki 49
Anonymous Historians 51
Theophilus ibn Taufil 51
Abu 'l-Fath 'Abdallah ibn al-Fadl 52
Translations 53
Original works and anthologies 58
Nikon 64
Taktikon of Constantinople 66
Michael, monk of the monastery of Simeon 69
Caesarius 70
Agathon 71
Michael of Damascus 71
Maximus of Antioch 71
Gabriel from the monastery of Mt. Sinai 71
'Isā ibn Qustantin 71
Abu 'l-Hair al-Mubārak ibn Sarāra 71
Melchite physicians 72
Paulus (Būlus) ar-Rāhib al-Antāki 72
'Afif ibn al-Makin ibn Mu'ammil 78
Al-Fadl ibn 'Isā und Bašir as-Sirri 79
The Disputation of George the Monk 79
Canonists and historians 81
Ibn al-Hidāh 81
Joseph der Aegypter 82
Wahbatallāh Gamāl ad-din 82
Theophilus und Sim'ān al-Antāki 82
Gerasimus 82
Salomon, Sulaimān ibn Hasan al-Gazzi 84
Sulaimān al-Ašlūhi 86
Athanasius, Patriarch of Jerusalem and others 86
Cyrillus al-Lādiqi 89
Nikon of Manbig 89
Simeon of Thessaloniki, translation 89
Stephanus 89
Anonymous theological tractates after the 11th century 90
Moral-ascetical tractates 90
Feast-day and other sermons 91
Exegetical works 92
2. Maronites (pp.94-102)
Qais, the Maronite 94
The book of orthodoxy 94
Thomas, Bishop of Kafartāb
Theodorus al-'Aqūri 100
John, the maronite monk 101
Ignatius, Bishop of Cyprus 101
Ps. -John Maron 101
3. Nestorians (pp.103-219)
Overview 103
The family of Bahtisū' 109
George 110
Bahtisū' 110
Gabriel 110
Bahtisū' 110
Yūhannā 111
Gabriel ibn 'Ubaidallāh 111
Abu Sa'id 'Ubaidallāh 111
'Ali ibn Ibrahim 112
Other translators and secular writers before Hunain 112
Al-Haggāg 112
'Isā ibn Hakam Masih 112
Hārūn ibn 'Azzūr 112
Abu Zakaryā Yūhannā ibn al-Bitriq 112
Yūsuf ibn Ibrahim al-Hābis 113
Abu Zakaryā Yūhannā (Yahyā) ibn Māsawaih 113
Ibrahim ibn 'Isā 114
Timothy I 114
Other church writers of the 9th century 118
Abu Nūh al-Anbāri 118
Abu 'l-Fadl 'Ali ibn Rabbān an-Nasrāni 118
Apologetics writers 118
'Išū ibn Nun 119
Habib, 'Abd Yasū' ibn Bahriz 119
Yahyā ibn Nu'mān 120
Pethion 120
Išo'danāh 121
Yūhannā ibn Narsai 121
Gabriel of Basra 121
Hunain ibn Ishāq 122
Hunain's school 129
Ishāq ibn Hunain 129
Hubaiš ibn al-Hasan 130
Other Christian pupils of Hunain 131
Christian physicians (Nestorian) 131
Elias (Iliyā) al-Gauhari and Elias of Damascus 132
The apology of 'Abd al-Masih al-Kindi 135
The Bahirā legend 145
Ibn as-Salt Yūhannā ibn as-Salt, 149
Hanūn ibn Yūhannā ibn as-Salt 150
John V, Yūhannā ibn 'Isā 151
Abu Bišr Mattā ibn Yūnān al-Mantiqi 153
Various writers of the 10th century 154
Cyriakus al-Harrāni 154
Georg of Mosul 155
Ya'qūb ibn Zakaryā 155
Gabriel ibn Nūh 155
Israel, Bishop of Kaškar 155
Another writer also named Israel 156
Nestorians of the school of the Jacobite Yahyā ibn 'Adi 156
Abu 'l-Hair al-Hasan ibn Suwār 156
'Isā ibn 'Ali 157
Yūsuf ibn al-Buhairi 157
Sabrisū' Bišr ibn as-Sirri 158
Elias I 159
Abu 'l-Farag 'Abdallah ibn at-Taiyib al-'Irāqi 160
Ibn at-Taiyib's exegetical works 162
Dogmatical, ethical and canonistical works 170
Elias of Nisibis 177
Theological works 178
Ethical, canonistical and scientific works 184
Abu Sa'id Mansūr ibn 'Isā 189
Anonymous theological works 189
Al-Mūhtār Yuwānis, Ibn Butlān 191
Abu'l-Hair al-Mubārak 195
Nestorian physicians of the 11th century 195
The Chronicle of Se'ert 195
Maqihā ibn Sulaimān 196
Sa'id ibn Hibatallāh, Ibn Atradi 197
Hibatallāh Amin ad-Daula, ibn at-Tilmid 199
Abu 'l-Hasan Sā'id ibn Hibatallāh, 200
Abu Nasr Sa'id, ibn al-Masihi 200
Sabrisū' ibn al-Masihi 200
Māri ibn Sulaimān 200
Abu Halim Iliyā ibn al-Haditi, 202
Rūbil of Dunaisir 205
Sa'id Mubarak ibn Iliyā 206
Elias al-Bahri 206
Hurmiz ibn Bašir 206
Rašid ad-din 206
Anonymous Tarāgim 206
Other writers 207
Michael 207
Sabrisū' ibn Fūlus 207
Subhān li-Yašū' 207
Isū'yāb ibn Malkūn 208
'Ammār al-Basri 210
Ibn Māri ibn al-Masihi 211
Ibrahim ibn 'Aun 212
Elias, Mutrān 213
Salomon of Basra 213
Denhā 213
Yūsuf, Bishop 214
Ishāq, Monk 214
Ibn al-Quff 214
'Abdišū' (Ebedjesus) 214
'Amr ibn Mattā ibn Bahnām 216
Salibā ibn Yūhannā 217
Authors and writers of uncertain date 219
Thaddāus of Edessa 219
Ibrahim ibn 'Amrū 219
Elias, Bishop of Edessa 219
Anonymous theological works 219
Anonymous liturgical explanations 219
4. Jacobites (pp.220-293)
Overview 220
Habib ibn Hidma Abu Rā'ita 222
Nonnus of Nisibis 226
Cyriakus, Patriarch 227
'Abd al-Masih ibn Nā'ima ibn 'Abdallah al-Himsi 228
Moses bar Kepha 229
John of Dārā 233
Theodosius, Patriarch 233
Yahyā ibn 'Adi. General information. 233
Yahyā ibn 'Adi, contd. Works 239
Various writers of the 10th century 249
Farag ibn Girgis ibn Afrim 249
Abu Zakaryā Denhā 250
Al-Hārit ibn Sinān ibn Sinbāt 251
Basilius of Tiberias 251
Yu'annis ibn aš-Šammā' 251
Abu 'Ali 'Isā ibn Ishāq ibn Zur'a 252
Eustathius 256
Abu Sahl 'Isā ibn Yahyā al-Masihi al-Gurgāni 257
Nagm ad-din abu 'l-'Abbās Ahmad ibn 'Abd ar-Rahmān 259
Muhyi ad-din al-'Agami 259
Abu Nasr Yahyā ibn Garir 259
John X, Yūhannā Yūsa' ibn Šūšān 263
Dionysius ibn as-Salibi 263
Michael the Great 265
John XV, Yūhannā ibn al-Ma'dani 267
Ignatius II 269
Other writers of the 13th century 269
Ya'qūb ibn Sakkā 269
Bahnām as-Sigistāni 269
Ignatius Petrus III 270
Agathos of Homs 270
Ya'qūb al-Māridāni " 270
Abu 'l-Hasan ibn Ibrahim ibn al-Mahrūma 270
Ignatius ibn Wahib 271
Eudoxus of Melitene 272
Gregorius abu l-Farag ibn al-'Ibri, Barhebraeus 272
Translated works. 275
Elias al-Amidi 281
Severus (ibn) at-Tahhān 281
Daniel ibn al-Hattāb 281
Writers of uncertain date 284
Mustafa 'l-Malik abu Yūsuf 284
Abu l-'Farag Giwargis 284
George the monk 284
George, another monk 284
Anonymous exegetical works 284
Pentateuch-Catena 284
History of Thora 289
Explanation of the Gospel-writers 292
5. Copts (pp. 294-468)
Overview 294
Severus ibn al-Muqaffa' 300
History of the Patriarchs of Alexandrien 301
Theological works 306
Abu Ishāq ibn al-Fadlallāh 317
Al-Wādih ibn Raga' 318
'Abd al-Masih al-Isrā'ili 319
Abd al-Masih, Ibn Nūh 320
Abu Sulh Yūnus (Yuwannis) ibn 'Abdallah 320
Christodulus, Patriarch 321
The florilegium "Knowledge of the Fathers" 321
Cyrillus II 323
Michael IV 324
Michael V 324
Makarius, Patriarch, 324
Gabriel ibn Tarik 324
Markus ibn al-Qanbar 327
Michael, Bishop of Dimyāt 333
Simon ibn Kalil ibn Maqāra 336
Anonymous Gospel harmonies 338
Abu Sālih (Sulh) the Armenian 338
Abu 'l-Mukāram Sa'dallāh ibn Girgis ibn Mas'ūd 340
Petrus Severus al-Gamil 340
Abu Bāšir 344
Ar-Rasid abu 'l-Hair ibn at-Taiyib 344
Al-Makin Girgis, Ibn 'Amid 348
Petrus as-Sadamanti 351
Yūsāb, Bishop of Ahmim 356
Paulus al-Būši 356
Cyrillus ibn Laqlaq 360
"The book of the chapter" 367
Yūsāb, Bishop of Fūwah 369
John, Bishop of Samannūd 371
Al-Wagih Yūhannā al-Qalyūbi 375
At-Tiqa ibn ad-Duhairi 378
Ibn Kātib Qaisar 379
Gabriel ibn al-Hāzin 384
Die Aulād al-'Assāl 387
As-Safi abu 'l-Fadā'il ibn al-'Assāl 388
contd. The Nomocanon 398
Al-As'ad abu 'l-Farag Hibatallāh ibn al-'Assāl 403
Al-Mu'taman abū Ishāq Ibrahim ibn al-'Assāl 407
Gabriel 414
Michael, Bishop of Atrib and Malig 414
Faragallāh al-Ahmimi 427
An-Nusū' abū Sākir ibn (Petrus) Butrus ar-Kāhib 428
Chronicon Orientale 434
Abu 'l-Fahr al-Masihi 435
Chronological compilation 436
Abrim, Bishop 436
John, son of Severus 436
Makarius 437
Šams ar-Ri'āsa abu 'l-Barakāt, Ibn Kabar 438
Athanasius, Bishop of Qūs, and anonymous philologists 445
Triadon 446
John ibn Sabbā' 448
Abu 'l-Magd ibn Yuwannis (Yu'annis, Yūnus) 449
Al-Mufaddal ibn abi 'l-Fadā'il 450
Al-Makin Girgis (George) ibn al-'Amid 450
Petrus al-Habbāz 453
A work on the Eucharist 453
Writers of the time of persecution 455
Matthaus, Patriarch 455
Gabriel V 456
Paulus, Bishop of al-Bahnasā 456
Sarkis 457
Raphael 457
Gabriel, Bishop of Marg 457
Myronweihen 457
Anonymous coptic exegetical works 458
Commentary on parts of the Old Testament 458
Introduction to the psalms 458
Introduction to the gospels 461
Explanation of the gospels 461
Introduction to the Corpus Paulinum 462
Commentary on the remainder of the NT 463
Introduction to the Apocalypse 463
Explanations of the Epistle and Gospel readings 464
Anonymous Theological works of the Monophysites (Jacobites and Copts) 465
Anonymous moral-ascetical tractates and homilies of the Jacobites und Copts 467
Appendix (pp. 468-75)
Anonymous works whose denomination is uncertain 468
Biblical 468
Apologetical-polemical works against Islam and the Jews 472
Hagiography 474
Martyrs under Islam 474
Ascetics 474
The story of a learned man and a Chinese settler 475
Agapius
Son of Constantine, arabised as Mahbub ibn Qustantin. Bishop of Manbig (Mabbug, Hierapolis). Contemporary with Eutychius but slightly later. He wrote a World History from the creation to his own times. The last portion, covering the Arab period, only survives in a single manuscript. It ends in the second year of the Caliphate of Mahdi (160 AH, 776-7 AD). The original had the title "Kitab al-'Unwan" or "Book of titles" was continued to 941-2.
For the early history of Christianity, Agapius relied uncritically upon apocrypha and legendary material. For ecclesiastical and secular history after that period he relied on Syriac sources. Foremost among these was the World Chronicle of the Maronite, Theophilus of Edessa (d. 785, according to Baumstark, p.341 f), for the end of the Ummayad and beginning of the Abbasid periods. From the Church History of Eusebius, Agapius used only short extracts. He also used other sources, and so included an otherwise unknown passage by Papias of Hierapolis. He also knew the History of Bardesanes, which Michael the Syrian took, directly or indirectly, from Agapius.
Masriq 12 (1909) 467 f. L. Cheiko, Catal. S. 33., C. Karalevsky in Dict. Hist. Geogr. Eccl. I 899 f.
Editions:
1. L. Cheikho, Agapius Episcopus Mabbugensis, Historia universalis, in CSCO. Scriptores arabici. Textus, Ser. III. t. V. Beirut/Paris (1912). This used Ms. Beirut 3 (16-17 century) and 4 (1819 AD) together with Sarfeh ar. 16/1 (1662 AD). For the last part he used the only manuscript, Florence Palatinus Mediceus or. 132. As a substitute for the lost final portion, he used extracts from al-Makin ibn 'al-'Amid in Ms. Paris ar. 294. See also Masriq 8 (1905) 1051 ff.; Mélanges de la Faculté Orientale VI (Beyrouth 1913) 214-6.
2. A. Vasiliev, Kitab al-'Unwan. Histoire universelle écrite par Agapius (Mahboub) de Menbidj, éditée et traduite. Patrologia Orientalis V.4 (pp.557-692), using Ms. Bodleian ar. christ. Nicoll. 51,1 (Hunt. 478, 1320 AD); Sin. ar. 581, 1 and 456, 6. Continued in PO VII.4 (pp.457-591) and PO VIII.3 (pp.397-550), also reliant on the Florentine ms. for the latter part.
Other manuscripts of the first part exist.
Atanayus (Athenaios)
Along with Agapius of Manbig and Eutychius, al-Masudi (d. 957) lists an Egyptian monk Atanayus (Athenaios) as author of a "History of the Romans and other nations from Adam to Constantine." See Kitab at-Tanbih wal-israj, ed. J. de Geoje, Bibliotheca geographorum arabicorum VIII 154 f. Also B. Carra de Vaux, Maçoudi, Le Live de l'Avertissement et de la Revision. Traduction, Paris 1897, p. 212. Masriq 12 (1909) 484.
There is a world history compiled with extracts from Eutychius and Agapius starting with Heraclius and the advent of Islam in Ms. Sarfeh ar. 16/2, 1 (18th century); see Catalogue p. 480 f.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2007. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: catalogue_syriac_mss_jerusalem.htm
A Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the Library of the Greek Patriarchate of Jerusalem
Dale A. Johnson, A
Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the Library of the Greek Patriarchate of Jerusalem (2007)
Introduction
Old Testament Manuscripts
New Testament Manuscripts
Hymns
Lectionaries
Service Books
Theological Manuscripts
Commentaries
Sermons
Histories
Grammar
Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the Greek Patriarchate of Jerusalem
A Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the Library of the Greek Patriarchate of Jerusalem
by the Rev. Father Dale A. Johnson (Bar Yohanon)
The path to manuscript recoveries is often arduous and fraught with difficulties. But the rewards are beyond one's dreams if oriental patience and diplomacy are employed. No less a path of difficulty and frustration was to be encountered with this collection.
In the Spring of 1984, with the help of Arthur Voobus who had previously seen this collection, I negotiated for a month with the Greek Patriarchate to photograph a few examples of their Syriac manuscripts. After week of waiting and the giving of gifts, I was given brief access to the documents. They were in terrible condition. A few photos of colophons were deposited in the Arthur Voobus Syriac Manuscript collection at the Lutheran School of Theology at Chicago.
Upon my return to Jerusalem in the Spring of 1987 I pursued the possibility of photographing the entire collection. Again I was met with delay and Byzantine tactics. Yet when I was finally given an audience with the secretary to the Patriarch, Father Timothy, he cleared the seemingly insurmountable obstacles. Even for him it was difficult to find a way to allow me to study and record this collection.
We agreed that the collection had to be catalogued. Fr. Timothy negotiated with the librarian who was suspicious to say the least. Yet in spite of initial refusals, Fr. Timothy secured a way for this work to be accomplished.
It is difficult to know, after more than 20 years how much of this collection remains intact. The state of the collection at the time I saw it was very poor and I have not read any report to give me hope that the situation has improved.
Overview of the Manuscripts
The School of Nisibis was founded sometime before 489 AD. Founded by Simeon it was transformed by the arrival of Narsai. Narsai left the School of Edessa, the first Christian University, sometime before 489 AD and migrated to Nisibis through the invitation of Barsauma, Bishop of the city. This virtually insured Narsai's success. A building was purchased and the school moved out of the old facilities. New construction commenced and through the experienced leadership of Narsai the school got off to an extraordinary start.
Both Narsai and Barsauma wrote the rules of the school. From these records we learn that reading, writing, and grammar constituted the core curriculum. Joseph Huzuya wrote the first Syriac grammar under the instruction of Narsai. The theology of the school was driven by the writings of Theodore. The three year course emphasized the historical and literary aspects of scripture rather than the allegorical method used in the West. The teaching involved correct recitation of liturgy and music.
From the origins of the School of Nisibis we see the literary traditions form into the texts that are found in this catalogue.
There are 48 Syriac manuscripts in this body of material. The manuscripts are of a distinctive theological character and period.
The manuscripts range in age from 1251 AD to 1880 AD, although most of the manuscripts are 15th and 16th centuries. The oldest manuscript is a document known as the liturgy for the Feast of Rogations of the Ninivites (MS. 37). The next oldest is a New Testament Text with the expected omission of the books of Revelation and of the four Catholic Epistles dated 1261 AD.
Old Testament Manuscripts
There are four Old Testament records. MS Syr. Gr. Pat. 7 is a Psalter. At the back of the manuscript is a record of prohibitions against Thomas of Harkel's texts. According to this colophon, his text was made at Alexandria in 614 AD. Thomas was a Bishop of Mabbug. His works included commentaries on all the books of the New Testament including the Apocalypse, II and III John, II Peter, and Jude.
The texts of Thomas were heavily Hellenized, perhaps as a revision of a prior work by Philoxenus who translated the Greek into Syriac. The textual tradition squeezed the Syriac into a Greek mold. It crushed the beauty and antiquity of the Semitic forms preserved in the Syriac. One can easily understand the resistance in the East to this nearly complete destruction of the language of the liturgy and scripture at the School of Nisibis.
Another supplement in this manuscript is the record of the words of Mar Aba. He was an extraordinary man born of a Zoroastrian family. He was a student at Nisibis and later in Edessa where he received instruction in Greek. Apparently, he travelled extensively throughout the Byzantine world after his student years. Eventually he returned to Nisibis where he became a famous teacher. When the Catholicos Paul died, he was the choice of the bishops to lead the Assyrian Church of the East. It was a job that demanded political skills. His enemies looked for evidence of Zoroastrian beliefs that would corrupt the pure faith.
During his period of rule many people from the West were transported into the Persian territories as prisoners of war. They were integrated into the Christian communities of Persia such as Gunduk Shapur. In spite of the many problems in this war torn period, Mar Aba was able to convene a Synod in 544 AD. According to records he may have been under house arrest at this time. Zoroastrian leaders of Persia were hostile to Christians. But with Mar Aba, even though he was under house arrest, he was able to carry on some of his duties. The Magi did ask him to recind the church laws regarding marriage and evangelism. Mar Aba refused.
In 548 AD an assassination attempt was made upon his life by an excommunicated member. There is record of an excommunication of Abraham, son of Audmir, who did not repent and was deprived of all his former religious privileges. The excommunication order is signed by Mar Aba and eight other bishops. Due to the attempt on his life, he was moved to Selucia where he was a guest of the Royal Court much to the protests of the Magi priests. Mar Aba was used by the Royal family to help suppress a revolt from Anoshazad in Beth Lapat. For this service the King seems to have freed Mar Aba who later died in 1552 AD.
The next Old Testament manuscript is Syr. Gr. Pat. 15. It too is a Psalter. The name of a nun appears in the document. Bart Balgana but no record of her existence can be found in any other source even though we have female saints listed in such manuscripts such as Cod. Sinaiticus, a palimpsest, titled, Lives of Female Saints. More than likely she is the copyist of this text.
A third Old Testament manuscript on the minor prophets, Syr. Gr. Pat. 20, may be of special interest for its extra-canonical material. The story of Bel and the Dragon appears in the manuscript. This story is about an episode in the life of the Prophet Daniel. Daniel challenged the King and the priests of Bel to a contest. Daniel fed the Dragon of Bel and caused it to burst and thereby Daniel claimed victory. Then with the help of Habakkuk he suppressed a revolt of the people. The story captivated the minds of the early church. Its Aramaic quality flowed through the life and culture of the Syriac speaking world. The document has implications for linguistic and biblical studies.
The fourth Old Testament manuscript in this body of materials is Syr. Gr. Pat. 25. This also is a Psalter. The Psalms of David were important in the devotional life of the church and as such frequently appears in church collections.
New Testament Manuscripts
Syr. Gr. Pat. 1 is perhaps the most important manuscript in this collection. Its appearance deepens our understanding of the Syriac textual tradition. The text is an Old Syriac form that emerged prior to the Peshitta, a late th century document that became the standard New Testament text of the Syriac speaking churches. We know that Old Syriac was used by Ephraim, Aphrahaat. Also Eusebius clearly uses this text in his Theophania of 333 AD. Arthus Voobus believes that its origin "probably belongs to the third century." Burkitt suggested 200 AD but was challenged by LaGrange who placed the Vetus Syrus at the beginning of the th century.
general it can be said that the text emerges sometimes in the rd century. It could not have been created prior to 170 AD when Tatian is generally believed to have written the Gospel of Harmony known as the Diatessaron (and also in other places). The Old Syriac is a synthesis of the Diatesseron and the Four-Gospel form.
The Old Syriac text was known as the Mepharesshe, the separated gospels. This title was preserved by the copiest of Syr. Gr. Pat. 1. Until the appearance of this text, only two other Old Syriac manuscripts of this text type were known, the Curetonian and the Sinaiticus. Because the manuscript is in a lectionary format it has escaped the attention of western scholars. Since the appearance of this text in the Greek Patriarchate, a few other manuscripts have been found to harbor Old Syriac text types, such as a lectionary at Mor Gabriel Monastery and another from one of the churches in Tur Abdin. Its microfilm is housed at the Lutheran Institute for Syriac Studies. Furthermore, because the manuscript has resided in a Greek monastery, this is another reason it has escaped notice.
Manuscripts Syr. Gr. Pat. 26 and 40 are pericopes of New Testament texts. They should be of enormous interest as they contain catena and references to other text types and variants.
Hymns
There are eight hymnbooks in this collection. Syr. Gr. Pat. 2 features several important hymn writers. Gabriel of Mosul was the founder of the Upper Monastery in Mosul. Founded before Gabriel's death in 739 AD, it became the center for a major liturgical reform. The movement was as significant in scope and importance as was the Franciscan Latin reform of 1250 AD. Also the hymns of Giwargis Warda are listed. Giwargis wrote his hymns in the first part of the 13th century.
In Syr. Gr. Pat. 23, Mar Ishoyab of Beth Arbaye is mentioned. He instituted a Synod in 585 AD late in his administration. Due to war and theological battles, Ishoyab was plagued by conflict. On the one side, Khusro II aligned himself with Emperor Maurice in order to overthrow the Persian throne. The studied neutrality of Ishoyab caused deep resentment from Khusro. On the other side was the famed teacher Henana of Nisibis who complained about the theology of Isoyab and the Assyrian Church of the East. Still, Isoyab was able to write important documents in the midst of these conflicts.
Syr. Gr. Pat. 31 is another example of a hymnbook of the same type as the previously mentioned two. Here we have the name of Bardaisan, the father of Syriac poetry and contributor to the development of the Syriac language. Bardaisan was bishop Edessa in 154 AD and he is best known for his Hymns Against Heresies and Prose Refutations.
Syr. Gr. Pat. 38 are the hymns of Giwargis Warda exclusively. His works are interesting in light of the fact that he quotes from the Old Testament. Thus, in the 13th century, there is a line of transmission through this manuscript of an ancient strata of literature.
Hymnbook Syr. Gr. Pat. 5 is a lectionary companion. It was to be used in conjunction with the daily scripture lections. Designated hymns were ordered according to the days of the year.
Hymnbook Syr. Gr. Pat 28 is ordered according to the eight tones. For students of liturgy and musicology it may hold important clues to the historical development of these areas of research.
Lectionaries
There are three lectionaries in the collection. Syr. Gr. Pat. 3 is a daily lectionary and a product of late lectionary development.
Syr. Gr. Pat. 4 may be of more value as it includes much information about the Holy Feasts of the year.
Syr. Gr. Pat. 6 includes a menologion with the lectionary. Materials relating to saints of the church are buried within this enormous tome.
Service Books
This is the biggest category of the collection. Syr. Gr. Pat. 13 is a service book for the priest. Syr. Gr. Pat. 16 is a service book for vespers. Likewise Syr. Gr. Pat. 18 is a prayerbook for the mornings of various feasts. It is interesting to note that the author of this document is the famous grammarian Eliya bar Shinaya.
Syr. Gr. Pat. 19 is a servicebook for Easter/Passover. Both 18 and 19 have residual Jewish characteristics that show through. From the earliest times, Eastern Christianity bore the mark of Jewish origins. The Chronicle of Arbela list a number of bishops who have Jewish names. Addai, who is said to be the founder of the Christian church in Edessa, met with the Jew Tobias upon his arrival in the city. Later the heads of the schools in Edessa and Nisibis are called Rabban. It seems that a symbiotic link between the synagogue and the church in diaspora is a primary characteristic of Christianity in the East.
Two other manuscripts reflect the deep impression cast by monastic communities. Syr. Gr. Pat. 21 and 28 are service books for monks. The first one is a liturgy. Monks conducted worship for the laity. This often was a source of conflict between the priests and monks. At times, the clergy scolded the laity for seeking spiritual enrichment and even the sacraments from monks. Driven by a love for God, and the failure of the clergy to serve their needs, the laity often abandoned the clergy directed services on Sunday for the sanctity of monastic worship. A canon of 585 AD states that the laity are forbidden to neglect Sunday services and festivals but they are allowed to visit monks during the weekdays.
Some monks were called Bet Qayama, Sons of the Covenant, and likewise female solitaries were called Daughters of the Covenant. They were the spiritual athletes and preservers of the true way. The clergy, on the other hand, tended to be worldly and despotic in the eyes of the laity. Thus, there were many battles for liturgical leadership as evidenced in the Synod canons.
Syr. Gr. Pat. 24 contains three documents. The first document is a loyalty oath for monks. This must have been demanded from various Kings as eastern Christians were plagued by invading armies in nearly every generation. This document is followed by a section of psalmody. Finally, the third part is a list of the sayings of John bar Penkaye who wrote a remarkable history of the world.
Manuscripts Syr. Gr. Pat. 27 and 29 are prayer books. MS. 27 has general prayers while MS. 29 contains evening prayers similar to Syr. Gr. Pat. 16. Syr. Gr. Pat. 35 is a service book for priests. This text is undated and its value is limited although it appears to probably not much earlier that the 17th century.
The oldest manuscript is Syr. Gr. Pat. 37. Writings about the Rogation of the Ninivites is a major portion of the document. Students of Syrian Liturgy may find this volume especially useful. Also Syr. Gr. Pat. 44 and 50 are special services. MS. 44 is a monastic service of procession and MS. 50 is a service of blessing for children.
Syr. Gr. Pat. 43 is another service book of prayer for evening which is the third such manuscript of this type.
Syr. Gr. Pat. 48 is a funeral service for priests.
Theological Manuscripts
There are six theological manuscripts. They reveal the primary doctrines and dogmas of the Assyrian Church of the East. Syr. Gr. Pat. 8 is the most definitive of the records. Syr. Gr. Pat. 36 and 42 indicate how people are to enter into religious vocation. These guides are titled "The Teaching of the Orders."
Manuscript Syr. Gr. Pat. 39 and 46 are documents on Christology. These reveal understandings of the nature of Christ from his incarnation to his Resurrection.
Commentaries
There are two commentaries in this collection. Both are of considerable importance.
Syr. Gr. Pat. 10 is a commentary of Ishodad of Merv, a 9th century east Syrian exegete. His quotations should be of special interest to those engaged in the study of this important saint. Recovery of Old Syriac texts and perhaps even diatesseron material may await discovery.
Syr. Gr. Pat. 34 is a major discovery of Emmanuel of Mosul who wrote the Hexameron, which has escaped serious attention because of the paucity of manuscripts. This is a poetic commentary on the six days of creation. Many Church Fathers wrote extensively in this area: Rabban Gabriel of Katar, Mar Aba, Basil, Babai, Theodore of Mopsuestia, and others.
Sermons
There are three sermon manuscripts in the collection. The first one is by Abdisho who wrote a catalogue of Syriac works. This is an invaluable document for without it we would not be able to identify some manuscripts. Syr. Gr. Pat. 11 allows us to view the theological landscape of this scholar's mind.
The second book of sermons is also by Abdisho. We can see that his mind was directed to the great personalities of scripture. John the Baptist, Peter and Paul, the Evangelists, and Stephen are the subjects of his homilies. They are written after the manner of Harmonius and Ephrem who created powerful sermonic traditions of metrical writings.
The third and final sermon book is a set of funeral sermons. There are from an unknown author and from an unknown time. The colophon is missing.
Histories
There are two history manuscripts. The first is a remarkable document that includes twenty-three accounts of various saints, evangelists, and martyrs. It does include a section on the words of Jesus also.
Most notable is a text on Rabban Khormizd who was immortalized by monk Shemon in his History of Rabban Khormizd. Professor Voobus writes, In every instance where he presents the Gospel text we meet with readings taken from the Old Syriac Gospel type. A careful study of this phenomenon should be checked in this manuscript Syr. Gr. Pat. 17.
Syr. Gr. Pat. 22 is important for our understanding of the history of the Assyrian Church of the East. Of special importance is a study on the life of Theodore of Mopsuestia in this work.. He was the teacher and primary influence on Nestorius.
Grammar
There is one grammar. Syr. Gr. Pat. 30 was written by Elias bar Shinaya. Elias lived during the 11th century in the autumn of the Syriac age.
Syriac literature falls into three periods. The first ended with the schism between western and eastern syriac churches over the writings of Nestorius. He was condemned in 431 AD. The closing of the school at Edessa was the final blow that eliminated any hope of compromise on theological grounds in 489 AD. With the rise of the school of Nisibis slightly before the th century and extending into the Islamic period until the end of the millennium constitutes the second period. Clearly, Syriac developed into two distinct dialects and grammars. The third period opens with Bar Hebraeus, Elias Tirhan, and Elias bar Shinaya. In this period Arabic gains some influence over Syriac. Nevertheless, linguistic achievements rose to supreme heights at the very point where the living language was gasping for breath.
Elias bar Shinaya formalized the East Syrian dialect along with his contemporary Elias Tirhan. The grammar in this collection was copied within one hundred years of its origin. It appears to be the oldest known copy of Elias' grammar.
Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the Greek Patriarchate of Jerusalem
Syr. Gr. Pat. 1
Size: 58x40 cm
Pages: 124
Title: Holy Scriptures of the Reverend Gospels, the Mepharreshe
Comment:Preserves a strata of Old Syriac quotations.
Date: 1679 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 2
Size: 31x20 cm
Pages: 167
Title: Hymns
Comment: Hymns contain hagiographal material on Giorgi Barda, Kamis bar Kardaki, and many others.
Date:?
Syr. Gr. Pat. 3
Size: 31x20 cm
Pages: 449
Title: The Final Liturgy and Scriptures that are being offered Each Day of the Year
Comment: Lectionary and Service book combined. Appears to have been made in Mardin.
Date: 1560 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 4
Size: 29x18 cm
Pages: 363
Title: Treasury of Days of Feasts of the Administration and Memorials that are on Fridays that are conducted throughout the whole year in homes and churches.
Comment:
Date: 1586 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 5
Size: 26x20 cm
Pages: 162
Title: Liturgy of Anthems (Kudrah) Ordered according to the Days
Comment:
Date: 1711 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 6
Size: 26x20
Pages: 552
Title: Treasury of Supreme Feasts and Memorials of processions of All the Year
Comment: Festival Breviary
Date: 1645 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 7
Size: 22. x17 cm
Pages: 143
Title: Writings of the Sayings of the Blessed David King and Prophet, Heart of the Lord with Divine Prohibitions to Mat Thomas Issuer of the Holy Scriptures and the Memorials of the Statements to Mar Aba Catholicos.
Comment:
Date: 1588 AD with and addition dated 1724 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 8
Size: 26x16 cm
Pages: 132
Title: Kephalia, that is to say the chief doctrines of the learned and studious.
Comment: This is a theological and doctrinal text.
Date: 1554 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 9
Size: 25x17 cm
Pages: 250
Title: The New Testamentv
Comment: All books but Revelation, Jude, II and III John and II Peter.
Date: 1261 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 10
Size: 25x16 cm
Pages: 191
Title: Light on Difficult verses that are in the Holy Scriptures that makes the Pardon of God by Ishodad the Bishop of Hdatta of Syria
Comment: This is Ishodad of Merv
Date: 1380 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 11
Size: 25x17 cm
Pages: 138
Title: Writing of the Paradise of Eden the planting and arrangement in the metrical sermons of Abdisho bar Berikha appointed Metropolitan of Nisibis and Armenia
Comment: Abdisho was a teacher of exegesis and a librarian. [Also known as Ebed Jesu]
Date: 1458 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 12
Size: 24x17 cm
Pages: 154
Title: Writings on the Incarnation of Jesus Christ, John the Baptist, the Apostles Peter and Paul, the Evangelists and Stephen
Comment: by Abdisho
Date: 1458 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 13
Size: 22x15 cm
Pages: 170
Title: Topikon (the Pattern)
Comment:
Date: 1710 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 14
Size: 22x15 cm
Pages: 169
Title: Throne of the Departed
Comment:
Date: 1710 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 15
Size: 20x15 cm
Pages: 192
Title: Psalter
Comment: the nun Saltana Bart Balgana appears in the colophon
Date: 1593 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 16
Size: 14x17 cm
Pages: 194
Title: Chant of the Night and the Dark Evening for the whole year being called Kaskoul
Comment:
Date:?
Syr. Gr. Pat. 17
Size: 20x15 cm
Pages: 466
Title: Histories
Comment: Histories include the Lives of the 40 Martyrs, History of Joseph, Life of Jacob, Mark the Father, the Martyr Ina, the Holy Philip, Job, the Prophet Jonah, the Words of our Lord Jesus Christ, the History of John the Evangelist, Visions of John the Evangelist, the Martyr Maurikios, the Holy Martyr Eugenius, Rabban Kormizd, the Holy Martyr Anastasius, the Martyr Shamoun and his Son.
Date: 1612 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 18
Size: 22x15 cm
Pages: 276
Title: Prayer of the Morning of the Hebrew Feasts According to Mar Elias the Third Catholicos.
Comment: This document may be from Eliya bar Shinaya who for more than 40 years occupied the seat of the Metropolitan of Nisibis and died after the year 1049 AD. He ruled after the downfall of the caliphs. The resulting wars left the Christian populations devastated and lost to Islam.
Date: 1657 AD.
Syr. Gr. Pat. 19
Size: 21x15 cm
Pages: 176
Title: Liturgy According to the Feast of the Passover
Comment: Note the Semitic character of the feast.
Date: 1660 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 20
Size: 20x17 cm
Pages: 158
Title: Writings of the Prophets
Comment: Includes Hosea, Joel, Amos, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Bel and the Dragon
Date:?
Syr. Gr. Pat. 21
Size:22x16 cm
Pages: 302
Title: Liturgy of the Reading of the Monks
Comment:
Date: 1593 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 22
Size: 21x16 cm
Pages: 114
Title: Of the Holy Apostles, of Holy Theodore of Mopsuestia, of the Holy Nestorians
Comment:
Date: 1655 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 23
Size: 20x15 cm
Pages: 180
Title: Hymns
Comment: Include hymns of Gabriel, Kamis, Ishoyab Metropolitan of Arbeya, Avia Bar Avali, Giwargis Warda, and Isaac
Date: 1610 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 24
Size: 20x14 cm
Pages: 148
Title: The Pledge for the Monk about the Body and Soul. The Sayings of Solomon the Son of King David the Prophet. Also the Writings of John of Mosul and the Profitable Sayings of Mar John Bar Pankeya.
Comment:
Date: 1649 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 25
Size: 18x13 cm
Pages: 141
Title: Psalter
Comment:
Date: 1656 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 26
Size: 18x13 cm
Pages: 148
Title: Pericopes of Scripture
Comment:
Date: 1550 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 27
Size: x13 cm
Pages: 239
Title: Prayers
Comment:
Date: 1587 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 28
Size: 17. x13.5 cm
Pages: 512
Title: Hymnbook of Eight Tones
Comment:
Date:?
Syr. Gr. Pat. 29
Size: 17. x13.5 cm
Pages: 131
Title: Synopsis
Comment: This document is called Kashkool in Syriac
Date: 1571 AD
Syr. G r. Pat. 30
Size: 18x13 cm
Pages: 328
Title: Grammer of the Syriac Language
Comment: Written by Elias bar Shinaya on of the most important East Syriac grammarians.
Date:?
Syr. Gr. Pat. 31
Size: 18x13 cm
Pages: 279
Title: Hymns
Comment: Gabriel Metropolitan of Mosul, Kamis, Barda, Maram Issac of Sabdanai, Ephraim, etc. The manuscript appears to have been copied in Nisibis.
Date: 1512 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 32
Size: 18x13 cm
Pages: 183
Title: Teaching of the Orders
Comment:
Date: 1611 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 33
Size: 17x13 cm
Pages: 224
Title: New Testament
Comment: John of the Jacobite Monastery
Date: 1608 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 34
Size: 18. x13.5 cm
Pages: 214
Title: Book of the Four concerning the Six Days with the word of the Administration in the Twenty Eight Sayings - propositions of the servant Emmanuel.
Comment: The work of Emmanuel of Mosul or Emmanuel ash-Shammar. This document is sometimes known as the Hexaemeron composed in heptasyllabic meter. The oldest known text was Ms. Br. Mus. Or. 1300 dated 1685 AD. Now we can push back the date 400 years.
Date: 1289 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 35
Size: 18x13 cm
Pages: 319
Title: Throne of the Shroud of the Priests, Ministers, Bishops, and Monks, and the Patriarch and the Remnant of the Sons of the New
Comment:
Date:?
Syr. Gr. Pat. 36
Size: 18x13 cm
Pages: 187
Title: Teaching of the Orders
Comment:
Date: 1683 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 37
Size: 16x12 cm
Pages: 205
Title: The Writing of the Sayings of the Rogation of the Ninivites. Also various materials: Ephrem, etc.
Comment: This is a fast of three days three weeks before Lent.
Date: 1251 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 38
Size: 18x13 cm
Pages: 138
Title: Anthems of the teacher Giwargis Warda
Comment: Other notable manuscripts of Warda are found in MS. Camb. Add. 1982 and Vat. Syr. 184. He wrote his poems in the first part of the 1200's.
Date:?
Syr. Gr. Pat. 39
Size: 16x12 cm
Pages: 164
Title: The Teaching of the Incarnation of Jesus Christ and the Theophany.
Comment:
Date: 1542 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 40
Size: 15x10 cm
Pages: 304
Title: The Inscriptions and Pericopes of the New Testament
Comment:
Date: 1531 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 41
Size: 16x12 cm
Pages: 140?
Title: The End of the Consolatory Discourses.
Comment:
Date:?
Syr. Gr. Pat. 42
Size: 15x10 cm
Pages: 178
Title: Teaching of the Orders.
Comment:
Date:?
Syr. Gr. Pat. 43
Size: 16x10 cm
Pages: 164
Title: Text of the Ordinary Evenings, that is to say, before and after all requisites.
Comment:
Date: 1597 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 44
Size: 14x10 cm
Pages: 174
Title: Liturgy of the Priest like the Liturgy of the Journey in the Monastery of Elias from Mosul
Comment:
Date: 1670 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 45
Size: 15x10 cm
Pages: 170
Title: (misc.)
Comment:
Date: 1579 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 46
Size: 15x10 cm
Pages: 189
Title: His Deeds and Resurrection
Comment:
Date: 1576 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 47
Size:?
Pages: 115
Title: Writings of Rabban Enanisho and Rabban Konan
Comment: Enanisho was a monk of the Monastery of Izla and later Beth Abhe. This prolific monk had both philological and philosophic interests. Sometime during the leadership of Catholicos Giwargis (658-680) he was commissioned to organize monastic documents of a didactic and historical charater. He was most famous for his text "Paradise of the Fathers."
Date: 1880 AD
Syr. Gr. Pat. 48
Size: 14x10 cm
Pages: 170
Title: Memorial for the Priests
Comment:
Date:?
This text was transcribed by Fr. Dale Johnson, 2007. The author has kindly placed this file and all material on this page in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: abdisho_bar_brika_syriac_writers_01_text.htm
'Abdisho bar Brika (Ebed-Jesu), Metrical Catalogue of Syriac Writers. From G.P.Badger, The Nestorians and their rituals (1852) vol. 2, pp.361-379
'Abdisho' bar Brika (Ebed-Jesu), Metrical Catalogue of Syriac Writers. From G.P.Badger, The Nestorians and their rituals (1852) vol. 2, pp.361-379
INDEX OF BIBLICAL AND ECCLESIASTICAL WRITINGS,
Drawn up by Mar Abd Yeshua, Metropolitan of Nisibis and Armenia, A.D. 1298.
In the strength of Thy help, O Lord, and aided by the prayers of all the eminently righteous, and of the Mother of great name, I write an excellent treatise, in which I shall enumerate the Divine Scriptures, and all the ecclesiastical writings of ancient and modern times. I shall moreover record the names of the authors of the different books, and the subjects of which they treat; and, depending upon God, I begin with Moses.
[PART FIRST.]
[Old Testament Scriptures.]
Genesis.
Exodus.
Leviticus.
Numbers.
Deuteronomy.
Joshua.
Judges.
Samuel.
Kings.
Chronicles.
Psalms.
Proverbs.
Ecclesiastes.
Cautica.
Wisdom.
Jesus the son of Sirach.
Job.
Isaiah.
Hosea.
Joel.
Amos.
Obadiah.
Jonah.
Micah.
Nahum.
Habbacuc.
Zephaniah.
Haggai.
Zechariah.
Malachi.
Jeremiah.
Ezekiel.
Daniel.
Judith.
Esther.
Susanna.
Ezra.
Daniel the Less, probably comprising the Song of the Three Children, and Bel and the Dragon.
Baruch.
Maccabees.
Tobit.
Moses wrote the Law in five books, viz.: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy. After these follow the book of Joshua the son of Nun, Judges, Samuel, the book of Kings, the Chronicles, the Psalms of David, the Proverbs of Solomon, Ecclesiastes, the Song of Songs, the Great Wisdom, the Wisdom of the son of Sirach, Job, Isaiah, |362 Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habbacuc, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel, Judith, Esther, Susanna, Ezra, Daniel the Less, the Epistle of Baruch, the Traditions [or Expositions] of the Elders, Josephus the historian, the book of Proverbs, the Narrative of the sons of Solomona, the Maccabees, an account of Herod the king, the book of the destruction of the latter Jerusalem by Titus, the book of Asenath the wife of Joseph the son of Jacob the righteous, and the book of Tobias and Tobit the Israelites. 1
[PART SECOND.]
[New Testament Scriptures.]
Matthew.
Mark.
Luke.
John.
Acts of Apostles.
Epistle of James.
Epistles of Peter.
Epistles of John.
Epistles to the
Romans.
1 Corinthians.
2 Corinthians.
Galatians.
Ephesians.
Philippians.
Colossians.
1 Thessalonians.
2 Thessalonians.
1 Timothy.
2 Timothy.
Titus.
Philemon.
Hebrews.
Having enumerated the books of the Old Testament, we shall now record those of the New Testament. First, Matthew wrote in Palestine, in the Hebrew tongue. After him comes Mark, who wrote in Latin at Rome. Luke, in Alexandria, spoke and wrote in Greek. John also wrote his Gospel in Greek at Ephesus. The Acts of the Apostles were written by Luke to Theophilus; and the three Epistles of James, Peter, and John, were written in all languages, and called Catholic. Besides these there are fourteen Epistles of the great Apostle Paul, viz., the Epistle to the Romans, written from Corinth; the First Epistle to the Corinthians, written from Ephesus and sent by the |363 hands of Timothy; the Second to the Corinthians, written from Philippi of Macedonia the great, and sent by the hands of Titus; the Epistle to the Galatians, written at Rome, and sent by the same person; the Epistle to the Ephesians, also written at Rome, and sent by Tychicus; the Epistle to the Philippians, written at the same place, and sent by the hands of Epaphroditus; the Epistle to the Colossians, written at Rome, and sent by Tychicus the true disciple; the First Epistle to the Thessalonians, written at Athens, and sent by the hands of Timothy; the Second to the Thessalonians, written at Laodicea of Pisidia, and sent also by Timothy; the First Epistle to Timothy, also written from Laodicea of Pisidia, and sent by the hands of Luke; the Second to Timothy, written from Rome, and sent by the hands of Luke, the Physician and Evangelist; the Epistle to Titus, written at Nicapolis, and sent by the hands of Epaphroditus; the Epistle to Philemon, written at Rome, and sent by Onesimus, the slave of Philemon; the Epistle to the Hebrews, written in Italy, and sent by the hands of Timothy, the spiritual son. And the [Harmony of the] Gospels, called the Diatesseron, collated by a man of Alexandria named Amonis, who is Tatian.
[PART THIRD.]
[Writings of Western Fathers.]
The following were written by disciples of the Apostles: the book of Dionysius, the heavenly philosopher; the book of Clemens, one of the Seventy; the Narratives of Peter, Paul, and John, and the other Apostles; and the Apostolic Constitutions.
Africanus the Happy, Bishop of Emmaus, wrote a Commentary on the New Testament and a Chronicon. |364
Hippolytus, Bishop and Martyr, wrote a book on the Life and Actions of Christ, an Exposition of Daniel the Less and Susanna, also Sentences against Gaius, an Introduction on the Advent of Christ, and an Exposition of the Gospel of S. John.
Damasus, Bishop of Rome, wrote an account of the Faith, and drew up several Canons, as did also Ignatius.
Symmachus is mentioned by the Expositor [Theodorus of Mopsuestia] as having written several works, one of which is entitled the Distinction of the Commandments.
Eusebius of Caesarea wrote a history in two volumes, a treatise on the Divine Advent, a Chronicon, a book solving the contradictions contained in the Gospels, another entitled a Picture of the World, an account of Constantine and of the Martyrs of the West, and an epic poem in their praise, a narrative of a drought of rain, and a defence of Origen which was condemned by Theodorus.
Athanasius the Great, Patriarch of Alexandria, wrote many epistles and treatises on the orthodox faith, an account of his flight, and a narrative of S. Anthony, which was sent by him to Epictetus.
Basil the Great wrote a work on the Six days of Creation, besides many other dissertations, narratives, and epistles.
Gregory of Nyssa wrote many treatises, among which are an Exposition of the Lord's Prayer and of the Beatitudes, a book of poems, a dissertation on the Resurrection, a dissertation on the Creation of Man which he sent to his sister, another on Natural Philosophy, one against the Gentiles, an exposition of the Song of Solomon in two volumes, and a treatise on the soul.
Gregory Nazianzen the Great wrote five volumes, and a collection of Poems, several Essays for Caesar, a work called Tragoedia, and a book against the Theopaschites.
John Chrysostom wrote an exposition of the Gospels of SS. Matthew and John, each consisting of two volumes, an Exposition of the Apostolic writings, a book on the Priesthood, another on Baptism, a treatise against the Jews, a book on the Monks of Egypt, a book of Consolations, a treatise on |365 Repentance, a treatise written to Justinian, another to Mitidus the Bishop, another on Generations, besides many epistles on various subjects.
Diodorus of Tarsus wrote sixty books, most of which were burnt by the Arians; among those remaining are the book entitled the Division of Food, one written against Chaldeanism, one against the Eunomians, another against the Manicheans, another against Apollinaris, and an exposition of a portion of S. Matthew's Gospel.
Theodorus the Expositor wrote forty-one volumes containing one hundred and fifty prophecies, each prophecy divided into thirty chapters. He also wrote a theoretical and practical exposition of Genesis in three books, which he sent to Elipia the great; an exposition of the Psalms in five books, sent by him to Cedron and his brother; an exposition of the Twelve Prophets in two volumes for Maurice; an exposition of Samuel in one book, which he sent to Marius; an exposition of Job, sent to Cyril of Egypt; an exposition of Ecclesiastes in one book, written at the request of Porphyry; also an exposition of Isaiah, Ezekiel, Jeremiah, and Daniel, each in one book. These were his labours on the Old Testament.
On the New Testament, he wrote an exposition of S. Matthew to Julia in one book, and another of SS. Luke and John, in two books, to Eusebius; an exposition of the Acts in one book, to Basil; on the Epistle to the Romans, also to Eusebius; on the Epistles to the Corinthians, in two books, at the request of Theodora; and on the Epistles to the Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, and Colossians, for Staurachius. The Epistles to the Thessalonians he expounded for Jacob, and the two Epistles to Timothy for Peter, and those to Titus and Philemon for Corinne, and the Epistle to the Hebrews he expounded for the same person. All his expositions of the Apostle Paul he collected in five volumes, and he wrote, besides these, a work on the Sacraments, and another on Faith, and another on the Priesthood, also two books on the Holy Spirit, and one on the Incarnation, in two volumes; and two other books against such as say that man cannot help sinning, and two against the Magians, and one addressed to the Monks, and one on Perfection, and another for Basil, and another on the union of the two |366 natures and persons in Christ, and a book of Jewels in which he collected all his epistles, and a treatise on the enacting of Laws, with which he concluded his writings.
Nestorius the Patriarch wrote many celebrated works, most of which were destroyed by the blasphemers. Of those remaining, one is entitled the Tragoedia, one dedicated to Heraclides, and an epistle to Cosmas, which was written in the time of Paul. He wrote, moreover, a large liturgy which was translated [into Syriac] by Tooma and Mar Awa. There is also of his a book of epistles, an Antiphonary, and a collection of epic poems.
Theodotus, the disciple of Theodorus the Expositor, wrote an exposition of Isaiah in two volumes, and in another work he has explained the occasion of the writing of the different Psalms of David, and to what occasions their use is adapted.
Aquilinus wrote a commentary on S. Matthew and S. John the son of Zebedee after the traditions of the ancients.
Basilius wrote several Antiphonaries, and other treatises.
Chiore wrote on the different kinds of worship, and several narratives.
Irenaeus of Tyre wrote five histories on the persecution of Mar Nestorius, and on all the events which transpired during that period.
Phileteus expounded Ezekiel in two volumes, and wrote a book named, from its subject, the Healer.
Theodoret of Cyprus wrote a book entitled "Phileteus," one against Origen, another called the "Division of Food," an exposition of Daniel, excellent histories, Apologies for our righteous Fathers in two volumes, a solution of the Sentences of Cyril, a book against the Philosophers, and many epistles containing much learning and knowledge.
Socrates wrote two volumes of History, and an account of the Emperors Constantine and Jovian.
Titus wrote a work against Manes.
Arniastataeus also wrote a work against Manes.
Theophilus, the Persian, wrote against Dostseus, and another work in which he solved the Sentences of Cyril.
Eutheris wrote a book against the Patripassians, several narratives, antiphonae, and expositions of the Gospel. |367
Epiphanes wrote a work on the Divine Advent, and another on the different heresies which had arisen up to his time.
Zenobius wrote against Marcion and Pamphilus, and epistles to Isidore, Lycullus, Abraham and Job.
Eusebius of Emesa wrote a book against the Jews, and on the ceremonies of the Old Testament, and a narrative of Stephen.
Father Macarius wrote three books on the right mode of living.
Marcus wrote a book of chapters.
John wrote histories.
Evagrius wrote three books.
Father Isaiah wrote one book.
Ammonius wrote epistles.
Macarius, not the same just mentioned, wrote several narratives.
Xistus wrote a book of sacred poems, and a work on the Lovers of God.
Nilus the Monk wrote two wonderful volumes.
Palladius and Hierome wrote the book of Paradise, and the sayings and injunctions of the Elders in three volumes.
John of Apamea, wrote three books, and several epistles on the Spiritual Life, on the Effects of Sin, and on Perfection.
Jacob, the disciple, wrote a short exposition of S. Matthew, of the Epistles, and of the Prophet Jeremiah.
[PART FOURTH.]
[Writings of Syrian Fathers.]
After having enumerated the writings of the Greek Fathers we now begin to record the writings of the Syrian 2 Fathers.
Shimeon Barsabbaï wrote epistles to Mar Acac.
Meelis wrote epistles and treatises on various subjects.
Mar Yaw-ahui wrote an epistle to the Eastern Papa, in whose days a letter was written by the Westerns raising this Eastern |368 See into a Patriarchate. The letter was sent, with all honour, by the hands of Agepta of Elam.
Ephraem the Great, called the Prophet of the Syrians, wrote a commentary on Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Joshua, Judges, Samuel, the Kings, the Psalms, Isaiah, the Twelve Prophets, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel; besides other books and Epistles on the faith of the Church, poems, anthems, and hymns, and the Anneedhé, [Services for the dead]. He wrote also on the alphabet, a controversy with the Jews, and treatises against Manes, Bardassenes, and Marcion, and an answer to the blasphemy of Julian.
Narsai, the Harp of the Soul, wrote an exposition of Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Joshua, Judges, Ecclesiastes, Isaiah, the twelve minor Prophets, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel. He wrote also twelve other books, three hundred and sixty poems, a Liturgy, an exposition of the Sacraments, and a treatise on Baptism. He wrote, moreover, Consolations, Antiphonae, hymns, litanies, homilies, and a treatise on an Evil Life.
Barsoma wrote homilies, anthems, and other poems: also a liturgy, and many epistles.
Auraham of Beit Rabban wrote an exposition of Joshua, Judges, Kings, the Wisdom of the son of Sirach, and Isaiah, in two volumes; also a Commentary on the twelve minor Prophets, on Daniel, and the Song of Solomon, and a book of Moutwé, 3 divided into chapters.
Johanan of Beit Rabban, wrote a commentary on Genesis, Leviticus, Numbers, Job, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Proverbs, a book against the Magi, one on the Customs of the Jews, and another against heretics. He wrote also a poem on the humiliation of the Ninevites, one on the death of Chosroes, and another on the plague which visited Nisibis, together with consolations for all conditions of men, a Catechism on the Old and New Testament, hymns, poems, and a treatise on Chanting.
Marootha, Bishop of Meiparket, the learned physician, wrote a book of Evidences, Antiphonae, and hymns in honour of the |369 Martyrs. He also expounded the Canons of the 318 [of Nice], and wrote a full account of that Holy Synod.
Mar Awa the Great translated the entire Old Testament from the Greek into this Syriac tongue; he also wrote an exposition of Genesis, the Psalms, Proverbs, the Epistle to the Romans, the second to the Corinthians, the three following Epistles, and that also to the Hebrews. He wrote, moreover, several poems and anthems for the Canons 4 of the Psalter, a synodal epistle on the Discipline of the Church, and other Ecclesiastical Rules and Canons.
Hnâna of Hdheiyyeb wrote a Commentary on the Psalms, Genesis, Job, the Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, the Song of Solomon, the Twelve Prophets, on the Gospel of S. Mark, and the Epistles of S. Paul. Also an exposition of the Faith and Sacraments, a Catechism and a Treatise on the Origin of the Festival of Palms, with poems thereon. Besides these he wrote on the origin of the festivals of Golden Friday, 5 of that in commemoration of the Humiliation of the Ninevites, and on the Invention of the Cross, with many other works condemned by Theodorus of Mopsuestia.
Eprahat, the wise Persian, of happy memory, wrote two books, and many poems alphabetically arranged.
Heeba, Comar, and Proba, translated the writings of Theodorus of Mopsuestia from Greek into Syriac, as they did also the works of Aristotle. This same Heeba wrote also a commentary on the Proverbs, Antiphons, and other poems, and a polemical work against the heretics.
The Disciples of Mar Awa wrote many poems, and an exposition of the prophecy of Daniel.
Tooma of Edessa wrote on the origin of the Feasts of the Nativity and Epiphany, an epistle to Kâlé, a work against astrology, a book of Consolations, and a polemical treatise against heretics.
Serghees of Reish Aina wrote a treatise on Logic.
Paul of Nisibis wrote a Commentary on the Bible, a treatise against Caesar, and various epistles. |370
Babai the Great wrote eighty-three books, in one of which he gives an account of the origin of the Feast of Palms, a dissertation on the union of Christ's humanity and divinity, and an exposition of the Book of Hundreds. 6 He also expounded the book written by the Father Marcos, wrote an account of Diodorus and his followers, of the Feast of the Cross, and of the Saints for the cycle of the year, such as the Feasts of S. Mary, S. John, and the other feasts and commemorations. He moreover wrote a book for conventual Novices, an epistle to Joseph the Seer, rules for Monks, and an exposition of the whole Bible. Also a work on the Causes of Things, in which he speaks of Mattai who was translated, of Auraharn of Nisibis, and of Gawrièl of Kutr [or Kutra.]
Dad-Yeshua expounded the "Paradise" of the Westerns, and the work of Father Isaiah, and wrote other books on the right mode of living. He also wrote a hymn on the consecration of a Cell, a funeral Dirge, several Epistles, and a Catechism on the Spiritual Life and Quiet.
Joseph the Seer wrote 1900 chapters on various theological subjects, and a book called the "Treasure," in which he solves many difficult questions. He also wrote a work on Calamities, an Exposition of the work entitled the "Merchant's Book," and another, in two volumes, on the Paradise of the Easterns, which contains many historical notices. Besides these, he composed a commentary on the Prophet Ezekiel, a treatise on the Festivals, and an exposition of the Heads of Knowledge, and of the works of Dionysius. He moreover expounded the Vision of Mar Gregorius, and wrote epistles on the life of Anchorites.
John of Dilyâtha wrote two books, besides epistles on the monastic life.
Ishâk of Nineveh wrote seven books on the spiritual and divine Sacraments, and one on the Distribution of Food.
Yeshua-yau, of Gadhla, wrote a commentary on the Psalms, together with epistles, dissertations, and poems on various subjects. |371
Yeshua-yau, of Erzona, wrote a work against Eunomius, and another against an heretical Bishop. Also twenty-three Queries on the Sacraments of the Church, a Synodal Preface, Epistles, and Canons.
Cyprian, of Nisibis, expounded the Theology of Gregory the Great, and compiled an Ordination Office.
Yeshua-yau, of Hdheyyeb, wrote on a Change of Mind, and an Advice to Monastic Novices. He also arranged the Khudhra, and the Baptismal Office, and wrote an Office for the Consecration of a New Church, as also an Ordination Office, and the Office of Hoosâyé. He wrote, moreover, many antiphons, epic poems, epistles, anthems, and Consolations, in the most beautiful style, and a controversial treatise against certain persons.
Hnan-Yeshua wrote a treatise on Chanting.
Michael composed a book of Inquiries into the Bible, in three volumes.
Theodore, Metropolitan of Marro, wrote an account of Mar Eughène, and of the Greek doctors, in poetry; also an Exposition of the Psalms, and other poems, in which he answered the ten theses of Serghees. He composed another excellent book, moreover, at the instance of Mar Awa, the Catholicos.
Gawrièl, brother of the above, and Bishop of Hormuzdshir, wrote a work against Manes, and another against the Chaldeans, besides Homilies and other treatises on various subjects, to the extent of about three hundred chapters.
Elîa, Metropolitan of Marro, wrote antiphons, Consolations, and a Commentary on all the Gospel Lessons; also epistles, and an account of the origin of the Moutwé, and an Exposition of the Proverbs, Genesis, the Psalms, Ecclesiastes, the Song of Solomon, the Wisdom of the Son of Sirach, Isaiah, the Twelve Prophets, and the Epistles of the Apostle Paul. He also compiled an authentic History.
Gheorghees, Catholicos, wrote hymns, anthems, a Litany for the Fast of the Ninevites, and a few other Canons and poems.
Gawrièl Arya, of the family of Ishâk of Nineveh, wrote an Exposition of many extracts taken from the whole Bible.
Hnan-Yeshua, surnamed Hgheera [the lame] wrote |372 antiphons, epistles, Consolations, homilies, poems, and several catechisms: also a book of Thanksgiving, on account of Serghees Doda, Two Reasons for Schools, and an Analogical exposition.
Awa, of Cashgar, wrote several homilies and epistles, a book on the rules of Logic, and another in which he explains the Logic of Aristotle.
Hnan-Yeshua, Catholicos, wrote a collection of epistles, Consolations, and anthems, in five books, besides other poems and ten dissertations.
Awa bar Brikh Sowyâne wrote a work on Strategy, several expositions, and antiphons full of wisdom.
Timatheos wrote a book on the Stars, another against the Mehdi, another on Church Matters, with many Synodal Canons, two hundred epistles collected into two volumes, a catechism, and a dissertation against heretics.
Ephràm, of Elam, wrote a work on the Faith.
Tooris, the Anchorite, composed a book in two volumes.
Hoonein, the physician, the son of Ishâk, wrote a book on the fear of God, a Grammar, and a Vocabulary.
Yeshua bar Nun wrote a work called "Theologia," Inquiries into the Bible, in two volumes, a book of sentences, of the Causes of things, Consolations, and epistles. He wrote also on the different Church Services, antiphons, and anthems.
Elisha, the Expounder, wrote a Commentary on Job, and on the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, and on the three following epistles. He also composed an account of the Moutwé, and another of the Martyrs, a book of Thanksgivings, and a poem on Shimoon of Germakh. Besides which he explained the Chronicon of Eusebius.
Soreen, the Expounder, wrote in Greek against the heretics, and a book of evidences.
Bar Had-Bshabba, the Arab, wrote a work entitled "The Book of Treasures," in three volumes, and other polemical treatises, against the Gentiles, such as idolaters and others. He also wrote a history, and an account of Mar Diodorus and his followers, and an exposition of Mark the Evangelist, and of the Psalter.
Mikha, the Doctor, wrote Five Causes of the Moutwé, a poem |373 on Cantropos [?], and another on Mar Sawr-Yeshua, of Lashum. Also an exposition of the books of the Kings of Israel.
Kioré wrote various dissertations, homilies, and anaphoras.
Paulona wrote poems, a dissertation against inquirers, a treatise against Marcion, a book on Believers, and another on the Creed.
Serghees wrote an exposition of Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and of Daniel, after the style of the ancients.
Mari, the Persian, wrote a Commentary on Daniel, an explanation of the epistle of Akak, and a work against the Magi of Nisibis.
Auraham, of Mahozé, wrote Consolations, Epistles, an account of all the Festivals, and a book of Antiphons.
Paulos, of Ambar, wrote a work against the epistle of Omar, Consolations, and Antiphons, and a treatise against different persons.
Gawrièl, of Kotra, wrote a poem on the union of Christ, and a solution of the difficulties of the Faith.
Yakoob, of Kelta, wrote an exposition of the Proverbs, poems on Diodorus, and a book on the Faith of the Church.
Barsoma, of Kerkook, wrote a work called "the Liver," and another containing thanksgivings, Consolations, and Antiphons.
Ab Yeshua, Bar Bahrees, Metropolitan of Athur, wrote on the Division of Inheritances, and an Explanation of the different Church Services.
Daniel, of Toowaneetha, Bishop of Tahl, wrote a work entitled "the Book of Lilies," Consolations, and Antiphons. Also a book solving the difficulties contained in Holy Scripture, Replies to different Queries, one of Thanksgiving, another of Poems, a Solution of the difficulties in the writings of Mar Ishak of Nineveh, and an exposition of the Heads of Knowledge.
Auraham, Metropolitan of Basra, wrote several epistles.
Ahoob, of Kotra, wrote a Commentary on the Old and New Testaments with the exception of the Pentateuch.
Dinha expounded the Psalms, and wrote Consolations, and other treatises on Church subjects. He also explained the two books of Gregory, and the Logic of Aristotle.
Shallecta, Bishop of Reish Aina, wrote Antiphons, |374 Consolations, Prayers, Canons, and hootamât, [collects for the conclusion of Divine Service]. He also expounded two Litanies.
Babai, the Persian, who became Bishop of Riu Ardsheer, wrote a work solving various difficult questions.
Shehdost, of Teheran, wrote several Synodal Epistles and Letters, besides many small poems and Antiphons.
Habeeb, the Anchorite, wrote Meditations on the Life of Christ, Elements of Knowledge, and made several chants and tunes for Anthems.
Babai of Nisibis, wrote poems, epistles, hymns, narratives, and several homilies.
Shimoon of Taibootha, wrote a work entitled "the way to live," another on Medicine, and an Exposition of the Sacraments.
Yohanan el-Ezrak, of Heerta, wrote a book of Homilies, a Guide, and two hundred and eighty epistles.
Yohanan of Deilom wrote nine poems.
Mar Yau, wrote an epistle and an exposition of the same for Epni Mâran.
Yeshua Pâna, of Kotra, wrote hortatory poems, an exposition of the "Book of Hundreds," another on the Philosophy of the Soul, and many poems, anthems, epistles, Consolations, and hymns, arranged alphabetically.
Babai, the Scribe, of Maarra, wrote a work on the Distinction of Things.
The Turkish Expounder wrote a work on the Joys of Heaven.
Mar Shooha 'l Mâran, of Seleucia, wrote a work called the "Book of Portions," another on Elements of Knowledge, besides many useful epistles.
Yohanan bar Pinkhâyé wrote seven books, one on the Education of Children, a controversial treatise against the "Words of a Merchant," one against Idolatry, one on the Seven Eyes of the Lord, one on Perfection, and a Catechism.
Auraham, of Nethpra, wrote many works.
Gregorius, of Deir, wrote one book and several epistles.
Akb-Shma wrote homilies, Consolations, anthems, on the Principles of Knowledge and Proverbs.
Akhoodemé wrote against the Philosophers and Magi, and on the limits of things. He also wrote a book on Logic, another on the Persons [of Christ], and a third on the inquiry: "Has |375 the will power over the nature of man?" in two parts. He also wrote on the Soul, showing that man is a small world in himself, besides many other instructive treatises in beautiful style and language.
Auraham bar Dishended, wrote a Book of Advice, an exposition of the writings of Father Marcos, a treatise against the Jews, another entitled "the Way of the King," poems on Repentance, and many epistles on various subjects.
Yeshua-Bukht wrote a book on All Things, and another on Church Matters, and poems on the Air.
Yeshua-Dnah, of Basra, wrote three books of History, an exposition of Logic, Consolations, Anthems, and Poems, and a treatise on Chastity, in which he collected an account of all the Saints.
Auraham bar Lipah wrote a Rationale of the different Services.
Alexandros wrote a work against the blasphemy of Julian.
Poplius wrote two books, one on Holy Things, and a Remembrancer.
Abd Mesheeh, of Heerta, wrote a book rich in meaning.
Theodorus bar Coozai wrote a Scholion, a History, and many other dissertations.
Abd Yeshua bar Akarwé wrote several anthems, and a work on the origin of Things.
Andraos wrote antiphons, and a work on the diacritical and vowel points.
Gawrièl, of Basra, collected all the Synodal Canons, in two volumes, and added thereto several dissertations.
Yohanan, of Germaka, wrote on the Principles of Knowledge, Rules for Novices, a short Chronicon, an account of Mar Koodehwi, and many poems and anthems.
Auraham, of Beit Hâlé, wrote a treatise against the Tai [Arabs.]
Mar Shlemon, Bishop of Hdhetta near Mosul, wrote several narratives, and a treatise on the Monastic Life.
Yeshua-dad, also of Hdhetta, wrote a Commentary on the New Testament, and a short exposition of the Pentateuch.
Aboo-Nuah wrote a work against the Koran, a treatise against Heretics, and on several other subjects. |376
Kindi wrote an excellent work on Polemics, and another on the Faith.
Dad-Yeshua wrote a wonderful exposition of Daniel, of the Kings, and of the book of Wisdom, in three volumes.
Yohanan, of Nineveh, wrote a work on Controversy.
Kuriakòs wrote an exposition of the Faith and Sacraments, another work on the Nativity and Epiphany, and a Commentary on the Epistles of S. Paul.
Shimoon bar Tabbâhé wrote a History.
Meshikha Skha also wrote a History.
Mar Athken, the Anchorite, wrote a Controversy with the Wise Brother, and many epistles on the right way of living.
Gheorghees, of Nishra, wrote a book on Obedience.
Anos, of Piros-Shaboor, wrote poems, Consolations, and many other works.
Bood Piryadotha wrote poems on the Faith, a treatise against the Manichees, and another against the followers of Marcion. He also wrote a work in Greek, entitled "Alep-Megheen," and it was he who translated "Kleilagh oo Dimnagh" 7 from the Indian language.
Danièl, of Reish Aina, wrote poems against the Marcionites, Manichees, Heretics, and Chaldeans. |377
Auraham bar Kardâkhé wrote anthems, Consolations, poems, and homilies, and an Epistle against Shisban.
Nathnièl wrote against the followers of Severus, against Manes, and against the Kanthi and Mandri [Sabaeans], and an Exposition of the Psalms.
Elisha bar Sabîné wrote an Exposition of the Psalter, on Different Opinions, and a chapter of Proverbs.
Auraham Katteena wrote Catechisms.
Shimoon, of Kurdlah, wrote 1,028 poems and anthems.
Father Yazeedad wrote a vocabulary called "Lookaté."
Bar Shhak wrote one book.
Damanis wrote poems.
Susai, of Sus, wrote a book of Thanksgivings.
Auraham Saba wrote a beautiful Catechism.
Gregor, of Shushtre, wrote a work against Heathenism, on Natural Evidences, Consolations, anthems, a narrative of Auraham of Shushtre, a History, and an account of the different Festivals. It was he who originated the chant "Ittayyeb b'awadheicon." 8
Bar Sehde, of Kerkook, wrote a History, and a work against the Magi, the disciples of Zoroaster.
Jacob, of Edessa, wrote a Book of the Times, and a Chronicon.
Shimoon, of Bedhka, wrote a History.
Ara wrote a work against the Magi, and another against Bardassenes, entitled "Beetles."
Pâkor wrote one book.
Bar Dkôsi wrote two volumes against the Chaldeans, and another against Porphyry the heretic.
Danièl ibn Mariam wrote a History in four volumes, and another expounding the Chronicon.
Zacchai, of Supna, wrote on the Wonders of the World.
Bar Daknâna wrote poems for the consolation of the sorrowing.
Yohanan bar Abgaré wrote Canons and Homilies on Church matters, and on the Division of Inheritances. |378
Mar Daweedh, of Beit Rabban, wrote on the Boundaries of countries, and on the Changes of nights and days.
Yohanan, of Estooni, wrote a Grammar.
Yohanan bar Khâmees, Bishop of Temnoon, also wrote a Grammar.
Bar Bahlool collated a Lexicon from many books, assisted by Yeshua bar Ali the Physician, Marozi, and Gawrièl.
Elîa, of Azak, wrote three books of poetry, questions, epistles, prefaces and anthems.
Dad-Yeshua, Bishop of Heerta, called Mattushuah, wrote a Catechism on the Holy Scriptures, and Anthems.
Andor, the Scholar, wrote a dissertation on many things, arranged alphabetically, which he sent to his friend Koorta.
Elîa bar Kanosh wrote Benedictions, Narratives, a treatise on the use of the Psalms, and on the Sacraments of the Church.
Mar Elîa, the First, wrote Decrees, a treatise on Church matters, and a Grammar.
Yohanan bar Keldon wrote a valuable work called "Busnâya," another on the Most Beautiful, and a third on the Merchandize of the Monks.
Elîa bar Yeshnâya, Metropolitan of Nisibis, wrote a History, a Grammar, poems, four books of Church rules, and epistles on various subjects in Syriac and Arabic.
Behishua, of Kamool, wrote on the Monastic life.
Yohanan Hermis wrote poems.
Emmanuèl, the Doctor, wrote a work on the six days of Creation in poetry, homilies, and expositions.
Gawrièl, Bishop of Shabookhwest, wrote a catechism, homilies, controversies, Consolations, and anthems.
The Greek Emperors Constantine, Leo, and Theodosius the Great, convened the Synods of the Westerns, that of the Apostles, of Nice, of Byzantium, of Gangra, the false one of Ephesus, that of Chalcedon, of Antioch, and the -- -- of the Greek Emperors. 9
And we possess the Eastern Synods of Ishâk, of Barsoma, of Mar Awa, of Mar Hezkièl, of Yosep, of Yeshua-yau, of Mar |379 Timataos, of Yeshua bar Nun, of Yohanan, the Acts of Shimoon, the Acts of Yeshua-Bukht, Metropolitan of Persia, and those of Abd Yeshua and of Gheorghees, Metropolitans of Athor, besides two volumes of Synods collated by Gawrièl, Metropolitan of Basra, and another of the Catholicos Mar Elîa the First, and four of Elîa of Nisibis, surnamed Bar Ishnâya. We possess, moreover, many other books whose authors' names are unknown; such as the book entitled "the Enlightenment," and the book on the Union. [Here several lines of the original are destroyed.]
Shlemon, of Khlàt, of Basra [prob. Metrop.], wrote a work entitled Debboreetha [lit. The Bee], another on the Heavens and the Earth, and several poems.
Abd Yeshua, my vile self, wrote a Commentary on the Bible [MS. defaced], the book of the Paradise of Eden, a collection of Synods in Arabic, the book entitled Marghianeetha 10 on the Truth of the Faith, a treatise on the Mysteries of the Grecian Philosophers, and another called "Scholasticus," against heresy. I also collated a book of Church Laws and Discipline, and another consisting of twelve treatises on knowledge in general, besides Consolations, antiphons, and anthems, for various occasions, an explanation of the Epistle sent by Aristotle to Alexander the Great [MS. defaced], also a work solving many difficult questions, and one of arguments, proverbs, and riddles.
After the best of our ability we have recorded the books which we have seen, our object being to show that the perusal of them is profitable. The authors spake by the Spirit, according to the testimony of Paul the Apostle; may their prayers keep and invest with glory us, the sheep of Christ, and may their memory endure for ever, inasmuch as they enlightened the Church by their wisdom, and enriched her children by their attainments. Glory be to that Spirit by whom they themselves were enriched.
Here endeth the catalogue of all the Church books, written by the undeserving Abd Yeshua, Metropolitan of Nisibis and Armenia. To God be thanksgiving and glory for ever. Amen.
[Footnotes moved to the end and numbered.]
1. * The " Narratives," and several of the other works enumerated in the latter part of this paragraph, are probably legends such as are frequently met with in the East. Some of these are written with much pathos, and form epic poems, set to the most plaintive chants. The Legend of Joseph is very common among Mohammedans as well as Christians, and many strolling derweeshes obtain a living by reciting it from house to house.
2. * "Syro-Nestorian'' Fathers are doubtless intended. The Syrian authors in this list who existed prior to the Council of Ephesus, are claimed as co-religionists by the Nestorians.
3. * Literally, "Thrones," as in Coloss. i. 16, of the Syriac version. The term is here applied to certain prayers appointed to be used at the Nocturns, and which are recited alternately by priest and people, all being seated on the ground.
4. * Canons here signify the occasional collects introduced into the Psalms as used in the Church.
5. † The first Friday after Whitsunday: so called from the answer of S. Peter to the impotent man: "Silver and gold have I none," &c. Acts iii. 6.
6. * Kthâwa d'Mawâtha, a learned but very difficult treatise, of which there are a few copies still extant. It is divided into a hundred sections, and is supposed to have been written by Evagrius.
7. * This famous collection of Fables is recorded by all Arabian historians to have been translated from the original into Pehlvi by one Barzooyah, who was commissioned to execute the task by the then reigning king of Persia Nooshirwan, about the year a.d. 510. Baron de Sacy, who published in 1816 an excellent edition of the Arabic Version translated from the Pehlvi by Abdallah bin 'ool Mukatta, after expressing his doubt of this testimony to Bood's labour as recorded by Mar Abd-Yeshua, suggests the following adjustment of the apparent contradiction existing between him and the Arabian historians: "On the other hand, we may suppose that Barzooyah was a Christian monk, who had been employed in the Indian territory bordering on Persia, and that to a knowledge of his own native tongue, and the Syriac of his Church, he joined an acquaintance with the language of India, and hence was employed by Nooshirwan to translate the work called Calila oo Dimna. Abd-Yeshua does not state that the translation made by Bood was into Syriac; he moreover speaks of it as a fact generally known; hence it is not improbable that he understood Bood and Barzooyah to be the same person." De Sacy adduces several plausible reasons in support of this hypothesis, in his "Memoire Historique," appended to his Arabic edition of the work in question.
Assemanni, as quoted by the learned Baron, states that Bood lived during the patriarchate of Ezekiel. This is a mistake, since the name of the Patriarch who filled the Eastern See during the reign of Chosroes Anooshirwan was "Sheela" [Silas.]
"Piryadotha," the title given to Bood, signifies "Presbyter circuitor, seu visitator;" and seems to be cognate with our "Dean." I have so translated it wherever it has occurred throughout this work.
8. * This chant is still in use among the Nestorians.
9. * The meaning of the original is somewhat obscure in this passage, but I conceive the writer to signify that the Nestorians possess the Acts of these Councils and Synods.
10. * For a translation, see the next page.
Note to the online text: the author is given as Mar Abd-Yeshua in Badger, but in the best modern bibliography of Syriac literature, Sebastian Brock, A brief outline of Syriac literature, Series: Moran Etho 9, Kottayam (1997), p.80, the author's name is given as 'Abdisho' bar Brika. Brock states that the text is an invaluable source of information, especially about lost Syriac writers; and that some of the author's own works have not come down to us.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2005. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: abdisho_bar_brika_jewel_01_text.htm
'Abdisho' bar Brika (Ebed-Jesu), Marganitha or Pearl: the truth of the faith. From G.P.Badger, The Nestorians and their rituals (1852) vol. 2, pp.380-422
'Abdisho' bar Brika (Ebed-Jesu), Marganitha or Pearl: the truth of the faith. From G.P.Badger, The Nestorians and their rituals (1852) vol. 2, pp.380-422
A TRANSLATION OF
THE JEWEL,
Written by Mar Abd Yeshua, Nestorian Metropolitan of Nisibis and Armenia, A.D. 1298.
In the strength of our Lord Jesus Christ we begin to write the book called Marghianeetha, (lit. "The Jewel,") on the truth of Christianity. Written by the undeserving Abd Yeshua, Metropolitan of Nisibis and Armenia. O Lord, help us. Amen.
[Preamble.]
O God the Cause of all things, the Enlightener of all men, the Giver of life and existence to all beings corporeal and incorporeal, the Vast Ocean of every blessing, the Unfathomable Depth of every knowledge, the Righteous One whose Nature is all-merciful, the Lover of mankind, and the Eternal Spring of all goodness.----Thy Godhead is worthy of all praise and honour, and to Thy Greatness it is fit that unceasing thanks should be offered for Thy wonderful providence towards the world above and the world beneath, and for the abundance of Thy mercies towards Thy heavenly and earthly creatures. With the humility of a servant we implore Thy Eternity, and with earnest longing we beseech Thy Unspeakable Love, to select us as unsullied and chosen vessels for Thy hidden Treasury, and to make us abodes |381 of beauty and purity for the inhabitation of Thy Trinity: that by Thy help we may be drawn up out of the drowning sea of this material world, and be lifted up to the holy of holies, the place of Thy divine mysteries, and be transformed into That Likeness which is above all likeness; and that through the rays of Thy Everlasting Light we may shine forth for ever, being eternal, and live and be confirmed far beyond the reach of all error of mind or of body, and become the companions of those who are near to Thee in spirit and in act, and be happy both here and there for ever and ever. Amen.
The chief of our community and the father of our people, after having been graciously pleased to approve of my book entitled "the Paradise of Eden," written by me in varied versification, directed me to write another in proof of the truth and certainty of the Christian faith, for the perusal and study of his disciples, and for the benefit of all the lovers of Christ under his sway, as it will be an evidence of his own zeal and renown to those who shall come after. As an obedient servant I obeyed his profitable injunction, and wrote this small book, small in size and brief, but precious in its subject matter. Hence I have called it "The Jewel" of the truth of Christianity; and herein I have briefly treated of the origin, roots, plants and branches of the teaching of the Church, and have divided it into five parts, each part subdivided into chapters. And now I conjure, and most humbly and earnestly beseech, every lover of God into whose hands this book may fall, or who may read it, copy it, or hear it, that, for the love of Christ, he will not censure me for whatsoever I have written, but on the contrary pray for me, inasmuch as I have spent much labour therein, although as regards myself I am very weak and unworthy. Let every one follow herein whatever approves itself to his own mind; and may God make them and us meet for blessedness, and enable both to attain the truth. |382
PART I.
OF GOD.
CHAPTER I. -- That there is a God, and that the world is created, made, and temporal.
S. Paul the heavenly apostle, the treasury of the Holy Ghost, and the spiritual philosopher, has, through the Spirit, laid an admirable foundation for Theology, by his saying, that men "should seek God, and feel after Him, and find Him out from His creation." Inasmuch as the artificer is known by his work, and the maker through the thing made.
That the world is made, and created, and had a beginning in time we know from this:----This world is compounded, framed, and disposed, as a whole, and in all its parts; and every thing that is compounded, framed, and disposed, must have a com-pounder, framer, and disposer. That it is compound is proved from its whole being made up of many parts, and from all its bodies being made up of matter and kinds, and from the visible and invisible movers therein. But the most certain witness of its being framed is man, who is a small world in himself, and in whose formation all creation is brought together, as one of the sages has said: "Man is an epitome of the whole world, and of the whole frame of creation."
Now that the world is disposed is clear from the wonderful order of the heavens, the planets, the elements, with all their productive powers, generating plants, trees, mines, and the members of beasts and of men, the astonishing order of which surpasses the wisdom and knowledge of all created beings. |383
In the same way the ancient philosophers concluded that every motion must have a mover, until they arrived at Him Who is not moved, Who is the Cause of all, and of Whom they predicated that He must be good, wise, and almighty. Good, inasmuch as He created the world without a cause [i.e. of His own motion]; wise, because of the admirable order and frame displayed in the universe; almighty, because He overcame the things which are naturally destructive of each other, and brought them together in one agreement.
Further, this world is made up of quality and quantity, as respects its bodies and spirits, and of different dimensions and extensions, of which the mind can inquire, why they were not less or more, higher or lower than they are. And when it would know a cause for the appropriated designs, resemblances, and dimensions, of all and of each, and for their existence and continuance as they are, it can find no other than the will and intelligence of the Creator, who created and disposed them after His own will, and as He knew would be best and most fit. The artificer must of necessity exist before the work, in order that it may be proved of him that he is really the maker of that which did not exist before, and that he made it. This truth, then, being confirmed, it results that the world is made, and had a beginning in time, and is not eternal. It also results that it has a Maker, Who is good, wise, eternal, strong, and possessed of a will.
CHAPTER II. -- That God is one and not many.
That the Maker of this world is one and not many may be proved thus:----It is impossible that many can possess one, perfect, unchangeable, self-consentaneous will; because they must either be co-equal in substance, and in every thing appertaining thereto, which would destroy plurality by the non-existence of distinction, or anything distinguishing, just as it is inconsistent to conceive of the existence of two blacknesses, alike in every respect, and not distinguishable, and having but one and the same substance:----or they must be distinct from |384 each other in substance, and in what appertains thereto; when they would be contrary the one to the other, and destructive the one of the other. But existence could not exist between two opposing makers, nor could a perfect work proceed from them.----Or they must be alike in substance, and distinct in what appertains thereto, each one having an appropriate quality by which he is distinguishable from his associates; when they would all be compounded of the things in which they are alike, and of those in which they are distinguishable. But every compound thing is made, and must have a maker and compounder; hence results the truth of that declaration: "The Lord our God is One God; and though there be gods many and lords many, to us there is but one God."
CHAPTER III. -- That God is Eternal.
Everything that exists must be either eternal or temporal; and everything temporal has a cause and maker, and time and maker must be pre-existent to it. But that the cause of all things is without a cause, and that the Maker of all things has no maker, every right and unprejudiced mind is assured of, because it is natural to it so to judge. It results, then, that the Self-existent is the Creator, and the Eternal, anterior to time, because He Himself created time. For time is a reckoning of the motions of bodies, and as we have already proved that He is the Creator of these, therefore He is eternal, and without beginning. Now that which has no beginning, can be reachable by no end, and must possess of these two opposite extremes whatsoever is the most high and the most glorious, as truth, light, and life, and must be the Best, the Wisest, the Almighty.
CHAPTER IV. -- That God is incomprehensible.
Every thing comprehensible is comprehended either by the senses, or by the mind; and that which is comprehended by |385 the senses must be either a body or an accident. But the adorable God is not a body; for every body is compound, and every body occupies space, and every body has limits, all which is opposed to the Self-existent. Nor is He an accident; for an accident cannot exist alone, but requires a substance wherein to exist.
All that is comprehended by the mind, the mind must either stretch to the ends of its length and breadth, (which are parts of its limits distinguishing it from what it is not,) in order that it may in reality comprehend it; but hereby the thing is at once limited, and extension and dimension are foreign to the nature of the Self-existent:----or the mind does not stretch to its end, or to the boundaries which limit it; but this is not comprehension. Hence the Divine Nature is incomprehensible, it being impossible for the mind to comprehend aught of the knowledge of the Self-existent, except that He does exist.
It is said of a certain great philosopher, that he always used this prayer: "O Thou cause of the motion of my soul, grant me to know that subtle essence which moves me, what it is, and what it is like. But not even that subtle essence wherewith I am endowed, and whereby I am capable of knowing, can comprehend what Thou art, and how Thou art. This only it can know, that Thou dost exist."
Now, when we say [of God] that He is invisible, incomprehensible, impassible, and immutable, we do not describe what He is, but what He is not.
CHAPTER V. -- Of the Trinity.
Everything that exists must be either a material body whose existence is the subject of accidents and changes, and is acted upon by whatever is opposed to it; or not a body, and consequently not the subject of any of these things. Now, we have already proved, that God, (glory be to His incomprehensibility,) is not a body, and therefore is not subject to anything pertaining to materiality, from which He is infinitely removed.
Whatever is immaterial, and not subject to anything appertaining to matter, the traditions of the ancients call Mind. |386 And whatever is exclusive of matter, and of what appertains thereto, must be knowing, and must know himself, because himself is ever present and known to him, and he is not dependent on anything but himself. And whatever knows himself must be living. Therefore God is Wise and Living.
Now, he who is wise is wise because of his wisdom; and he who is living is living because he has life. This is the mystery of the Trinity, which the Church confesses of the Adorable Essence: The Mind, Wisdom, and Life, Three co-essential proprieties in One, and One who is glorified in three proprieties. [The Church] has called the Mind, Father and Begetter, because He is the Cause of all, and First. [She] has called the Son, Wisdom and Begotten, because He is begotten of the Mind, and by Him everything was made and created. [She] has called Life the Holy Ghost, and Proceeding, because there is no other Holy Ghost but He. He who is Holy is unchangeable, according to the expositions of received expositors; and this is that which is declared by John the Divine, the son of Zebedee: "In the beginning was the Word;" and, "the Light is the life of man."
Now, as the reasonable soul has a three-fold energy, mind, word, and life, and is one and not three; even so should we conceive of the Three in One, and One in Three. The sun also, which is one in its disk, radiance, and heat, is another simile adduced by the second Theologus Paul, the chosen vessel: "He is the brightness of His glory, and the Express Image of His Person;" and, again: "Christ, the power of God, and the wisdom of God."
Further, every thing that exists is either an accident or a substance. But the Self-existent can in no wise be susceptible of accidents. Therefore these three proprieties must be essential, and are on this account called persons, and not accidental powers, and do not cause any change or plurality in the essence of the Self-existent; for He is the Mind, the Same He is the Wisdom, the Same He is the Life, Who ever begat without cessation, and puts forth [makes to proceed] without distance [i.e. without removal from Himself.] These things [cessation and distance] are infinitely removed from Him, and appertain to bodies. |387
Now, there is no real likeness between created natures and the Nature of the Self-existent, and a simile does not in every thing resemble that which is compared by it; for then the simile and that which is compared by it would be the thing itself, and we [who have just instituted several comparisons] should not be unlike the man who attempts to compare a thing by the self-same thing.
The mystery of the Trinity is expressed in the words of the Old Testament: "Let us make man in our own image, after our likeness; "the occurrence of the letter noon three times in this sentence is an indication of the Trinity. The "Holy" thrice repeated in the seraphic hymn, as mentioned by Isaiah, joined with one "Lord," attests Three Persons in One Essence. The words of David, also, are of the same import: "By the Word of the Lord were the heavens made, and all the host of them by the breath of His mouth;" and many other like references. Let the heathen, then, and Jews who rail at the truth of the Catholic Church, on account of her faith in the Trinity, be confounded and put to shame. Here endeth the first part. |388
PART II.
ON THE CREATION.
CHAPTER I. -- On the Creation of the Universe.
He to Whom time was before He wrought, and subsequently began to work, must have wrought either by compulsion, or through necessity, or from a motive of goodness. But God did not create the world of compulsion, because there was no other God beside Him, nor any other Essence to compel Him to act. Neither of necessity, because His Essence is perfect, and in nothing wanting, and He is the Giver of all perfection, and is Himself imperfect in nothing, either in His Essence, or in what appertains thereto. It justly results, then, that He created the world of His goodness and love, He being essentially the origin of all good and bounteous things.
First He created the Angels, the heavens, and the four elements, the light, and the planets. After that trees and plants; then the different classes of animals, with their various species. And when He had adorned the universe with every good thing, and made it like the chamber of a bridegroom, and a wonderful paradise, on the sixth day, after the heavens and the earth with all their hosts were finished, He created the first Adam, the father of the human race, "in the Image of God created He him," according to the testimony of the blessed Moses, the first-born of the Prophets, and the first of the scribes. And he was called an image [of God] for three reasons: First, on account of the reasonable soul with which he was endowed, and which |389 is a likeness of the Divine Image in a twofold respect, first, in its spirituality, subtilty, and incorporeality; and, again, because in his mind, word, and life, man is an emblem of the Trinity. Secondly, on account of his power over all, [Gen. i. 26,] his sovereignty, and his free will. Thirdly, because from him God intended to take a temple for His union [thereto], and to be worshipped of all with it for ever and ever.
CHAPTER II. -- On Man's First Sin.
After God had thus created man a reasonable image, a wonderful temple, and a bond of the universe, in short, a small world existing in the great world, He took from him a rib and made therewith woman, and placed them in the delectable paradise of Eden which He had prepared for them, and commanded them that they might eat of all the trees in paradise, but of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil they were not to eat. And He further decreed, that in the day they should eat thereof they should die the death. Now, hereby God declared the freedom of man's will; for, had they not been free to act, He would have wronged them in punishing their transgression of the command; whereas, if they were really free agents, He justly condemned them, inasmuch as with wicked intent, and in their own self-sufficiency, they trampled upon and despised the Divine command, in order that they might become gods, and be released from obedience to their Creator, after the advice of the devil who deceived them. Because of this, they became debtors to death, and fell under subjection to the devil, and were shorn of their glory, and put on shame, and were removed from the companionship of angels, and became mourners in a land of curses. Their children also, because they walked in the selfsame way of transgression, bound more tightly the yoke of the devil, and of death, on their necks, and these forgat their Creator, and walked after their own hearts' lust, and the desires of their own minds, and nourished iniquity, and strengthened rebellion,----"who, being past feeling, gave themselves over unto |390 lasciviousness, to work all uncleanness with greediness." On this account justice woke up, and led Noah and his family into the ark, which the Long-suffering had ordered to be made in the hope of their repentance. And every mortal was destroyed by the flood, and the earth was cleansed from their wickedness. And thus after two thousand years, more or less, that barbarous dispensation was brought to an end.
CHAPTER III. -- On the Divine Laws and Ordinances, and of the Prophets.
When Noah went forth from the ark, God gave him ordinances adapted to the infancy of human nature; but, gradually, as his race increased, they forgat these, and some of them deemed it right to worship the images of those whom they revered, whilst others joined in a ruinous confederacy, and made a vain counsel that they would build a tower and a place wherein to rebel against God; so that in case of another flood being sent in His anger, it might serve them as a place of refuge; or in case of His commanding any thing contrary to their will, they might thereby ascend and war against heaven. And after that God had confounded their tongues, and scattered them to the four winds of heaven, because of this, they added idolatry to their wickedness, and sacrificed their sons and their daughters to devils, and served the creature more than the Creator. God then chose our father Abraham, from whose seed He purposed to take to Himself an everlasting temple, gave him the covenant of circumcision, and entered into a compact with him, and in him began the way of the fear of God called Hebrew. After this, through successive generations, God raised up of his family good and righteous persons, who laboured in vain to make men return unto the Lord. Then Moses, the head of the Prophets, was chosen, and to him were given written laws and ordinances, such as were not vouchsafed to the three dispensations which preceded him. And in him began the Jewish dispensation, which like a child who has not yet attained to perfect knowledge, was taught to read in the old law, which enjoined that |391 good should be done towards relations, and towards the good, and evil to evil doers and enemies. It moreover represented God after the similitude of man, with bodily members, as dwelling at Jerusalem, as abiding on Mount Sion and among the congregation of Israel. It makes no mention of hell, or of the kingdom of heaven; but it threatens the transgressors of its laws with corporal punishments, such as submission to enemies, the being scattered among the heathen, with drought, famine, poverty, and barrenness; whilst, on the other hand, the good are rewarded with earthly and temporal rewards. All the Prophets who succeeded Moses followed and confirmed this way, and for it they submitted to every species of trial and persecution.
CHAPTER IV. -- Prophecies concerning Christ.
All the holy Prophets prophesied of Christ, Who was to bring salvation to the world, and to create all things new. And, in order not to lengthen our discourse, we shall adduce the witness of six of the greatest among them.
In the first place Israel, the father of the Prophets declared: "The sceptre," that is, a king, "shall not depart from Judah, nor a lawgiver," that is, a Prophet, "from between his feet, until He shall come Whose it is, and Him shall the nations wait for;" together with the remaining portion of the chapter.
Moses says: "the Lord thy God will raise up unto thee a great prophet from the midst of thee, of thy brethren, like unto me; unto Him shall ye hearken.... and whosoever will not hearken to that Prophet shall be cut off from among his people." The deliverance of Israel, moreover, out of the hand of Pharaoh, was a type of the redemption of all from under the power of the chief of this world. The manna, also, prefigured the mystery of our Lord's Body; the water from the rock, the drinking of His Blood; and the brazen serpent, the life-giving Cross.
David likewise fully prophesied of Christ in the Psalm, "Why do the heathen rage?" and in that beginning with "O |392 Lord our God, how glorious is Thy Name in all the earth!" and in that, "My heart is inditing of a good matter;" as also in the Psalm, "The Lord said unto my Lord, sit Thou on My right hand."
Isaiah prophesies: "Behold a Virgin shall conceive, and bring forth a Child, and they shall call His name Emmanuel, which being interpreted is, God with us, and His name shall be called Wonderful, Counsellor, the Mighty God, the Prince of Peace, the Everlasting Father." And, again: "He was wounded for our transgressions, and bruised for our iniquities; the chastisement of our peace was upon Him;" to the end of the chapter.
Zechariah says: "Fear not, O daughter of Sion, behold thy King cometh unto thee, lowly, and riding upon an ass, and upon a colt the foal of an ass."
Daniel, after having fixed the period of the seventy weeks which were to precede His appearance, writes: "Messiah shall be cut off, and shall have nothing; and the holy city shall be destroyed, and the sacrifice and oblation shall cease." And, again: "I beheld till the thrones were placed, and the Ancient of Days did sit; and I saw one like the Son of Man come with the clouds of heaven, and came to the Ancient of Days; and there was given to Him dominion and kingdom, that all people, nations, and languages, should serve Him; for His dominion shall not pass away; and His kingdom shall not be destroyed." Here endeth the Second Part. |393
PART III.
ON THE CHRISTIAN DISPENSATION.
CHAPTER I. -- On the advent of Christ, and of His union [of the divine with the human nature.]
Justice is an universal benefit, since whatsoever man would have others do to him, justice demands that he should do to them; and whatsoever he would not have men do to him, let him not do the same to them. This is the Law and the Prophets, as saith the Saviour. But as the prophets could not hereby reduce to perfect order the lives of men, and bring them to a knowledge of the truth by causing them to forego idols and follow the divine commands, in order that they might be saved, there remained no other way for the renewal of our nature, and for the reformation of our lives, but that God should appear in the world. Like a sovereign, who having sent many messengers to dispense the affairs of his kingdom, and to put in order those whom he would reconcile, if these should be overcome because of their weakness, and be unable to effect any thing, he goes in person to put those of that country in order. But since God is invisible, and because were it possible for Him to appear to the created as He is, all men would be destroyed by the effulgence of His brightness; therefore He took to Himself a man for His habitation, and made him His temple, and the place of His abiding, and thus united an offspring of mortal nature to His Divinity, in an everlasting, indissoluble union, and made it a co-partaker of His sovereignty, authority, and dominion.----That is, the Divine Essence enlightened the human nature by its union therewith, as the pure and faultless jewel is enlightened |394 by the rays of the sun falling upon it, causing the nature of that which is enlightened to be like the nature of that which enlightened it, and causing the sight to be affected by the rays and brightness pertaining to the nature of that which received, as it is by the nature of that which communicated, the light, no change whatever taking place in the agent by his action on that which was acted upon. And, again, just as speech hidden in the soul is united to written discourse by the consent of the mind, and is transmitted from one spot to another without itself moving, from its place,----so the Word of the Father united with the man of us, through the mind, and came into this our world, without, in His self-existence, leaving the Father:----"The Word became flesh and dwelt among us." A devout and pious man laboured for many years in prayer to God, that He would disclose to him the meaning of this declaration. A voice from heaven was at length vouchsafed to him, saying: " Ascribe to the flesh the word 'became,' and to the 'Word'' ascribe 'dwelt among us.' " Such was the answer.
CHAPTER II. -- On the life and actions of Christ.
When the angel saluted the Blessed Virgin, saying: "the Lord be with thee; blessed art thou among women;" God the Word, beyond all doubt, united Himself at that moment with that which He formed simultaneously, and without human seed, in the womb of the Holy Virgin, and to which He gave the name of the "Highest;" at whose birth, also, He wrought miracles, and diffused joy over the whole world, and endued It with perfect wisdom, grace and stature. And when He had attained the age of thirty years, in the fifteenth year of Tiberius Caesar, and the three hundred and forty-first of Alexander, He presented Himself to the baptism of John. Not that His purity needed a baptism of water; but in order that He might become a pattern and example to us in every thing. He was baptized, and He commanded that we should be baptized. He fasted, and directed us to fast. He prayed and taught us to pray. He humbled Himself, and instructed us to be humble. He was |395 lowly in the exercise of every virtue, and enjoined us to be lowly.----"Whosoever shall do and teach these things, shall be called great in the kingdom of heaven."
And after having wrought signs and wonders in the land of Judah, such as, the healing of the sick, the raising of the dead, the opening of the blind eyes, the making the lame to walk, casting out devils, and revealing hidden mysteries, He drew near to the time when He was to pay the debt of the first Adam's transgression, and to cancel the writing of condemnation against his race, and to reveal, by an example, the mystery of the general resurrection. He suffered, and was crucified under Pontius Pilate, He died, and was buried, and rose again on the third day, as it is written. After His resurrection, He appeared to His disciples through many signs during the space of forty days, saying unto them: "All power is given unto Me in heaven and on earth. As My Father hath sent Me, even so send I you. Go and disciple all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, teaching them to observe all that I have commanded you; and, behold, I am with you always, even unto the end of the world. Amen." "And He brought them out to Bethany, and lifted up His hands and blessed them; and, as He blessed them, He separated from them, and ascended up to heaven, and sat on the right hand of God. Then the disciples went forth and preached in every place, the Lord helping them, and confirming their words by the miracles which they wrought." This is the origin of Christianity; its truth we shall establish in the following chapter.
CHAPTER III. -- On the truth of Christianity.
Christianity is the belief in One Divine Essence, in Three Persons, and the confession of Christ as has already been explained, and the belief in a resurrection of the dead, and a judgment to come, and a new and eternal life, all which articles of faith are spiritual and unworldly. For the rational soul has a threefold power, lust, anger, and discriminating judgment, from |396 the excess or the want of a due proportion of which, evil acts and follies proceed, and from the harmony of which proceed virtues. Our Gospel, however, inculcates with regard to each of these what is superior to nature. Thus, with regard to lust, Christ saith: "Whosoever shall look upon a woman to lust after her, hath committed adultery already in his heart." Again: "Be ye like the birds of heaven, and like the flowers of the field." And, again: "Take no thought for the morrow." Of anger, He saith: "Love your enemies, bless them that curse you, and do good to them that despitefully use you." Of discriminating judgment; that the kingdom of God is life everlasting, and everlasting life is a knowledge of the truth:----"This is eternal life, to know Thee the Only true God, and Jesus Christ whom Thou hast sent." What exalted doctrine is this! and what truth can be superior to this, or more certain?
The truth of Christianity is indicated by this also, that like philosophy, it is divided into theory and practice. The end of its theory is truth, as we have already shown, and shall yet further show; and the end of its practice is virtue, as we proved by what we said of the powers of the soul, in regard of which it demands purity of thought, and the sanctification of the spirit, and enjoins good to be done to evil-doers, the love of our enemies, and that we should bless those who curse us.
The truth of the Christian religion is still further established by the credibility of those who preached it,----who preached and wrote of Christ,----men, who without exercising any compulsion, and without holding out any lure, were received by people of various tongues, by kings, sages, and philosophers; for whosoever abandons the religion of his forefathers, and follows him who calls him to embrace another, must do so either from fear, or because of the allurement held out to him, or he is led by the supernatural signs and wonders by which it is attested. But the blessed Apostles had neither weapons nor soldiery to terrify any; neither had they possessions or riches wherewith to allure; it results, then, that the world bowed to listen to them on account of the supernatural signs and wonders which they wrought. But God does not work miracles by the hands of false men, lest they should cause His servants to err, and corrupt the work of His hands. The Apostles, therefore, were true |397 and not false men; and if they were true, those things which we confess of Christ, and which we have received from their preaching and writings, the Christian Church holds to be true, because those who delivered them were true.
CHAPTER IV. -- On the different Sects.
When the light of Christ's brightness, shed abroad by these preachers, had scattered the darkness of error from the face of the world, idolatry ceased, and the worship of pictures and molten images passed away, and the earth was cleansed from the abomination of sacrifices and unclean rites, and the inhabitants of the world learned goodness, holiness, humility, and gentleness, and the earth was full of the knowledge of the Lord as the waters cover the sea. This filled Satan with envy and rage, and he forthwith proceeded to act towards us as he had acted towards Adam; so that after the Apostles, and their disciples, and their immediate successors, had slept, Christians rose up against each other, and divisions and controversies sprung up among them, and heresies without number increased in the Church of Christ, until they went so far as to compass each other's destruction, and regarded each other as infidels deserving of death. How many false doctrines were rife, and how many crimes were perpetrated in those days, we learn from the histories of Mar Eusebius. On account of these things, the Oecumenical Council of the 318 was convened, by order of the good and CHRIST-loving Emperor and Saint Constantine, in the year of Alexander 636, and by the power of the Spirit, and by proofs adduced from the Holy Scriptures, they decreed, interpreted, enlightened, disclosed, manifested, and confirmed, the orthodox faith; and by strong argument, and with words of sound doctrine, they condemned all the heresiarchs, excommunicated and cut them off from the body of Christ, as being diseased members not susceptible of cure. And thus the Catholic Church, was purified from every stain of vain worship and false doctrine, and all the world, from the rising of the sun to the going down of the same, was of one mind, and of one Church. |398
About one hundred years after this a dispute arose between Cyril Patriarch of Alexandria, and Mar Nestorius Patriarch of Byzantium, respecting the Incarnate Word. In the confession of the Trinity all Christians agree, for all receive the Nicene Creed, which creed confesses that the Trinity is co-equal in essence, dignity, power and will; and all confess of Christ that He is perfect God and perfect Man, being fully persuaded thereof by the declarations of the Gospels, of Saint Paul, and of the 318 Fathers. The dispute which now arose respected the manner of the Union, and the words used to express it. Cyril maintained that we ought to call the Virgin "Mother of God," and wrote twelve Sentences excommunicating all who should, in any way, draw a distinction between the divinity and humanity of Christ after the union. Nestorius replied to these Sentences, and showed that they were erroneous, and with respect to the appellation "Mother of God," he argued that it did not exist either in the writings of the Prophets or Apostles. The Prophets prophesied of Christ to come, and the Apostles preached of that same Christ, predicted by the Prophets as coming into the world, that this was He Who was born of Mary. Now, were we to use the expression "Mother of Man' only, we should be like Paul of Samosata, and Photinus of Galatia, who said of our Lord that He was but a mere man like one of the prophets, and on this account they were excommunicated; so if we use the bare expression "Mother of God," we become like Simon and Menander, who say that God did not take a body from Mary; but that His life and actions were in appearance only and not real, and on that account they also were excommunicated. But we call the Virgin "Mother of Christ," the name used by Prophets and Apostles, and which denotes the union generally. Cyril, in the Sentences which he drew up, and in which he excommunicated all who shall distinguish between the divinity and humanity of Christ, virtually excommunicates the Holy Scriptures, since the Apostles and Prophets do distinguish between the natures of the Person respecting Whom the dispute is, and from these the holy Fathers learnt to confess of Christ, that He is perfect God and perfect Man, the Likeness of God and the likeness of a servant, the Son of David and the Son of the Highest, flesh and Word. |399
From this time commenced the division of the Church; some followed Nestorius, whilst others went after Cyril, both parties mutually anathematizing each other; from which resulted sects, and the slaughter, exile, imprisonment, and persecution of the Fathers, such as had never been before, as is fully recorded in the histories of Irenaeus, Bishop of Tyre. After this, tumult and discord went on increasing until the zealous and Christ-loving Marcian undertook to convene the great Council of the 632 in the town of Chalcedon, and commanded that both parties should be examined and judged, and that whosoever did not follow the truth and faith as declared by this Council should be expelled the Church, in order that the Church might be united in one perfect agreement. This Council confirmed the confession, that there are two natures in Christ, distinct in the attributes of each, and also two wills, and anathematized all who should speak of mixture, which destroys the two natures. But because in Greek there is no difference between the meaning of the word Person and Parsopa, they confessed but one Person in Christ. And when the party of Cyril was not satisfied with the expression "two Natures," and the party of Nestorius with the expression "one Person," an imperial edict was issued declaring all who did not consent to this doctrine degraded from their dignity. Some were made to submit through compulsion; but the remainder maintained their own opinions.
Christianity thus became divided into three sects: the first confessing One Nature and One Person in Christ, which doctrine is held by the Copts, Egyptians, and Abyssinians, after the tradition of Cyril their Patriarch; and this is called the Jacobite sect, from a certain Syrian doctor called Jacob, who laboured zealously to spread the doctrines of Cyril among the Syrians and Armenians.
The second sect are those who confess the doctrine of two natures and one Person in Christ, and these are called "Melchites," because it was imposed forcibly by the king. This is the doctrine which is received by the Romans called Franks, and by the Constantinopolitans who are Greeks, and by all the people of the West, such as the Russians, Alani, Circassians, Assaï, [?] Georgians, and their neighbours. But the Franks differ from the rest of these in maintaining that the Holy |400 Spirit proceeds from the Father and the Son, and in their use of unleavened bread in the Lord's Supper. These two sects accepted the appellation "Mother of God;" but the Jacobites have added to the canon: "Holy God," &c. "Who wast crucified for us."
The third sect which confesses two Natures and two Persons in Christ is called the sect of the Nestorians. As to the Easterns, however, because they never changed their faith, but kept it as they received it from the Apostles, they were unjustly styled "Nestorians," since Nestorius was not their Patriarch, neither did they understand his language; but when they heard that he taught the doctrine of the two Natures and two Persons, one Son of God, one Christ, and that he confessed the orthodox faith, they bore witness to him, because they themselves held the same faith. Nestorius, then, followed them, and not they him, and that more especially in the matter of the appellation "Mother of Christ." Therefore when called upon to excommunicate him, they refused, maintaining that their excommunication of Nestorius would be equivalent to their excommunication of the Sacred Scriptures and the holy Apostles, from which they received what they professed, and for which we are censured together with Nestorius, as shall appear in the following chapter.
CHAPTER V. -- Refutation of the foregoing Creeds.
After having carefully distinguished the above Creeds, we shall now briefly refute two of them.
First: If it is right to believe that there is but one nature and one Person in Christ after the union, either the human nature and person are destroyed through the union;----here is destruction, not salvation. Or, the Divine Nature and Person are destroyed;----a monstrous profanity. Or, the two natures and two persons were mingled and confounded together;----behold hence a corruption! neither divinity nor humanity any longer existing. Mar Yohanan bar Pinkhâyé adduced the name |401 of Christ, written with black and red ink, by way of illustrating this confused union which the Jacobites believe, and the union of adherence which we believe; thus, CHRIST, behold corruption! behold confusion! Is it red ink? It is not. Is it black ink? It is not. Now look at this CHRIST 1 behold beauty! behold light! Is it black ink? It is. Is it red ink? It is.
Secondly: The Divine Nature and Person, before and after the union, is an eternal, uncompounded Spirit. But the human nature and person is a temporal and compound body. Now, if the union destroys the attributes which distinguish the natures and persons in Christ, either the one or the other of these becomes a nonentity, or they become a thing which is neither God nor man. But if the union does not destroy the attributes which distinguish the natures and persons in Christ; then Christ must exist in two natures and two persons, which united in the Parsopa of the Filiation.
Thirdly, the Gospel declares, that the infant Christ "increased in stature, and in wisdom, and in favour with God and man." And the Apostle Peter says: "Jesus, a Man of God, approved among you by miracles, and wonders, and signs, which God did by Him in the midst of you." And, again, S. Paul, the master-builder of the Church testifies, that "there is one God, and one Mediator between God and man, the Man Christ Jesus." These three quotations most clearly affirm of Christ, after the union, that He existed in two natures and two persons, and whosoever shall dispute these testimonies is far removed from all truth.
CHAPTER VI. -- On the title "Mother of God."
First: If the Virgin is the "Mother of God," and we understand by the word "God," Father, Son, and Holy Ghost; then she brought forth the Trinity, and not the one only Son.
Secondly: If the Virgin is the "Mother of God," and if He whom she brought forth suffered, died, and was buried, as the |402 four Evangelists testify, either ye hold that He died in reality, (and he who really dies has no power whatever to revivify others or himself, but must remain in death for ever,) and thus ye declare false the saying that He rose again: Or, ye hold that He died in appearance only, and in the same way rose again, (in which case He could not have arisen in reality, seeing that He did not die in reality;) then the hope of the resurrection is vain, since hereby the saying that "He hath raised us up with Christ" is made void.
Thirdly: If Mary is the "Mother of God," and Peter testifieth of Him whom she brought forth, saying: "Thou art the Christ, the Son of the Living God;" then, according to you, she is not the Mother of Christ, but the mother of His Father, and Christ is her grandson, not her Son, and she is the mother of His Father. Where, then, is the mother of Christ?
CHAPTER VII. -- Of four Persons.
First. If by our confession of Two Persons in Christ there result four Persons in the Trinity; then, by your confession of two natures in Christ there must equally result two natures in the Deity.
Secondly. If the Trinity, as is admitted by all, is eternal and uncompounded, and the human person temporal and compound, how can this, in any way, be considered as a fourth person to That?
Thirdly. If we maintained two Sons in Christ, this charge might justly be brought against us; because the Father and the Spirit, with these two Sons, would make four persons. But seeing that we confess but one Son, one Christ, one Parsopa, we have no fear of being guilty of blasphemy.
CHAPTER VIII. -- Of the Church.
The term "Church" imports a congregation, and an assembly met together to unite in acts of celebration. It is a model of |403 things above; for as the nine orders which minister to the Most High are divided into three degrees, just so the Church. The Patriarchs, Metropolitans, and Bishops, occupy the place of the Cherubim, Seraphim, and Thrones; the Archdeacons, Deans, and Presbyters, the place of the Dominions, Virtues, and Powers; the Deacons, Subdeacons, and Readers, the place of the Principalities, Archangels, and Angels. The name "Church," as we have said, has this signification; for Christ does not call material foundations and stones "a Church," but the congregation which believes in Him. The nave and the altar are called the Church metaphorically, just as the people of a city are called by the name of the city, as when it is said: "all the city went out to meet Jesus." And just as the city itself is often called by the name of the city, as when it is said; "He entered into the city." |404
PART IV.
OF THE CHURCH SACRAMENTS.
CHAPTER I. -- On the number of the Church Sacraments.
The Sacraments of the Church, according to the Divine Scriptures, are seven in number; 1. The Priesthood, which is the ministry of all the other Sacraments. 2. Holy Baptism. 3. The Oil of Unction. 4. The Oblation of the Body and Blood of Christ. 5. Absolution. 6. The Holy Leaven. 7. The sign of the life-giving Cross. These are necessary because of the wants of man in this carnal world.
In order for a man to be, and to exist in the world, he must be born of a carnal mother through a carnal father, though the figure and perfection of man come from the Father of Lights. In like manner, in order to belong to a world of immortality, it is requisite to be born of the spiritual womb of baptism, through the spiritual father, the priest, notwithstanding that form and perfection are imparted by the Holy Ghost, and by the power of The Highest.
Further, it is requisite for every one belonging to this world to sustain his temporal life by temporal food, and earthly drink. So, in like manner, spiritual meat and divine drink are a means to him who is baptized for sustaining his eternal life in God.
Again, as every one who is in the body, through the changes of the times, and bad living, is subject to sickness and disease, and is in need of physicians who will restore him to his former health if he follow their injunctions; so the man of God, through the effects of sin, and immoral living, falls into the |405 disorders of iniquity, and receives health from the priests of the Church, the spiritual physicians, if he orders himself after their directions.
The Oil of Unction is used in the birth which is by baptism, and the Holy Leaven is used in the spiritual food of the Body of Christ. The Sign of the life-giving Cross is that by which Christians are ever kept, and by it all the other Sacraments are sealed and perfected.
But some Christians who possess not the Leaven reckon Marriage, according to Christ's ordinance, (whereby in the place of a mortal deceased another is raised up,) the seventh Sacrament.
Should any from without inquire what constitutes the holiness and sacramental nature of each of these Seven Sacraments, we reply that these three things sanctify them: First, a true priest, who has attained the priesthood rightly, according to the requirements of the Church. Secondly, the word and command of the Lord of Sacraments, whereby He ordained each of them. Thirdly, right intention and confirmed faith on the part of those who partake of them, believing that the effect of the Sacraments takes place by a heavenly power.
We shall now treat briefly of each of the Sacraments separately.
CHAPTER II. -- Of the Priesthood.
The Priesthood is the ministry of mediation between God and man in those things which impart forgiveness of sins, convey blessings, and put away wrath. It is divided into imperfect, as was that of the law; and perfect, as is that of the Church.
The foundation of the Priesthood in the Church is laid on that declaration of the Lord of the Priesthood to S. Peter, in the town of Caesarea Philippi: "To thee I give the keys of the kingdom of heaven; whatsoever thou shalt bind on earth shall be bound in heaven; and whatsoever thou shalt loose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven." Its superstructure comes from that other injunction: "Feed My lambs. Feed My sheep. Feed My sheep." Its ornament and perfection from Christ's breathing |406 on the Apostles when He said: "Receive ye the Holy Ghost; whosesoever sins ye remit, they are remitted; and whosesoever sins ye retain, they are retained."
The old Priesthood was one of generation, was not irrespective of family, and did not depend upon the will of those who succeeded to it. But the new Priesthood handed down from the Apostles, and imparted in the Church through the laying on of hands, is committed to those who are deemed worthy of it after examination had of their life and conversation.----"Let these be first proved, and then let them minister being found blameless." Therefore the perfection of this and the imperfection of that Priesthood is evident, since we know that very many wicked children are begotten to righteous fathers, as Cain, Ham, and the children of Lot, of Moses, Eli, and others; and good children are begotten of wicked fathers, as Melchizedek, [?] Abraham, and others. Moreover, the former Priesthood was conferred by material oil; but this latter by the immaterial unction of the Spirit, through the laying on of hands.
As to the matter of the rules whereby he who desires the priesthood is to be tried, whether he be worthy or not, let him who wishes to know this attend to the words of S. Paul, the tongue of the Spirit: "If a man desire the presbyterate he desireth a good work. A Presbyter, then, must be blameless, the husband of one wife, vigilant, sober, of good behaviour, given to hospitality, apt to teach; not given to wine, no striker, not greedy of filthy lucre, but patient, not a brawler, not covetous; one that ruleth well his own house, having his children in subjection with all gravity; (for if a man know not how to rule his own house, how shall he take care of the Church of God?) not a novice, lest being lifted up with pride he fall into the condemnation of the devil. Moreover he must have a good report of them which are without; lest he fall into reproach, and the snare of the devil. Likewise must the deacons be grave, not double-tongued, not given to much wine, not greedy of filthy lucre; holding the mystery of the faith in a pure conscience. And let these," that is, all the degrees of the priesthood, " be first proved, and then let them use the office of a minister being found blameless." |407
CHAPTER III. -- Of Baptism.
Baptism is the immersion in and the washing with water, and of this there are five kinds: 1. The washing off of the filth of the body, as is commonly done by all men. 2. The legal washings, whereby it was believed that purity towards God from all carnal uncleanness was attained. 3. Those of the traditions of the elders, such as "the washing of cups, and pots, brazen vessels, and tables," and as "when they come from the market, except they wash, they eat not." 4. The baptism of John, whereby he preached only repentance and the forgiveness of sins. 5. The baptism of our Saviour, which is received, through the Holy Spirit, for the gift of adoption, for the resurrection from the dead, and for everlasting life; which is "the circumcision made without hands, in putting off the body of the sins of the flesh by the circumcision of Christ." For as the circumcision of the flesh was given for a sign denoting those who were of the family of Israel of old according to the flesh; so the baptism of Christ is a sign of spiritual relationship to the new Israel, viz., those who are the called, and the children of God. "Those who received Him, to them gave He power to become the sons of God."
The matter of Baptism is pure water. "Except a man be born of water and of the Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of God." The form, baptism "in the Name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost," according to the words of the Saviour.
There is also a Sixth Baptism, that of blood, as our Lord has noticed: "I have a baptism to be baptized with, and how am I straitened until it is accomplished." Also a Seventh Baptism, of tears, after the saying of the Fathers. These two are allied to the Fifth, which is an emblem of death and the resurrection.
CHAPTER IV. -- Of the Oil of Unction.
The Oil of Unction is an apostolical tradition, and there is |408 still kept up in the Church of God a succession of that which was consecrated by the Apostles. The end of its use we learn from its own physical properties, and from the sacred Scriptures. The Bible instructs us that, according to the Law, such as were set apart for the typical priesthood, or for earthly sovereignty, were anointed with the oil of unction. And in like manner with us: such as are separated to the kingdom of heaven and to the true priesthood, must be anointed with this same manifoldly symbolical unction, in order that they may be truly anointed ones and brethren of Christ, Who by His union with God is truly and supernaturally anointed. "Therefore hath the Lord Thy God anointed Thee with the oil of gladness above Thy fellows." He is the Anointer and the Anointed: the Anointer by His Divinity, and the Anointed by His humanity.
As to the natural properties of oil, we know that the most eminent artists, after having completed a picture with all its rich colouring, anoint it with oil, in order that it may not easily be injured, or receive damage when brought into contact with other objects. In like manner, those who are drawn after the Likeness of the Heavenly King are for the same reason anointed, lest they should receive damage from the chances of the world and from the opposition of the devil.
The matter of the Oil of Unction is pure olive oil. The form the apostolical benediction.
CHAPTER V. -- Of the Oblation.
The Oblation is a service offered up by those below to those above, through material elements, in hope of the forgiveness of sins and of an answer to prayer. The old oblations consisted of irrational animals and of the blood of bodies, but with us the Only-begotten of God, Who took upon Him the form of a servant, He offered His own body a sacrifice to His Father for the life of the world, and hence He is called by John, "The Lamb of God which taketh away the sins of the world." And again it is said of Him, that "His blood is the new testament, shed for many for the remission of sins." And again: "So God |409 loved the world that He gave His Only-begotten Son," Who was offered up to His Father a living, rational sacrifice for all mankind, thereby reconciling the world to Himself, and bringing salvation to angels and to men. Now, seeing that it was impossible that His identical sacrifice upon the cross for the salvation of all could be showed forth, in every place, throughout all ages, and to all men, just as it was, without any alteration, He beheld with an eye of mercy, and in wisdom and compassion thus ordained: "In that night in which He was betrayed for the life of the world, He took bread into His holy, pure, and immaculate hands, blessed, brake, and gave it to His disciples, saying: This is My body which is broken for the sins of the world. And also of the cup, He gave thanks, and gave it to them, saying: This is My Blood of the new testament, which is shed for many for the remission of sins. Take and eat all of you of this bread, and drink of this cup, and do this, whenever ye shall meet together, in remembrance of Me." Through this divine institution the bread is changed into His Holy Body, and the wine into His Precious Blood, and they impart, to all who receive them in faith and without doubting, the forgiveness of sins, purification, enlightenment, pardon, the great hope of the resurrection from the dead, the inheritance of heaven, and the new life. Whenever we approach these Sacraments we meet with Christ Himself, and His very Self we take into our hands and kiss, and thereby we are joined to and with Christ, His holy Body mixing with our bodies, and His pure Blood mingling with our blood, and by faith we know Him that is in heaven and Him that is in the Church, to be but one Body.
The matter of this Sacrament Christ ordained to be of wheat and wine, as being most fit to represent body and blood. The form He conveys through His life-giving word, and by the descent of the Holy Ghost.
CHAPTER VI. -- Of the Holy Leaven.
The holy and blessed Apostles, Thomas and Bartholomew of the Twelve, and Adi and Mari of the Seventy, who discipled the |410 East, committed to all the Eastern Churches a Holy Leaven, to be kept for the perfecting of the administration of the Sacrament of our Lord's Body until His coming again. And should any Christians dispute the fact of the above-mentioned Apostles having committed to those of the East this Leaven, on the ground that Peter, the head of the Apostles, and his companions did not commit it to the Westerns, and should object to us on this wise: "If it be as you say, then one of these two consequences must result: either the Apostles did not agree in their mode of discipling, which is impossible, or this tradition of yours is false." We reply: The Easterns from the day of their discipleship up to this day have kept their faith as a sacred deposit, and have observed, without change, the Apostolical Canons; and notwithstanding all the persecutions which they have suffered from many kings, and their subjection to the severe yoke of a foreign power, they have never altered their creed nor changed their canons. Such as are well versed in such matters know full well the labour and care required on the part of Christians to observe these canons, and more especially to preserve this Leaven, in a difficult country, where there is no Christian sovereign to support them, nor any commander to back them, and where they are continually persecuted, vexed, and troubled. Had this Leaven not been of apostolical transmission they would not, most assuredly, have endured all these afflictions and trials to keep it together with the orthodox faith.
Then, as to their argument drawn from Peter and the great Apostles who discipled the west, we have this to oppose to them, ---- that those Apostles did transmit the same to the Westerns, but that with their alteration of the faith, the canons also were corrupted, through the influence of heretical rulers. And, in proof of this statement, we urge that if they all held the traditions of the Apostles, the Franks would not offer an unleavened, and the Romans [Greeks] a leavened oblation; since the Apostles did not transmit it in two different ways. Therefore the Westerns have changed the faith and the canons, and not the Easterns. |411
CHAPTER VII. -- Of Absolution and Repentance.
The human race is frail, and easily inclined to evil, and it is hardly possible that all should not be tried with spiritual diseases; and on this account the healing priesthood was given to heal freely.----"Whosesoever sins ye remit, they are remitted." "The whole have no need of a physician; but such as are variously sick." And, again: "I came not to call the righteous, but sinners unto repentance." The parables of the Prodigal Son, of the Hundred Sheep, and of the Two Debtors, were moreover intended to raise the hope of sinners, and to open to them the gate of repentance which leads to heaven and imparts heavenly happiness. To the same end serve the case of Peter after his denial of Christ, and of Paul after his persecution, and the woman who was a sinner, the Publican, and the Thief upon the cross. Hence it behoves believers when, through the infirmity of their human nature, which all cannot keep upright, they are overcome of sin, to seek the Christian Dispensary, and to open their diseases to the spiritual Physicians, that by absolution and penance they may obtain the cure of their souls, and afterwards go and partake of the Lord's Feast in purity, agreeably with the injunction of the eminent doctor, who writes thus: "Our Lord has committed the medicine of repentance to learned physicians, the priests of the Church. Whomsoever, therefore, Satan has cast into the disease of sin, let him come and show his wounds to the disciples of the Wise Physician, who will heal him with spiritual medicine." 2 These things will most assuredly result if they are done in faith, and not after a worldly manner, for "whatsoever is not of faith is sin." Just as some, for lucre's sake, have made of this sacred thing a merchandize, and a source of temporal profit. |412
CHAPTER VIII. -- Of Matrimony and of Virginity.
Marriage after the ordinance of Christ, and entered into for the sake of the care and labour of a wife about the house, and for the bringing up of children in the fear of God, without idleness or murmuring, and in order that the eye may not wander towards that which belongs to others,----this is called in Scripture a holy estate:---- "Marriage is honourable in all, and the bed undefiled." Paul makes it the mystery of things far above this world:----" This is a great mystery, but I speak of Christ and His Church." Hence divorce is unlawful except for the cause of adultery. For adultery of the soul, which is divisible into three kinds: sorcery, denial of the faith, and murder. Or of the body:----" Whosoever shall put away his wife, saving for the cause of fornication, causeth her to commit adultery; and whosoever shall many her that is divorced committeth adultery."
With regard to Virginity, the steward of God's house saith: "I have no commandment of the Lord;" for the commandment of the Lord enjoins matrimony. But should any one desire to keep his virginity, and to follow, in this respect, the example of the Baptist, of the Saviour, of Elijah, and of Paul, it is allowable for him so to do, agreeably with the permission, and not after the command of God. Not, moreover, because he counts marriage an unholy and contemptible thing, but on account of what it entails, such as the being obliged to mix with the multitude, to have and to hold converse with them, and to reside in towns and villages, from all of which difficulties arise, which ofttimes make the yoke of marriage heavy by increasing one's cares, and thus the soul's advancement is hindered through its manifold connection with the world. Notwithstanding this, however, he who makes a vow of virginity, and does not become like a spiritual angel in theory and in practice, is inferior to a lax married man; for "no man that warreth entangleth himself with the affairs of this life." Here endeth the Fourth Part. |413
PART V.
ON THE THEORY OF THOSE THINGS WHICH PREFIGURE THE WORLD TO COME.
CHAPTER I. -- Of worshipping towards the East.
The custom of worshipping toward the East is the subject of an apostolical canon, and is founded upon that saying of our Blessed Lord: "As the lightning cometh forth from the east and shineth towards the west, so shall the coming of the Son of Man be." And because "of that day and of that hour knoweth no man, neither the angels "of heaven, it becometh us ever to be on the watch, with our faces turned towards the promise of His coming. This custom is therefore profitable in two ways; first, because it stirs up the remembrance of the end, and of the judgment to come, which is a preservative against evil; and, secondly, because it brings to mind our old place from which we were driven out on account of our sins, viz. Paradise, which is situated in the East, and thereby we are led to lay hold on repentance.
It is written in the Commentaries of Mar Ephraim, that the angel Gabriel appeared to the Virgin from the East, and that when he said unto her, "Hail, thou highly favoured!" she worshipped at his salutation towards the East. And when our Lord ascended up to heaven, His face was turned toward the west, in the same way in which He will come at the Resurrection. The disciples who were before Him, and looking at Him ascending, worshipped Him towards the East, and the angels said unto them: "This same Jesus which is taken up from you into heaven, shall so come, in like manner, as ye have seen |414 Him go into heaven." And the early commentators have added that on the first day the seven essences were created in silence, and afterwards the voice went forth, "Let there be light." The angels, who knew not that they had a Creator, when they heard the voice, concluded that if an effect followed it the Speaker must be their Creator, and the Creator of all. "And there was light," instantaneously. Then all of them worshipped towards that part from whence the light sprang forth, which was the East; and this is what Job the blessed says: "When I created the morning star, all My angels worshipped Me." [Syriac Version.]
CHAPTER II. -- On the Worship of the Lord's Cross.
We worship Christ's humanity because of the Godhead in Him; so, through the Cross, we worship God our Saviour. The "Cross " is the name of Christ, being equivalent to our saying the "killed," the "worshipped," 3 and does not rightly designate wood, silver, or brass. Now the great foundation of Christianity is the confession that through the Cross renewal and universal salvation were obtained for all, and that Cross which we use is the same sign of our Lord as is to appear in the heavens before His coming, as He Himself has foretold. When, therefore, we look upon this emblem of our salvation, we conceive as though we were beholding our Saviour outstretched upon it for the remission of our sins, and for the renewal of all creation. Hence we offer a fervent and eucharistic worship, not to the fashioned matter of the Cross; but to Him whom we figure as upon it, and above all to God, who gave His Son to be a Cross [i.e. crucified] for us, through whose crucifixion He wrought out renewal and redemption for us, and through Whom He gives to such as are worthy everlasting life in the kingdom of heaven. "For if, while we were yet enemies, we were |415 reconciled unto God by His Son; how much more shall we be saved through His life."
By this sign the Apostles wrought miracles, and the laying on of hands for the Priesthood, and all the other Sacraments of the Church are perfected thereby. These things, handed down from the Apostles, and confirmed by all those who succeeded them, declare that "the preaching of the Cross is to them that perish foolishness; but unto us which are saved it is the power of God."
CHAPTER III. -- Of the holy First Day of the Week, and of the Festivals commemorative of our Lord.
The observance of the First day of the Week is also the matter of an Apostolical Canon, it being the great day on which our Saviour rose from the dead, and by His resurrection made all created beings to rejoice by giving them, in His own Person, a most certain proof of the general resurrection and of everlasting life. For as the First-born of men arose on the first day of the week, so shall all the race of Adam arise on that same day,----a day which shall be the commencement of an endless world,----of that world which shall not begin with a beginning, but which is to appear. Surely it becomes us to hallow the day on which such great events transpired, and, seeing that at the resurrection all worldly labours shall cease, and all shall return to the worship of God, and be engaged in the contemplation of His unutterable mysteries; hence the Apostles ordained, that on the first day of the week Christians should suspend all worldly occupations, and engage in prayer to God, in reading the Holy Scriptures, and in meditating on the life of Christ. And they enjoined more especially the study of the Prophetical books, which are, as it were, the foundation and introduction to the truth of the life and actions of Christ, Who came to fulfil the prophecies and not to destroy; (for He who cometh to perfect that which was imperfect, though in some things he substituteth perfection for imperfection, how can such a one be deemed a looser or destroyer?) "Search the Scriptures, for in them ye think ye have eternal life, and they are they which testify" that |416 the Father hath sent Me. Hence the Apostles enjoined that the Prophets should be read first, and after these the Gospel which is their fulfilment and seal. And this ordinance we observe every Sunday in remembrance of the resurrection to come, when all shall be rewarded according to their works, that hereby we may be led to eschew evil and to do good.
In like manner, and with the same design, the Church celebrates year by year the life and actions of our blessed Lord, lest, from not being commemorated, those benefits which are given to us through the advent of Christ should be withheld from us, and should finally be lost to us in the darkness of error.
CHAPTER IV. -- Of Friday.
This used to be called the sixth day until the sun set upon it at the crucifixion of our Saviour, and darkness prevailed over all creation on account of the temerity of the Jews; and hence it is called arobta [the setting of the sun]. Creation, we say, put on the garment of mourning and affliction because of the enormity of the first sin, and because of the sins of all, for which He died Who had committed no sin, neither was guile found in His mouth. The sun was hid from the heavens, the earth shook and quaked, the veil of the temple was rent, and the rocks were riven, and no carnivorous animals or birds of prey ate meat on that day, or went near to any carcasses, in reverence to the holy corpse of the Saviour which was outstretched upon the wood, as we understand from the comments of Mar Ephrem. Hence the Apostles made a Canon, that Christians should not eat meat on this day, neither on Wednesday, on which latter day the Jews took counsel together to kill the Saviour, and agreed upon the price of the innocent blood with Judas Iscariot. On this account Wednesday is included in the same Canon. And, in truth, Friday ought to be a day of mourning with all, because on it, for the transgression of the first Adam, the sentence of death was passed upon all our race, and we were driven |417 from Paradise into a land of curses. On this same day the flood took place, in the time of Noah, and destroyed all mankind; and thereon also Satan warred with the First-Born of men, viz. on the last of the forty days, as he did on the day of the Passion.
CHAPTER V. -- Of Fasting, Prayer, and Almsgiving.
The foundation of the virtues of true godliness with such as believe in the resurrection, and exercise themselves therein in hope of the world to come, consists of these three, Fasting, Prayer, and Mercy, wrought with the end enjoined in the Gospel, and not from any other motive. As one of our sages has said: "Fasting is superior to all passiveness, and Prayer superior to all other action; but Mercy is the being like God."
Now Fasting is of two kinds: outward, from food; and inward, from evil. It tends to induce the rich to show mercy to others, for by tasting the bitterness of hunger and thirst themselves, they are made to feel what the poor experience. It moreover tends to sanctify the senses, purify the thoughts, and to make us resemble the angels.
Prayer is not only the key of the Lord's treasury, but a spiritual converse, as one of the fathers has said: "My son, when thou art engaged in prayer, thou dost speak with God; and when thou readest the Scriptures, God speaketh with thee."
Mercy doth not only make us resemble God, Whom there is none like, but it is also a medium for the exercise of wisdom on the part of the followers of Christ, Who, through the needy, sends forward to heaven those things which we love and esteem, and declares that in them we shall have joy and exultation without end: "Lay not up to yourselves treasures on earth, where moth and rust doth corrupt, and where thieves break through and steal; but lay up unto yourselves treasures in heaven,... for where your treasure is there will your heart be also." There is a passage in the life of Saint Thomas the Apostle, which beautifully illustrates this Scripture. Having undertaken to |418 build a magnificent palace for the Emperor of India, and received vast sums for this purpose, which he distributed among the poor, when asked about it, he replied that he had built the palace in heaven: and the fact was confirmed by the testimony of a deceased brother of the Emperor, who was restored to life through the prayers of the Apostle. By the exercise of mercy men are made worthy of receiving Angels unawares; and to Cornelius it was said: "Thy prayers and thine alms are come up for a memorial before God." The Prophets and Apostles moreover testify that this is the only way by which the rich can attain unto God.
CHAPTER VI. -- Of the Girdle.
The girding of Christians at the time of prayer, though it betokens a preparedness for service, and a ready appearance before the Lord, after the manner of those who stand in the presence of the kings of the earth; yet it is nevertheless the subject of a Divine command both in the Old and New Testaments. In the Old Testament the girdle was ordered to be worn by the Priests, the sons of Levi, with the other parts of their vestment; and in the New Testament we read: "Let your loins be girt about, and your lamps burning, and be like those servants waiting for their Lord's coming." The blessed John the Baptist had his loins girt about with a leathern girdle; and it is said of S. Paul in the Acts, that the Prophet Agabus took the girdle from off his waist, and girded himself therewith.
Now there is a threefold object in the use of the girdle: First, he who binds up his loins bears the sign of worship and ministry, and intimates that he is a worshipper and minister in the kingdom. Secondly, as it was enjoined by our Lord, it betokens a wakeful mind, pure intention, and the being in wait for Him, Who is to return from the feast, and to conduct all with Him thither. Thirdly, it is an emblem of death: "another shall gird thee, and lead thee where thou wouldest not." Those who set out on a journey generally gird up their |419 loins; and so it becometh us mortals and wayfarers, whose days, in spite of ourselves, have been brought forward on the road which leadeth above, to make ready a viaticum which shall be useful to us in the other world, viz. a right theory of the orthodox faith, and the practice of good works. The use of the girdle teaches us these things.
CHAPTER VII. -- Of the Resurrection, the Judgment to come, and Everlasting Life.
He who commenceth a work must have a design therein, and when this is attained he ceases working, and maketh an end of his work, otherwise his labour is vain and unprofitable. Now God, who is all-wise, did not create His creation in vain, and without a design; but, as we have already shown, He created it in consummate wisdom, and with an exalted purpose, to be the study of His rational creatures, and for the perfection of His Likeness in them. And when the time decreed in His wisdom shall arrive, He will bring this world to an end; for every beginning is the beginning of an end, and, contrarily, every end is the end of a beginning. On this subject a certain godly man has said: "When the tenth circle 4 shall be made up from among men, then shall the end be, and the cutting off of time shall come, and shall not fail." On that day the sun shall set and shall not rise again, and the stars shall fall from heaven, and all this world shall become a chaos of darkness, and all the motions of the elements shall cease. Then shall the sign of the Son of God, the shining Cross, appear in the heavens with power and great glory, accompanied with the awful sounds of the trumpets of angels. Thus shall Christ, the King of kings, appear like the lightning which cometh from the east, and shineth towards the west. His glorious appearance shall shake all the ends of the heavens, and all the foundations of the earth, and He shall then cry out with His life-giving voice: Let the resurrection and the renewal be. This is the |420 last trumpet, at the sound of which the wind of revivification shall blow and enter into those who shall be alive, and shall divest them of their grossness, and suddenly, as in the twinkling of an eye, they shall be changed into the likeness of Angels. And it shall likewise enter into the dead, and these also shall rise up incorruptible. Then shall the righteous ascend up into the kingdom of heaven, and shall enter with their Lord into the chamber of the Bridegroom above, and with unspeakable joy shall exult in the visions and revelations which through His light shall shine in upon them. This is true happiness. But, as to the wicked, they shall remain upon the earth in darkness in which none can walk, and shall be consumed with the fire of remorse for those things which they have committed, and because they bartered everlasting bliss for temporal and deceptive enjoyments, and a real possession for the dung of earth. This is the true hell, whose fire is not quenched, and whose worm dieth not.
But as to those who are deceived, and who fancy that everlasting life consists of something corporeal, such as eating, and drinking, and marriage, things which appertain to mortals, our Saviour reproves such when He says: "In the resurrection they neither marry, nor are given in marriage, but are as the Angels of God in heaven." Eating and drinking are profitable for the body, because by replacing the humours which go out thence they preserve the person from decay. And marriage, likewise, by raising up one for the one who dies, keeps up the species until the number decreed in the Everlasting Purpose is made up. Then as these two effects will cease, the causes also by which they existed must necessarily cease. Moreover all carnal blessings serve for the warding off of pain; but, as we have before observed, when man exceeds in the use of them they turn into evils. As, for example, meat and drink: one realizes the blessings of these after the pain experienced from hunger and thirst; but used inordinately and greedily, they bring pain and disease, if not death. And so with all the good things of this world; but with spiritual blessings it is not so, for the more one desires and partakes of these, he ever desireth more, as is seen in the case of those who seek after knowledge, science, and wisdom.
But, now, should any doubtingly inquire how bodies can rise |421 again which have been destroyed, and which have mingled with the dust, which have been eaten of wild beasts, or consumed by fire, or drowned in water? we reply: Should a piece of iron be broken into impalpable powder, and be mixed with dust and sand, the hidden power of a magnet will at once separate the atoms from the dust and sand, and from whatever other heterogeneous bodies with which they may have been mixed; and if such virtue resides in the magnet, how much more possible is it for the power of the Creator, in His wisdom, to separate, bring together, and remodel the bodies of men at the resurrection!
Or, again: if a skilful and ingenious mechanic should form a figure from many materials, and should conceal each of these separate materials in a particular part of his house, no one knowing the place where they are hidden but himself; if asked to construct that figure, could he not at once, and without hesitation, bring forth every part from its separate hiding place, and put all the different parts together in their proper order without any mistake? How much more easy must a like work be to Him Who is the Only Wise, the Almighty! Our bodies, through corruption, return at last to the four elements of which they were composed; the skill whereby these parts were put together in our likeness is hidden with God, and when it pleaseth Him, He can restore each part to its place, in its separate shape and quantity, so as to make it conformable to that figure, the lineaments of which are hidden with Him. Then shall every human body arise, just as it was, "in the stature of the fulness of Christ." As to the final rewards and punishments, these shall be distributed according to the deserts of each, in perfect justice: "the wicked shall go away into everlasting punishment; but the righteous into life eternal."
"Now unto Him that is able to do exceeding abundantly above all that we ask or think, according to the power that worketh in us, unto Him be glory in the Church by Christ Jesus, throughout all ages, world without end. Amen."
Here endeth, by the help of God, the book called Marghianeetha, on the truth of Christianity, written by the undeserving Abd Yeshua, Metropolitan of Nisibis and Armenia. To our God be glory and thanksgiving for ever. Amen. |422
This useful book was written in the month of September, in the year of Alexander 1609, in the blessed city of Khlât, in the Church of the blessed Nestorians; and to God be praise, honour, thanks, and worship, for ever. Amen.
Written by the frail hands of the author for the benefit of his own soul, and for the profit of all who may possess it. May the Lord endue all such with wisdom. Amen.
[Footnotes moved to the end and numbered]
1. Note to the online text: in the printed text, this is printed in black with a red outline. I can find no way to represent this in HTML.
2. * This is a quotation from the service appointed in the Khudhra, to be read on the first day of the commemoration of the Fast of the Ninevites.
3. * The Syriac sleewa, signifies literally the "crucified," and is in the same verbal passive form as kteela, zgheedha, "killed," "worshipped," adduced by the author in the text.
4. * There is a reference here to the nine orders of Angels, who are said to minister in the Church above. See Part III., Chapter viii.
Note to the online text: the author is given as Mar Abd-Yeshua in Badger, but in the best modern bibliography of Syriac literature, Sebastian Brock, A brief outline of Syriac literature, Series: Moran Etho 9, Kottayam (1997), p.80, the author's name is given as 'Abdisho' bar Brika. The subtitle of the work is 'The truth of the faith.' This short but influential exposition of East Syrian theology was written in 1298.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2005. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: john_bar_zobi_homily.htm
John bar Zo'bi, Extract from a metrical homily. From G.P.Badger, The Nestorians and their rituals (1852) vol.2 pp.151-153
John bar Zo'bi, Extract from a metrical homily. From G.P.Badger, The Nestorians and their rituals (1852) vol.2 pp.151-153
On the foundation of the two holy sacraments of the Church, viz. Baptism and the Body and Blood of our Lord.
"I confess two sacraments in the holy Church,—one the sacrament of Baptism, and the other the sacrament of the Body and Blood. The foundation of these two is laid in the flesh of our Lord, and it is fit that I should explain this for the edification of the sons of the Church. Peter the Apostle wrote this account, and I am therefore bound to record it without any alteration. When our Saviour was baptized of John in the river Jordan, John beheld His greatness, i.e., His Divinity and humanity, and understood that He did not submit to be baptized on His own account, but in order to set us an example that we should be baptized even as He was. And this blessed John was graciously inspired to take from Christ's baptism a little leaven for our baptism. So when our Lord went up out of the water whilst the water was yet dripping from His body, John approached our Lord and collected these drops in a phial; and |152 when the day of his martyrdom arrived he committed it to his disciple, and commanded him to preserve it with great care until the time should come when it would be required. This disciple was John the son of Zebedee, who he knew would become our Lord's steward. Accordingly, after His baptism, our Lord called John, and made him His beloved disciple; and when He was about to close His dispensation, and His passion and death drew nigh, on the evening preceding the Friday He committed His passover to His disciples in the bread and wine, as it is written, and gave to each a loaf; but to John He gave two loaves, and put it into his heart to eat one and to preserve the other, that it might serve as leaven to be retained in the Church for perpetual commemoration. After this, when our Lord was seized by the Jews, and the disciples through fear hid themselves, John was the only one who remained. And when they crucified the Lord in much ignominy with the thieves, John alone was present, determined to see what would become of Him. Then the chief priests ordered that the crucified ones should be taken down from the cross, and that their legs should be broken, in order that if yet alive they might die outright. The soldiers did this to the thieves, but when they came to our Lord and found that He was dead already, they brake not His legs, but one of them with a spear pierced His side, and straightway there came out blood and water, of which John was witness. Now this blood is a token of the sacrament of the Body and Blood in the Church, and the water is a token of the new birth in believers. John was the only one who perceived this sepa-rateness of the water and the blood, and he bare true witness thereof, as he says, that we might believe. He declares that he saw them unmixed, and that he did not take of them together, but of each separately. He took of the blood upon the loaf which he had reserved from the paschal feast, and he took of the water in that same vessel which had been committed to him by John the Baptist. The very blood of His body, therefore, mixed with the bread which He had called His body, and the water from His side mingled with the water of His baptism. After He rose from the grave and ascended up in glory to His Father, and sent the grace of His Spirit upon His disciples to endow them with wisdom, He commanded His apostles to ordain |153 in His Church that same leaven which they had taken from His body to be for the sacrament of His Body, and also for the sacrament of Baptism. And when the disciples went forth to convert the nations, they divided this leaven amongst themselves, and they took oil of unction and mixed it with the water which was kept in the vessel, and they divided this also amongst themselves to be a leaven for Baptism. The loaf which John had, and which was mixed with the blood which flowed from His side, they bruised into powder, then mixed it with flour and salt, and divided it among them, each portion being put into a separate vessel to serve as leaven for the Body and Blood of Christ in the Church. This is the account which I have read, which bore the sign of Peter, and I have written it as I found it for the benefit of such as may read this our Epistle. The presbyter Rabban Shimoon, who first related the narrative to me, and then afterwards showed me the written account, can witness to the truth." From an ancient work by Yohanan Bar Zöobi.
Note to the online text
John bar Zo'bi was a Nestorian writer who flourished around the end of the 12th century. He wrote metrical homilies, partly in seven syllable, partly in twelve-syllable verse, on the chief points of the Nestorian faith. One of these is mentioned by Assemani, Bibliotheca Orientalis, iii. 1, 309, note 1; and has been translated by G.P.Badger in The Nestorians and their rituals. This translation, which is not properly attributed by Badger, is given here. John bar Zo'bi is better known as a grammarian, however, and is one of the last writers of Syriac. He is not mentioned in S.Brock, A brief outline of Syriac literature (1997) however. So this information comes from W. Wright, A short history of Syriac literature, (1894) pp.258-9.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2005. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: khamis_poem.htm
Khamis bar Kardahe, A poem. From G.P.Badger, The Nestorians and their rituals (1852) vol.2, pp.39-49
Khamis bar Kardahe, A poem. From G.P.Badger, The Nestorians and their rituals (1852) vol.2, pp.39-49
(a) " Ten thousand times ten thousand glories uttered by the Church, and never-ending springs of the pouring forth of the Spirit, flow towards the dust, unto Thee, Thou Bay of the Mysterious Orb, the Everlasting, the Son of the essence of Self-existence, Who from virginity took a garment of humanity, and hid therewith the effulgence of His Divinity!
(b).... " After the similitude of His hidden likeness had become corrupt, and the image of His mysterious self had been defaced and defiled, and the transcript of His similitude had been utterly ruined, and after the model of His own creation had been swallowed up in the gaping bowels of the insatiable sheal, the good God deigned to renew and to restore it. And when the set time for the fulfilment of this His benevolent purpose towards the creation had arrived, the Lord spread abroad His mercy as the sea, and His pity as the great deep, and He poured forth and enlarged the goodness and the grace of His Divinity, by sending His consubstantial Son,----the Son of Self-existence. In a befitting way His Will descended towards men; He sent His Beloved, the Begotten of Himself, that is, His Express Image, Who in consummate wisdom, took upon Him, from us, a nature and a person. In a wonderful manner he clothed Himself with a corruptible garment, covering therewith His excellent glory, and when the time appointed in His wisdom had come, He mended and repaired it, and sewed together its rents. He was borne in the womb according to the laws and peculiarities of nature, and was brought forth by His mother."
(c) " The Begotten, the Highest, the Ancient of days, Who has set us free, drew milk from the breast as do sucklings and infants, was bound in swaddling clothes, and was placed in a manger like a child of the poor and needy, although He is verily and indeed the King of kings, to Whom the highest worship is due. Crowds of simple and untutored shepherds surround the cave where He lay, and bow to Him in adoration. Legions of spiritual, excellent, and adoring Powers,----the living chariots of |40 the wonderful cherubim,----the speaking wheels, with open eyes and replete with wisdom and intelligence, now stationary, now lifted up,----myriads of Seraphim, as quick as light, with outstretched wings, whose it is to sing thrice Holy,----the glorious, admirable, and awful company of exalted thrones,----the company of those who keep watch over the kingdom of the Lord, all the beautiful armies, lordships, dominions, invincible powers, archangels, angels, and messengers, surround Ephratha in nine circles, fly to and fro, ascend and descend as eagles, dance, rejoice, clap their hands and feet like children of freedom, sing and sound their trumpets on the day of the Nativity, and on their lyres praise the Child Born,----sing the most exalted hallelujahs, thrice Holies, psalms, glories, and holy songs, unto God in the highest, increase of security and peace upon the earth, and the descent of good-will and its continuance among men. The unbelieving Magi, the worshippers of idols, Chaldeans, and sorcerers, and such as adore the great lights,----men well versed in astronomy and astrology, and deeply read in these sciences,----were troubled and perplexed, they snorted like wild beasts, and cried out and demanded one of another, 'Who is this before whom the mountains tremble, and the images are moved, and the idols quake, and the heathen priests are confounded, and their altars fall to ruin, and the high places are annihilated?' They fled to the treasuries of their volumes, opened the scrolls, searched them diligently, and discovered therein that what had been foretold generations before by Zoroaster the highly venerated and esteemed was now fulfilled. Then the lips of these scribes were shut, and they were confounded; and they chose out from among them kings of high renown and of great riches, and they delivered into their hands gifts, tithes, and vow-offerings, and sent them away with a commission, and bade them to be watchful. And as they went forth, behold a star of great brightness, bearing on its surface the image of a woman with a child in her bosom, guided and accompanied them into the land of Judea. In all haste, like men in earnest, they accomplished their journey, and entering the cave they offered their gifts, and bent to Him the knee. After this they returned to their own land continually glorifying God. The spiritual essences, those who dwell in the regions of the Spirit, were enraptured, and the |41 earthly, such as were alive and such as were in the grave, rejoiced, saying: 'He is One to all generations.'
(d).... " From these things, then, let us rest assured that the Messiah is One in two Natures, and two Persons subsisting in one Parsopa of Filiation, since the Natures did not commingle; and in like manner we believe of the Persons. The Son of the Father clothed Himself with Him of Mary, and was conceived in the womb. But let no man filch a word from this, and wilfully pervert it by specious philosophy, so as to conclude that there are two Sons. For there is one Son only, not a Son and a Son making two; but One Son, we repeat, as it is most proper to maintain, even as a man by clothing himself with a garment is not called two men. The Will of the Creator descended and united Itself to the will of the creature: the Divine Nature clothed itself with the human nature, which thus became co-equal in everything, in reverence, in worship, and in praise, for they have but one Parsopa; in essence, however, not so, for this were impossible.....Now, in what we have laid down, there is no doubt, double-meaning, or equivocation whatever; neither in what we have declared is there any folly or ignorance; but as it is written, all has been arranged in a 'goodly and pleasant way,' and after a suitable order;----all, we say, has been set forth worthily, rightly, truly, firmly, and on a solid foundation.....
(e) "Behold Him, Who is clothed with light, wrapped in swaddling bands; what a mystery is here! No less wonderful is it that He Who is seated on the throne of heaven should have been laid in a manger! The Ancient of times became a Son of Mary in the latter time, and appeared as the Father, Lord, and Master, of the sons of Adam, loosing from off their nature the bands of the curse and of sin, and causing a light to shine forth through the shadows of death. The sun of His love chose an orb from the firmament of humanity, and made the rays of His moon to be the rational confidence of man; so that henceforth the grossness of the dark earth cannot hide the one from the other, He having destroyed it by the splendour of His brightness. He brought down the Spiritual, and guided it to the nature of the dust, wherefrom He chose Him out an abode to manifest forth the mystery of perfect and great |42 salvation, and to exhibit true liberty to the children of flesh, who had become the slaves of falsehood and error.....
(f) "A daughter of man, the chaste Virgin, became as a haven of safety to the rational vessel, tossed about in the tempestuous sea, so that henceforth the winds of error are powerless to drive it hither and thither, nor can the tumultuous waves, raised by Satan, cause trouble to its rowers, now that the true Jewel has been brought up by the power of the Almighty arm of God, enclosed in the shell of the chaste Virgin, and elect bosom, which shall, having indeed the companionship of a human body, but without any [conjugal] intercourse, open upon the shore of the cave of Bethlehem, the rivulet of which is small. Towards this Jewel we bow the neck and shoulders, and for it we barter our souls; because it sheds forth light in darkness, and is a Pearl which all the merchants extol. Not all the wealth of the world can purchase it, therefore let us cast away all our silver and gold, and all that we possess, and hasten and gaze on its pure and varied beauty, so that perchance its reflection may be impi'essed upon our minds, and it may become to us a treasure of life in earthen vessels.....
(g) " Behold Adam, the begetter of nations, is begotten again, and the Creator of men has become a little child! He [the first Adam] who would have arrogated to himself the sovereignty unreasonably, took it [in Christ] when He was born an infant. Hail to thee, O daughter, whose Son caused fatherhood to exist! Hail to Thee, O Infant, Who filledst the womb of Thy mother with grace! Hail, Mary, who honouredest in thy bosom a united Man filled with purity, the reasonable temple of the Divinity! The Holy Spirit was the Master Who wove in thee the tabernacle of the Humanity, and the words of the Angel messenger were as His threads thereto. Hail to the Begotten, the Unspeakable, the Wonder working! Hail to the Begotten, the equal with His Father in dominion and sovereignty, Who became the origin of reconciliation and peace!
(h) " The Sceptre has sprung out of the root of Jesse, according to the prophecies, and the branch has arisen out of his stock, as had been declared, and the Star of Jacob has appeared from the Virgin, the second heaven full of purity.
(i) " Let us rejoice and sing praises, let us be merry and |43 joyfull, because the King is born at Ephratha, and has received the adoration of sovereigns through their gifts. Let the priests who surround the altar clap their hands, and let the Church dance for joy, since He is born Who will instantly destroy all those that hate her. Let the heavens rejoice, and let the earth be glad, because the Lord has been sent to create peace above and below, and to make all one. Henceforth the Leader of the weak, Who has been exalted, shall abolish death; and the Strength of the fallen, Who has been raised up, shall drive the oppressor far off. On this day the Law of despised nature puts to silence the scribes, and the Barrier of tradition, Which has been broken through, shall from this time forth annul their scriptures. The time has come for the Holy Church to adorn her neck with glory, because the body of her truth which was wounded is now suddenly healed, and the shoulders of her children are freed from the yoke of death.
(j) " That which good and righteous men, who declared the set seasons, waited for, has at length appeared and come to pass, and has dazzled the minds of men; the Essence, in Itself simple, has, by a wonderful operation, made Itself compound through the different 'kinds of flesh' [1 Corint. xv. 39,] and the accidents of colour, and thereby manifested the hidden mysteries of Itself.
(k) " The hope of the good, and the parables of the just, are now brought to light, and the sayings of the prophets are fulfilled in the birth of the Highest. The Fire and the Spirit, whose mysteriousness Moses the Prophet worshipped on the mount, have manifested their excellence in vile flesh. The stone cut out without hands, as prophesied of by Daniel, appears in the Child born without conjugal intercourse or connexion. Though the seals of virginity are unbroken, behold a child is found wrapped in swaddling bands, even as Isaiah had declared, that a Virgin should bring forth Emmanuel. A Branch from the root of Jesse sprouts out where there is no water; and the daughter of David inwardly magnifies and praises the Lord's Son. The emblem of Aaron's rod that budded speaks from afar that the tree of virginity bears fruit without having been watered. The prophets figured forth the hidden mystery of Him in divers manners, and in various wavs the righteous |44 declared His beauteous signs, and those who searched diligently prefigured Him in proverbs; but the perfect accomplishment of the whole has appeared to us in a wonderful mystery, and in an astounding way. He covered and hid His dazzling brightness with a corporeal, corruptible and vile garment, for had He appeared to the children of the dust in His glory, who could have looked upon His Divine splendour, who would have been so rash as to gaze upon His exalted Image, or who could dare to conceive of Him Who is beyond all conception? Did He not say to the son of Amram: 'Turn back, for no man can look upon Me and live?' Great is He Who is Born, Who strikes all creatures with awe!
(l) " Hitherto the law of nature was in force, but in the appearance of the Saviour from a virgin, the law of birth from [conjugal] union was abrogated; and the mind that would comprehend how this was must lose itself in the inquiry.
(m) " On the exalted throne of that glorious Temple whose two gates are built in wisdom on the confines of the two worlds, [reference here is made to the Divinity and Humanity of Christ,] there the Lord of all creation sat as Supreme Ruler. Like kings who take a survey of all their dominions in order to manifest the greatness of their affection towards the nations under their sway, and to cause peace and safety to dwell among them;----for a similar end the Messiah, the King, took upon Him a human body, that the two worlds, the visible and invisible, might be comprehended in Him, and that by a gate within a gate [the Divine Nature hidden under the Human] He might bring both together, and join them in One. This is the mystery contained in the words spoken by the Spirit, that from a daughter of David and of Abraham the Messiah should be born. David says of Him, that ' His throne shall stand as the sun, and shall endure as the moon to order and to establish all things,' that is, by His manifested Divinity, and by the life and wisdom of His Humanity; for in the motions of Himself He comprehends all the angels in the highest, and, in the members of His Body, He comprehends man who is on the earth, thereby fulfilling, as in a rational way, that the two worlds are, by the power of His Spirit, but One body, and He is that very One Who through these sees the things which we cannot sec. He is the very One |45 Who makes all visible creatures to subsist, Who tries and judges them. Before the Union these offices belonged to the Person of the Divinity; afterwards it was given to the Person of the Humanity. And since all these things are fulfilled in this Begotten One, He is therefore Man and Lord most truly, certainly, and beyond all doubt. Let our abject race, therefore, rejoice, exult, and leap for joy, since the King of the highest and of the deep came down in order to raise it from its fall, and through Him the pure in heart see God. Let not heretics, with perverse minds, dispute this truth; but henceforward let angels and men rejoice together, because they shall abide one Church for ever....
(n) " By His birth He has opened the gates of the highest which were shut, and by His nativity He found again the lost sheep of the Father, as was figured in the shepherds who crowded round the manger, praising Him Who is the Good Shepherd. These did not indeed comprehend the meaning of the occurrence; but nevertheless they took up and repeated the song of the angels. For in those days men were like beasts in every thing, living like brutes in sensual lusts, and they stumbled in their goings over the stumbling-block of sin through the obliquity of their souls: they were, moreover, vain-glorious, and walked after the law of their nature without any discernment. And whilst in this condition, led about forcibly by this law of their nature, they took medicine for their souls from the manger of His Body, and thus prefigured to us the mystery of His sacraments, their actions loudly proclaiming and foreshadowing His Body as our meat, and His Blood as our drink, which fulfil in us the mystery of life. Whilst these were thus engaged round about the manger, the angels in heaven were singing praises unto Him; and let us, in the renewal of that life which was decayed, join in their exultations.
(o) " The Invisible Will came down, took a parsopa, and appeared openly, and thereby renewed that which was broken up. And the rain of the wicked one descended furiously upon Him, because without water He made the rod of the wonderful Virgin Child to bud, and without germinating heat He made it to blossom anew, and thereby consummated all by restoring our nature. |46
(p) " The form which had been marred [human nature] was again glorified; the piece of silver which had been lost was found; the sheep that had wandered was brought home safe; the hungry prodigal ate, and left of that which was placed before him; the leaven leavened the three measures of meal; the stranger in Jerusalem, who had fallen among thieves that robbed him in the descent to Jericho, and who was found plundered, wounded, and stricken, despised, and cast out, has been healed, since the Heavenly Physician has been sent to the earth to dispense medicine to the afflicted, to heal the sick, and to give sight to the blind; and not to this end only, but also to break the gates of steel, and to raise the dead, because His power is great, and His medicine healing, and whatever pleaseth Him that He doeth. Therefore, O Christ, Thy birth is worthy of all worship and praise.
(q) "The wicked one foresaw the shadow of salvation in Moses, and hence it was that he stirred up the deceitful Pharaoh not to suffer a Hebrew child to live, thereby hoping to destroy Moses among the children. And when Satan could not compass this his wicked end, he made use of Herod as a cloak, whom he incited to slay all the children of Bethlehem, the fool thinking in this way to destroy Him Who gives life to all. (Consider these ways of the Creator, thou discriminating one, and observe how His providence is ordered by rule, and preserves the middle of the road. Who can deny His wisdom but the unbelieving; and who can refuse coming to Him to be sanctified but the impure?) When the vile fox discovered that he could not approach the place of the Lion, he was confounded and put to shame, both he and his mean instrument with him. Then the Father brought His Son out of Egypt, even as the prophet David, that lyre of the Spirit, had declared when he said: ' Out of Egypt have I called My Son.' (Attend now, thou prudent one, and perceive how he reminds us of the things relating to Moses in Egypt, who was saved from the water in an ark of bulrushes, even as Pharaoh was afterwards drowned by water.) The birth of the Saviour at Bethlehem, which spot had been purchased by a good and accepted man for seven sheep, and called by him Ephratha on account of its spring, typifies, declares, and makes known to us that He destroys the power of the seven |47carnal lusts which matter generates, and, moreover, that from Him shall flow forth rivers of the knowledge of the fear of God, which shall destroy the wicked one as by a flood. The material water drowned in its depths the material man [Pharaoh], and the immaterial water drowns the immaterial one [i.e. Satan]. Behold a great mystery! Hail, then, to the economy which surpasses all comprehension! Hail to that Providence, the story of which strikes even the pure in heart with awe! Behold, on this day, drink is set down in the place appointed for meat, from the manger issues the spring of life, which is meat and drink, spirit and power, unto all such as believe on Him, but a drowning flood to all those who resist Him. Such is the property of water, that it quenches the thirst of the thirsty, and destroys the rash and froward. Here, then, in the cave of a flinty rock, is set up the beautiful stone, the very building of the Born One, the Temple of the Lord, figuring to us that faith in Him cannot be moved for ever and ever, because it is founded on a truth which frees the world from all doubt and uncertainty.
(r) " The life-giving Spirit was the agent in His pure conception, and gave a body and members to the Infant by the power of God, and joined it to Him in one immutable parsopal dignity, not to be changed for ever and ever.....
(s) "Abraham, Moses, and David, were truly the beauty, excellency, and dignity of the Old Testament, and in their wonderful actions and lives figured forth the mystery of the Son. Abraham through the lamb, Moses through the fire, and the illustrious David, in all his actions, ministered to the mystery of Him. Saul persecuted with all his might the injured David; even so did the wicked and deceitful Herod [persecute the Saviour]. On David's account the priests were slain by the sword of the proud, just as the innocent children were slaughtered on Christ's account. From among the priests Abiathar was the only one saved; so John the son of the barren ones was the only child preserved. David fled and dwelt among the Gentiles; and the Son of David fled into Egypt from the hand of the infidel. The high-priesthood was cut off from the house of Eli in Abiathar; and in John prophecy ceased in the house of Jacob. And whereas He twisted the Old and New Covenants into one, we believe that He is Lord of both. At the |48 annunciation He was called Jesus, that is, a Saviour, because he was destined to redeem men from the power of the Hater. He was also called Christ, a name of union and of dignity, because in Him a new life was joined to the mortality of dust. The legal shadow has now passed away, and the light has broken forth in the renewing of the Spirit, not in the oldness of the letter. The grace of the Father has appeared in the Wonderful Begotten One, teaching us, as it is written, to deny ungodliness and worldly lusts. On this day the bark of prophecy has reached the shore; in This Begotten One all the types are fulfilled. Water and clay have become like the subtler elements of air and fire, since Jesus took from them a body. Whereto, then, serve the orders, multitudes, classes, and appointments, of the heavenly hosts who magnify the Lord within the veil? Whereto the circuits of the spheres, the sun, and the moon? Whereto the sea and the dry land, the mountains and plains? Wherefore dost thou thus ask, O inquirer? Wouldest thou say that their creation was superfluous, or that humanity could have done without them, or that they cannot hide that radiance? If thereby thou meanest what the apostle did when he said, ' that God may be all in all,' thou dost rightly interpret the mystery of the perfect man [Saint Paul], for this is its true signification. For the Parsopa of the Word, as on this day, appeared in the body, and has centred in His own beauty the sight and contemplation of all minds. Henceforth men will not be deluded into the worship of bulls and calves, nor be attracted after the bright shining of any of the planets. But, thou, keep this charge of mine and be watchful.
(t) " The Church exults in Thy adorable birth, Thou Saviour of the world, since thereby the nations and the nations [Jews and Gentiles] are made one, and the shepherds of earth and the angels in the heavens above unitedly sing and praise Thee.
(u) " Let the Church rejoice in this first-born of festivals, and on this chief of her solemn assemblies, in the contemplation of this glorious and wonderful providence, and let her with watchful mind keep guard over its mysteries, and let her show herself beauteous and perfect by being ready to do good deeds, and in nothing coming short of perfection. Let her bring up her children in every good work little by little, and at all times cause |49 the idea of the Saviour's Image to be conceived in the bowels of their spiritual thoughts, in order that Christ may be truly formed in their hearts, as saith the Apostle Paul in his Epistle. For such is the profit to be derived from all the festivals observed by the Church; and unless this is the result, all our labour will be in vain, and in vain all the round whereby we commemorate the life and actions of the Saviour. O God, make us to be blameless, that we may live in purity, in faith, and in a right spirit, and that we may apprehend salvation by the eye of our minds, close our sight against every earthly lust, and lift up our eyes towards the high and heavenly kingdom, and there behold Him, Who is clothed in a bodily garment hiding therewith His dazzling Form, seated on the right hand of the Almighty, invisible to mortal ken. And as we have honoured this festival of the Nativity with the voice of the [Church] services, so may we sing to the Begotten in the mystical Sion. And now with an equal praise we magnify the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, because He has saved His people in a wonderful way, and redeemed us with a mighty arm.
(w) "We praise the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, one Essence, because He has saved those of earth by the birth of Jesus Christ; to Him be glory. And may this illustrious festival of the Nativity be blessed, and Satan driven far off from the baptized, and may the grace of the Adorable Spirit descend upon us. To the erring author [of this hymn] stretch forth Thy hand, O Lord."----From the Khamees, and appointed in the Gezza to be read on the Feast of the Holy Nativity.
Note to the online edition
Khamis bar Kardahe, of Arbel, was a younger contemporary of Bar-Hebraeus, as we learn from his correspondence with Daniel bar Khattab. He bequeathed his name to one of the Nestorian service books, still called the Khamis. Wright indicates that this passage of Badger is a poem by Khamis.
He is not mentioned in S.Brock, A brief outline of Syriac literature (1997) however. So all this information comes from W. Wright, A short history of Syriac literature, (1894) pp.284-5.
An interesting extract from another Nestorian service book precedes it in Badger:
"With all these proofs to establish the humanity of the Saviour, I am astounded at the tenets of the erring heretics. Manes, Marcion, and the worthless Simon deny [Christ's] body, and thereby deprive our race of salvation. Eutyches, also, who falsely asserted that the [Christ's] body descended from above, equally denies our body, [i.e. that Christ's body was like our own.] Eunomius and his followers denied the soul [of Christ]; Apollinaris denied the mind [of Christ]; but the worst of all was Jacob [Baradseus] who makes the self-existent passible. This erring man maintains that there is but one nature in Christ, and says that the self-existent became flesh, thereby destroying the co-equality of the Persons of the Trinity, and inflicting a serious injury on mankind. After him come the erroneous Chalcedonians, whose creed resembles his, since they believe that there are two Natures and one Person in Christ. And this creed is maintained by all the West, by the Romans, the Greeks, the Egyptians, the Copts, the Melchites, and by most of the Georgians. This wicked party excommunicated Mar Nestorius, who was true, and who taught the truth in the |39 Church. He confessed two Natures and two Persons in Christ even as the disciples declared to all nations in their preaching; and all nations received this doctrine, which is well known in all the Churches of the East as it was preached and manifested by Mar Mari the Apostle." From the Gezza.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2005. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: spicilegium_0_eintro.htm
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855), Preface to the online edition
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855), Preface to the online edition
This collection of material from Syriac sources was assembled by William Cureton from the Nitrian desert manuscripts. The 'Apology of Melito' is now considered spurious, and the production of a later age.
I have omitted almost all the Greek and Syriac with which the work is liberally studded. Most of the notes are philological, many concerned with highlighting how mistaken Renan or B. Harris Cowper ('B.H.C.') were in their translations of some of this material. I have omitted almost all of those. Selected notes, or portions of them, have been moved from the end to the foot of the work to which they relate. The Greek of Bardesan, quoted from the Praeparatio Evangelica, I have omitted; likewise the Latin of Caesarius. The reason for omission is that I would have to manually transcribe the material, character by character, and I do not know of any online readers to whom it would be of sufficient interest to justify so many days labour.
Roger Pearse
9th July 2003
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2003. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: spicilegium_1_intro.htm
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855) Title page, dedication, note
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855) Title page, dedication, note
SPICILEGIUM SYRIACUM:
CONTAINING REMAINS OF
BARDESAN, MELITON, AMBROSE
AND
MARA BAR SERAPION.
NOW FIRST EDITED, WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION AND NOTES,
BY THE
REV. WILLIAM CURETON, M.A. F.R.S.
CHAPLAIN IN ORDINARY TO THE QUEEN, RECTOR OF ST. MARGARET'S, AND CANON OF WESTMINSTER.
LONDON:
RIVINGTONS, WATERLOO PLACE.
1855.
TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE
THE LORD JOHN RUSSELL, M.P.,
TRUSTEE OF THE BRITISH MUSEUM,
&c. &c. &c.
MY LORD
THE publication for the first time of remains of writers who have been among the most celebrated in the earliest ages of the Christian Church cannot fail of securing; for this Volume an interest with the scholar, and a place in the libraries of our colleges and public institutions, in spite of any deficiencies on the part of the Editor.
I feel highly gratified, therefore, that the permission to dedicate it to your Lordship has afforded me such an occasion of recording my admiration and respect for your Lordship's talents and virtues; and my gratitude, in common with that of very many others, for your long continued efforts, through evil report and good report, to promote the civil and religious liberty of all classes of society----the best human means of securing both their temporal and eternal happiness;----as well as of expressing my deep sense and acknowledgment of favours and kindnesses, for which I had no claim of personal connection or private influence with your Lordship to afford me the slightest pretension.
I have the honour to be,
MY LORD,
Your Lordship's very faithful Servant,
WILLIAM CURETON.
CLOISTERS, WESTMINSTER ABBEY,
July 20, 1855.
NOTICE.
THE prudent advice which Horace has given to authors, "Nonumque prematur in annum," 1 has been literally followed by me with respect to this book, although I cannot take the credit of having adopted it intentionally. It is now nine years since the Text of this volume was printed. Other more pressing occupations have hindered me from publishing it before the present time. In the Preface to "The Antient Syriac Version of the Epistles of St. Ignatius," which appeared in 1845, I made known my intention of editing the celebrated Dialogue of Bardesan on Fate which I had found; and as early as the year 1846 I communicated an English translation of the "Oration of Meliton" to the late venerable Dr. Routh, President of Magdalene College, Oxford. At that time he had just completed the first volume of "Reliquiae Sacrae," in which he had collected all that was then known to remain of the genuine writings of the antient Bishop of Sardis. In the same year, when my "Vindiciae Ignatianae" appeared, I announced that the present volume was in the press, and early in 1847 the whole of the Syriac part was printed.
In 1852 M. Ernest Renan, a young orientalist, from whose zeal and diligence we may hope for much hereafter, in a Letter addressed to M. Reinaud, inserted in the "Journal Asiatique" an account of some Syriac Manuscripts which he had seen in the British Museum the year before, and amongst the rest, a notice of that in which are found the treatises comprised in this volume. Not having seen the announcement of my intended publication, he believed that he had been the first to discover the existence of these precious remains of antiquity. In writing to thank M. Renan for the copy of this Letter, which he had been good enough to send to me, I pointed out to him the fact, that they had been already printed four years before. His reply, which is now in my hands, reflects far greater honour upon M. Renan, than the reputation of any such discovery could have done. He is most anxious to |ii repair an injury, which, although in ignorance and unintentionally, he thought that he had done to me by assuming to himself a discovery which I had already made, and to restore to me the full credit----if indeed there be any in so small a matter----by taking the earliest opportunity of stating in the "Journal Asiatique" how the case really stood. Nor did this satisfy him. In a brief notice prefixed to a Latin Translation of this tract of Meliton, which came into my hands in time for me to refer to it in the notes of this volume, he again alludes to the same matter.2
Besides the Syriac text which I had communicated to M. Renan, for the purpose of being inserted in the "Spicilegium Solesmense," edited by my very learned friend, M. Pitra, I also placed in the hands of the Chevalier Bunsen the English translation in manuscript, as well as the printed text, with full permission to make any use of it that he might deem proper, for the second edition of his work, "Hippolytus and his Age."
In the course of the present year, a writer who seems to have been altogether unaware of these facts has inserted, in the "Journal of Sacred Literature,"3 a translation of the pieces attributed to Meliton, published in this volume. It appears to be the attempt of some young man who at present has but a very imperfect acquaintance with the language, as well as with what has been done in Syriac literature of late, or he could hardly have been ignorant that my volume was in the press. It has been my duty, in the course of the Notes, to point out some of the errors into which he has fallen, although I could not undertake to notice them all.4 Whoever he be, let him not take this amiss. He deserves encouragement for having applied himself at all to such studies; but he will certainly render a greater benefit to literature, and better consult his own reputation, if henceforth he will advisedly follow the caution of the Roman poet whose words I have quoted above.
1. 1 De Arte Poetica, v. 388.
2. 1 Haec ego, mense Septembri 1851, dum Musei Britannici codices assidue verso, non sine gaudio reperi, deque his, in Journal asiatique, april. 1852, breviter egi, simul et operis Melitoniani initium publici juris feci. Mox vero per litteras certior factus sum quae primum nec reperisse credideram, eadem v. cl. GULIELMO CURETONIO bene jam cognita fuisse, imo virum doctissimum et honoratissimum apud se habere eadem fragmenta jam typis excusa, atque in Spicilegio illo syriaco quod oranes Europae viri eruditi tanta expectatione praestolantur, proditura. Curetonii ergo laus sit Melitonem syram primum detexisse. Vide autem quae sit viri illius humanitas: nostris precibus motus, plagulas quibus textus Melitonianus continebatur nobiscum communicavit, easque per nos latinas fieri permisit.
3. 2 In the numbers for January and April 1855.
4. 1 The reader will find these mentioned in the notes. I give one or two here as a specimen of this author's version. He signs himself B.H.C.
B.H.C.'s TRANSLATION.
MY TRANSLATION.
I say that rejection is denounced against those. I affirm that also the Sibyl has said respecting them.
Now the understanding is free and a knower of the truth: whether it is in these things consider with thyself. And if they dress up for thee the figure of a woman. But thou, a free intelligence and cognizant of the truth, enter into thyself, and if they clothe thee in the fashion of a woman.
Against this generation. Touching this matter.
But perhaps thou wilt say, How is my work not the God whom thou worshippest, and not an image? But perchance thou mayest say, Why did not God create me, so that I should then have served Him, and not idols?
And art thou not ashamed that blood should be required of the maker of it? And art thou not ashamed, perchance it should be deficient to demand of him who made it?
Wherein thou wallowest on the earth, and yet art favoured. For things which are destitute of consciousness are afraid of him who maketh the earth tremble. Why rollest thou thyself upon the earth, and offerest supplication to things which are without perception? Fear him who shaketh the earth.
Was seized by the shearer. Was taken from the flock.
Thou didst lie down against rectitude of mind. Thou wast reclining on a soft bed.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: spicilegium_2_preface.htm
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855). Preface
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855). Preface
PREFACE.
THE Manuscript from which the materials for the present volume have been chiefly derived, is one of those which were obtained by Archdeacon Tattam from the Syrian convent in the desert of Nitria in the year 1843. It is now numbered 14,658 amongst the Additional Manuscripts in the British Museum. Several leaves were added in 1847 from fragments subsequently acquired by M. Pacho;1 and four more were again supplied from other fragments procured also by him from the same source in the year 1850. At present the volume consists of one hundred and eighty-eight leaves. Originally it must have had more than two hundred and twenty; for the last gathering as it now stands is numbered the twenty-second, and each gathering consisted of ten leaves. It is imperfect both at the beginning and the end, has suffered mutilations in several parts of the volume, and some of the leaves have been much stained by oil. It is written in a large bold hand in two columns: the headings of chapters and the titles of separate works are distinguished by red letters. It appears to have been transcribed about the sixth or seventh century of our era.
BARDESAN.
The first work printed from this Manuscript is the celebrated Treatise of Bardesan on Fate, said to have been addressed to the Emperor Marcus Antoninus, commonly known as |ii Marcus Aurelius; although, with the document now complete before us, we find no intimation of its having been so addressed. Eusebius calls it, [Greek]:2 Jerome, copying him, writes, "Clarissimus et fortissimus liber quem, Marco Antonino de fato tradidit.3 Theodoretus speaks of the author in the following terms: [Greek].4 Epiphanius gives the same account in a rather extended form, supplying also the name of the person to whom Bardesan chiefly addressed himself in this Dialogue: [Greek].5 Eusebius, in his Ecclesiastical History, speaks of the author thus: [Greek];6 and again, in his Preparatio Evangelica, he prefaces an extract from the work now before us with these words: [Greek].7 He then quotes the long extracts which I have printed, pp. 8-10 and 16-32. Photius, writing of Diodorus, Bishop of Tarsus, has the following words: [Greek] |iii [Greek].8 And again, [Greek].9
The title, indeed, of the work in this volume is Book of the Laws of Countries, and the name of the person who is introduced as having written down the dialogue is Philip (see pages 5 and 7); but it is evident that it is the same treatise as that alluded to by all these writers whose words have been now quoted. It is a dialogue. Bardesan takes the leading part in it: his discourse is addressed to his companions, one of whom is named Avida, or Abida. The subject-matter is on Fate. It affirms the precise doctrine which is attributed to Bardesan's treatise. The author declares himself to be fully acquainted with the science of Chaldaean astrology, and gives abundant proof of the same; and, further, all those passages which have been quoted as extracts from Bardesan's treatise, are found in this. Moreover, it is written in Syriac, in which most of his works were composed, although he was also well skilled in the Greek tongue, as Epiphanius 10 informs us. There can be no doubt, therefore, that we have now in our hands, in the original language of the author, and in a complete form, that celebrated Dialogue of Bardesan on Fate, written about the middle of the second century,11 which has been |iv so often referred to by subsequent writers, but of which only a comparatively small portion has hitherto been known to us.
Eusebius has inserted two long extracts from this treatise in his Praeparatio Evangelica, probably from a Greek translation made by some of those friends of Bardesan, who, as the same author, in his Ecclesiastical History, as well as Theodoretus, informs us, translated his dialogues into Greek.12 I have given both of these passages in this volume, on the same page with the English translation. Besides the Greek version preserved by Eusebius, there is also a Latin translation of the second extract, contained in the Recognitions, falsely attributed to Clement of Rome, which were modified and done into Latin by Ruffinus about the year 400.13 I have printed this, as well as the Greek,14 in juxtaposition with my own English translation, in order that the reader may at one view be enabled to compare the three, and to note their variations as well as their agreement. I have likewise appended an extract from the second Dialogue of Caesarius, brother of Gregory of Nazianzum, in which, although the name of the author be not mentioned, much has been borrowed from that same part of Bardesan's dialogue which relates especially to the laws and habits of different nations. It may be interesting and useful to compare this also with the other versions, and with the original text.15 |v
With respect to the Author, Bardesan himself, so much has been already said by different writers,16 that the subject seems to have been exhausted; and I am not aware that I am able to bring any additional facts to light, beyond what is supplied by the treatise itself, now, after the lapse of many centuries, for the first time exhibited in its original integrity. I will therefore only quote a few passages relating to Bardesan and his opinions, which I have extracted from the famous reply of Philoxenus, Bishop of Mabug, to an anonymous writer who had impugned the opinions which he had put forth in an Epistle addressed to the monks.17 They are taken from one of the Nitrian Manuscripts obtained by Dr. Tattam in 1841, now in the British Museum, No. 12,164: [Syriac] "But thou hast not been mindful of thy instructor, Bardesan, whom his disciples celebrate in their books for his patience and polite answers to every man." fol. 125, b. [Syriac] |vi "Who so confesseth that boy which was born of the Virgin, that her child is the Highest, he assents to Bardesan." f. 127, b. [Syriac] "Therefore this also, that 'the Antient of Eternity was a boy,' we have not taken this from Bardesan, but he has made use of it as a means of concealing his own error, and took it from the doctrine of the Church." f.164. [Syriac] "There are some of them who say, that he sent down the Word a body from heaven, as thou saidest just now, and didest assent to thy teacher Bardesan..... Because thou hast not comprehended the mind of Bardesan, who assumeth the body of Christ to be from heaven." f. 171. b.
MELITON.18
The second tract in this volume bears the title of "An Oration of Meliton the Philosopher," addressed to Antoninus Caesar. Nor is there any thing contained in it, so far as I am competent to form an opinion, which in any way should lead |vii us to doubt of the correctness of this inscription, or to question the genuineness of the work.
It is true, as M. Bunsen states, that it appears to be entire, and yet does not contain that passage quoted by Eusebius 19 from the most famous of all Meliton's writings, his Apology to the Emperor Marcus Antoninus in defence of the persecuted Christians. Had indeed that learned ecclesiastical historian been fully acquainted with all the works of Meliton, and also distinctly stated that no other address had been made by him to any one bearing the name of Antoninus Caesar than that in which was contained the passage that he has quoted, it would then have been sufficiently evident that the work before us could not be by Meliton, if indeed it be, as it appears to me to be, complete, and not an abridgment or extract from a larger Apology: this, however, may seem to some to be uncertain.20 Eusebius himself, however, has given us to understand plainly that he did not profess to exhibit a full and exact account of all the writings, either of Meliton or of Apollinaris,21 but only of such as had come to his own knowledge. His silence, therefore, as the late venerable Dr. Routh 22 has justly observed, is not of itself to be construed as an argument against the genuineness or authority of any work bearing a name not mentioned by him, if there be no positive external testimony against it, nor any internal evidence in the work itself which |viii may render it doubtful or suspected. Maximus,23 in his Preface to the writings attributed to Dionysius the Areopagite, says that there were very many works which Eusebius omitted to notice, because they had never fallen into his hands. And as a case in point we may observe that Eusebius has not said one word respecting the Apology of Athenagoras, presented also to Marcus Antoninus about the same time, and containing many things in common with this address, and with the other Apologies offered to the Roman Emperors at that period.
There is no reason why we must suppose that Meliton should not have written two Addresses to the Roman Emperor as well as Justin Martyr, or that one of them might not have escaped the knowledge of Eusebius, or at least have had no mention of it made by him, as well as that of Athenagoras. The Apology cited by Eusebius was probably amongst the latest, or indeed the last of all the works 24 which Meliton wrote; and internal evidence has led critics to conclude that it was presented to the Emperor Marcus Antoninus in the tenth year of his reign, after the death of his associate in the Empire, Lucius Aurelius Verus, about A.D. 169-70. External testimony by the author of the Chronicon Paschale attributes it to the same date, A.D. 169. 25 But the same writer, five years before, A.D. |ix 164-65,26 speaks also of an Apology presented by Meliton to the Emperor. Unless, therefore, we assume that he was not sufficiently well and clearly informed, and has therefore given a confused account ---- an assumption for which the silence of Eusebius cannot afford sufficient grounds ---- we can hardly draw any other conclusion from his words than that Meliton presented two Apologetical addresses to the Roman Emperors ---- the one before us, which contains rather a defence of the true religion against the Polytheism, idolatry, and incorrect ideas of the Deity entertained by Pagans; and the other, as the extract preserved by Eusebius would lead us to infer, against the persecution of the Christians on account of their faith, Indeed the passage which the author of the Chronicon Paschale cites as from Meliton's Apology, and which, from its having been given before he mentions the later date, would lead us, if there were two, to refer it to the former, seems to be sufficiently near to be almost identified with expressions found in the work before us, if we bear in mind, that it must necessarily have undergone some change in phraseology, by the translation out of Greek into Syriac, and also suppose it not to have been intended for an exact and verbatim quotation,27 but only as an allusion.
Judging merely from what we read in the Address itself, I should have been disposed to fix the date about four years earlier than that in which mention is first made of Meliton by the |x Chronicon Paschale, either to the end of 160, or the beginning of 161, a short time before the death of Antoninus Pius, and probably when his health had sensibly begun to decline. Unless, indeed, the expression be intended as generally applicable to every one whose father is still alive, the words "Be solicitous respecting thy father----so long as thy solicitude may be of avail to help him," would imply that Antoninus Pius was still surviving, although perhaps in a state to cause anxiety. In the inscription, Marcus Antoninus is designated Caesar, and not Autocrat, or Emperor. His being associated with Antoninus Pius, and taking a part in the administration of the empire, would be sufficient grounds for Meliton to address him; and in the words of the Apology cited by Eusebius, he alludes to the part which he took in the government: "During the time that thou also with him wast governing every thing." The prospect of his early succession to be the head of the state, might also have prompted Meliton to offer his opinion as to the surest means of governing a realm in peace----by knowing the truth, and living conformably thereto. At the end of the Address he refers to the children of Antoninus. Of these he had several, both sons and daughters.28
In forming an opinion from the internal evidence of the work, I cannot think with the Chevalier Bunsen, that "it bears the stamp of a late and confused composition." It seems certain, indeed, that the writer alludes most clearly to the Second Epistle of St. Peter;29 but inasmuch as I do not hold the same views as my very learned and dear friend respecting the authenticity |xi of that Epistle,30 I do not recognise, in the fact of its having been clearly alluded to in the work which we have now before us, any evidence of the "lateness" of the composition. As to the Address being "confused," it does not seem to me in this respect to differ in its method from the rest of the Apologies of the second century; with which, indeed, it has very many things in common, even to some evident mistakes, such as that of confounding the Egyptian god Serapis with the Patriarch Joseph.31 Some of the views of this writer as to the origin of Polytheism and idolatry in certain places are uncommon. They have probably been gathered from traditions at that time current in the East, but of which in these days very little is known.
I will not, however, pursue this subject further at present, but, committing the document into the hands of the reader, leave him to judge and draw his own conclusions for himself.
For an account of the other extracts attributed to Meliton, and the sources from which they have been gathered, I must refer to the notes in this volume.
AMBROSE.
The short work bearing the inscription of Hypomnemata, and attributed to Ambrose, a "chief man of Greece," is the same, with some modifications, as that known by the title of [Greek]----"Oratio ad Gentiles," which, in several copies, is attributed to Justin Martyr, and indeed has been |xii very generally received as his. Many, however, have doubted the authorship, and others have not hesitated to state their conviction that it bears internal evidence of being by a different hand from the undoubted work of Justin, The Dialogue, with Trypho the Jew.32 Assuming the authorship as it is given here to be correct, there seems to be an easy explanation why it might have come to be attributed to Justin, in the fact of its having been often classed in the same volume with his Apologies, which have in a great measure the same object in view; and thence having been supposed to be by Justin himself, a transition which the small bulk of the work may readily account for.
The Ambrose here mentioned as a chief man of Greece, and a senator, can hardly be understood to be any other than the friend and disciple of Origen, whom Epiphanius designates as one of those illustrious in the palaces of kings,33 and whose wealth enabled him to supply his master with all the necessary expenses for completing his Hexaplar edition of the Scriptures,34 and who also himself suffered martyrdom for the Christian faith. Certainly the inscription of this tract and its contents would well concur with what we know of Ambrose.35 |xiii
MARA, SON OF SERAPION.
We have no information respecting this author beyond what is supplied in the letter itself addressed to his son. Mara, or as Assemani 36 writes it in Latin, Maras, is not an uncommon appellation amongst the Syrians, and there have been many who have borne the name of Serapion 37.
The author speaks of himself as one whose city had been ruined, and himself also taken and detained as prisoner in bonds by the Romans, together with others whom the victors treated in a tyrannical manner, as distrustful of their fidelity to the Roman government. He describes the misery of his friends and companions belonging to the city of Samosata, and the distresses which he and they suffered when they joined themselves together on the road to Seleucia. He alludes to the destruction of Jerusalem and the dispersion of the Jews as an act of divine vengeance for their having murdered Jesus; but he makes no direct mention of the name of Christ, and only designates him as the "wise king," who, although put to death, still lived in the "wise laws which he promulgated."
From these facts it is evident that the author wrote at a time when the Romans not long before had been making fresh conquests, or repressing rebellion in the parts of Syria about Samosata and Seleucia, and probably at a period when, on account of the persecution of the Christians, it would not have been prudent or safe to have spoken in more direct terms of Christ. Comagena and its capital Samosata were taken by the Romans in the reign of Vespasian, A.D. 72, or two years after the capture |xiv of Jerusalem by Titus.38 About twenty-three years later the persecution under Domitian began, A.D. 95.39 There would be nothing therefore incongruous in assigning, from its internal evidence, the date of this Epistle to the close of the first century. Nor would the allusion to the catastrophe of Samos at all militate against this, if it be referred to the earthquake in the reign of Augustus, from which several of the neighbouring islands also suffered.40
The mention, however, of that island having been covered with sand, as a punishment for the burning of Pythagoras, seems to me to have a direct reference to the Sibylline verses;"41 [Greek]
I cannot therefore, in my own mind, come to any other conclusion than that this Epistle ought to be assigned to a period when the Sibylline verses were frequently cited, the age of Justin Martyr, Meliton, and Tertullian.42 This date, too, will perhaps otherwise coincide quite as well with what is read in the letter as the former. The troubles to which the writer alludes as having befallen himself and his city will apply to those inflicted by the Romans upon the countries about the Tigris and Euphrates which had been excited to rebel against them |xv by Vologeses, in the Parthian war under the command of Lucius Verus, A.D. 162-165.43 I have not found the name of Samosata especially mentioned as having suffered more than other cities in this war; but it is stated that Seleucia was sacked and burned by the Romans, and five or six thousand slain.44 The persecution under Marcus Antoninus followed very close upon this war, and as these facts equally agree with the allusions made in this Epistle of Mara, it may perhaps be nearer the truth to assign its date to the latter half of the second century rather than to the close of the first.
If indeed such be the period at which this Letter was written, there is no improbability in supposing, that the Serapion, to whom it is addressed, may be the same as he who succeeded Maximinus 45 as eighth Bishop of Antioch, about the year 190, and who himself also wrote short epistles, similar to this in purpose and tendency, for which indeed his father's might have set him a pattern.46
[Footnotes renumbered and moved to the end]
1. 1 See the account of the acquisition of the collection in the Preface to my edition of the Festal Letters of Athanasius.
2. 1 Hist. Eccles. b. iv. c. 30.
3. 2 Catal. Script. Eccl. Edit. Erasmus, vol.i. p. 180.
4. 3 Haeret. Fabul. Comp. b. i. c. 22.
5. 4 Panarium, edit. Petau, p. 477.
6. 5 Hist. Eccles. loc. cit.
7. 6 Praep. Evang. b. vi. c. 9.
8. 1 See Bibliotheca, Cod. 223: edit. Bekker, p. 208.
9. 2 Ibid. p. 221.
10. 3 [Greek]. Panarium, p. 476.
11. 4 At page 30 he speaks of the recent conquest of Arabia by the Romans. This took place under Marcus Aurelius: see Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, vol. ii. p. 402: thus confirming by internal evidence the account of the date of this work given by Eusebius, Theodoretus, Epiphanius, and others.
12. 1 [Greek]. Hist. Eccl. b. 4. C. 30.
13. 2 See his Preface to Gaudentius.
14. 3 Pp. 10-33.
15. 4 In giving these extracts I have followed, for Eusebius, the edition of the Preparatio Evangelica, printed at the Clarendon Press in 4 vols. by the late Dr. Gaisford, Dean of Christ Church; for the Recognitions, that of Gersdorf, Lips. 1838; and for Caesarius, that of Gallandi in the Bibiliotheca Veterum Patrum. Venet. 1765. Vol. vi. The text of this last is in a very corrupt state. Several errors might, however, easily have been amended, but I deemed it better to copy the text as I found it.
16. 1 Two authors have written works expressly on this subject----FRID. STRUNZIUS, Historia Bardesanis et Bardesanistarum. to. Viteb. 1710; and AUGUSTUS HAHN, Bardesanes Gnosticus Syrorum Primus Hymno-logus. Commentatio Historico-Theologica. vo. Lips. 1819. BEAUSOBRE has devoted an entire chapter: De Bardesanes et de ses Erreurs, c. 9, b. iv. vol. ii. in Histoire de Manichee et du Manicheisme. See also, Cave, Lardner, Tillemont, and others. Perhaps the most complete compendious notice is that by Gallandi, Bibl. Veterum Patrum, vol. i. Proleg. p. cxxii.
17. 2 See respecting this, Assemani. Biblioth. Orient. vol. ii. p. 27.
18. 1 Respecting Meliton, and the writings attributed to him, see Eusebius' account printed in this volume, p. 56, and the notes thereon; Cave's "Life of Saint Melito, Bishop of Sardis," in his Lives of the most eminent Fathers of the Church that flourished in the first Four Centuries, and the Notice in his Historia Litteraria. Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. vol v. p. 184; and Piper, De vita et Scriptis Melitonis, in "Theolog. Stud. u. Kritik" by Ullmann and Umbreit, A.D. 1838, p. 54. Dr. Routh has published all that was then known to remain of the genuine writings of Meliton in his Reliq. Sacr. vol. i. p. 113.
19. 1 See p. 57.
20. 2 M. Renan thinks it a fragment. "Melitonis Episcopi Sardium Apo-logiae ad Marcum Aurelium imperatorem fragmentum."
21. 3 See p. 57,1.
22. 15. 4 "Neque auctori Praefationis magis deneganda est fides, quam aliis temporum eorundem scriptoribus, ex quorum testimonio multi recepti sunt libri veterum, neque ab Eusebio, neque ab alio quoquam aequalium ejus memorati; praesertim quam infra asserat Eusebius, pervenisse opera certa quaedam ex multis Apollinarii libris." Reliq. Sacr. vol. i. p. 107.
23. 1 [Greek]: cited by Dr. Routh, Reliq. Sacr. vol. i. p. 167.
24. 2 Eusebius writes ---- [Greek], which Ruffinus translates, "Et post omnia Liber ad Antoninum Verum." b. 4. c. 26.
25. 3 In the cxxxvii. Ol. A. C. 169: [Greek], p. 484 ibid.
26. 1 [Greek].: p. 482. in the ccxxxvi. Olympiad. A. Mund. 5672: A.D. 164-65. edit. Dindorf. p. 482.
27. 2 Compare [Greek], p. 483, ibid., with "There in one God the Lord of all ----embracing stones ----, and are willing while they themselves are endowed with senses to serve that which is insensible, p. 47, and within whom he is, and above whom," &c., p. 49.
28. 1 His two sons, Commodus and Annius Verus, were made Caesars upon the occasion of the triumph of Lucius Verus, A.D. 106. See Tillemont, Hist. Emp. vol. ii. p. 391.
29. 2 See p. 50, and the note on the passage, p. 95 below.
30. 1 M. Bunsen puts the following in the mouth of Hippolytus in his Apology: "You will, on your side, kindly abstain from quoting what yon call the Second Epistle of St. Peter. I might have been induced to do so, in order to prove my theory about the ruining of Antichrist, and the end of the world after 6000 years. But I could not in good conscience. The antient Churches did not know such a letter." Vol. iv. p. 33.
31. 2 See p. 43, and notes, p. 89.
32. 1 See Oudin, Com. de Scriptoribus Ecclesiae Antiqua, vol. i. p. 190. Otto classes it in his edition with Justin's Opera addubitata.
33. 2 [Greek]: see Panar. p. 526.
34. 3 See Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. vi. 23.
35. 4 See Cave, Historia Literaria, and Life of Origen, § x; Halloix, Origenes Defensus, b. i. c. 8. The name Ambrose, among later Syriac writers seems to have been still further contracted from [Syriac] Ambrose, to [Syriac]. Thus, in the work called [Syriac], or the Bee, c. 51, we read [Syriac], "Abres. He is called in Greek, Ambrosius. The place of his sepulture is not known." Sec also Jo. Saluca, cited by Assemani, Bibl. Orient, vol. i. p. 533. Respecting the Bee, see my Corpus Ignatianum, p. 360.
36. 1 See Bibl. Orient, vol. i. p. 643.
37. 2 Fabricius, Bibl. Graec. vol. viii. p. 192.
38. 1 See Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, vol. ii. p. 30.
39. 2 ibid. p. 121.
40. 3 See Gale, Sibyll. Orac. p. 406.
41. 4 Ibid. p. 405.
42. 5 Lactantius alludes to this line: "Et vero cum caput illud orbis occideret, et r(u&mh esse coeperit, quod Sibyllas fore aiunt," &c. Inst. Div. b. vii. p. 25. [Note to the online edition: the footnote '5' does not appear in the text, so I have inserted the reference at the point that seemed logical to me.]
43. 1 See Tillemont, Hist. des Emp. vol. ii. p. 385.
44. 2 Ibid. p. 389.
45. 3 See Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. b. v. c. 19; and Cave's Histor. Litter.
46. 4 See Jerome, De Viris lllus. c. xii. "Leguntur et sparsim ejus breves Epistolae auctoris sui a)skh&sei et vite congruentes." Dr. Routh has given all the remains of Serapion in his Reliq. Sacr. vol. i. p. 449.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2003. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: spicilegium_3_bardesan.htm
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855): Bardesan, Dialogue on Fate / The Book of the Laws of the Countries
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855): Bardesan, Dialogue on Fate / The Book of the Laws of the Countries
BARDESAN.
THE BOOK
OF THE
LAWS OF COUNTRIES.1
A FEW days ago we went up to visit Shemashgram,2 our brother. And Bardesan came and found us there; and when he had felt him, and seen that he was well, he asked us, "What were you talking about, for I heard your voice from without as I was coming in?" For he was accustomed, whenever he found us talking about any thing before him, to ask us, "What were you saying?" that he might converse with us about it. We therefore said to him," This Avida was saying to us: 'That if God he one, as you say, and He created mankind, and willeth that you should do that which you are commanded, why did He not create men so that they should not be able to go wrong, but always should do what is good; for by this His will would be accomplished.'"
Bardesan saith to him, "Tell me, my son Avida,3 why dost thou think that the God of all is not one, or that He is one, and doth not will that men should conduct themselves holily and uprightly?"
Avida saith, "I, my Lord, asked these of my own age in order that they might give me a reply."
Bardesan saith to him, "If thou desirest to learn, it would be advantageous for thee, that thou shouldest learn from one who is older |2 than they: but if to teach, it is not requisite that thou shouldest question them, but that thou shouldest persuade them to ask thee what they desire. For teachers are usually asked, and do not themselves ask. And whenever they do put a question, it should be to direct the mind of the questioner so that he may ask properly, and they may know what his desire is. For it is a good thing that a man should know how to put questions."
Avida saith, "I am desirous of learning, but I began first to question these my brethren, because I was ashamed of asking thee."
Bardesan saith, "Thou speakest cleverly. Nevertheless know that he who putteth (2) his inquiries properly, and is willing to be convinced, and draweth near to the way of truth without obstinacy, needeth not be ashamed, because he will certainly give pleasure to him to whom the inquiry is directed, by those things which I have mentioned. If therefore, my son, thou hast any thing in thy mind respecting this about which thou wast inquiring, tell it to us all; and if it please us also, we shall participate with thee; and if it please us not, necessity will compel us to shew thee why it does not please us. And if thou wert only desiring to know this word, without having any thing in thy mind respecting it, as a man who has lately attached himself to the Disciples and is a recent inquirer, I will inform thee, in order that thou mayest not depart from us without profit; and if those things which I tell thee please thee, we have also for thee other things respecting this matter, but if they please thee not, we for our part shall have spoken without any ill feeling."
Avida saith, "I even greatly desire to hear and to be convinced, because it is not from any other I have heard this word; but I have spoken it of my own mind to these my brethren, and they were not willing to convince me, but say, 'Believe really, and thou wilt be able to know every thing;' but I am not able to believe unless I be convinced."
Bardesan saith, "Not Avida alone is unwilling to believe, but also many, because they have in them no faith, are not even able to be convinced, but always are pulling down and building up, and are |3 found destitute of all knowledge of the truth. Nevertheless, because Avida is not willing to believe, lo! I will speak to you who do believe concerning this which he inquireth, and he will hear something more."
And he began to say to us, "There are many men who have not faith, and have not received knowledge from the wisdom of the truth. And on this account they are not competent to speak and to instruct, and do not easily incline themselves to hear. For they have not the foundation of faith to build upon, and they have no confidence upon which they may hope And because they also doubt respecting God, they likewise have not within them that fear of Him which would liberate them from all fears: for whoso hath not the fear of God within him, he is subject to every fear. For even with respect to that,(3) whatever it may be, which they do not believe, they are not sure that they properly disbelieve; but they are unstable in their minds, and are not able to stand, and the taste of their thoughts is insipid in their mouth, and they are always timid and hasty and rash. But as to what Avida was saying, 'Why did not God create us so that we should not sin and be guilty?' 4----if man had been created so, he would not have been for himself, but would have been the instrument of him who moved him; and it is known that, whoso moveth as he chuseth he moveth him either to good or to evil. And how then would a man differ from a harp, upon which, another playeth, or from a ship, which another steereth: but the praise and the blame stand in the hand of the artist, and the harp itself knoweth not what is played upon it, nor the ship whether it be well steered and guided; but they are instruments which are made for the use of him who possesseth in himself the science. But God in his kindness did not will that he should create man so. But he exalted him by Free-will above many things, and made him equal with the angels. For observe the sun and the moon and the sphere, and the rest of those creatures which are greater than we in some things, that there is not given to them Free-will of themselves, but they are all fixed by ordinance that they should do that only which is ordained for them, and nothing else. For the sun |4 never saith, that I will not rise at my time; nor the moon, that I will not change, and not wane, and not increase; nor does any one of the stars say, that I will not rise, and I will not set; nor the sea, that I will not bear the ships, and I will not stand within my hounds; nor the hills, that we will not continue in the places in which we are set; nor do the winds say that we will not blow; nor the earth, that I will not bear and sustain whatsoever is upon me: but all these things serve and are subject to one ordinance, for they are the instruments of the wisdom of God which erreth not. For if every thing ministered, who would be he that is ministered unto; and if every thing were ministered unto, who would be he that ministered? And there would not be one thing differing from another. For that which is single and hath no difference in it, is a Being which up to this hour has not been established. But those things, which are requisite for ministration, have been fixed in the power of man, because in the image (4) of Elohim he was created. On this account there has been given to him these things in kindness, that they might minister to him for a season; and it has been given to him to govern himself by his own will, and that whatever he is able to do, if he will he should do it, and if he will not, he should not do it; and he should justify or condemn himself. For if he had been made so that he would not be able to do evil by which he may be condemned, in the same manner also the good which he should do would not be his, and he would not be able to be justified by it. For whoso should not of his own will do that which is good or evil, his justification and his condemnation would stand in that Fortune for which he is created. On this account, let it be manifest to you, that the goodness of God has been great towards man, and that there has been given to him Free-will more than to all those Elements of which we have been speaking; that by this same Free-will he may justify himself, and govern himself in a godlike manner, and associate with the angels, who also are possessed of Free-will for themselves; for we know, that even the angels, if they had not been possessed of Free-will for themselves, would not have had intercourse with the daughters of men, and would not have sinned nor fallen from |5 their places.5 And in the same manner therefore those others which did the will of their Lord, by their power over themselves were exalted and sanctified, and received mighty gifts. For every one that exists stands in need of the Lord of all; and there is no end to his gifts. But nevertheless know ye, that even those things of which I have said that they stand by ordinance, are not entirely devoid of all freedom, and on this account at the last day they all shall be subject to judgment."
I say to him, "And how can those things which are fixed be judged?"
He saith to me, "Not in so far as they are fixed, oh, Philip, will the Elements be judged, but in so far as they have power; for Beings when they are set in order arc not deprived of their natural property, but of their force of energy, being diminished by the mingling of one with another, and they are subdued by the power of their Creator; and in so far as they are subject, they will not be judged, but in that which is their own."
Avida saith to him, "Those things which thou hast said are very good. But lo! the commandments which have been given to men are severe, and they are not able to perform them."(5)
Bardesan saith, "This is the answer of such an one as doth not desire to do that which is good; and more especially of him who has obeyed and submitted to his enemy. For men are not commanded to do any thing but what they are able to do. For there are two commandments set before us such as are suitable and just for Free-will: one that we separate ourselves from every thing which is evil and which we should dislike to be done to ourselves; and the other that we should do that which is good and which we love, and desire that it should also be done to us likewise. What man, therefore, is there who is unable to avoid stealing, or to avoid lying or committing adultery and fornication, or that he should be guilty of hatred and falsehood? For lo! all these things are subject to the mind of man, and it is not in the power of the body they are, but in the will of the soul. For even if a man be poor and sick and old, or impotent, in his limbs, he is able to avoid doing all these things; and as he is able to |6 avoid doing these things, so is he able to love, and to bless, and to speak the truth, and to pray for that which is good for every one whom he knoweth: and if he be in health and have the use of his hands, he is able too to give something of that which he hath; also to support by the strength of body him who is sick arid broken down, this too he is able to do. Who, therefore, it is that is not able to do what those devoid of faith murmur about, I know not. For I think, that it is in these commandments more than in any thing man has power. For they are easy, and there is nothing that is able to hinder them. For we are not commanded to carry heavy burthens of stones, or of timber, or of any thing else, which those only who are powerful in body are able to do; nor that we should build fortresses and found cities, which kings only are able to do; nor that we should steer ships, which mariners only are skilled in steering; nor that we should measure and divide the earth, which geometricians only know how to do; nor any one of those arts which some men possess, and the rest are devoid of them; but there has been given to us according to the goodness of God commandments without grudging, such as every man who possesses a soul within him can do rejoicing; for there is no man who rejoiceth not when he doeth that which is good; nor is there any one who doth not delight within himself when he refraineth from wicked things, with the exception of those who were not made for this grace, and are called Tares: for would not (6) that judge be unjust who should blame a man for such a thing as he is not able to do?"
Avida saith to him, "Respecting these deeds, oh Bardesan, sayest thou that they are easy to perform?"
Bardesan saith, "To him who desireth, I have said, and do say, that they are easy; for this is the good conduct of a free mind, and of that soul which hath not rebelled against its Governors. For there are many things which impede the action of the body, and more especially old age, and sickness, and poverty."
Avida saith, "Perchance a man may be able to avoid wicked things, but to do good things who among men is able?"
Bardesan saith, "It is more easy to do good than to abstain from |7 evil. For the good is the man's own, and on this account he rejoiceth whenever he doeth good; but the evil is the operation of the enemy, and on this account, when a man is troubled and not sound in his nature, he doeth wicked things. For know, my son, that it is an easy thing for a man to praise and bless his friend; but that a man should not blame and revile him that he hates is not easy. But nevertheless, this is possible to be; and whenever a man doeth that which is good, his mind is cheerful and his conscience tranquil, and he is pleased that every one should see what he does; but whenever a man acts wrongly, and committeth an injury, he is agitated and troubled, and full of rage and anger, and is tormented in his soul and in his body: and when he standeth in this mind, he is not pleased to be seen by every one; and those things in which he rejoiceth, which even praise and blessing follow, are rejected by him; but upon those things by which he is agitated and troubled followeth the curse of blame. But perhaps a man may say, that even fools are pleased when they do vile things:----but not in the doing of them, and not in being commended, and not for good hope; and this pleasure doth not continue with them. For the enjoyment which is in a sound state for good hope is one; and the enjoyment in an unhealthy state for bad hope is another. For lust is one thing and love is another; and friendship is one thing and sodality another; and we ought plainly to understand that the unrestrained ardour of love is called lust, which (7) although there may be in it enjoyment for a moment, nevertheless is far removed from that true love, whose enjoyment is for ever uncorruptible and indissoluble."
I say to him, "After this manner again was this Avida saying, 'That it is from his Nature man acteth wrongly; for if he had not been formed naturally to do wrong, he would not do wrong.'"'
Bardesan saith, "If all men did one deed and acted with the one mind, it would then be known that it was their Nature governed them, and they would not have the Free-will of which I spake to you. Nevertheless, in order that ye may understand what is Nature and what is Free-will, I will proceed to inform you. |8
The Nature of man is this:6 that he should be born, and grow up, and rise in stature, and beget children, and grow old, by eating and by drinking, and sleeping, and waking, and that he should die. These because they are of Nature, belong to all men, and not to all men only, but also to all animals which have a soul in them; and some of them also to trees. For this is a physical operation which performeth and produceth and establisheth every thing as it has been ordained. But Nature also is found to be maintained by animals too in their actions. For the lion eateth flesh, by his Nature; and on this account all lions are eaters of flesh. And the sheep eateth grass; and for this reason all sheep are eaters of grass. And the bee maketh honey by which it sustains itself; for this reason all bees are honey-makers. And the ant layeth up for itself a store in summer, that it may sustain itself from it in the winter; and for this reason all ants do likewise. And the scorpion striketh with its sting him who hath not hurt it; and so likewise all scorpions strike. And all animals maintain their Nature; and those which feed upon grass do not eat flesh; nor do those that feed upon flesh eat grass. But men are not governed in this manner; but in the things belonging to their bodies they maintain their Nature like animals, and in the things |9 which belong to their minds they do that which they wish, as being free and with power, and as the likeness of God: for there are some of them that eat flesh, and do not touch bread; and there are some of them that make a distinction in the eating of flesh; and there are some of them that do not eat the flesh of any animal in which there is a soul; and there are some of them that have connexion with their mothers, and with their sisters,(8) and with their daughters; and there are some that never approach women at all; and there are some that avenge themselves like lions and like leopards; and there are some that injure him who has not done them any harm, like scorpions; and there are some that are led like sheep, and do not hurt those who govern them; and there are some who conduct themselves with virtue, and some |10 with righteousness, and some with vice. And if any one should say, they have each individually a Nature to do so, let him see that it is not so. For there are some who were fornicators and drunkards, and when the admonition of good counsels reached them, they became chaste and temperate, and abandoned the lust of their bodies. And there are some who conducted themselves with chastity and temperance; and when they became negligent of right admonition, and despised the commands of the Deity, and of their instructors, fell from the way of truth, and became fornicators and prodigals; and there are some who repented again after their fall; and fear came upon them, and they returned to the truth in which they stood. What, then, is man's Nature? for lo! all men differ one from another in their conduct, and in their desires; and those who stood in one will and in one counsel resemble one another: but those men whose lust is enticing them up to the present moment, and whose passion governs them, desire to attribute whatsoever they do wrong to their Creator; so that they themselves may be found without fault, and He who created them may be condemned by a vain plea; and they do not see that Nature has no law, for a man is not blamed because he is tall in his stature or little, or white or black; or because his eyes be large or small; or for any one of the defects of the body: but he is blamed if he steal, or lie, or practise deceit, or poisoneth, or curseth, or doeth such things as are like these; for lo! from hence it is evident, that as to those things which are not done by our hands, but which we have from Nature, we are not indeed condemned by these; neither by these are we justified; but those things which we do by our own Freewill, if they be good, by them we are justified and praised, and if they be wicked, by them we are condemned and blamed." |11
Again we asked him, and said to him, "There are others who say, that by the decree of Fortune men are governed, at one time wickedly, and at another time well."
He said to us, "I likewise, O Phillip and Baryama,7 know that there are men (9) who are called Chaldeans, and others who love this knowledge of the art, as I also once loved it; for it has been said by me, in another place,8 that the soul of man is capable of knowing that which many do not know, and the same men meditate to do; and all that they do wrong, and all that they do good, and all the things which happen to them in riches and in poverty, and in sickness and in health, and in defects of the body, it is from the influence of those Stars, which are called the Seven, they befal them, and they are governed by them. But there are others which say the opposite of these things,----how that this art is a lie of the Chaldeans, or that Fortune does not exist at all, but it is an empty name; and all things are placed in the hands of man, great and small: and bodily defects and faults happen and befal him by chance. But others say that whatsoever a man doeth, he doeth of his own will, by the Free-will that has been given to him, and the faults and defects and evil things which happen to him, he receiveth as a punishment from God. But as for myself, in my humble opinion, it appeareth to me that these three sects are partly true, and partly false. They are true, because men speak after the fashion which they see, and because, also, men see how things happen to them, and mistake;----because the wisdom of God is richer than they, which has established the worlds and created man, and has ordained the Governors, and has given to all things the power which is suitable for each one of them. But I say that God and the Angels, and the Powers, and the Governors, and the Elements, and men and animals have this power: but all these orders of which I have spoken have not power given to them in every thing. For he that is powerful in every thing is One; but they have power in some things, and in some tilings they have no power, as I have said: that the goodness of God may be seen in that in which they have power, and in that in which they have no power they may know that they have a Lord. There is, therefore, Fortune, as the |12 Chaldeans say: but that every thing is not in our will is apparent from hence----that the majority of men have wished to be rich and to have power(10)over their fellows, and to be healthy in their bodies, and that things should be subject to them as they desire: yet wealth is not found but with few; nor power, except with one here and there; nor health of body with all men; neither do those who are rich have entire possession of their riches; nor those who are in power have all things obedient to them as they wish: and sometimes they are disobedient in a manner which they do not wish: and at one time the rich are wealthy as they desire, and at another time they become poor in a manner which they do not desire; and those who are perfectly poor dwell in a manner that they do not wish, and live in the world in a manner that they do not desire; and they covet things, and they flee from them. And many beget children, and do not bring them up; and others bring them up, and they do not inherit; and others inherit, and become a disgrace and an affliction: and others are rich as they wish, and have ill health as they do not wish; and others are healthy as they desire, and are poor as they do not desire. There are some who have many of the things which they wish, and few of those which they do not wish; and there are some who have many of the things which they do not wish, and few of those which they do wish: and thus it is found, that riches, and honours, and health, and sickness, and children, and various objects of desire, are placed under Fortune, and are not in our own power. But with such as are according as we wish, we are pleased and delighted; and towards such as we do not wish we are drawn by force. And from those things which befal us when we do not wish, it is evident, also, with respect to those things which we do wish, that it is not because we wish them that they befal us, but that they happen as they do happen; and with some of them we are pleased and with some not. And we men are found to be governed by Nature equally, and by Fortune differently, and by our Free-will each as he wishes.
"But let us speak now, and shew with respect to Fortune, that it has not power over every thing; for this very thing itself |13 which is called Fortune is an order of procession which is given to the Powers and the Elements by God; and according to this procession and order, intelligences are changed by their coming down to be with the soul, and souls are changed by their coming down to be with the body: and this alternation itself is called the Fortune, and the Nativity of this assemblage, which is being sifted and purified, for the assistance of that which by the favour of God and by grace (11) has been assisted, and is being assisted, till the consummation of all. The body, therefore, is governed by Nature, the soul also suffering with it and perceiving; and the body is not constrained nor assisted by Fortune in all the things which it does individually; for a man does not become a father before fifteen years, nor does a woman become a mother before thirteen years. And in the same manner, also, there is a law for old age; because women become effete from bearing, and men are deprived of the natural power of begetting; while other animals which are also governed by their own Nature, before those ages which I have specified, not only procreate, but also become too old to procreate, in the same manner as also the bodies of men when they are grown old do not procreate; nor is Fortune able to give them children at that time at which the body has not the Nature to give them. Neither, again, is Fortune able to preserve the body of man in life, without eating and without drinking; nor even when it has meat and drink, to prevent it from dying, for these and many other things pertain to Nature itself; but when the times and manners of Nature are fulfilled, then comes Fortune apparent among these, and effecteth things that are distinct one from another; and at one time assists Nature and increases, and at another hinders it and hurts; and from Nature cometh the growth and perfection of the body; but apart from Nature and by Fortune come sicknesses and defects in the body. From Nature is the connexion of males and females, and the pleasure of the both heads; but from Fortune comes abomination and a different manner of connexion, and all the filthiness and indecency which men do for the cause of connexion through their lust. From Nature is birth, and children; and from Fortune sometimes the children are deformed; |14 and sometimes they are cast away, and sometimes they die untimely. From Nature there is a sufficiency in moderation for all bodies; and from Fortune comes the want of food, and affliction of the bodies; and thus, again, from the same Fortune is gluttony and extravagance which is not requisite. Nature ordains that old men should be judges for the young, and wise for the foolish; and that the valiant should be chiefs over the weak, and the brave over the timid. But Fortune causeth that boys should be chiefs over the aged, and fools over the wise; and that in time of war the weak should govern the valiant, and the timid the brave.(12) And know ye distinctly that, whenever Nature is disturbed from its right course, its disturbance is from the cause of Fortune, because those Heads and Governors, upon whom that alternation is which is called Nativity, are in opposition one to the other. And those of them which are called Right, they assist Nature, and add to its excellency, whenever the procession helps them, and they stand in the high places, which are in the sphere, in their own portions; and those which are called Left are evil: and whenever they, too, occupy the places of height, they are opposed to Nature, and not only injure men, but, at different times, also animals, and trees and fruits, and the produce of the year, and the fountains of water, and every thing that is in the Nature which is under their control. And on account of these divisions and sects which exist among the Powers, some men have supposed that the world is governed without any superintendence, because they do not know that these sects and divisions and justification and condemnation proceed from that influence which is given in Free-will by God, that those actors also by the power of themselves may either be justified or condemned: as we see that Fortune crushes Nature, so we can also see the Freewill of man repelling and crushing Fortune itself: but not in every thing, is also Fortune itself doth not repel Nature in everything; for it is proper that the three things, Nature and Fortune and |15 Free-will, should be maintained in their lives until the procession be accomplished, and the measure and number be fulfilled, as it seemed good before Him who ordained how should be the life and perfection of all creatures, and the state of all Beings and Natures."
Avida saith, "That it is not from his Nature a man doeth wrong. I am persuaded by those things which thou hast shewed, and that all men are not governed equally. But if thou art also able to shew this, that it is not from Fortune and Fate those act wrongly who do act wrongly, then it will be right to believe, that man holds his own Free-will, and by his Nature is brought near to those things which be good, and warned from the things which are wicked, and on this account he will also justly be judged in the last day."
Bardesan saith, "From this, that men are not equally governed, (13) art thou persuaded that it is not from their Nature they act wrongly? Therefore the matter constrains thee to believe that neither also from their Fortune do they altogether act wrongly, if we be able to shew thee that the decree of the Fortunes and the Powers does not move all men equally, but we have Free-will in ourselves to avoid serving Physical nature and being moved by the control of the Powers."
Avida saith, "Prove me this, and I will be convinced by thee, and whatever thou shalt charge me I will do."
Bardesan saith, " Have you read the books of the Chaldeans which are in Babylon, in which are written what the stars effect by their associations at the Nativities of men? And the books of the Egyptians, in which are written all the modes which happen to men?"
Avida saith, "I have read the books of Chaldeism, but I do not know which belong to the Babylonians and which to the Egyptians."
Bardesan saith, "The doctrine of both countries is the same." 9
Avida saith, "It is known that it is so."
Bardesan saith, "Hear now and understand, that it is not what the stars decree in their Fortune and in their portions, that all men equally do who are in all the earth; |16 for men have established laws in different places, by that Free-will which has been given to them by God. Because the gift itself is opposed to that Fortune of the Powers, which assume for themselves that which has not been given to them. I will begin to speak so far as I remember from the east, the head of the whole world.
"The Laws of the Seres.10 The Seres have laws that they should not kill, and not commit fornication, and not worship idols; and in the whole country of the Seres there are no idols, nor harlots, who killeth a man, nor who is killed; while they too are born at all hours, and upon all days. And Mars the fierce, when he is placed in the midst of the heavens, doth not force the Free-will of the Seres that a man should shed the blood of his neighbour with a weapon of iron. Nor does Venus, when she is placed with Mars, force any one of the men of the Seres that he should have connexion with his neighbour's wife, or with another |17 woman; but rich and poor, and sick and healthy, and rulers (14) and subjects, are there: because these things are given to the power of the Governors.
"Laws of the Brahmins 11 which are in India. Again, among the Indians, the Brahmins, among whom there are many thousands and tens of thousands, have a law that they should not kill at all, and not revere idols, and not commit fornication, and not eat flesh, and not drink wine; and among them not one of these things takes place. And there are thousands of years to these men, lo! since they govern themselves by this law which they have made for themselves. Another Law which is in India. And there is another law in India, and in the same Clime, belonging to those, which are not of the family of the Brahmins, nor of their doctrine; that they should serve idols, and commit fornication, and kill, and do other abominable things, which do not please the Brahmins. |18
And in the same Clime of India there are men that by custom eat the flesh of men in the same manner as the rest of the nations eat the flesh of animals. But the evil stars have not forced the Brahmins to do evil and abominable things; nor have the good stars persuaded the rest of the Hindoos to abstain from evil things; nor have those stars which are well arranged in the places which it is proper for them, and in the signs of Zodiac which relate to humanity, persuaded those who eat the flesh of men to abstain from using this abominable and odious food.
"Laws of the Persians.12 And, again, the Persians have made laws for themselves that they may take for wives their sisters, and their daughters, and their daughters' daughters; and there are some that go further, and take even their mothers. Of these same Persians some have been scattered, and are in Media and the country of Parthia, and in Egypt, and in |19 Phrygia, and they are called Magi; and in all countries and Climes in which they are, they govern themselves by this law which was established for their fathers; but we cannot say that for all the Magi and the rest of the Persians, Venus was placed with the Moon, and with Saturn in the mansion of Saturn in his portions, while Mars witnessed them. And there are many places in the kingdom of the Parthians where men kill their wives, and their brethren, and their children, and incur no vengeance; while among the Romans and the Greeks, whoso killeth one of these incurreth capital punishment, the greatest of vengeance. "
Laws of the Geli. Among the Geli the women sow and reap, and build, and perform all the things of labourers, and do not wear dresses of colours: nor do they put on shoes, nor use sweet ointments; neither does any one blame them when they commit adultery with strangers, or when they have connexion |20 with the slaves of their houses; but their husbands, the Geli,13 put on garments of colours, and ornament themselves with gold and jewels, and anoint themselves with sweet unguents; nor is it on account of effeminacy they conduct themselves so, but on account of a law which is established among them; and all the men are lovers of hunting, and makers of war: but we cannot say that, for all the women of the Geli, Yenus was placed in Capricorn, or in Aquarius, in a place of ill-luck; nor for all the Geli is it possible for us to say that Mars and Venus were placed in Aries, where it is written that vigorous and lascivious men are born. |21
"The Laws of the Bactrians. Amongst the Bactrians, which arc called Cashani, the women adorn themselves with the goodly raiment of the men, and with much gold and goodly jewels; and their male and female slaves minister to them more than to their husbands; and they ride horses; and some adorn themselves with vestments of gold and with precious stones. And these women do not observe chastity, but have connexion with their slaves,14 and with strangers which come to that country, and their husbands do not blame them: and they have no fear, because the Cashani esteem their wives as mistresses; but we cannot say that, for all the Bactrian women, Venus is placed, and Mars, and Jupiter, in the mansion of Mars in the midst of the heavens, where women that are rich, and adulterers, and keep under their husbands in every thing, are born.
"The Laws of the Racami, and of the Edesseans, and the Arabians.15 Amongst the Racami, and the Edesseans, and the Arabians, not only is she that committeth adultery put to death, but she also, that has the name of adultery against her, has capital punishment. |22
"The Laws in Hatra.16 There is a law established in Hatra that whosoever committeth the small crime of a theft even of little value should be stoned. Amongst the Cashani, whoso committed such a theft as this, they spit in his face. Amongst the Romans, whoso committeth a little theft is scourged and dismissed. On the other side the Euphrates, and towards the East, he who is reviled either as a thief or as a murderer, does not feel very angry; but if a man be reviled as an arsenocoete, he then avenges himself even to the putting to death.
"Laws of (16) 17 * * boys * and are not * * Again, in all the country of the East, those who have been insulted, and are known, their fathers and their brothers kill them, and oftentimes they do not even make known their graves.
"Laws of the Orientals.18 But in the north, and in the country of the Germans, and those that are near to them, such boys among them as are handsome become as wives to the men, and they |23 have also marriage-feasts; and tins is not considered by them as a disgrace, nor as a reproach, on account of a law which they have: but it is not possible that all those that are in Gallia, who are disgraced by this disgrace, should have at their nativity Mercury placed for them with Venus, in the mansion of Saturn, and in the limits of Mars, and in the signs of the Zodiac at the west. For respecting those men who have their nativity thus, it is written that they are disgraced as women.
"Laws of the Britons. Amongst the Britons many men take one wife.
"Laws of the Parthians. And amongst the Parthians one man takes many wives, and all of these are obedient to his command in chastity, on account of a law which is established there in the country.
"Laws of the Amazons. As to the Amazons, all of them, the entire nation, have no husbands, but, like beasts, once in the year, at the season of spring, they go out from their coasts, and pass the river, and when they are over they make a great festival on the mountain, and the men from those quarters come, and abide with them fourteen days, and have intercourse with them, and they become pregnant by them, and then pass again to their own country; and at the time of birth such as are males, they expose, and bring up the |24 females: and it is a known tiling, that according as Nature ordains, because they all become pregnant in one month, they also are delivered in one month, a little more and a little less; and as we have heard, all of them are vigorous and warlike: but not one of the stars is able to help all those males, which are born, from being exposed."
"Book of the Chaldeans.19 It is written in the Book of the Chaldeans, that whenever Mercury is placed with Venus in the mansion of Mercury, it produceth painters and sculptors, and money-changers; but when they are in the mansion of Venus, they produce perfumers, and dancers, and singers, and poets. And in all the country of the Tayites 20 and of the Saracens,(17) and in Upper Lybia, and amongst the Mauritanians, and in the country of the Nomades, which is at the mouth of the ocean, and in outer Germania, and in Upper Sarmatia, and in Hispania, and in all |25 the countries which are to the north of Pontus, and in all the country of the Alanians, and amongst the Albanians, and amongst the Zazi, and in Brusa which is beyond the Duro,21 one seeth not either sculptors, nor painters, nor perfumers, nor moneychangers, nor poets. But this decree of Mercury and Venus is inhibited from the circumference of the whole world. In the whole of Media, all men when they die, even while life is still remaining in them, are cast to the dogs, and the dogs eat the dead of the whole of Media; but we cannot say that all the Medians are born while the Moon is placed for them with Mars in Cancer during the day below the Earth: for thus it is written that those whom the dogs eat are born. The Hindoos, all of them when they die are burnt with fire, and many of their wives are burnt with them alive; but we cannot say, that all those women of the Hindoos which are burnt had at their nativity Mars and the Sun placed in Leo in the night below the Earth, as those men are born which are burnt with fire. All the Germans |26 die by suffocation, except those which are killed in battle; and it is not possible that at the nativity of all the Germans the Moon and Hora should have been placed between Mars and Saturn. But, in all places, every day and at all hours, men are born in nativities which are distinct one from the other, and the laws of men overcome the Decree, and they govern themselves according to their customs; and Fortune does not compel the Seres to kill at all when they do not wish; nor the Brahmins to eat flesh; nor restrain the Persians from marrying their daughters and their sisters; nor the Hindoos from being burnt; nor the Medians from being devoured by dogs; nor the Parthians from taking many wives; nor the Britons from many men taking one wife; nor the |27 Edesseans from being chaste; nor the Greeks from practising gymnastics * * *; nor the Romans from always seizing upon countries; nor the Gauls from marrying one for another; nor constrain the Amazons to bring up the males; neither does the Nativity compel any at the circumference of the world to use (18) the art of the Muses; but as I have said, in every country, and in every nation, all men use the Free-will of their Nature as they wish, and do service to Fortune and to Nature, on account of the body with which they are clad, at one time as they wish, at another as they do not wish; for in every country and in every nation there are rich and poor, and rulers and subjects, and healthy and sick, each of them, according as Fortune and Nativity has reached him.
I say to him, "Thou has convinced us of these things, Father Bardesan, and we know that they are true. But thou art aware that the Chaldeans say, that the Earth is divided into seven portions, which are called Climes; and over these same portions those Seven Stars have authority, each one over one of them; and in |28 each one of those same places the will of its Power prevails; and this is called Law."
He said to me, "Know first, my son Phillip, that for the purpose of deceit the Chaldeans have invented this saying: For although the earth be divided into seven portions, nevertheless, in each one of the same portions there are found many laws which differ one from the other. For there are not found in the world seven laws according to the number of the Seven Stars; nor twelve according to the number of the Signs of the Zodiac; nor also thirty-six according to the number of the Decani:22 but there are many laws in each kingdom, and in each country, and in each circuit, and in every habitation, which are different from their neighbours. For ye remember what I said to you, that in one Clime of the Hindoos there are men that do not eat the flesh of animals, and there are others that eat the |29 flesh of men. And again, I told you respecting the Persians and the Magi, that it was not in the Clime of Persia only they have taken for wives their daughters and their sisters, but in every country to which they have gone, they have used the law of their fathers, and observed the mysteries of what they delivered to them. And again, remember that there are many people I told you, which surround all the world, that are not in one Clime, but in all the winds, and in all the Climes; and they have not the art which Mercury and Venus give when they are in configuration one with the other. And if the laws pertained to the Climes this could not be; but it is known, because those men are distant from the intercourse of men they are many in the manners of their living.(19) How many wise men, think ye, have abrogated from their own countries those laws which seemed to them not to be well made? And how many laws are there which have been broken on account of necessity? And how many kings are there, who, having taken those countries which did not belong to them, have abrogated the laws of their establishing, and instituted such laws as they desired? |30 And whenever these things took place, no one of the Stars was able to preserve the law. But this is at hand for you to see; because but as yesterday the Romans took Arabia, and abrogated all their ancient laws; and more especially that circumcision with which they circumcised. For he that has the power in himself obeyeth such law as is ordained for him by another, who also is possessed of the power of himself. But I will tell you what may avail more than any thing to persuade the foolish, and those lacking of faith. All the Jews, who have received the law at the hand of Moses, circumcise their male children on the eighth day, and do not wait for the coming of the Stars; neither do they respect the law of the country; nor does the Star, which has authority in the Clime, govern them by force; but whether they be in Edom, or in Arabia, or in Greece, or in Persia, or in the North, or in the South, they fulfil this law which was established for them by their fathers; and it is known that this which they do is not from Nativity, for it is not possible that Mars should rise for all the Jews on the eighth day when they are circumcised, so that steel should pass over them, and their blood be shed. And |31 all of them, wherever they are, abstain from worshipping idols; and one day in seven they and their children abstain from all work, and from all building and from all travelling, and from buying and selling; neither do they kill an animal on the sabbath-day, nor kindle fire, nor judge a cause; and there is not found amongst them a man whom Fortune commands that on the Sabbath day he should either go to law and gain his cause, or go to law and lose it, or should pull down or build up, or do any one of those things which all such men as have not received this law do. They have also other things, in which they are not governed like the rest of mankind, while on this same day they both beget, and are born, and fall sick, and die, for these things are not (20) in the power of man. In Syria and in Edessa men used to cut off their foreskins to Tharatha:23 but when Abgar the king was converted |32 to Christianity, he commanded that every one that cut off his foreskin should have his hand cut off. And from that day, and up to this hour, no man cutteth off his foreskin in the country of Edessa. What, then, shall we say respecting the new race of ourselves who are Christians, whom in every country and in every region the Messiah established at His coming; for, lo! wherever we be, all of us are called by the one name of the Messiah----Christians; and upon one day, which is the first of the week, we assemble ourselves together, and on the appointed days we abstain from food.24 Neither do the Brethren which are in Gallia take |33 males for wives; nor those which are in Parthia take two wives; nor those which are in Judea circumcise themselves; nor do our sisters which are amongst the Geli and amongst the Cashani have connexion with strangers; nor do those which are in Persia take their daughters for wives; nor those who are in Media fly from their dead, or bury them alive, or give them for food to the dogs; nor do those who are in Edessa kill their wives that commit fornication, or their sisters, but withdraw themselves from them, and commit them to the judgment of God. Nor do those who are in Hatra stone the thieves. But whereever they be, and in whatever place that they are, the laws of the countries do not separate them from the laws of their Messiah; neither does the Fortune of the Governers compel them to make use of things which are impure to them; but sickness and health, and riches and poverty----this which does not appertain to their Freewill, befals them wherever they are. For as the Free-will of men is not governed by the necessity of the Seven, and whenever it is governed it is able to stand against its influences, so also is this visible man not able readily to deliver himself from the commands of his Governers, for he is a slave and a subject. For if we were able to do every thing we should be everything; and if nothing came within the reach of our hands to do, we should be the instruments of others. But whenever God pleaseth, all things are possible to be, without hindrance. For there is nothing which can hinder that great and |34 holy will. For even such as think that they stand against Him, it is not in strength they stand, but in evil and in error; and this may subsist a short time, because He is kind, and permitteth all Natures (21) that they should stand in what they are, and be governed by their own will, but being bound nevertheless by the deeds which are done, and by the plans which have been devised for their help. For this order and government which have been given, and association of one with another, softens down the force of the Natures, that they should not be altogether injurious, nor be altogether injured, as they were injuring and injured before the creation of the world. And there will be a time, when also this injury which remaineth in them shall be brought to an end by the instruction which will be in another association. And at the establishment of that new world, all evil motions will cease, and all rebellions will be brought to an end, and the foolish will be persuaded, and deficiencies will be filled up, and there will be peace and safety, by the gift of Him who is the Lord of all Natures.
HERE ENDETH THE BOOK OF THE LAWS OF COUNTRIES.
[Selected endnotes moved here and assigned numbers. Numbers in () are not mentioned by Cureton, although in the text, but are perhaps pages in the manuscript or Syriac text?].
1. P. 1. Book of the Laws of Countries. The title of this treatise is given by Eusebius, Ec. Hist. b. iv. c. 30, [Greek]; by Epiphanius,... Panarium adversus Haeres.; 36, p. 477.
2. L. 1. Shemashgram. This is the pronunciation according to the vowels which have been added by a later hand..... There was a king of Emesa so called, whose daughter was married to Aristobulus: See Josephus, Antiq. Jud. b. 18, c. 6, and b. 19, c. 8. A Priest of Venus at Emesa of this name went out to meet Sapor, king of Persia, when he advanced against that city in the reign of the Emperor Valerian. See Johannes Malela, Chronograph, vol. i. p. 391, edit. Oxon. 1691. In Strabo the name is written.... Geog. b. 16. p. 753, edit. Casaubon, 1620. M. Renan has mistaken this for the name of a place, and supposed the particle and verb... which follow to be the name of a person. It is hardly possible to commit a greater number of errors in the same space than M. Renan has fallen into in translating the first lines of this treatise. "Il y a quelques jours, en allant visiter a Schemsgarm notre frere Evetb.es, nous y rencontrames Bardesane, qui, apres s'etre assure de notre sante," &c. See "Lettre a M. Reinaud sur quelques manuscrits Syriaques du Musee Britannique," in Journal Asiatique. 1852.
3. L. 8. Avida. This name is given by Epiphanius...... M. Renan has again fallen into an error here, and translated this man's name "un de nos compagnons,"...Apparently he was ignorant of the account given by Epiphanius, and has assumed against all authority that Bardesan wrote this treatise in Greek.
4. P. 3. L. 20. Compare what is here said about man's free agency with Justin Martyr. Apol. i. c. 7, 43; Origen, De Princip. iii. c. 1; Philocalia c. xxvi.
5. P. 4. L. 36. The Angels. Bardesan takes here... Gen. vi. 2, to be 'angels.' So Josephus... Antiq. Jud. b. 1. c. 3. Justin Martyr:.... Apol. ii. C. 5. Clemens Alexandrinus:... Strom, b. 3. And again,... b. 5. Edit. Potter, pp. 538, 650. Tertullian.... De Cultu foeminarum, i. c. 2. See also De Idolatria, c. ix. Sulpitius Severus:... De Sacra Historia, b. i. p. 7. Lactantius:... Institut. Divin. lib. ii. c. 14. The author of thc Testaments of the XII Patriarchs.... Test. Reuben, c. 5. Grabe, Spicilegium. Vol. 1. p. 150. This opinion of the more antient Christian writers Chrysostom refutes, Homil. 22 in Genes. Edit. Paris, 1614, p. 249; Theodoretus, Quaest. in Genesin, 47; and Augustin: although in the copies of Genesis, which he used, the term 'angels' was found,...De Civitate Dei b. xv. c. 23. The opinion generally held is this of Augustin and others, that the... "Sons of God" were the descendants of Seth. In this the Book of Adam, lately translated from the Ethiopic by Dillman, concurs: "..."... I find the same notion in the Cave of Treasures,... "And they were not willing to give ear to the commandment of Jared and to the words of Enoch, and they dared to transgress the commandment, and went down an hundred men mighty in valour, and when they beheld the daughters of Cain, that they were fair to look upon, and that without modesty they were unveiled, the sons of Seth. were inflamed with the fire of lust; and when the daughters of Cain beheld their beauty they flew upon them like corrupt beasts, and defiled their bodies, and the sons of Seth lost themselves in fornication with the daughters of Cain." fol. 11....
6. P. 8, L. 1. The nature of man, &c. It will be seen, upon comparing the passage comprised in this and the following pages with that cited by Eusebius, Praepar. Evan. vi. c. 10, printed below, that the Greek varies considerably from the Syriac: there are many interpolations which are not found in the original; and again several sentences of the Syriac have been omitted in the Greek.
7. P.11. L. 4. O Philip and Baryama. J am not sure respecting this latter word, whether it be a proper name or not: perhaps... be rendered "even profoundly," literally, "even a son of the sea."... I do not know whether by my fault or the compositor's, the word is spelled wrongly Phillip in this place.
8. L. 7. In another place. Probably referring to some of his former works.
9. P. 15. L. 30. The doctrine of both countries is the same. The Chaldeans, according to Diodorus Siculus, were a colony from Egypt, Sill. Hist. b. i, p. 73. Edit. Hanoviae, 1604. Clemens Alexandrinus writes...: Stromat. i. p. 361. Cited also by Euseb. Praep. Evang. x. 6. See also Gallaeus, De Sibyllis, p. 484. Julius Firmicus says that he has embodied in his treatise on Astrology all that the Egyptians and Babylonians had said on this head.... See Praefat. The reader who is desirous of further information as to many astrological questions alluded to by Bardesan will find them stated fully by Julius Firmicus.
10. P. 16, L. 7. Seres. Respecting these see Pliny, Hist. Nat. vi. c. 17; Solinus c. 53; Pomponius Mela, i. c. 2; Vetus orbis descriptio Graeci Scriptoris sub Constantio. Ed. J. Gothofred. Genevae, 1628, p. 1.
11. P. 17, L. 1. Of the Brahmins. For the account of the Brahmins amongst the ancients, see Palladius, De Gentibus Indiae et Bragmanibus; and two other writers edited in the same volume by Ed. Bisse, to. Loud. 1(565. Strabo: Geog. x. p. 712. Origen; Contra Celsum, p. 19. Edit. Spencer. Cantab. 1658. Jerome in his Second Book, Adversus Jovinianum, refers to this matter: "Bardesanes, vir Babylonius, in duo dogmata apud Indos gymnosophistas dividit, quorum alterum appellat Brachmanas, alterum Samanaeos, qui tantas continentiae sunt, ut vel pomis arborum juxta Gan-gen fluvium, vel publico orizae, vel farinae alantur cibo, et cum rex ad eos venerit, adorare illos solitus sit, pacemque suae provinciae in illorum precibus arbitrari sitam." Edit. Erasmi, tom. ii. p. 55. There is no mention of the name Samanaei, either in the original Syriac, or by Eusebius, Caesarius, or Ruffinus in his version of the Recognitions. They are named, however, by Porphyry, referring to Bardesan, De abstinentia, lib. 4. § 17..... Origen also speaks of the Samansi in conjunction with the Brahmins,... Contra Celsum, lib. 1, p. 19. Clemens Alexandrinus too mentions them.... Stromat, lib. 1, p. 359. Edit. Potter.
12. P. 18 L. 10. This abominable law of the antient Persians is frequently referred to by the early Christian writers. Tertullian,.... Ad Nationes 1. c. 18. edit. Fr. Oehler, p. 338. See also Clemens. Hom. xix. c. 19: Origen, Contra Celsum, p. 248. 331. See Vetus orbis descriptio, p. 9. The author of this law is stated by Theodoretus to be Zaradas. Graec. Affec. Curat. De legibus: edit. Gaisford, p. 351. In the..., f. 22, b., it is stated that Idashir, the Magus received the following instruction:... "The Daemon said to that priest, that a man cannot become a priest and a Magus until he shall have had connexion with his mother, and with his daughter, and with his sister; and he made Idashir priest in this manner."
13. P. 20. L. 1. Epiphanius makes a blunder, and attributes what is said here of the Geli to the Seres. See Panar. adv. Haeres. p. 1091.
14. P.21. L. 7. With their slaves. These characteristics of the Bactrian women are attributed to the Liburni by Scylax, Periplus, edit. Vossius, Amstel. 1639, p. 7. The same things are also said of the women of the Geli. See above, p. 19.
15. L. 15. The Racami, and of the Edesseans and the Arabians. Eusebius has only [Arabs and Osrhoeans]. The whole is omitted by Caesarius and the Recognitions. In the Peshito, Jud. vi.3, we find... for the Arabians. There is a town of Syria called Racim near Balea, all the houses of which are hewn out of the rock, as if they were one stone.... See Abulfeda, loc. cit. p....
16. P. 22, L. 1. Hatra. This was the town the seige of which Trajan was compelled to raise shortly before his death. See Tillemont, Histoire des Empereurs, vol. ii. p. 209.
17. L. 10. Laws of * * * The rest has been purposely erased. Euse-bius, however, gives Par' #Ellhsi, which is also omitted by Caesarius and the Recognitions.
18. L. 15. Laws of the Orientals. The context seems to shew that this is an error of the transcriber.... The Recognitions [has] 'apud Gallos,' which agrees here with the sequel better than the Syriac.
19. P. 24, L. 7. Book of the Chaldaeans. M. Renan has cited a few lines from this place; but he has erred in stating " Le dernier paragraph est donne sous le titre special de..., Livre de Chaldeans" It will be seen that this is not the last paragraph of the treatise of Bardesan. The heading is only given in distinctive red letters, like..., and the others above.
20. L.12. Tayites.... The name of a race of Arabs, and often used for Arabs generally. Eusebius, probably not understanding the word, has.... Caesarius, who also does not appear to have understood it, has....and the author of the Recognitions, or Ruffinus the translator, has avoided the difficulty by omitting it altogether.
21. P. 25, L. 3. The Zazi, and in Brusa, which is beyond the Duro. Eusebius has...; the Recognitions 'in Chrysea insula' only; and Caesarius omits the passage altogether. Epiphanius, who evidently had this treatise of Bardesan before him, has..., p. 1091. It is plain that the text of Bardesan was not clearly understood by the translators, and, as is often the case in obscure passages, it has suffered further corruption in the transcription. This may be the reason why it is omitted by Caesarius. I find it not an unusual thing for translators to omit what they do not understand, and to take no notice of it whatever.... As it is difficult to pronounce withany degree of certainty what are the precise places meant by Bardesan, I have not thought it expedient to waste my own and the readers' time by offering uncertain conjectures.
22. P. 28, L. 10. Decani. The twelve signs of the zodiac were each divided into three parts, making thirty-six, which, being again each subdivided into ten portions, were called Decani. "Singula signa in tres partes dividuntur: singulae autem partes singulos habent decanos ut sint in singulis signis terni decani." See Julius Firmicus, Ad Mavort. Loll. Astron. p. 17. Manilius, Astronomicon, B. 4. L. 298, gives the following account of them:...
23. P. 31, L, 14. Tharatha. This is the same as the goddess Rhea. Justin Martyr mentions this practice..., Apol. 1. c. 27, edit. Otto, p. 72. Itane propterea Galli abscissi huic Magnae Deae serviunt, ut signifiant, qui semine indigeant, terram sequi oportere? See Augustin, De Civit. Dei, b. 7, c. 24. See also Epiphanius, Panar. p. 1092. Abgar was a general title borne by the Kings or Toparchs of Edessa. See Assemani, Bibl. Orient, tom. i. p. 261. Bayer thinks the king especially alluded to here was Abgar, son of Maanes, who began to reign about A.D. 200. Historia Osrhoena et Edessena ex numis illustrata, p. 169; but this does not accord with the accounts given by other writers. It seems much more probable that this was Abgar, the son of Maanes, who began his reign A.D. 152. See Hahn. Bardesan. Gnost. p. 14.
24. P. 32, L. 9. On the appointed days. The Syriac is.... I do not know what the precise meaning of... here is, and Eusebius gives no aid, for he has omitted this passage, and the Greek also otherwise varies considerably from the original to the end of the treatise. Compare what Bardesan says here relative to the change effected by Christianity, with Eusebius, Praep. Evang. lib. 4, and Theodoret, Graec. Affec. Curat. edit. Gaisford, p. 349.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2003. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: spicilegium_4_jacob.htm
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855), p.40.: 'Jacob' on Bardesan
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855), p.40.: 'Jacob' on Bardesan
Bardesan, a man of antiquity, and renowned for the knowledge of events, has written in a treatise composed by him touching the synods of the heavenly luminaries with one another, saying thus: Two circuits of Saturn are 60 years; 5 circuits of Jupiter 60 years; 40 circuits of Mars 60 years; 60 circuits of the Sun 60 years; 72 circuits of Venus 60 years; 150 circuits of Mercury 60 years;1 720 circuits of the moon 60 years; and this is one synod of them all, that is to say, the time of one synod of them; so that hence it appears, that for 100 of such synods there would be six thousand years, in this manner: 200 circuits of Saturn 6 thousand years; 500 circuits of Jupiter 6 thousand years; 4 thousand circuits of Mars 6 thousand years; six thousand circuits of the Sun six thousand years; 7 thousand and 200 circuits of Venus 6 thousand years; 12 thousand circuits of Mercury 6 thousand years; 72 thousand circuits of the Moon 6 thousand years: and Bardesan made these calculations when he was desirous of shewing that this world would stand only six thousand years.
[Endnotes moved here]
1. P. 40, L. 16. 150 circuits of Mercury 60 years. This will not agree with the calculation a few lines below, 12 thousand circuits of Mercury 6 thousand years. There is therefore an error in the manuscript in the first instance reading 150 for 120, or in the latter 12 for 15.
Additional Note to page 40.
The extract given here is cited from Add. MS. in the British Museum, 12,154, f. 248, b, respecting which see my Corpus Ignatianum, p. 359. The passage is quoted from a writer known as the Persian Philosopher, whose real name was Jacob: see subscription to Add. MS. 17,182, transcribed A.G. 785, or A.D. 473. There is another copy of this work of nearly as early date, Add. MS. 14,619. The author wrote the last of his treatises in the year of Alexander, 656, or A.D. 342. These treatises, both from their antiquity and the matter contained in them, are very important; but as I am preparing them for publication, I abstain at present from any further observations. [Note to the online text: which strange reticence, even buried at the end of the volume in the wrong place, leaves the reader none the wiser as to the identity of the writer. Steven Ring has kindly emailed me that in fact 'Jacob' is Aphrahat.]
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2003. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: spicilegium_5_melito.htm
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855): Ps.-Melito of Sardis: Apology
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855): Ps.-Melito of Sardis: Apology
AN ORATION OF MELITON THE PHILOSOPHER;
WHO WAS IN THE PRESENCE 1 OF ANTONINUS CAESAR, AND
BADE THE SAME CAESAR KNOW GOD, AND SHEWED HIM THE
WAY OF TRUTH; AND HE BEGAN SPEAKING AFTER THIS
MANNER:
MELITO saith: It is not an easy matter 2 readily to bring into the right way that man who has been a long time pre-occupied by error.3 But nevertheless it is possible to be done; for when a man has been turned from error a little, the mention of the truth is acceptable to him; for in the same manner as, when the cloud has been broken a little, there is fine weather, so also a man, too, when he is turned towards God, the thick cloud of error which hindered him from the true vision, is quickly removed from his face. For error, like passion and sleep, holdeth for a long time those who alight under it; but truth, using the word as a stimulus, and smiting such as are asleep, also awaketh them; and when they are awake, seeing the truth, they also understand, and hearing, they also distinguish that which exists from that which doth not exist. For there are men that call wickedness righteousness, and so then they suppose that this is righteousness when a man shall be in error together with the many.4 But I say that this is not a good excuse, that a man be in error with the many: for if one only act foolishly his folly is great; how much greater, then, must the folly be when the many are foolish together?
But the folly of which I speak is this, if a man should leave that which really exists, and serve that which really does not exist: but there is that which really exists, and is called God, and He really exists, and by His power every thing subsists; and This same was not made, nor yet brought into being, but exists from eternity, and will exist for ever and ever. He undergoes no change, while all things are changed. No sight is able to behold Him; nor understanding able to comprehend Him, nor |42 words to describe Him; and those who love Him(23) call him after this manner----Father and God of Truth.
And if, therefore, a man abandon the light, and say that there is another God, it is found from his own words that he calleth some created thing God. For if a man call fire God, it is not God, because it is fire; and if a man call the waters Gods, they are not God, because they are waters; and if this earth which we tread upon, and if those heavens which are seen by us, and if the sun, or the moon, or one of those stars which run their course by ordinance and rest not, nor proceed by their own will,----and if a man call gold and silver Gods; are not these things that we use as we please? And if that wood which we burn, and if those stones which we break----how then are these Gods? for, lo! they are for the use of men. How will not they be found in great sin, who change the great God by their word into those things which stand by ordinance so far as they do stand?
But I say nevertheless, that so long as a man not having heard, neither discerneth nor understands that there is a Lord over these creatures, perhaps he is not to be blamed, because no one blameth the blind when he walketh badly. For in the same manner also men, while they were seeking after God, stumbled against stones and stocks; and such of them as were rich, stumbled against gold and silver, and by their stumbling were kept back from that which they were seeking after. But now that a voice has been heard in all the earth 5 that there is a God of truth, and an eye has been given to every man to see withal, they are without excuse who are influenced by a feeling of shame towards the many with whom they have been in error, but otherwise desire to walk in the right way. For those who are ashamed to be saved, necessity compels them to die. On this account I counsel them that they open their eyes and see; for, lo! light without envy is given to all of us, that we may see thereby; and if, when light hath arisen upon us, any one closeth his eyes that he may not see, his course is to the ditch. For why is a man influenced by feelings of shame towards those who have been in error together with himself? Rather it behoveth him to |43 persuade them to follow in his steps, and if they be not persuaded by him, he should save himself from amongst them. For there are some men who are not able to raise themselves up from their mother earth: for this cause, also, they make for themselves Gods from the earth their mother.(24) And they are condemned by the judgments of truth, because they affix that name which is unchangeable to those things which are subject to change, and fear not to designate as Gods that which has been made by the hands of man; and dare to make an image for God whom they have not seen.
But I affirm that also the Sybil has said respecting them,6 that it is the images of kings, who are dead, they worship. And this is easy to understand; for, lo! even now they worship and honour the images of those belonging to the Caesars, more than those former Gods:7 for from those their former Gods, both tribute and produce are paid to Cassar as to one, who is greater than they. And on this account those are slain who despise them, and diminish the revenue of Caesar. For also to the treasury of other kings in various places it is appointed how much the worshippers supply, and how many sacks full of water from the sea. And this is the wickedness of the world, of such as worship and fear that which hath no perception; and many of those who are cunning, cither for the sake of profit, or on account of vain-glory, or for the sake of swaying the many, both worship themselves, and instigate the deficient in understanding to worship that which hath no perception.
But I, according as I know, will write and shew how and for what causes images were made for kings and tyrants, and they became as gods. The people of Argos made images for Hercules, because he was one of their own citizens and was brave, and slew by his valour noisome beasts, and more especially because they were afraid of him, for he was violent, and carried away the wives of many,8 for his lust was great, like that of Zuradi the Persian, his friend.9
Again, the people of Aete worshipped Dionysius, a king, because he originally introduced the vine into their country.
The Egyptians worshipped Joseph, a Hebrew, who was called |44 Serapis, because he supplied them with sustenance in the years of famine.10
The Athenians worshipped Athene, the daughter of Zeus, king of the island of Crete, because she built the citadel Athens, and made Ericthippus (Ericthonius) her son king there, whom she had by adultery with Hephaestus, a smith, the son of a wife of her father; and she always was making companionship with Hercules, because he was her brother on her father's side. For Zeus the king fell in love with Alcmene, the wife of Electryon, who was from Argos, and committed adultery with her, and she gave birth to Hercules.(25)
The people of Phoenicia worshipped Balthi,11 queen of Cyprus, because she fell in love with Tamuz, son of Cuthar, king of the Phoenicians, and left her own kingdom, and came and dwelt in Gebal, a fortress of the Phoenicians, and at the same time she made all the Cyprians subject to the king Cuthar: for before Tamuz she had been in love with Ares, and committed adultery with him, and Hephaestus her husband caught her, and was jealous over her, and came and slew Tamuz in Mount Lebanon, while he was hunting wild boars; and from that time Balthi remained in Gebal, and she died in the city Aphaca,12 where Tamuz was buried.
The Elamites worshipped Nuh,13 daughter of the King of Elam. When the enemy had taken her captive, her father made for her an image and a temple in Shushan, a palace which is in Elam.
The Syrians worshipped Athi a Hadibite,14 who sent the daughter of Belat, who was skilled in medicine, and she cured Simi, daughter of Hadad, king of Syria; and after a time, when the leprosy attacked Hadad himself, Athi entreated Elishah, the Hebrew, and he came and cured him of his leprosy.
The people of Mesopotamia also worshipped Cuthbi, a Hebrew woman, because she delivered Bacru, the patrician of Edessa, from his enemies.
But touching Nebo, which is in Mabug,15 why should I write to you; for, lo! all the priests which are in Mabug know that it is the image of Orpheus, a Thracian Magus. And Hadran is the |45 image of Zaradusht, a Persian Magus, because both of these Magi practised Magism to a well which is in a wood in Mabug, in which was an unclean spirit, and it committed violence and attacked the passage of every one who was passing by in all that place in which now the fortress of Mabug is located; and these same Magi charged Simi, the daughter of Hadad, that she should draw water from the sea, and cast it into the well,16 in order that the spirit should not come up and commit injury, according to that which was a mystery in their Magism. And in like manner, also, the rest of mankind made images of their kings, and worshipped them, of which I will not write further.
But thou, a free intelligence and cognizant of the truth, if thou wilt consider these things, enter into thyself; and if they clothe thee in the fashion of a woman, remember that thou art a man, and be a believer in Him who really is God, and to Him open thy mind, and to Him commit thyself, and He is able to give thee everlasting life, which dieth not;(26) for every thing cometh through His hands: and all other things so let them be esteemed by thee as they are, images as images, sculptures as sculptures; and let not any thing which has been made be put by thee in the place of Him who is not made. But let Him, the ever-living God, be always running in thy mind; for thy mind itself is his likeness, for it, too, is invisible and impalpable, and without form; and by its will the whole body is moved. Know thou, therefore, that if thou wilt always be serving Him that is immoveable, as He exists for ever, so thou also, when thou shalt have put off this which is visible and corruptible, shalt stand before Him for ever, living and endowed with knowledge; and thy works shall be for thee riches which fail not, and possessions that do not lack. But know thou that the chief of all thy good works is this: that thou shouldest know God and serve Him. And know that He asketh not for any thing of thee: he needeth nothing.
Who is that God? He who is himself truth, and his word truth. But what is truth? That which is not fashioned, and not made, and not formed; that is, that which, without having been brought into existence, does exist, and is called truth. But if, then, |46 a man worship that which has been made by hands, it is not the truth he worshipeth, neither also the word of truth. But for myself I have much to say touching this matter; but I am influenced by a feeling of shame for those who do not understand that they are better than the work of their own hands; nor do they understand how they give gold to the artists, that they may make for them a god, and give them silver for their ornament and their honour, and they transfer their riches from one place to another, and then worship them. And what disgrace can be greater than this, that a man should worship his riches, and abandon Him who bestowed upon him the riches? and that he should revile man, but worship the image of man, and slay a beast, but worship the likeness of a beast. And it must be acknowledged that is the workmanship of their fellow-men that they worship; for they do not worship the materials while they are laid by in bundles, but when the artists have fashioned images from them they worship them; neither do they worship the substance of gold or of silver, until the sculptors have engraven them, then they worship them. Deficient of understanding! What additional thing has been imparted to the gold that now thou worshippest it? If it be because it resembles a winged animal, why dost thou not worship the winged animal itself? And if because it resembles a voracious beast, lo! the voracious beast itself(27) is before thee. And if it be the artist's skill itself that please thee, then let the artistic skill of God please thee, who made every thing, and in His own likeness made the artists, and they endeavour to do like Him, but resemble Him not.
But perchance thou mayest say, Why did not God create me so that I should then have served Him, and not idols? By this that thou speakest in such a manner, thou wouldest seek to become an idle instrument, and not a living man. For God made thee so well as it seemed good to Him, and gave thee a mind endowed with Free-will. He set before thee abundant things that thou mightest distinguish each thing, and choose for thyself that which is good. He has set before thee the heavens, and he has placed in them the stars. He hath set before thee the sun and the moon, and |47 they every day fulfil their course therein. He hath set before thee many waters, and restrained them by his word. He hath set before thee the vast earth, which is still, and continueth before thee in one fashion. And in order that thou mayest not suppose that of its own nature it continueth, He also maketh it quake whensoever He desireth. He hath set before thee the clouds which by ordinance bring water from above and satisfy the earth: that from these things thou mightest understand, that He who moveth these is greater than they all, and that thou mightest accept the goodness of Him, who hath given to thee a mind by which thou mayest distinguish these things. Therefore I counsel thee that thou shouldest know thyself, and shouldest know God. For understand how there is within thee that which is called the soul: by it the eye seeth, by it the ear heareth, by it the mouth speaketh: and how it employeth the whole body. And whensoever He pleaseth to remove the soul from the body, it falleth and goeth to decay. From this, therefore, which exists within thyself and is invisible, understand how God also moveth the whole world by his power, like the body, and that whensoever it pleaseth Him to withdraw his power, the whole world also, like the body, will fall and go to decay.
For what end, therefore, this world was created, and why it passeth away, and why the body exists, and why it falleth, and why it standeth, thou art not able to know until thou shalt have lifted up thy head from this sleep in which thou art sunken, and have opened thine eyes, and seen that there is one God, the Lord of all, and have served Him with all thy heart. Then will He grant thee to know His will; for every one who is far removed from the knowledge of the living God is dead and buried in his body. On this account thou rollcst thyself upon the ground before demons and shadows, and askest vain petitions from such as hath not what to give. But thou, stand thou up(28)from amongst those who are lying on the earth and embracing stones, and giving their sustenance as food for the fire, and offering their clothes to idols, and are willing, while they themselves are endowed with senses, to serve that which is insensible. And do thou ask |48 petitions which will not fail from God who failcth not, for thy soul which is not liable to decay, and immediately thy Free-will will be evident, and of it be careful; and give thanks to God who made thee, and gave thee a free mind, that thou mightest conduct thyself as thou wishest. He hath set before thee all these things, and sheweth thee, that if thou followest after evil thou shalt be condemned for thy evil deeds; but if after goodness thou shalt receive from Him many good things, together with eternal life which never dieth.
There is nothing, therefore, which hindereth thee from changing thy evil manner of life, because thou art endowed with Free-will; and from seeking and finding who is the Lord of all, and from serving Him with all thy heart, because with Him there is no jealousy of giving the knowledge of himself to those that seek it, so that they are able to know Him.
Let it be thy care first, not to deceive thyself. For if thou sayest with regard to that which is not God, This is God, thou deceivest thyself, and sinnest before the God of truth. Fool! is that God which is bought and sold? Is that God which standeth in need? Is that God which must be watched? How buyest thou him as a slave, and servest him as master? How askest thou of him as of one who is rich to give to thee, and thyself givest to him as to one who is poor? How canst thou expect of him that he will make thee victorious in battle; for, lo! when thine enemies have vanquished thee, they also strip him too?
Perchance one who is a sovereign may say that I am not able to conduct myself well, because I am a sovereign. It behoveth me to do the will of the many. He who should plead thus, truly deserves to be laughed at. For why should not the sovereign be himself the leader in all good things, and persuade the people which is subject to him, that they should conduct themselves with purity, and know God in truth, and set them in himself examples of all good deeds? Because so it becometh him. For it is an absurd thing that a sovereign, while he conducts himself badly, should be the judge, and condemn those who go wrong.
But my opinion is this: that in this way a realm may be governed |49 in peace, whenever the sovereign shall be acquainted with the God of truth,(29) and through fear of Him shall be withheld from injuring those who are his subjects, but shall judge every thing with equity, as one who knoweth that he himself also is about to be judged before God; while those also who are under his hand shall be withheld by the fear of God from acting wrongly towards their sovereign, and shall also be withheld by fear from doing what is wrong to each other. And by this knowledge and fear of God all wickedness may be removed from the realm. For if the sovereign abstain from injuring those who are under his hand, and they abstain from doing wrong against him, and against each other, it is evident that the whole country will dwell in peace. And many advantages will be there, because amongst them all the name of God will be glorified. For what advantage is greater than this, that a sovereign should deliver the people which is under his hand from error, and by this good deed obtain the favour of God? For from error all those evils arise. But the chief of error is this: that while a man is ignorant of God, he should worship in God's stead that which is not God.
But there are men who say, that it is for God's own honour we make the idol;----that forsooth, they may worship the image of the hidden God! And they are ignorant that God is in every country, and in every place, and is never absent, and that there is not any thing done, and He knoweth it not. But thou, feeble man, within whom He is, and without whom He is, and above whom He is, hast gone and bought for thyself wood from the carpenter's house, which is graven and made into an abomination of God. To this same thing thou offerest sacrifices, and knowest not that the all-seeing eye beholdeth thee, and the word of truth reproacheth thee, and saith to thee, The invisible God, how can He be sculptured? But it is the likeness of thyself that thou makest, and then worshippest it. Because the wood has been graven, dost thou not perceive that it is wood, or that it is stone? And the gold one taketh by weight, how much it weigheth: and when thou hast made it, why dost thou weigh it? Therefore thou art a lover of gold, and not a lover of God. And art not thou |50 ashamed, perchance it should be deficient, to demand of him who made it, why he has stolen some of it? And although thou hast eyes, dost thou not see? and although thou hast a heart, dost thou not understand? Why rollest thou thyself upon the earth, and ofterest supplication to things which are without perception? Fear Him who shaketh the earth, and maketh the heavens to revolve, and quelleth the sea, and removeth the mountains from their place; Him who can make himself like fire,(30) and burn up every thing. And if thou be not able to justify thyself, yet add not to thy sins; and if thou be unable to know God, yet think that He exists.
Again, there are men that say, Whatsoever our fathers, bequeathed to us, that we reverence. Therefore, forsooth, those to whom their fathers bequeathed poverty, strive to become rich! and those whom their fathers did not instruct, desire to be instructed and to learn what their fathers knew not! And why, forsooth, do the children of the blind see, and the children of the lame walk? For it is not well for a man to follow after such as have gone before that walked badly; but that we should turn from the same path, lest that which befel those who have gone before should also bring injury upon us. Wherefore, inquire if thy father walked well; if so, do thou also follow after him: but if thy father walked ill, walk thou well, and let thy children also follow after thee. Be solicitous too respecting thy father, because he walketh ill, so long as thy solicitude may be of avail to help him. But as for thy children, say to them thus, That there does exist a God, the Father of all, who never was brought into being, neither was He made, and every thing subsisteth by his will; and He made the lights that his works may behold one another, and He concealeth himself in his might from all his works; for it is not possible for any mutable thing to see Him who is immutable. But such as have been admonished and admitted into that covenant which is immutable, they see God so far as it is possible for them to see him. These same will be able to escape from being consumed when the flood of fire shall come upon all the world. For there was once a flood and wind,17 and the chosen men were destroyed by a mighty north wind, |51 and the just were left for demonstration of the truth; but again, at another time there was a flood of waters, and all men arid living creatures were destroyed by the multitude of waters, and the just were preserved in an ark of wood, by the ordinance of God. So also it will be at the last time; there shall be a flood of fire, and the earth shall be burnt up 18 together with its mountains, and men shall be burnt up together with the idols which they have made, and with the graven images which they have worshipped; and the sea, together with its isles, shall be burnt; and the just shall be delivered from the fury, like their fellows in the ark from the waters of the deluge. And then those who have not known God, and those who have made idols for themselves, shall lament, when they behold the same idols on fire together with themselves,(31) and nothing shall be found to help them.
But when thou, O Antonius (Antoninus) Caesar shalt learn these things thyself, and thy children also with thee, thou wilt bequeath to them an eternal inheritance which fadeth not away; and thou wilt deliver thine own soul, and also the soul of thy children from that which is about to befal the whole earth in the judgment of truth and righteousness. Because, as thou hast acknowledged him here,19 He will acknowledge thee there; and if thou esteem him great here, He esteemeth not thee more than those who have known him and confessed him. Sufficient be these for thy majesty; and if they be too many,----as thou wilt.
HERE ENDETH MELITON.
[Selected endnotes moved here and numbered]
1. P. 41. Who was in the presence. M. Kenan translates "qui factus est coram," referring to "sermo" before. The writer in the "Journal of Sacred Literature," 1855, who signs his initials B. H. C., whom I shall henceforth designate by these letters, has "before Antoninus Caesar," omitting altogether to translate.... It does not, however, seem probable that the oration was made in the Emperor's presence, because the author speaks of writing it. "But touching Nebo, which is in Mabug, why should I write to you." See p. 44, L. 34 above. Meliton appears to have seen and conversed with the Emperor, and afterwards to have written this oration. An active verb relating to the author,..., B.H.C. has made passive, and referred it to the Oration, " and it was addressed."
2. L. 1. It is not an easy matter, &c. There is a sentence so exactly like this in Justin Martyr, that it would almost seem as if the one were copied from the Other..... Apol. i. 12, p. 32, edit. Otto.
3. L. 2. Has been pre-occupied by error. B.H.C. having before made an active verb passive, here makes a passive verb active, and translates "apprehends him." As there are so many grammatical blunders committed by this translator, it would be a waste of time to mention them all. I shall therefore only notice some of the other errors that he has fallen into, which may mislead such as would depend upon his translation, as exhibiting the real meaning of the Syriac.
4. L. 18. A good excuse that a man be in error with the many. Justin Martyr writes,... which, how ever, is cited by Johannes Damascenus with the reading of... as here instead of...: Apol. i. 2, p. 4, edit. Otto.
5. P.42, L. 25. That a voice has been heard in all the earth. Rom. x. 18.
6. P.43, L 10.... Every one conversant with the early Christian writers Justin Martyr, Theophilus, Tertullian, Origen, Clemens Alexandrinus, Lactantius, &c., is aware that they often refer to the prophecies of the Sibyls. The passage to which Meliton seems especially to allude here is the following: See Sibyllina Oracula, edit. Gale, p. 467: This is also quoted, with two slight variations in the first verse, in the Cohortatio ad Gentiles, attributed to Justin Martyr. See edit. Oehler, p. 62.
7. L. 13. More than the former gods. Tertullian writes to the same effect.... Ad Nationes, lib. i, c. 10, p. 328, edit. Oehler. And again in his Apology, c. 28, p. 228:.... Justin Martyr writes:.... 1, C. 21, p. 56. Tertullian also expresses the same opinion as Melito respecting the origin of the heathen gods:...: De Idolatria, c. 15, p. 93. Respecting the divine honours paid to Julius Caesar, see Suetonus, Jul. Caes. c. 76: Valerius Maximus, lib. i. c. 6. § 13. Touching divine honours paid by the Emperor Hadrian to the wretch Antoninus, see Justin Martyr, Apol. i.e. 29, p. 76; Eusebius, Praepar. Evan. b. ii. c. 6; Hist. Eccl. iv. 8; and Valesius' notes ad locum; and Tillemont, Hist. des Empereurs, vol. ii. p. 267.
8. L. 30. The wives of many. See respecting the wives of Hercules, Diodorus Siculus, Biblioth. b. 4; and Eusebius, Praepar. Evang. lib. ii. c. 2.
9. L. 31. Zuradi. That is, Zaradas the Persian, said to be the author of the abominable law of the Persians: see note above, p. 81. Photius speaking of the work of Theodorus on Persian Magic, writes,...: Biblioth. Cod. 81, edit. Bekker, p. 63.
10. L. 35. Joseph, a Hebrew, who is called Serapis. Meliton is not singular in this view. Tertullian,... Ad Nationes ii. c. 8, p. 366. Julius Firmicus Ma-ternus, De Errore profan. relig. c. 9:... Ruffinus states, b. xi. c. 22,.... See Auctores Hist. Eccl. edit. Basil. 1528, p. 256. Suidas has evidently followed Ruffinus:
11. P.44, L. 12. Balthi is the Syriac name of Venus, Tamus of Adonis; and Cuthar is the Kivvpas of the Greeks: see Nork, Die Gotter Syriens, p. 79: Selden, De Diis Syris Synt. ii. c.2,3: Vossius, De Theol. Gent. b. i. c.22,23.
12. L. 21. Respecting the temple of Venus in Apheca:...: see Eusebius, De Vita Constant, b. iii. c. 55; and De Laud. Constant, c. viii. edit. Zimmermann, pp.950,1159; Zosimus, cited by Selden, De Diis Syr. p. 278, writes,.... Lucian says that it was founded by Cinyras: see De Syria Dea, c. 9.
13. L. 23. Nuh. The manuscript reads plainly... B.H.C. has read otherwise, and translated 'Hai:' M. Renan 'Noe.' It is apparently a blunder of the copyist, probably for..., 'Nai;' or 'Anai,'..., the goddess Anais, or Anaitis. M. Renan has also suggested this name.
14. L. 26. Athi a Hadibite. I do not know what... refers to. Nor am I able to offer any satisfactory explanation respecting this account of Meliton. The story seems to have originated in that of the little maid who was brought away captive out of the land of Israel, and waited upon Naaman's wife, and of the cure of Naaman's leprosy by Elisha. 2 Kings c. 5. Perhaps Athi may have some connection with the name... Attis who is said to have instituted the orgies for Rhea. See Lucian, De Syria Dea, c. 13. Vossius: ibid. c. 20. The account by Damascius of his visiting Hierapolis and sleeping there----as Photius has related it, and of the pestilential and deadly vapours which were emitted from a cavern under the temple of Apollo----taken in reference to what Meliton says respecting the unclean spirit in the sacred wood of Mabug, called also Hierapolis, and the way in which this was remedied by the daughter of Hadad, would seem to shew some connection between the stories and the names; but there is so much uncertainty in all this, that it would be needless to waste my own and the reader's time in offering conjectures. The passage alluded to in Photius is this:.... See Bibliotheca, cod. 242, edit. Bekker, p. 345.
15. L. 34. Mabug, more generally known as Hierapolis. Pliny:... b. v, c. 33.
16. P.45, L. 6. That she should draw water from the sea, and cast it into the well. B.H.C., wrongly, "that water should be drawn;" and M. Renan, not less erroneously,... Both have referred to the passage of Lucian De Syria Dea, c. 13,...
17. P.50, L. 35. A flood of wind. B. H. C. gives as a note, but without any authority, "The destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah is here alluded to." He is, however, altogether mistaken. The flood of wind relates rather to the destruction of the tower of Babel: see Josephus Antiq. b. i. c. 4..... The passage in the Sibyl, to which Josephus alludes, seems to be this:... See Gale Sibyll. Orac. p. 330. Abydenus, cited by Eusebius, Evang. lib. ix. C. 14:.... The author of the Cave of Treasures,.... to which I have already referred, p. 79, gives another account of the Flood of Wind: to which tradition, indeed, Meliton may refer: ----... "And in the hundredth year of Nahor, when God saw that men sacrificed their children to devils, and worshipped idols, God opened the storehouse of his wind, and the tempest's door, and a storm of wind went forth through all the earth, and overthrew the images and the temples of the devils, and collected together the idols and the images, and the statues, and made great heaps over them until this day. And this storm of wind the doctors call the Flood of wind:" see fol. 22. The same account is also given in the Ethiopic Book of Adam,, translated by Dr. A. Dillman in Ewald's Jahrbiicker, 1853, p. 118:...
18. P. 51. L. 5. The earth shall be burnt up, &c. Meliton evidently alludes here to 2 Pet. iii. 10.12. This may probably be one reason why my friend, the Chevalier Bunsen, to whom I lent the translation of this Apology, and who at first did not doubt its authenticity, might have been led afterwards to think that it "bears the stamp of a late and confused composition;" and " for that reason to abstain from giving it a place among the genuine texts:" Hippolytus and his Age, vol. i. p. xi. 1854. Mr. Bunsen does not admit the authenticity of the Second Epistle of St. Peter. It is, however, certainly alluded to here by one of the earliest and most learned writers of the Christian Church in the second century, and consequently appears to have been admitted by him as genuine.
19. L.20. This last sentence is obscure, and I am not sure that I have given the exact meaning. I believe, however, M. Renan's version, as well as that of B.H.C. to be incorrect.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Spicilegium Syriacum (1855): Ps.-Melito -- Fragments
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855): Ps.-Melito -- Fragments
1 BY MELITON, BISHOP OF SARDIS2,
From the Discourse On the Soul and Body.3
FOR this reason the Father sent his Son from heaven incorporeal, that when He was become incarnate through the womb of the Virgin and was born man, He might save man, and collect those members of his which death had scattered when he divided man. And, further on. The earth quaked, and its foundations were shaken; the sun fled, and the elements turned back, and the day was changed; for they endured not that their Lord should hang upon a tree; and the whole creation was wonderstruck, marvelling, and saying, "What new mystery, then, is this? The judge is judged, and holds his peace; the invisible is seen, and is not ashamed; the incomprehensible is seized and is not indignant; the immeasurable is measured, and doth not resist; the impassible suffereth, and doth not avenge; the immortal dieth, and answereth not a word; the celestial is interred, and endureth! What new mystery is this?" The whole creation was astonished. But when our Lord arose from the dead, and trode death under foot, and bound the strong one, and loosed man,----then the whole creation perceived, that for man's sake the judge was condemned, and the invisible was seen, and the immeasurable was measured, and the impassible suffered, and the immortal died, and the celestial was interred: for our Lord, when he was born man, was condemned in order that He might shew mercy;(32) was bound in order that He might loose; was seized upon in order that He might let go; suffered in order that He might have compassion; died that He might save; was buried that He might raise up.
By the same, from the Discourse On the Cross.4
For the sake of these things He came to us; for the sake of these things, while He was incorporeal, He formed for himself a body of our construction; while He appeared as a sheep, He still still remained the shepherd; while He was esteemed a servant, He denied not the souship; while He was borne of Mary, He |53 also was invested with his Father; while he trode upon the earth., He also filled the heaven; while He appeared as an infant, He belied not the eternity of his nature; while He was clad with a hody, He also hound not the singleness of his Godhead; while He was esteemed poor, He also was not divested of his riches; while, inasmuch as He was man, He needed food; still, inasmuch as He was God, He ceased not to feed the universe; while He was clad in the likeness of servant, He also changed not the likeness of the Father. He was every thing in an immutable nature. He was standing before Pilate, and yet was sitting with the Father. He was nailed upon the tree, and yet was upholding every thing.
From Meliton the Bishop; On Faith.
We have made collections from the Law and the Prophets relative to those things which have been declared respecting our Lord Jesus Christ, that we may prove to your love, that He is perfect reason, the Word of God; who was begotten before the light; who was Creator together with the Father; who was the fashioner of man; who was all in all; who among the Patriarchs was Patriarch; who in the law was the Law; among the priests Chief priest; amongst kings Governor; among prophets the Prophet; among the angels Archangel; in the Voice the Word;5 among spirits Spirit; in the Father the Son; in God God----the king for ever and ever. For this was He who was pilot to Noah; who conducted Abraham; who was bound with Isaac, who was in exile with Jacob, who was sold with Joseph, who was captain with Moses, who was the divider of the inheritance with Jesus the Son of Nun, who in David and the prophets foretold his own sufferings, who was incarnate in the Virgin, who was born at Bethlehem,(33) who Avas wrapped in swaddling clothes in the manger, who was seen of the shepherds, who was glorified of the angels, who was worshipped of the Magi, who was pointed out by John, who assembled the Apostles, who preached the kingdom, who healed the maimed, who gave light to the blind, who raised the dead, who appeared in the temple, who was not believed on by the people, who was betrayed by |54 Judas, who was laid hold on by the priests, who was condemned by Pilate, who was transfixed in the flesh, who was hanged upon the tree, who was buried in the earth, who rose from the dead, who appeared to the Apostles, who ascended to heaven, who sitteth on the right hand of the Father, who is the rest of those that are departed, the recoverer of those who were lost, the light of those who are in darkness, the deliverer of those who are captives, the guide of those who have gone astray, the refuge of the afflicted, the bridegroom of the Church, the charioteer of the Cherubim, the captain of the angels, God who is of God, the Son who is of the Father, Jesus Christ, the King for ever and ever. Amen.
Of Meliton, Bishop of the city of Attica.6 (49)
This is he that became incorporate in the Virgin, and was hanged upon a tree, and was buried in the midst of the earth, and did not undergo dissolution; he that rose from the dead, and raised up men from the earth, from the nether grave to the height of heaven. This is the lamb that was slain; this is the lamb that was dumb. This is He that was born of Mary a fair sheep. This is he that was taken from the flock, and was led to the slaughter, and was slain at eventide, and was buried at night; who had no bone in him broken upon the tree; who did not undergo dissolution in the midst of the earth; who rose from the dead, and raised up the race of Adam from the nether grave. This is he that was put to death. And where was he put to death? In the midst of Jerusalem. By whom? By Israel: because he healed their maimed, and cleansed their lepers, and gave light to their blind, and raised their dead. For this cause he died. Thou gavest the command, and he was crucified; thou wast exulting, and he was buried; thou wast reclining upon a soft bed, and he was watching in the grave and in the coffin; Oh, Israel, transgressor of the law, why hast thou done this fresh wickedness, in casting the Lord into fresh sufferings; thine own Lord, who himself fashioned thee, who made thee, who honoured thee, who called thee Israel. But thou hast not been found to be Israel; for thou hast not seen God, nor understood the Lord. For thou |55 knewest not, oh Israel, that this was the first-born of God, who was begotten before the sun, who made the light to rise, who lighted up the day, who separated the darkness, who fixed the first foundation, who suspended the earth, who collected the ocean, who extended the firmament, who adorned the world. Bitter were thy nails, and keen; bitter was thy tongue, which thou sharpenedst; bitter was that Judas, to whom thou gavest hire; bitter were thy false witnesses whom thou stirredst up; bitter was thy gall which thou preparedst; bitter was thy vinegar which thou madest; bitter were thy hands which were full of blood. Thou slewest thy Lord, and he was lifted upon the tree; and a tablet was fixed up to denote who he was that was put to death. And who was this?----what we would not speak harsh, and what we would speak very terrible, nevertheless still listen while ye tremble:----He, on whose account the earth quaked: he that suspended the earth, was hanged up; he that fixed the heavens was fixed with nails; he that supported the earth was supported upon a tree: the Lord was exposed to ignominy with a naked body; God put to death; the king of Israel slain by an Israelitish right hand. Ah! the fresh wickedness of the fresh murder! The Lord was exposed with a naked body: he was not deemed worthy even of covering; but in order that lie may not be seen, the lights were turned away, and the day became dark, because they were slaying God, who was naked upon the tree. It was not the body of our Lord that the lights darkened when they fled, but men's eyes; for because the people quaked not, the earth quaked: because they feared not the creation feared. Thou smotest thy Lord, thou also has been smitten upon the earth; and thou indeed liest dead, but he is risen from the dead, and gone up to the heights of heaven, having suffered for the sake of those who were suffering, and having been bound for the sake of the race of Adam which was in bondage, having also been judged for the sake of him who was condemned, and been buried for the sake of him who was buried. And further on. This is he who made the heaven and the earth, and in the beginning together with the Father created man; who was preached by the law and the prophets; who |56 was incarnate in the Virgin; who was hanged upon the tree; who was buried in the earth; who rose from the dead, and ascended to the height of heaven, and sitteth upon the right-hand of the Father.
Of the Holy Meliton, Bishop of Ittica.7
He that supported the earth was supported upon a tree. The Lord was exposed to ignominy with a naked body; God put to death: the King of Israel slain.
[Selected endnotes moved here and numbered]
1. The four following extracts are taken from one of the Syriac manuscripts brought from Nitria, now in the British Museum, No. 12,150, f. 70.70, 77, written A.D.562. As I have already given a description of this manuscript in my Corpus Ignatianum, p. 352, it is needless for me to repeat it here.
2. P. 52. Of Sardis. The Syriac has of Sardeon, which is the genitive of the Greek retained in the translation.
3. On the Soul and Body. This treatise is named by Eusebius, see below, p. 98; and by Jerome, "De Anima et Corpore:" and by Ruffinus, " De Anima et Corpore et Mente."
4. On the Cross. B.H.C. has translated incorrectly "on the crucifixion." This is not one of those works of Meliton mentioned by Eusebius, who, however, speaks as if he had not seen all his writings.
5. P.53, L. 21. In the Voice the Word. This confirms the reading of the Syriac in the Epistle of Ignatius to the Romans, c. ii...., and of the old Latin, "rursus factus sum vox," against the Greek.... see my note on this passage, Corpus Ignatianum, p. 291.
6. P. 54. L. 12. Of Meliton, Bishop of the city of Attica. This and the following extract were not printed at the same time as the others, because I did not believe them to be by the Bishop of Sardis, which inscription the two first bore. It is plain, however, that this is from the same work as that cited by Anastasius from the tract called..., because it contains the passage quoted:...: see Routh, Reliq. Sacr. vol. i. p. 122. I have therefore printed it subsequently at p. 49. No one who compares this with the preceding can fail, I think, to draw the conclusion that they are by the same hand, although perhaps by a different one from that of the Apologies. Neither is there any work attributed by Eusebius to Meliton which has the title Eis to pathos------. It seems probable that there has arisen some confusion in the transcribers between the names Meliton and Meletius. B.H.C. assumes at once that this is the case. That Meletius of Sebaste in Armenia, and afterwards of Antioch, is the person meant, and consequently he has not hesitated to declare that the name of the city is mis-spelt, and Antioch clearly intended; and therefore has made no difficulty in giving Antioch instead of Attica. That a Syrian writer should have made any blunder in spelling the name of their great city Antioch is as improbable as that an educated Englishman should mis-spell London. There is a considerable difference between the words... and.... Besides this Meletius was translated to Antioch contrary to the canons of the Church, and was therefore soon expelled, and driven into exile. He would therefore hardly have been generally styled Bishop of Antioch, although indeed he afterwards returned, and was again expelled, and again returned.... see Ruffinus, Hist. Ecc. b. x. c. 24. The word Attica is unquestionably right, and the error must have arisen from some copyist adding the word city to.... There was a Meletius, Bishop of Sebastopolis, in Pontus, who was present at the Council of Nice, and well known to Athanasius, and to Eusebitis, who, on account of his great learning and powers of oratory, was called The honey of Attica,....: see Eusebius, b. vii. c. 32; and Valesius' notes. He could hardly be the same as Meletius, who was made Bishop of Antioch in the year 360, thirty-five years after the Council, although the similarity of their own names and that of their sees, the one being Bishop of Sebastopolis in Pontus, and the other of Sebaste in Armenia, might cause some confusion. The latter, according to Socrates, was translated from Sebaste, first to Beroca, and then to Antioch: see Hist. Eccl. b. ii. c. 44; and Sozomen, Hist. Eccl. b. iv. c. xxviii. Both Meliton and Meletius were celebrated for their eloquence.
7. P. 56, L. 5. Meliton, Bishop of Ittica. This is the same as the preceding, although written.... This last extract is taken from a volume procured in Egypt in 1843 by Dr. Tattam, with several leaves added in 1847 from the fragments obtained by M. Pacho. It appears to have been written about the seventh or eighth century, is imperfect both at the beginning and the end, and in its present state consists of 186 leaves written in two columns. It contains numerous extracts from the Fathers of the Church, cited in opposition to various heresies. What the title of the work is, or who is its author, does not appear. Cod. Add. 14,533 (not 14,532 as B.H.C. states).
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Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: spicilegium_7_eusebius .htm
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855). Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, Syriac version, Book 4 (Extract)
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855). Eusebius of Caesarea, Ecclesiastical History, Syriac version, Book 4 (Extract)
FROM THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH: CHAPTER THE TWENTY-FOURTH, CONCERNING THEOPHILUS, BISHOP OF ANTIOCH, AND PHILIP, AND MODESTUS, AND MELITON, AND THOSE WHOM HE HAS MENTIONED, AND CONCERNING APOLLINARIS AND MUSANUS.1
BUT as to Theophilus, concerning whom we have said that he was Bishop of Antioch, there are three treatises by him against Antolycus, and another which is inscribed "Against the heresy of Hermogenes," in which he uses testimonies from the Revelation of John; and there are other books by him which are suitable for teaching. But those, who pertained to heretical doctrine, even at that time like tares were corrupting the pure seed of the doctrine of the Apostles; but the Pastors which were in the churches in every country, were driving them like beasts of the wilderness away from the flock of Christ; at one time by teaching and exhortation to the Brethren, but at another time (34) openly before their faces they contended with them in discussion, and put them to shame; and again, also, by writing treatises they diligently refuted and exposed their opinions. But Theophilus, together with others, contended against them; and he is celebrated for one treatise, which was ably composed by him against Marcion, which, together with the others that I have |57 already mentioned, is still preserved. And after him Maximinus received the Bishoprick of the Church of Antioch, who was the seventh after the Apostles.
But Philip, respecting whom we have learned from the words of Dionysius, Bishop of Corinth,2 that he was Bishop of the church of the city of Gortyna, he also composed with accuracy a treatise against Marcion; Irenaeus too, and Modestus, who, more than the others, openly exposed the error of this man; and many others whose treatises are preserved in the possession of many Brethren up to this day.
At this time, also, Meliton, Bishop of the church of Sardis, and Apollinaris, Bishop of the church of Hierapolis, flourished with praise; who made, each one of them for himself, a separate apology for the Faith, and presented it to the Emperor of the Romans, who lived at that time. But the treatises by these, with which we have become acquainted, are the following:----by Meliton, On Easter two, and On Polity, and On the Prophets; and another On the Church, and another On the First Day of the Week; and again another On the Faith of Man,3 and another On his Formation; and again another On the Hearing of the Ear of Faith:4 and besides these, On the Soul and Body; and again On Baptism, and On the Truth, and On the Faith;5 and On the Birth of Christ, and On the word of his Prophecy; and again On the Soul and on the Body;6 and another On the Love of Strangers, and On Satan, and On the Revelation of John;7 and again another On God who put on the body;8 and again another which he wrote to the Emperor Antoninus. But when he wrote respecting the time of Easter, at the commencement he gave this information, "In the time of Servilius. Paulus, proconsul of Asia, Agaris (Sagaris) suffered martyrdom; and there was much questioning in Laodicea touching Easter, which varied as to the time in those days, and these things were written." But this same tract Clement of Alexandria(35) mentions in a treatise of his own which he wrote on Easter, and says that it was on the occasion of this treatise of Meliton that he himself also wrote. But in that apology, which he presented to the Emperor, he relates that such things were done by him to our people: "That |58 which never before took place;----the race of those who fear God is now persecuted by new decrees in Asia; for calumniators and such as covet the possessions of others, who have no shame, under the pretence of their having a decree, openly plunder and rob by night and by day men who have done no wrong." And after other things he proceeds to say, "If thou hast ordered this to be done, well; it is also done; for a righteous sovereign never purposeth any thing unrighteously. We even gladly endure the honour of this death; but we present to thee this supplication only, that thou wouldest first inquire respecting those who are the actors in this contest, and judge righteously, whether they be deserving of death and punishment, or of life and quietness. But if this will, and this new decree, be not from thee, which is not meet to be executed in this manner, not even towards barbarians and enemies,----the more especially do we entreat of thee not to be unmindful of us in this persecution by the world." But after this he proceeds----"Because our philosophy first flourished among the Barbarians; but it also sprung up among thine own people in the days of Augustus, and it became for the empire of the Romans a great power, and for thine own empire especially a good education; for from that time the dominion of the Romans increased and enlarged itself, which thou hast received and augmented, and thou wilt still strengthen it together with thy son, so long as thou protectest this philosophy which groweth up together with thy empire, that commenced with Augustus; which thy fathers also honoured together with the other religions: and this is a great proof, that for the good of the empire our preaching also sprang up together with its auspicious commencement, because since the days of Augustus no evil has befallen your empire, but rather in every thing it has acquired glory and power through the prayers of us all. And of all who have been Emperors, Nero and Domitian only gave heed to envious men, and received the accusation against our doctrine; and from these same, as by some unreasonable custom, it was brought to pass that the violence of falsehood should be directed against us.(30) But thine own ancestors corrected the error of these; for oftentimes |59 they rebuked by letters many who were desirous of attempting to cause troubles on this account; and thy grandfather Hadrian wrote to many touching this; and to Fundius (Fundanus) 9 the proconsul of Asia. But thy father wrote respecting us to different cities, that no man should injure us, during the time that thou also together with him wast governing every thing; even to the Pharisaeans (Larissaeans) 9 and to the Thessalonians, and to Athens, and to all nations. But respecting thyself, we are persuaded that thou, still more than they, hast a good will concerning these things; and we are persuaded that thou wilt the rather order with wisdom whatsoever we entreat of thee." But so far were these things set down.
But in the Extracts which were written by Meliton, at the beginning of them, he has noted down the number of the books of the Old Testament and shewn which are received: and it is right we should enumerate them here. But he wrote after this manner: "Meliton to Onesimus my brother, greeting: Because oftentimes with that earnestness which thou hast touching the Word, thou hast exhorted me to make for thee Extracts from the Law and from the Prophets relating to our Saviour and to the whole of our faith, and moreover hast been desirous to learn accurately respecting the Antient Books, how many they are in number and what they are consecutively, I have given diligence to do this, because I am persuaded through, thy earnestness touching the faith and touching the doctrine of the Word, that thou esteemest the love of God above every thing, and art striving for eternal life. When, therefore, I went up to the East, and proceeded even to that country in which they were preached and practised, and had learned accurately respecting the books of the Old Testament, I wrote them down and have sent them to thee. Their names are these-----Of Moses five books, Genesis,and Exodus,and Numbers,and Of the Priests (Leviticus), and Deuteronomy; and again of Jesus, the Son of Nun; and the Book of Judges, and Ruth, and four Books of Kings, and two Books of Chronicles, and the Psalms of David; and of Solomon, the Proverbs, which is Wisdom, and Koheleth, and the Song of Songs; and Job; and of the Prophets, Isaiah and |60 Jeremiah, and the twelve Prophets together; and Daniel, and Ezekiel, and Ezra: from which same I have made Extracts, and arranged them in six discourses." All these of Meliton. And again there are also many treatises by Apollinaris which are still preserved in the possession of many; but those which have been seen by us are the following----One, which is the Apology, that was made to the same Emperor of whom we have spoken above; and Against the Heathen five books; and Against the Jews two books; and those which he composed afterwards against the heresy of the Phrygians, which had recently sprung up a little time before, because then Montanus, together with the false prophetesses which were attached to him, had begun to turn aside from the truth.
[Selected endnotes moved here and numbered]
1. History of the Church. This chapter of the fourth book of Eusebius is taken from the antient Syriac version, of which I have inserted an account in the Corpus Ignatianum, p. 350, which see. I have given the entire chapter as it stands. It comprises the 24,25,26, and 27th of the Greek editions. It may be considered a fair specimen of the Syriac version, which future editors of Eusebius should not neglect to consult.
2. P. 57, L. 5. Bishop of Corinth, omitted in the Greek. Ruffinus omits here also all mention of Dionysius.
3. L. 18. On the faith of Man. So Ruffinus, De fide hominis; and also several Greek manuscripts. The editions have...
4. L. 20. On the hearing of the ear of faith. Gr..... Ruffinus, De obedientia fide. De sensibus.
5. L. 22. On the faith; with several manuscripts. Ruffirius, De fide. Some editions have,,,. See Dr. Routh's note on this place, vol. i. p. 139.
6. L. 23. And again on the Soul and on the Body. With several Greek manuscripts, and Ruffinus, Item de anima et corpore.
7. L. 24. The Greek editions add...; and Ruffinus, Item liber qui dicitur Clavis.
8. L. 25. On God who put on the body. Gr.... Ruffinus, De Deo corpore induto. See Dr. Routh's note, p. 143.
9. P. 59, L. 3. Fundius, and below, Pharisaeans: doubtless errors of the scribe.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: spicilegium_8_hypomnemata.htm
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855), Ambrose, Hypomnemata.
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855), Ambrose, Hypomnemata.
HYPOMNEMATA,1
WHICH AMBROSE, A CHIEF MAN OF GREECE, WROTE; WHO BECAME A CHRISTIAN: AND ALL HIS FELLOW-SENATORS RAISED A CLAMOUR AGAINST HIM; AND HE FLED FROM THEM, AND WROTE AND SHEWED THEM ALL THEIR FOLLY; AND AT THE BEGINNING OF HIS DISCOURSE HE ANSWERED AND SAID:
Do not suppose, Men and Greeks, that my separation from your customs has taken place without a befitting and just cause; for I have investigated the whole of your wisdom of poetry, and rhetoric, and philosophy; and when I found not any thing right or worthy of the Deity, I was desirous of investigating the wisdom of the Christians also, and of learning and seeing who they are, and when, and what is this its recent and strange production, or on what good things they rely who follow this wisdom, so as to speak the truth.
Men and Greeks, when I had made the inquiry I found not any folly, as in the famous Homer, who says respecting the wars of the two trials,2 "for the sake of Helen 3 many of the Greeks perished at Troy, far from their beloved home." For first they say respecting Agamemnon their king, that through, the folly of Menelaus his brother, and the vehemence of his madness, and the incontinence of his lust, he was desirous to go and rescue Helen from a leprous shepherd:4 but when the Greeks had been |62 victorious in the war, and had burnt some cities, and taken some women and boys captive, and the land was filled with blood, and the rivers were filled with dead bodies, Agamemnon himself too was found to be taken captive by passion for Briseis: and Patroclus was slain, and Achilles, the son of the goddess Thetis, lamented over him; and Hector was dragged; and Priam, together with Hecuba, wept over the loss of their children; and Astyanax, the son of Hector, was thrown from the walls of Ilium, and his mother, Andromache, Ajax the great took; and that which had been captured in war after a little while was consumed in lust.
But respecting the perfidy of Ulysses, the son of Laertes, and his murders, who shall tell? for in one day his house became the grave for a hundred and ten suitors, and was filled with dead bodies and blood;(39) who also by his vice has gained praises, because through the excess of his cunning he concealed himself: who also, as ye say, sailed over the sea, and heard not the voice of the Sirens, because he stopped his ears with wax. But Achilles himself, the son of Peleus, who leaped over the river, and put to flight the Trojans, and slew Hector, this your champion became the slave of Philoxena, and was vanquished by an Amazon while |63 she lay dead: and he stripped off his armour, and put on the bridal dress, and at last was sacrificed to love.
So much, then, with respect to heroes; and I should have been satisfied for Homer to be left to thee, if thy vain words had only proceeded to speak of men, and not concerning the gods, because, touching the gods,5 I am ashamed even to utter them; for the fabled accounts are very wicked and horrible, and surpassing all belief, and necessarily ridiculous; for a man must laugh when he approaches them, nor will he believe when he hears them: gods, indeed! who have not one of them observed the laws of righteousness, and chastity, and modesty, but are adulterers, and have lived in dissipation, and yet have not been condemned to death, as it was just. For the Lord of the gods, that "Father of gods and men," 6 according to what you say, was not only an adulterer, for this would have been too little, but he also slew his own father, and was a paederast. First, then, I will speak concerning his adultery,7 although I am ashamed, for he appeared to Antiope like a Satyr; and he dropped down upon Danae like gold; and to Europa he became a bull, and a swan |64 to Leda. But the love of Semele, the mother of Bacchus, proved both his own importunity, and also the jealousy of the chaste Juno. And he caught up Ganymede the Phrygian like an eagle, in order that a beautiful and becoming boy might be his cupbearer. Moreover that Lord of the gods slew Saturn his own Father, in order that he might seize upon his kingdom. Oh! of how many censures is the Lord of the gods guilty,8 and to how many deaths is he obnoxious, as an adulterer, and as a sorcerer, and as a paederast? Read to the Lord of the gods, oh men and Greeks, the law respecting parricide, and the sentence against adultery, and the shame of the obscenity of paederastism. For how many adulterers has the Lord of the gods instructed? For how many paederasts, and sorcerers, and murderers? for if a man be found to be guilty of lust, he shall not be put to death, because he does this to be like the Lord of the gods; and if he be detected as a murderer, he has an apology in the Lord of the gods; and if a man be a sorcerer, he has learnt it from the Lord of the gods; and if he be(40) a paederast, the Lord of the gods is his advocate. |65
But if a man should speak about courage, Achilles was braver than the Lord of the gods, because.he slew him who had slain his friend; but the Lord of the gods wept over Sarpendon,9 his own son, while he was dying, being very sorry. And Pluto, who also is a god, ravished Proserpine, but the mother of Proserpine was in great trepidation, and searching for her daughter in every desert. And Alexander Paris, when he had carried off Helen, received the judgment of vengeance, as being her lover by force; but Pluto, who was a god, and ravished Proserpine, remained without any disgrace. And Menelaus, who was a man, knew how to go in search of Helen his wife, but Ceres, who was a goddess, knew not where to look for her daughter Proserpine. Let Vulcan pass over his jealousy, and be not envious, for he is forgotten because he is old and lame; but Mars is loved because he is a youth and beautiful in stature. But there was the reproach of adultery because Vulcan was not aware of the love of his wife Venus and Mars; but when he did know, Vulcan said, "Come, see a ridiculous and foolish deed, how me, who am her own, Venus, the daughter of the Lord of the gods, is disgracing me, who am her own, and honouring Mars who is a stranger to her. And is it not a shameful thing for the Lord of the gods, because he loved those which were like these? And Penelope continued as a widow twenty years, because she was expecting her husband Ulysses, and was employed with works, and diligent in occupations during the time that all those suitors were urging her; but Venus, who is a goddess, while her husband Vulcan was present with her, abandoned him because she was overcome by love for Mars.
Hear, men and Greeks, which of you would dare to do this, or |66 could even bear to behold it. And if one should dare, what torment is reserved for him, or what stripes? Nevertheless, Saturn, who is a god, who ate up all those children, is not even brought before a tribunal. They say, however, that the Lord of the gods, his son, only escaped from him, and the madness of his father Saturn was deceived, because Rhea his wife, the mother of the Lord of the gods, gave him a stone instead of his son the Lord of the gods, to prevent him from devouring him. Hear, men and Greeks, and reflect upon this madness; for the brute beast, that feedeth in the field knoweth its own food, and will not touch strange food; likewise the animals and the reptiles too, and the birds also, know their own food; but respecting men it is not meet(41) for me to say any thing: you know indeed their food, and understand; but Saturn, who is a god, not knowing his proper food, swallowed a stone. Wherefore, oh men and Greeks, if ye be willing to have such gods, do not blame one another whenever ye do such things as these; and be not thou angry against thy son when he purposeth to kill thee, because he is imitating the Lord of the gods. And if a man be guilty of adultery with thy wife, why dost thou reckon him as an enemy, and yet worshippest and servest the Lord of the gods, who resembles him? And why dost thou blame thy wife, when she is guilty of adultery and is without punishment, but honourest Venus and settest her in temples? Persuade Solon to break his own laws, Lycurgus also to abstain from making laws, and let the judges of the Areopagus break theirs and not judge again, nor let there be any more councils for the |67 Athenians. Let the Athenians dismiss Socrates, for no one resembling Saturn has ever been brought before him. Neither let them put Orestes, who slew his own mother, to death; for, lo! the Lord of the gods has done worse things than these to his father. Oedipus also too hastily inflicted injury upon himself, who put out his eyes because he had slain his father unawares, because he did not look to the Lord of the gods, who killed his father, and remained without any punishment. The Corinthians also expelled Medaea, because she had slain her children, but they serve and honour Saturn, who ate up his own children. And as for Alexander Paris, he did right in ravishing Helen in order that he might imitate the god Pluto, who carried off Proserpine.
Let men be freed from the laws, and let cities belong to lascivious women, and be the abode of sorcerers; for this reason, oh men and Greeks, because your gods are debased like yourselves, but your warriors are brave as your dramas relate, and your histories proclaim; respecting the furies of Orestes, and the bed of Thyestes, and the pollution of Pelops; and concerning Danaus, who through his jealousy slew and cut off some of his sons in their banqueting; and also the feasting of Thyestes upon a corpse in vengeance, and Procne up to this time crying as she flies, and also her sister piping with her tongue cut out. But what is it fit to say respecting the murder of Oedipus, who married his own mother, and whose brothers, who were also his own sons, slew one another?
And I hate also your festivals, for there is no moderation there |68 to the sweet pipes that drive away care, which play with a tremulous motion, and the preparation of the unguents with which ye anoint yourselves(42) and the garlands which ye put on. And in the abundance of your wickedness ye have forgotten shame, your understandings also are blinded, ye have been tempted too by importunity, and have loved the bed of lying. And if these things had been said by another, perhaps they would have brought an accusation against him that they are not true; but your own poets declare them, and your songs and dramas proclaim them. Come, then, and be instructed by the Word of God, and by consoling wisdom: rejoice and partake of it: know too the King incorruptible, and become acquainted with his servants, which boast not in armour, neither make slaughter: because our Captain delighteth not in the multitude of an army, neither in the horsemen and in their beauty, nor in the illustriousness of family; but he delighteth in the pure soul, which a wall of justice |69 sur- rounds. But the Word of God is always instructing us, and the promises of our good King and the works of God. Oh the soul that is purchased by the power of the Word! oh the trumpet of peace without war! oh the doctrine quenching the natural fire of the soul, which maketh not poets, nor produceth philosophers, nor the crowd-followed orator; but goeth and maketh the dead pass over that he die not, and raiseth men from earth as Gods, to the region which is above the firmament. Come, be instructed, and be like me, for I also have been like you.
[Selected endnotes moved here and numbered]
1. P. 61. M. Renan has inserted a few lines from this in the Journal Asiatique. The text is correctly printed, with the exception of.... for..., but he has erred greatly in the translation....
2. P. 61, L. 11. Wars of the two trials. I suppose the author means, of the gods as well as the men engaged in it; to which also reference is made in the Cohortatio ad Gentiles, c. ii. edit. Otto, p. 24; and the passage of Homer, Il. xx. v. 66-72 cited,... Compare Tertullian, Ad Nationes i. c. 10, p. 329.
3. L. 12. For the sake of Helen, &c. Homer, Il. ii. v. 177.
4. L. 16. A leprous shepherd. The Syriac proves the antiquity of the Greek reading leprou~, which has been suspected by critics. See Otto's notes.
5. P. 63. Compare what is said here relative to the Gods with Justin Martyr, Apol. i, c. 21. See also Augustin, De Civitate Dei ii, c. 7, 8; and Joh. Ludov. Vives' notes to these chapters: edit. Fancof. 1061.
6. L. 13. Father of Gods and men. The common expression "of Homer..., which Ennius among the Latins translated "patrum divumque hominunque." See Cicero, De Nat. Deor. p. 104.
7. L. 15. Concerning his adultery. Compare the passage of Homer, Il.xiv.315-327, in which Jupiter recounts his amours to Juno.: cited also in the Cohortatio ad Gent. c. 2. p. 22.
8. P. 64, L. 6. Of how many censures is the Lord of the gods guilty, &c. Compare Tertullian, Apol. c. 11, vol. i. p. 159:...
9. P. 65, L. 3. Wept over Sarpedon. He alludes to the following lines of Homer, Il. xvi. 433, which Athenagoras also quotes, Legat. c. 21... This is also quoted in the Cohort. ad Gent. c. 2. p. 20.
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Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: spicilegium_9_mara.htm
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855), the epistle of Mara, son of Serapion
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855), the epistle of Mara, son of Serapion
THE EPISTLE OF MARA, SON OF SERAPION.
MARA, SON OF SERAPION, TO SERAPION MY SON, GREETING.
WHEN thy master and tutor wrote to me a letter, and informed me that thou art very dililgent in learning for a child of few years, I blessed God, that thou, being a little boy without one to guide thee, hast begun with a good intention; and as for me myself this has been a consolation to me, that respecting thee, a little boy I have heard, of this greatness of mind and good conscience, such as does not readily remain in many. On this account, lo! I have written to thee this memorial of what I have experienced in the world; for the manner of men's living has been experienced by me, and I have walked in instruction, and all those things of the instruction of the Greeks I have found them wrecked together with the birth of life.1 Be careful, therefore, my son, of those things which are suitable for such as be free, to meditate upon learning, and to pursue after wisdom: and in this manner reckon to be confirmed in that with which thou hast begun; and remember my injunctions with diligence, as a quiet man, who loveth discipline: and although it appear to thee to be very bitter, when thou shalt experience it for a little while, it will be very pleasant to thee, because so also it hath happened to me. But a man when he shall be departed from among his family, and shall be able to retain his own habit, and shall do with justice whatsoever is proper for him, he is that chosen man who is called the Blessing of God, and with whose liberty nothing else can be compared. For such men as are called to discipline, seek to disentangle themselves from the struggle of the time; and such as lay hold upon wisdom are elevated by the hope of righteousness; and those that stand in the truth exhibit the standard of their virtue; and those that devote themselves to philosophy look to escape from the miseries of the world. But thou, too, my son, conduct thyself so wisely in these things, as a wise man who endeavoureth to spend a pure life: and beware lest the acquisition of wealth, which the many thirst after, subdue thee, and |71 thy mind be turned to desire riches which are not real; for neither when men obtain their desire do they abide, not even while they continue in righteousness: and all these things which are seen by thee in the world, as of one who is for a short(44) time, are to be dissolved like a dream; for they are the ups and downs of the times.
And as to vain glory, which occupies the life of men, thou considerest not that it is one of those things which give us joy: speedily it becometh an injury to us: and especially the birth of beloved children. For in both these things the contest of feelings hurts us: for as to the good, love for them torments us, and we are attracted by their manners; and as to the vicious, we labour for their correction, and grieve over their vices.
For I have heard respecting our companions, that when they were departing from Samosta it grieved them; and like those who blame the time, they also spake after this manner: "Henceforth we are driven far away from the habitation of men, and we are not allowed to return to our city, and to behold our men, and to embrace our gods with praise." It is meet that that should be called a day of lamentation, because one heavy grief laid hold upon them all equally. For with tears they remembered their fathers, and with sighs their mothers, and they grieved over their brethren, and sorrowed over their betrothed whom they left behind: and when we heard the report of their former companions, that they were going to Seleucia, we went secretly on the way towards them, and joined our trouble with theirs. Then was our sorrow very vehement, and justly was our weeping augmented by our loss, and the dark cloud collected our sighs, and our trouble was increased from the mountain, for not one among us was able to quell the miseries which were upon him. For the love of life was retained together with the pains of death, and our misfortunes drove us out of the way; for we beheld our brethren and our children as captives, and we remembered our companions that were dead, who were, laid in a country not their own: and each of us was also anxious about himself, lest affliction should be added to affliction, or another grief should overtake the one which preceded it.
What advantage do men that are imprisoned 2 gain from having |72 experienced these things! But as for thee, my beloved, let it not grieve thee that thy loneliness has been driven from place to place; because men are born for this end, to receive the accidents of the time. But thus reckon thou, that for wise men every place is equally the same; and for the virtuous, fathers and mothers abound in every city. Even indeed from thine own self take the trial. How many men, who know thee not, love thee as their own children, and a multitude of women receive thee like their own beloved ones. Verily as a stranger thou hast been successful, verily for thy little love many men have desired thee.
What, then, have we to say (45) touching the error which has come into the world? Both the progress in it is with heavy labour, and we are shaken by its commotions like a reed by the wind. For I have wondered at many that cast away their children, and I have marvelled at others that brought up those which were not their own: there are some that acquire the riches in the world, and I have also marvelled at others who inherit that which is not their own. Thus understand and see that it is in the path of error we are walking.
A sage among men once began to say to us: On which of all possessions can a man rely? Or respecting what things can we speak as if they are enduring? On abundance of riches? they are snatched away. On fortresses? they are plundered. On cities? they are laid waste. On greatness? it is brought low. On splendour? it is overthrown. On beauty? it withereth. On laws? they pass away. On poverty? it is despised. On children? they die. On friends? they become false. On honours? envy goeth before them.
Let a man therefore rejoice in his empire like Darius, and in his prosperity like Polycrates, or in his valour like Achilles, or in his wife like Agamemnon, or in his offspring like Priam, or in his skill like Archimedes, or in his wisdom like Socrates, or in his learning like Pythagoras, or in his enlightenment like Palamedes----the life of men, my son, departs from the world, but their praises and their virtues continue for ever.
But thou, my little sou, choose for thyself that which fadeth not away, because they that occupy themselves in such things are called |73 modest and beloved, and lovers of a good name: but whenever any evil thing opposeth thee, blame not man, nor be angry against God, neither murmur against thy time. If thou continue in this mind, thy gift is not a small one which thou hast received from God, which standeth not in need of riches, nor is brought near to poverty, because thou wilt perform thy part in the world without fear, and with rejoicing: for fear and excuse of that which cometh naturally is not for the sake of the wise, but for the sake of those who walk without law; because a man has never been stripped of his wisdom in the same manner as of his wealth. Be careful for knowledge rather than for riches, for by how much the more possessions increase, by so much the more does evil abound. For I have seen that where good things abound, so also (46) misfortunes oppose; and where honours are brought, there also sorrows collect themselves; and where riches are multiplied, there is the bitterness of many years. If, therefore, thou art wise, and diligently keepest watch, God will not cease from helping thee, nor men from loving thee. Whatsoever thou art able to acquire, let that be sufficient for thee; and if indeed thou be able to do without possessions, then shalt thou be called blessed, because no one will even envy thee. And remember this too, that nothing troubles thy life very greatly except possessions, that no man after his death is called master of possessions: because weak men are led captive by the lust of them, and know not that a man dwells like a stranger in his possessions: and they are fearful because they are not secured for them; for they have forsaken that which is their own, and seek that which is not theirs.
For what else have we to say, when wise men are forcibly dragged by the hands of tyrants, and their wisdom is taken captive by calumny, and they are oppressed in their intelligence without defence? For what advantage did the Athenians gain by the murder of Socrates, the recompense of which they received in famine and pestilence? Or the people of Samos 3 by the burning of Pythagoras, because in one hour their country was entirely covered with sand? Or the Jews by the death of their wise king because from that same time their kingdom was taken away? |74 For with justice did God make recompense to the wisdom of these three: for the Athenians died of famine; and the Samians were overwhelmed by the sea without remedy; and the Jews, desolate and driven from their own kingdom, are scattered through every country. Socrates is not dead, because of Plato; neither Pythagoras, because of the statue of Juno;4 nor the Wise King, because of the laws which he promulgated.
But I, my son, have experienced in what wretched misery men stand; and I have wondered that they are not overwhelmed by the evils which surround them. Not even wars are sufficient for them, nor griefs, nor sicknesses, nor death, nor poverty; but like vicious beasts they attack one another in hatred, which of them shall inflict the greater evil upon his fellow. For they have gone beyond the limits of truth, and transgress all good laws, because they hang upon their own lust: for so long as a man coveteth that which he lusteth after, how is he able to do with justice that which is befitting him? And they acknowledge no moderation, and seldom do they stretch forth their hands towards truth(47) and virtue, but conduct themselves in their manner of living like the dumb and the blind. The wicked rejoice, and the righteous are troubled: he that hath denieth, and he that hath not striveth to acquire: the poor beg, and the rich conceal: and every one laugheth at his neighbour: the drunken are crazy, and those that have recovered themselves repent: some of them weep, and some sing, and others laugh; others, care has seized upon them: they rejoice in evil things; and they reject the man who speaketh the truth. A man may then wonder, while the world consumes in derision, while they have not one manner of living, they are anxious about these things; and one of them is looking when he shall acquire the name of victory in battle; and the brave look not to how many foolish lusts a man is led captive in the world. But I could wish also that repentance had recurred to them a little, who conquer by their might, and are condemned by their cupidity. For I have tried men; and thus have I tried them, that they look to this one thing----to abundance of riches; and on this account they have no firm counsel, but by the change of their minds each is |75 speedily cast down to be absorbed in grief; and they regard not the vast riches of the world, that whatever there be of trouble it brings us all equally to the same time; for they depend upon the majesty of the belly,5 that great disgrace of the corrupt.
But this which comes into my mind to write to thee, it is not enough to read it, but it should also proceed to practise. For I know too, that when thou shalt experience this manner of living, it will please thee much, and thou wilt be free from evil indignation, that on children's account we endure riches. Separate henceforth from thee the cherished grief of men, a thing which never profits at all; and drive away from thee that care which produceth no advantage, for we have no means and discretion except in magnanimity, to be equal to the misfortunes and to endure the griefs, which we are always receiving at the hands of the times; for it behoveth us to look to these things, and not to those which pertain to joy and a good name. Apply thyself to wisdom, the fountain of all good things, and the treasure which fadeth not, and there shalt thou lay thine head and rest, for she will be to thee a father and a mother, and a good companion for life. Have all familiarity with perseverance and patience, which are able to meet all the tribulations of weak men; for in this manner is their power great, because they can bear hunger(48) and endure thirst, and they refresh every grief. But of labour and death they also declare. Attend to these, and thou shalt pass a tranquil life, and thou wilt be to me a consolation, while thou shalt be called the Ornament of his parents. For at that former time, while our city was standing in its magnificence, thou mayst know that against many men abominable words were uttered. But we also acknowledged from the Time, that we fully received from its majesty appropriate love and beauty; but the Time forbade us to complete those things which were resolved upon in our mind. And here, too, in prison we give thanks to God that, we have obtained the Jove of many; for we essayed our soul to continue in wisdom and in rejoicing. But if any drive us by force, he will proclaim the witness against himself, that he is far removed from all good things, and will receive disgrace and |76 shame from the vile object of shame. For we have shewn our truth, that we have no vice in an empire. But if the Romans will permit us to return to our country in justice and righteousness, let them act like humane men, and they will be called good and righteous, and the country in which they abide will also be in tranquillity. For let them shew their own greatness by leaving us free. Let us be obedient to that dominion which the Time has assigned to us, and let them not, like tyrants, treat us as slaves; and whatever may be decreed to take place, we shall not receive any thing more than the tranquil death which is reserved for us.
But thou, my little son, if thou desirest diligently to know these things, first govern lust, and apply moderation to that in which thou abidest, be satisfied, and beware lest thou be angry: and instead of rage be obedient to virtue. For I now am meditating upon this, that, as I recollect, I may leave for myself a book, and with a prudent mind may accomplish the path to which I am condemned, and may escape without sorrow from the evil destruction of the world. For I pray to receive dissolution, and what death, it matters not to me. But and if any grieve or be anxious, I counsel him not: for there in the way of life of the whole world he will find us before him.
One of his friends asked Mara, the son of Serapion, when he was in bonds by his side, "On thy life, Mara, I pray thee tell me what laughable thing has appeared to thee that thou laughedst?" Mara said to him, "I was laughing at the Time, because, without having borrowed any evil from me, it repays me."
HERE ENDETH THE EPISTLE OF MARA, SON OF SERAPION.
[Selected endnotes moved here and numbered]
1. P. 70, L. 11. Wrecked together with the birth of life,... These words are obscure. I suppose they refer to the new birth of a Christian rendering the precepts of Greek philosophy superfluous. Compare what Ambrose says, p. 61 above. There are several very obscure passages in this letter. Although I have endeavoured to give the meaning of them as accurately as I could, I cannot confidently assert that I have in no instances failed. M. Renan has given a short extract from this letter in the Journal Asiatique; and has left off in the middle of a sentence omitting the words which I have just mentioned, and consequently destroying the sense of the passage. He has made several mistakes in the texts...
2. P. 71, L. 36. Imprisoned. The original work... means also, a recluse, a monk practising a certain mode of asceticism, concerning which see Assemani Disser. de Syris Monophysitis. This would well agree with the meaning here; but at P. 75, L. 32, the writer speaks as if he were actually in prison or bondage at the time.
3. P. 73, L. 33. Or the people of Samos. See respecting the burning of Pythagoras, Diogenes Laertius, De vitis et dogm. Philosoph. lib. viii. seg. 39, with Menagius' Notes; and Stanley's History of Philosophy, second edit, p. 506. The Sibylline Oracles were said to have foretold the destruction of Samos..... See Sybil. Orac. p. 405, and Gale's Notes illustrating this matter.
4. P. 74, L. 6. Statue of Juno: This was the statue which the Romans erected in honour of Pythagoras, when they were commanded by the Oracle of Delphi to erect statues to the bravest and the wisest of the.Greeks.
5. P. 75, L. 4. The majesty of the belly: Compare Tertullian.... De Jejunio, c. xvi. vol. i. p, 877.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2003. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: spicilegium_cureton.htm
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855). Works by Rev. W. Cureton
Spicilegium Syriacum (1855). Works by Rev. W. Cureton
WORKS BY REV. W. CURETON
I.
BOOK OF RELIGIOUS AND PHILOSOPHICAL SECTS, by MUHAMMAD AL-SHAHRASTANI: now first edited from the collation of several MSS. vo. London. For the Society for the Publication of Oriental Texts. 2 Voll. 1842,1846.
II.
...: TANCHUMI HIEROSOLYMITANI Commentarius Arabicus in LAMENTATIONES: e codice unico Bodleiano literis Hebraicis exarato. vo. Londini, apud Jac. Madden, 1843.
III.
...: PILLAR OF THE CREED OF THE SUNNITES; being a brief Exposition of their principal Tenets, by AL-NASAFI. vo. London. For the Society for the Publication of Oriental Texts. 1843.
IV.
CATALOGUS CODICUM MANUSCRIPTORUM ARABICORUM, qui in MUSEO BRITANNICO asservantur. fol. Londini, Impensis Curatorum Musei Britannici. Pars. 1.1846. Pars. II. 1852.
V.
VINDICIAE: IGNATIANAE: or, The Genuine Writings of St. Ignatius, as exhibited in the Syriac Version, vindicated from the charge of Heresy. vo. London, Rivingtons. 1846.
VI.
...: THE FESTAL LETTERS OF ST. ATHANASIUS, discovered in an Ancient Syriac Version, and edited with a Preface. vo. London. For the Society for the Publication of Oriental Texts. 1848.
VII.
THREE SERMONS, preached at the Chapel Royal, St. James': The Essential Connection of Christian Faith and Practice, being Two Sermons delivered on Sunday, Feb. 27; The Revelations of Christianity with respect to Temporal Polity, preached on Wednesday, March 22. vo. London, Rivingtons; Oxford, Parker, 1848.
VIII.
CORPUS IGNATIANUM. A Complete Collection of the Ignatian Epistles, genuine, interpolated, and spurious, together with numerous Extracts from them as quoted by Ecclesiastical Writers down to the Tenth Century, in Syriac, Greek, and Latin. An English Translation of the Syriac Text, with copious Notes and Introduction. Royal vo. London. Rivingtons. 1849.
IX.
FRAGMENTS OF THE ILIAD OF HOMER, from a Syriac Palimpsest. to. London. Printed by order of the Trustees of the British Museum. 1851.
X.
The Third Part of the ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF JOHN BISHOP OF EPHESUS, now first edited. to. Oxford. At the University Press. 1853.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2003. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: addai_1_intro.htm
The Doctrine of Addai (1876). Preface
The Doctrine of Addai (1876). Preface
THE DOCTRINE OF ADDAI, THE APOSTLE,
NOW FIRST EDITED IN A COMPLETE FORM IN THE ORIGINAL SYRIAC,
WITH AN
English Translation and Notes
BY
GEORGE PHILLIPS, D.D.,
PRESIDENT OF QUEENS' COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.
London:
TRÜBNER & CO., LUDGATE HILL.
1876.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY GILBERT AND RIVINGTON, WHITEFRIARS STREET AND ST. JOHN'S SQUARE, E.C.
PREFACE.
THE MS. of which a portion is here edited, belongs to the Imperial Public Library of St. Petersburg. It is in fine condition, written in a bold Estrangelo character, comprising several works besides the one now published, and is apparently of the sixth century. It is the only known MS. which contains the Syriac text of "The Doctrine of Addai, the Apostle," entire. There exists in the British Museum a MS. of this work, which forms one of the ancient Syriac documents edited and translated by the late Dr. Cureton, and published after his death. That MS., however, is very imperfect. It does not contain so much as a half of the entire text, and consequently the value of the work in so mutilated a condition is greatly impaired.
Addai, according to Eusebius, was one of the seventy, or according to this document, the Armenian version, and "The Doctrine of the Apostles," one of the seventy-two disciples. "Whatever may be the explanation of this numerical discrepancy, it must in either case be inferred that Addai was one of the second batch of disciples, ordained by our Lord to the office of the ministry (Luke x. 1). The purpose of his mission to Edessa is stated in |iv the beginning of the document. Abgar, the then king of Edessa, sent Hannan, the keeper of the archives, and others to Sabinus, the deputy in the east of the emperor Tiberius, with letters concerning the affairs of the kingdom. The messengers, having most probably heard of the fame of Christ, took that opportunity of going to Jerusalem to see Him. Having entered that city, they saw Christ, and rejoiced. Hannan wrote down what he saw and heard of Christ, for the sake of making a full report to Abgar of our Lord's wonderful deeds on his return to Edessa. The king was greatly impressed by what was related to him, and as he himself was afflicted with a disease, and unable to obtain a cure, he wrote a letter to Jesus, entreating Him to come and heal him. Hannan, the bearer of the letter, delivered it to Jesus. A verbal reply was returned by our Lord to Abgar, in which He promised that after He had gone up to His Father, He would send one of His disciples to cure him of the disease. After Christ had ascended to heaven, Addai was the disciple selected by Judas Thomas to go on the mission to Edessa. His arrival at the city was soon made known to Abgar, who sent immediately for him. Abgar, surrounded by his nobles, received Addai, and he in their presence cured the king of the disease from which he had for a long time been suffering.
A very important inquiry is that which concerns the genuineness, the authorship, &c., of "The Doctrine of Addai, the Apostle." Into this inquiry it is necessary to |v enter. When we consider the great deeds of Addai, his miracles, and the success of his labours as an evangelist, we might reasonably infer that some written account of them would soon appear. Accordingly we find it stated at the conclusion of the document, that, agreeably to the custom of the kingdom, Labubna, the king's scribe, "wrote these things of Addai, the Apostle, from the beginning to the end;" whilst Hannan, the king's sharrir, placed the account among the records. As to the expression "from the beginning to the end," we understand no more than that all which was written of the doings of Addai, and deposited in the archives of Edessa, was written by Labubna. The report drawn up by him might have consisted only of memoranda of the principal acts and chief points of the teaching of Addai, or he might have written in the main the document as we now have it. The latter is the opinion of Dr. Alishan, who translated the Armenian version of "The Doctrine of Addai," under the title of "Lettre d'Abgar." His words are:----"Notre opinion est qu'il est en grande partie rédigé par Laboubnia, Archiviste d'Edesse, contemporain d'Abgar et des disciples de notre Sauveur." I am inclined to this opinion; for if we except certain interpolations, the whole history seems to be consistent with itself, as if it issued from the pen of one and the same individual. The interpolations are considerable. In one place the Acts of the Apostles are mentioned, in another the Epistles of St. Paul; but |vi neither the Acts nor the Epistles could have been known to the Church in the time of Addai. In another place it is recorded that a large multitude assembled day by day for prayer and to read the Diatessaron of Tatian, which was not compiled till about the middle of the second century. The paragraph in p. 50 of the translation, about the ordination of Palut by Serapion, Bishop of Antioch, is contradicted in p. 39, where it is said that Palut was ordained an elder by Addai. The narrative of the portrait of our Lord painted by Hannan, which follows immediately after Abgar's letter, and our Lord's reply is not alluded to by Eusebius, although he has followed the Syriac both before and after this statement. This circumstance shows that, if it formed a part of the Syriac text in his time, he did not believe in the truth of what was related. Other passages are met with which contain internal evidence that they did not form a part of the original text. The story of the invention of the cross by Protonice or, as the name is elsewhere written, Petronice must have been written by some person who was very ignorant of the Roman history of the time when the apostles were living. This is obviously an interpolation, and this and several other passages carry on the face of them their own condemnation. A question arises at what time or times might these interpolations have been introduced into the document. They do not appear to be so many, but that we may fairly assume, in the absence of evidence to the contrary, |vii that they were made by the same individual. The circumstance of the mention of Tatian's Diatessaron shows that they could not have become a part of Addai's work till after the Diatessaron was compiled, and had begun to be used in the Syrian Church. The interpolations, therefore, could not have been introduced till towards the close of the second century. So much for the upper limit. The next question is, Where is the lower limit to be placed? From what follows, I think we may be able to answer sufficiently this question. Eusebius has devoted a chapter of his Ecclesiastical History to Abgar, and the planting of the church at Edessa by Addai. The Syriac of this chapter, from the letter of Abgar to the end is substantially the same as the Syriac of the corresponding portion of our document. "Whoever will take the trouble to compare the two, will find that the variations are not many. He will, I think, be satisfied that Eusebius had our writing before him, when he wrote the thirteenth chapter of the first book of his Ecclesiastical History. Eusebius says:----" The very letters themselves were taken by us from the archives of Edessa." But although the word us is used, it does not follow that the extract was made by himself from the archives. He probably did not make it, for it is not known that he was ever at Edessa. He might have consistently employed the pronoun us, if the extract, which constitutes a chapter of his history, had been made by a person living at a previous period, who |viii wrote, as he himself afterwards did, on the affairs of Abgar, and the origin of the Church at Edessa. It is, indeed, conjectured by Grabe and others that Eusebius might have got the substance of what we find in the thirteenth chapter from the Chronographia of Sextus Julius Africanus; but I can find very little evidence to support that conjecture. It is much more probable that Eusebius would have before him a work professing to have been written by a contemporary of Addai, and written too in Syriac, the language of the country. He himself says that what is contained in his chapter from the letter of Abgar to the end was translated from Syriac into Greek.
But the part of the work which Eusebius translated does not appear to contain any thing, which would warrant us to regard it as an interpolation. We cannot, therefore, say whether the interpolations existed in the Syriac text used by Eusebius; but the following evidence renders it highly probable that they did. In p. 19 of the French translation of the Armenian version is the following note:----"Moïse de Khorène dans sa relation du voyage des Stes. Rhipsiméennes, cite et Patronicée et la sainte Croix, dont elle portait un morceau, qui ensuite par hérédité arriva a Rhipsimée, mais encore elle est mentionnee dans 1'ancien calendrier ecclesiastique, attribué au S. Isaac l'arrière petit fils de S. Gregoire l'illuminateur, et qui occupa la chaire patriarcale de 389 a 439; on y lit, le 17 mai; Fête de |ix l'Invention de la Croix, cherchez dans la Lettre d'Abgar; Patronicée et lisez-la." We infer from this quotation that the letter of Abgar (this is sometimes found as the title of the work) containing the story of Protonice was known in the fourth century, that Protonice had then a place in the calendar of the Armenian Church, and that the festival of the Invention of the Cross existed in that century. The festival was founded, as we read in this extract, on the strength of what is related in our document. The story itself must have been much older than the institution of the festival, or it would not have been believed in as a discovery in the time of St. James. We may, therefore, fairly conclude that our work contained the story of Protonice, and if so, it contained the other interpolations when it was made use of by Eusebius.1
What has been advanced goes to show that this ancient Syrian document is to be regarded in the main as genuine. The question of its genuineness has given rise to much controversy. It is one of very great importance, and demands a candid and patient consideration. Many able scholars, such as Baronius, |x Tillemont, Cave, Grabe, and the late Dr. Cureton, have arrayed themselves on the side of the genuineness of the work, which is also defended in the Bollandist Acta Sanctorum. I confess that when I first entered upon the inquiry respecting its genuineness, I did so with a strong prejudice against it. As I proceeded, however, the prejudice became weaker and weaker, till it finally disappeared. I will endeavour to lay before the reader, some additional reasons which, in conjunction with those already brought forward, have produced the conviction in my own mind that the claim of the work to genuineness is well founded, and that the objections which have been raised against it may be satisfactorily met.
First: it is historically true that Abgar Ukkama was king of Edessa in the time of our Lord. Having been long afflicted with a disease, and having heard of the miraculous cures effected by Christ, there is surely nothing more probable, nothing more natural, than that he should write a letter to our Lord inviting Him to Edessa to remove the affliction under which he was labouring. But then our Lord is said to have written a letter in reply. This has caused----and it is not surprising that it should----great opposition. It has been made the main argument of the opponents of the genuineness of the work. It is inconceivable, they say, that if Christ wrote a letter, it should have been hidden for three centuries in the archives of Edessa. Christ is not known to have written anything else. If |xi Christ had written a letter to Abgar, it would have been a part of sacred Scripture, and placed at the head of the New Testament; &c., &c. The arguments on which the decree of Gelasius was founded, A.D. 494, against the genuineness of the work rest mainly on the letter of our Lord. Happily for me, it is no part of my duty to answer the arguments which have been advanced against the supposed letter. According to the St. Petersburg MS., and in this it is supported by the Armenian version, the reply of our Lord was merely a verbal message, returned through Hannan to Abgar. He said to Hannan, "Go and say to thy lord," &c. As a further proof that it could have been only a verbal message, it is expressly stated in p. 5 of the translation that Hannan related to Abgar everything which he had heard from Jesus, as His words were put by him in writing. If there be reasons why our Lord did not write a letter, there can be none against a verbal message. This mode of reply was consistent with what our Lord did on other occasions. It was a verbal reply to the question of John the Baptist, which He sent through His messengers (Luke vii. 22). That the reply of our Lord was a written letter is, therefore, an error, and the error was committed by Eusebius. It is not difficult to explain how Eusebius fell into this mistake. He knew that the reply was in writing, and kept in the archives, and he supposed that our Lord Himself had put it in writing, whereas it was done by Hannan. |xii
Our Lord, in this answer to Abgar, made no revelation of Himself which He did not make to those disciples who were in attendance on Him. He informed Abgar that He was going to His father; but this communication He repeatedly made to His followers. See John xiv. 12, 28; xvi. 10; &c.
Again, in the discourse of Addai to the assembled Edessenes, and in his farewell address, there are passages which we find in the Gospels; but this circumstance cannot be cited as evidence against the genuineness of the work. Though these passages are found in the Gospels, it does not follow that they are quotations, or that the Gospels were written at the time these discourses were delivered. They consist of striking sayings of our Lord, which from the time they passed His lips would be sure to become current among His followers, and would be frequently cited. They might have existed, and most probably did exist, traditionally among the first Christians, and became well known to them, and would be certain to be highly appreciated. The passages to which I particularly refer are:----p. 10, "The gate of life is strait," Matt. vii. 13, 14; p. 19, "Behold now is the son of man glorified," John xiii. 31; p. 27, "Behold your house is left desolate," Matt, xxiii. 38; p. 41, "Their angels behold the face of the invisible Father;" compare Matt, xviii. 10; p. 43, "He is gone to prepare for His worshippers blessed mansions;" compare John xiv. 2. In p. 9, Addai |xiii says,----"We were commanded by our Lord to be without purses and scrips;" see Luke x. 4. On the other hand, the reading of the Diatessaron, in p. 34, the reading of the Law and the Prophets and the Gospel, and the Epistles of St. Paul and the Acts of the Apostles, in p. 44; the reading of the Old Testament and the New, and the Prophets and the Acts of the Apostles, in p. 33, must have been interpolations made at a subsequent period by some one, who did not understand what he was writing. Remove these interpolations, and the one in p. 50 already referred to, and especially the story of the Invention of the Cross by Protonice, the most barefaced of all, and you have nothing in the document which bears the aspect of being counterfeit. I do not say that there may not be other insertions made after the time of Labubna; but they are not apparent on the surface.
To return to the discourse, we find the first part of it devoted to an exposition of the great doctrines of Christianity. There is no ambiguity in the assertion of these doctrines. The incarnation is not more clearly set forth by St. John, nor the atonement by St. Paul, than both these doctrines are by Addai. The resurrection of all men, and the judgment to follow, are also distinctly and impressively declared. But that which seems to constitute the burden of the discourse, and that with which the latter part is much occupied, is the |xiv idolatry of those who were listening to the words of Addai. No more conclusive logic against the worship of images and created things is to be met with in the present day. The effect of his preaching was great. By the power of that discourse numbers were persuaded to forsake the idolatry which they had practised, and to embrace the worship of the invisible God. Addai, in his farewell discourse, charges those who were ordained to the ministry, the deacons and priests, to take heed to the duties of their office; for before the judgment-seat of Christ, they would be required to render an account. There are some parts of this address which remind the reader of passages to be met with in the Epistles of St. Paul to Timothy. The duty of the minister is very impressively set forth, and as a whole, it is a model of a pastoral address. Throughout the two discourses, we find nothing but the utterances of pure and eternal truth; discourses worthy of the time in which Addai lived, and worthy of one ordained to the Christian ministry by Christ Himself.
The great antiquity of this document must invest it with deep interest from every point of view. It stands chronologically at the head of Syriac classics, and is certainly to be regarded as important both for theological and linguistic purposes. Impressed with this consideration, I have been induced to submit the Syriac text in |xv its unmutilated state, with an English translation and notes, to the judgment of the public.
I beg to express my grateful thanks to Professor Wright for his valuable assistance in correcting the proof-sheets.
GEORGE PHILLIPS.
[Footnote numbered and moved to the end]
1. * The story of the Invention of the Cross by Helena, the mother of Constantine, is identical in nearly all the details with this by Protonice. There can be no doubt that one story gave rise to the other; and as the story of Protonice takes chronological precedence, the inference is that the Invention of the Cross by Helena is nothing more than a repetition of this Oriental fable.
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The Doctrine of Addai (1876). English Translation
The Doctrine of Addai (1876). English Translation
THE
DOCTRINE OF ADDAI,1
THE APOSTLE.
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THE letter of king Abgar,2 the son of king Ma'nu, and at what time he sent it to our Lord at Jerusalem; and at what time Addai the Apostle came to him (Abgar) at Edessa;3 and what he spake in the gospel of his preaching; and what he said and commanded, when he went forth from, this world, to those who had received from him the hand of the priesthood.
In the three hundred and forty and third year of the kingdom of the Greeks,4 and in the reign of our lord Tiberius, the Roman Emperor, and in the reign of king Abgar, son of king Ma'nu, in the month of October, on the twelfth day, Abgar Ukkama sent Marihab and Shamshagram,5 chiefs and honoured persons of his kingdom, |2 and Hannan6 the tabularius, the sharrir, with them, to the city which is called Eleutheropolis, but in Aramaic Beth-gubrin,7 to the honoured Sabinus, the son of Eustorgius, the deputy of our lord the emperor, who ruled over Syria, Phoenicia, Palestine, and the whole country of Mesopotamia. They brought him letters concerning the affairs of the kingdom; and when they went to him, he received them with joy and honour, and they were with him twenty and five days. He wrote for them a reply8 to the letters, and sent them to Abgar the king. When they went forth from him, they set out and came on the way towards Jerusalem; and they saw many men, who came from a distance to see Christ, because the fame of his wonderful deeds had gone forth to remote countries. When Marihab, Shamshagram, and Hannan, the keeper of the archives, saw the men, they also came with them to Jerusalem. When they entered |3 Jerusalem, they saw Christ, and they rejoiced with the multitudes, who were joined to Him. But they saw also the Jews, who were standing in groups, and were considering what they should do to Him; for they were disturbed to see that a multitude of their people confessed Him. And they were there in Jerusalem ten days, and Hannan, the keeper of the archives, wrote down everything which he saw that Christ did; also the rest of that done by Him, before they went thither. And they departed and came to Edessa, and entered into the presence of Abgar the king, their lord, who had sent them, and they gave him the reply of the letters, which they had brought with them. After the letters were read, they began to recount before the king all which they had seen and all which Christ had done in Jerusalem. And Hannan, the keeper of the archives, read before him all which he had written and brought with him; and when Abgar the king heard, he was astonished and wondered, as also his princes, who stood before him. Abgar said to them: These mighty works are not of men, but of God; because there is not any one who can make the dead alive, but God only. And Abgar wished himself to pass over and go to Palestine, and see with his own eyes all which Christ was doing; but because he was not able to pass through the country of the Romans, which was not his, lest this cause should call forth bitter enmity, he wrote a letter and sent it to Christ by the hand of Hannan, the keeper of the archives. He went forth from Edessa on the fourteenth day of Adar,9 and entered Jerusalem on the twelfth day of Nisan,10 on the fourth day of the week (Wednesday). And he found Christ at the house of |4 Gamaliel, the chief priest11 of the Jews. The letter was read before Him, which was written thus:----"Abgar Ukkama, to Jesus, the Good Physician, who has appeared in the country of Jerusalem. My Lord: Peace. I have heard of Thee and of Thy healing, that it is not by medicines and roots Thou healest, but by Thy word Thou openest the eyes of the blind, Thou makest the lame to walk, cleansest the lepers, and makest the deaf to hear. And unclean spirits12 and lunatics, and those tormented, them Thou healest by Thy word; Thou also raisest the dead. And when I heard of these great wonders which Thou doest, I decided in my mind that either Thou art God, who hast come down from heaven and doest these things, or Thou art the Son of God, who doest all these things. Therefore, I have written to request of Thee to come to me who adore Thee, and to heal the disease which I have, as I believe in Thee. This also I have heard, that the Jews murmur against Thee and persecute Thee, and even seek to crucify Thee, and contemplate treating Thee cruelly. I possess one small and beautiful city, and it is sufficient for both to dwell in it in quietness."
When Jesus received the letter at the house of the chief priest of the Jews, He said to Hannan, the keeper of the archives: "Go and say to thy lord, who hath sent thee to Me, 'Blessed art thou, who, although thou hast not seen Me, believest in Me, for it is written of Me, Those who see Me will not believe in Me, and those who see Me not, will believe in me.13 But as to that which |5 thou hast written to Me, that I should come to thee, that for which I was sent here is now finished, and I am going up to my Father, who sent me, and when I have gone up to Him, I will send to thee one of my disciples, who will cure the disease which thou hast, and restore thee to health; and all who are with thee he will convert to everlasting life. Thy city shall be blessed, and no enemy shall again become master of it for ever.'"
When Hannan, the keeper of the archives, saw that Jesus spake thus to him, by virtue of being the king's painter, he took and painted a likeness of Jesus with choice paints, and brought with him to Abgar the king, his master. And when Abgar the king saw the likeness, he received it with great joy, and placed it with great honour in one of his palatial houses. Hannan, the keeper of the archives, related to him everything which he had heard from Jesus, as His words were put by him in writing. After that Christ had ascended to heaven, Judas Thomas14 sent to Abgar, Addai the Apostle, who was one of the seventy-two Apostles. And when Addai came to the city of Edessa, he dwelt at the house of |6 Tobias,15 son of Tobias the Jew, who was of Palestine. Through all the city a report was heard of him, and one of the nobles of Abgar whose name was Abdu,16 the son of Abdu, one of those who sat with bended knees 17 before Abgar, went and said concerning Addai: behold, a messenger has come, and dwells here, he of whom Jesus sent to thee, "I send to Thee one of my disciples." And when Abgar heard these words, and the mighty acts which Addai did, and the wonderful cures which he effected, he thought for certain in his mind: Truly this is he whom Jesus sent, saying, "When I have ascended to heaven I will send to thee one of my disciples, and he will cure thy disease." And Abgar sent and called for Tobias, and said to him, I have heard that a certain powerful man has come, and dwells in thy house. Bring him up to me; a good hope of recovery through him has been found for me. Tobias went early on the next day and took Addai the Apostle, and brought him up to Abgar, Addai himself knowing that by the power of God he was sent to him. And when Addai came up and went to Abgar, his nobles standing with him, and in going towards him, a wonderful vision was seen by Abgar in the face of Addai. At the moment that Abgar saw the vision, he fell down and worshipped Addai. Great astonishment seized all those who were standing before him, for they saw not the vision which |7 was seen by Abgar. Then Abgar said to Addai, "Of a truth thou art the disciple of Jesus, that mighty one, the son of God, who sent to me saying I send thee one of my disciples for healing and for life." Addai said to him, "Because that from the beginning thou didst believe in Him who sent me to thee, therefore have I been sent to thee, and if thou believest in Him, everything in which thou dost believe thou shalt have." Abgar said to him, "So have I believed in Him, that with respect to those Jews who crucified Him, I desire to take with me an army, and to go and destroy them; but because the kingdom belongs to the Romans, I was restrained by the covenant of peace, which was confirmed by me with our lord the emperor Tiberius, like my forefathers." Addai said to him, "Our Lord has fulfilled the will of His Father. And when He had completed the will of His Parent, He was taken up to His Father, and sat with Him in glory, with whom he was from eternity." Abgar said to him: "I also believe in Him and in His Father." Addai said to him:18 "Because that thou so believest, I place my hand on thee, in the name of Him in whom thou believest."
At the moment that he placed his hand upon him, he was cured of the plague of the disease, which he had had for a long time.19 Abgar wondered and was astonished, |8 that as it was reported to him concerning Jesus, that which He did and cured; so also Addai himself, without medicine of any kind, healed in the name of Jesus. And also with respect to Abdu, the son of Abdu, he had the gout in his feet, and he too brought his feet near him, and he (Addai) placed his hand upon them and healed him; and he had not the gout again. And also in all the city he wrought great cures, and showed wonderful mighty works in it. Abgar said to him: "Now that every man knoweth that by the power of Jesus Christ thou doest these wonderful works, and behold we are wondering at thy works, I require therefore of thee, that thou wouldest recount to us concerning the coining of Christ, how it was, and concerning His glorious power, and concerning those miracles which we have heard that He did, which thou hast seen with the rest of thy companions." Addai said to him: "I will not keep silent from declaring this; for because of this I was sent here to speak and to teach every one, who, like thee, is willing to believe. Tomorrow assemble for me all the city, that I may sow in it the Word of Life, by the preaching which I will preach before you concerning the coming of Christ, how it was, and concerning His glorious power, and concerning Him that sent Him, for what and how He sent Him, and concerning His power and His wonderful works, and concerning the glorious mysteries of His coming, which He spake in the world, and concerning the certitude of His preaching, how and for what He abased Himself, and humbled His exalted |9 divinity by the body, which He took, and was crucified and descended to the house of the dead, and cleaved the wall of partition, which had never been cleft, and gave life to the dead by being Himself slain, and descended by Himself, and ascended with many to His glorious Father, with whom He was from, eternity in one exalted divinity. And Abgar commanded that they should deliver to Addai silver and gold. Addai said to him: "How are we able to receive anything which is not ours? for, behold, that which was ours we have forsaken, as we were commanded by our Lord to be without purses and without scrips, and carrying crosses upon our shoulders, we were commanded to preach His Gospel to the whole creation: the whole creation felt and suffered by His crucifixion, which was for us, for the salvation of all men. And he narrated before Abgar the king, and before his princes and his nobles, and before Augustina, the mother of Abgar, and before Shalmath, the daughter of Meherdath, the wife of Abgar,20 the signs of our Lord and His wonders, and the glorious miracles which He wrought, and His divine triumphs, and His ascension to His Father; and how they received powers and authorities at the time that He ascended, by which same power he had healed Abgar and Abdu, the son of Abdu, the second person of his kingdom; and how he made them know that which would be revealed at the end of times, and in the consummation of all creatures, and the resuscitation and resurrection, which is about to be for all men, and the separation which is to be between the sheep and |10 the goats, and between the faithful and the unbelieving. And he said to them: "Because that the gate of life is strait and the way of truth is narrow, therefore few are the believers of truth, and in the power of unbelief is Satan's recreation. Because of this there are many liars, who cause to err those who look on. For except that there is a good end for faithful men, our Lord had not descended from heaven, and come to the birth, and to the suffering of death, and also He had not sent us21 to be His preachers and evangelists. Those things which we saw and heard from Him, which He did and taught, we confidently preach before all men; for we would not do any wrong with respect to the truth of His Gospel. And not these things only; but also those which were done in His Name, after His ascension, we show and preach.
I will tell before you that which happened and was done in the presence of men, who, as you, believed in Christ, that He is the Son of the living God. Protonice, the wife of the Emperor Claudius,22 whom Tiberius made second23 in his kingdom, when he went to make war with the Spaniards, who had rebelled against him, this woman, when Simon, one of the disciples, was in the city of Rome, and she saw the signs and wonders, and |11 marvellous works which he did in the name of Christ; denied the paganism of her fathers in which she was brought up, and the idolatrous images which she had worshipped; and she believed in Christ our Lord, and worshipped Him, and praised with those who were joined unto Simon, and held Him in great honour. After this she wished also to see Jerusalem, and those places in which the mighty works of our Lord were done. So she arose promptly and descended from Rome to Jerusalem, she24 and her two sons with her, and her one virgin daughter.
When she was entering Jerusalem, the city went forth to meet her, and they received her with great honour, as that which is due to the queen, the mistress of the great country of the Romans. But James, who was made director and ruler in the church which was built for us there, when he had heard for what purpose she had gone there, arose and went to her. And he entered into her presence where she was dwelling, in the royal great palace of king Herod. When she saw him, she received him with great joy, as also she had Simon Peter. He also showed her cures and mighty works as did Simon, and she said to him: "Show me Golgotha, on which Christ was crucified, and the wood of His cross on which He was suspended by the Jews, and the grave in which |12 He was placed.'' James said to her: "These three things which thy Majesty wishes to see are under the control of the Jews. They possess them, and permit us not to go to pray there before Golgotha and the grave, and neither the wood of His cross will they give us. And not only this, but they also severely persecute us, that we may not publish and preach in the name of Christ, and many times also they bind us in prison." When she heard these things, the queen immediately commanded, and they brought before her Onias, the son of Hannan the priest, and Gedalia, son of Caiaphas, and Judah the son of Ebed Shalom, chiefs and rulers of the Jews. And she said to them: "Deliver up Golgotha, and the grave, and the wood of the cross, to James, and those who agree with him, and let no man forbid them to minister there according to the custom of their ministry." And when she had so commanded the priests, she arose to go and see these places, and she also delivered that place to James, and those who were with him. Afterwards she entered the grave, and found in the grave three crosses, one of our Lord, and two of those robbers, who were crucified with Him, on His right hand and on His left. And at the time that she entered into the grave----she and her children with her----at that instant her virgin daughter fell down and died, without pain, without disease, and without any cause of death. And when the queen saw that her daughter had died suddenly, she kneeled and prayed within the grave, and said in her prayer: "God, who gave Himself to death for all men, and was crucified in this place, and was laid in this grave; and as God, who keepeth alive all, has risen, and made many to rise with Him, lest the Jews, the crucifiers, should hear----and also the erring heathens, whose |13 idols and graven images, and the terrors of paganism, I have denied----and they see me, deride me, and say that all this which has happened to her is because that she denied the gods, which she did worship, and confessed Christ, whom she knew not, and went to honour the place of His grave and His crucifixion; and if, O my Lord, I am not worthy to be heard, because that I have worshipped creatures instead of Thee; spare Thou, for the sake of Thy adorable Name, that it may not be blasphemed in this place, as they blasphemed Thee at Thy crucifixion." She said these things in her prayer, and, in the excitement of her supplication, she repeated them before all those who were there. Her eldest son approached her, and said to her: "Hear that which I shall say before thy Majesty. I think thus in my mind and in my thought, that this death of this my sister, which was sudden, was not for nought; but this is a wonderful work, in which God will be praised, and not that His Name will be blasphemed, as those thought, who heard it. Behold, we enter the grave and find in it three crosses, and we know not which of them is the cross on which Christ was suspended. In the death of this my sister, we may be able to see and to learn which is the cross of Christ, for Christ is not neglectful of those who believe in Him, and seek Him." And the queen Protonice----her soul was very sad at this time----saw in her mind that her son spake these things wisely, justly and rightly. And with her hands she took hold of one of the crosses and placed it upon the dead body of her daughter, which lay before her, and she said in her prayer: "O God, who hast shown wonderful works in this place, as we hear and believe, if this cross, O Lord, be Thine, and on it Thy humanity was suspended by the insolent, show the strong |14 and mighty power of Thy divinity, which dwells in the humanity, and restore to life this my daughter, that she may arise, and Thy Name be glorified in her. May her soul return to her body, that Thy crucifiers may be confounded and Thy worshippers may rejoice! And she waited a long time after she had spoken thus. Afterwards she took that cross from the dead body of her daughter, and placed another, and also said in her prayer:
"O God, by whose nod worlds and creatures endure, and wishing the life of all men that they may be turned to Him, and is not neglectful of the petition of those who seek Him, if this cross be Thine, O Lord, show the power of Thy triumphs as Thou art accustomed, and restore to life this my daughter, that she may arise, and the heathens, worshipping Thy creatures instead of Thee, may be confounded, and the faithful and the true may confess, that their mouth may be opened to Thy praise before those who deny Thee!" And she waited a long time after these things, and took the second cross from her daughter; and she took the third cross and placed it upon her daughter. And as she was going to lift up her eyes to heaven, and to open her mouth in prayer, at that moment, at that time, in the twinkling of an eye, that, the cross touched the dead body of her daughter, her daughter became alive, and she arose suddenly, and praised God, who had restored her to life by His cross. But the queen Protonice, when she saw how her daughter became alive, trembled, and was greatly alarmed, but though alarmed she glorified Christ, and believed in Him, that He was the Son of the living God. Her son said to her: "My lady, thou seest that if this had not occurred today, it might have happened that they would have left this cross of Christ, by which my |15 sister became alive, and have taken and honoured that of one of those murderous thieves. Now, behold, we see and rejoice, and Christ, who has done this thing, is glorified in her."25 And she took the cross of Christ, and gave it to James, that it might be kept with great honour. She also commanded that a great and splendid building should be erected over Golgotha, on which He was crucified, and over the grave in which He was placed, so that these places might be honoured; and that there should be there a place of assembly for prayer, and a gathering for service.
But the queen, when she saw the whole population of the city, which she had collected for the sight of this work, she commanded that, without the covering of honour worn by queens, her daughter should go with her unveiled to the palace of the king, in which she dwelt, so that every one might see her and praise God. But the people of the Jews and the Gentiles, who rejoiced at the beginning of this occurrence, and were glad, became very sad at the end of it. For they would have been well pleased if this had not occurred, for they saw on account of this many believed in Christ; and especially when they saw that the miracles, which were done in His Name after His ascension, were many more than those which were done before His ascension. And the fame of this deed which was done went forth to |16 distant countries, and also to the Apostles, my companions, who preached Christ. And there was rest in the churches of Jerusalem, and the cities round about it; and those who saw not this deed, with those who did see it, praised God. And when the queen went up from Jerusalem to the city of Rome, every city which she entered pressed to see the sight of her daughter. And when she had entered Eome, she recounted before the Emperor Claudius those things which had happened; and when the Emperor heard, he commanded that all the Jews should go forth from the country of Italy. In all that country this deed was spoken of by many, and also before Simon Peter this was recounted, which was done. "Whatsoever also the Apostles, companions, did, we preach before every man, that those who do not know may likewise hear those things which, by our hand, Christ did openly, that our Lord might be glorified by every man. These things which I repeat before you are told, that ye may know and understand how great is the faith of Christ among those who truly join themselves to Him.
But James, the director of the Church of Jerusalem, who with his own eyes saw the deed, gave a written account, and sent it to the Apostles, my companions, in the cities of their countries. And also the Apostles themselves gave written accounts, and made known to James whatsoever that Christ had done by their hands, and these were read before all the multitude of the people of the church.
But when Abgar the king heard these things, he and Augustina, his mother, and Shalmath, the daughter of Meherdath, and Paqûr26 and Abdshemesh, and |17 Shamshagram, and Abdu, and Azzai and Bar-kalba, with the rest of their companions, rejoiced exceedingly, and all of them glorified God, and made their confession in Christ. Abgar the king said to Addai: "I wish that everything which we have heard from thee today, and the rest also of the other things, thou wouldst tell openly before all the city, that every man may hear the preaching of the Gospel of Christ, which thou teachest to us, that he may rest and be confirmed in the doctrine which thou teachest to us, that many may understand that I believed rightly in Christ, in the Letter which I sent to Him, and may know that He is God, the Son of God, and thou art His true and faithful disciple, and that thou showest by works His glorious power before those who wish to believe in Him. The day after, Abgar commanded Abdu, the son of Abdu, who was healed of a sore disease of his feet, to send a herald, that he may proclaim in all the city that the whole population may be assembled, men and women, at the place which is called Beththabara, the wide space of the house of Avida,27 the son of Abd-nachad, that they might hear the doctrine of Addai the Apostle, and how he taught, and in the name of whom he cured, and by what power he wrought these miracles, and those wonders he did. For when he healed Abgar the king, it was the nobles only who stood before him, and saw him, when he healed him by the word of Christ, whom many physicians were not able to heal, but a stranger cured him by the faith of Christ.
And when all the city were assembled, men and women, as the king had commanded, Avida and Labbu, and |18 Chaphsai, and Bar-Kalba, and Labubna,28 and Chesrun,29 and Shamshagram stood there, with their companions, who as they were princes and nobles of the king, and commanders, and all the workmen and the artisans and the Jews and Gentiles who were in this city, and strangers of the countries of Soba and Harran, and the rest of the inhabitants of all this country of Mesopotamia, all of them stood to hear the doctrine of Addai; concerning whom they had heard; that he was the disciple of Jesus, who was crucified in Jerusalem, and he effected cures in His name. And Addai began to speak to them thus:
"Hear, all of you, and understand that which I speak before you; that I am not a physician of medicines and roots, of the art of the sons of men; but I am the disciple of Jesus Christ, the Physician of troubled souls, and the Saviour of future life, the Son of God, who came down from heaven, and was clothed with a body and became man; and He gave Himself and was crucified for all men. And when He was suspended on the wood, the sun He made dark in the firmament; and when He had entered the grave, He arose and went forth from the grave with many. And those who guarded the grave saw not how He went forth from the grave; but the angels of heaven |19 were the preachers and publishers of His resurrection, who if He had not wished, had not died, because that He is the Lord of death, the exit of all things.30 And except it had pleased Him,He had not again clothed Himself with a body, for He is Himself the framer of the body. For the will which inclined Him to the birth from a virgin, also made Him condescend to the suffering of death, and He humbled the majesty of His exalted divinity, 31 who was with His Father from eternity, He of whom Prophets of old spake in their mysteries; and they represented images of His birth, and His suffering, and His resurrection, and His ascension to His Father, and of His sitting at the right hand. And, behold, He is worshipped by celestial spirits, and by the inhabitants of the earth, He who is worshipped from eternity. For although His was the appearance of men, His might, and His knowledge, and His power were of God Himself; as He said to us, 32 Behold, now is the son of man glorified, and God glorifies Himself in Him, by miracles and by wonders, and by honour of being at the right hand. But His body is the pure vestment of His glorious divinity, by which we are able to see His invisible Lordship. This Jesus Christ, therefore, we preach and publish, and, with Him, we praise His Father, and we extol and worship the Spirit of His |20 divinity, because that we were thus commanded by Him, to baptize and absolve those who believe in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit. Also the Prophets of old spake thus: that 'The Lord our God and His Spirit hath sent us.'33 And if I speak anything which is not written in the Prophets, the Jews, who are standing among you and hear me, will not receive it; and if, again, I make mention of the name of Christ over those who have sufferings and diseases, and they are not healed by this glorious name, they, worshipping the work of their hands, will not believe. If now these things be written, which we say, in the Books of the Prophets,34 and we are able to show the healing powers upon the sick, not a man will look on us without discerning the faith35 which we preach, that God was crucified for all men. If there be those who do not wish to acquiesce in these words, let them draw near to us, and reveal to us what is their mind, that as a disease of their mind we may apply healing medicine for the cure of their wound. For although ye were not present at the time of the suffering of Christ, yet because of the sun, which was dark, and ye saw it, learn and understand concerning the great hororr there was at the time of the crucifixion of |21 Him whose Gospel has flown over all the earth, by the miracles which His disciples, my companions, are working in all the earth. And those who were Hebrews, and knew only the Hebrew tongue in which they were born, behold to day speak in all languages, that those who are far off, as those who are nigh, might hear and believe that He is the same, who confounded36 the tongues of the impious in this district, which lies before us; He it is who to day teaches through us the faith of truth and verity, by humble and wretched men, who were from Galilee of Palestine. For I also, whom ye see, am from Paneas,37 from where the river Jordan goes forth. And I was chosen, with my companions, to be a preacher38 of this Gospel, by which, behold, the regions everywhere resound with the glorious name of the adorable Christ. Let, therefore, no man of you harden his heart against the truth and keep his mind at a distance from verity. Be ye not led captive after thoughts destructively erroneous, which are full of the despair of a bitter death.39 Be ye not taken by the evil customs of the paganism of your fathers, and so keep yourselves at a distance from the life of truth and verity, which are in Christ. For those who believe in Him are those who are trusted before Him, who descended to us by His favour, to make to cease from the earth the sacrifices of heathenism, and the offerings |22 of idolatry; that creatures should no longer be worshipped; but we should worship Him and His Father, with His Holy Spirit.40 For I, as my Lord commanded me, behold, I preach and I publish. And His silver on the table, behold I cast before you, and the seed of His word I sow in the ears of every man. Those who wish to receive, theirs is the good reward of confession; and those who do not obey, against them I scatter the dust of my feet, as my Lord commanded me. Turn ye, therefore, my beloved, from evil ways and from hateful deeds, and turn yourselves to Him with a good and honest will, as He turned Himself to you with His grace and His rich mercies. And be ye not as the generations of old, which are passed, who, because that they hardened their heart against the fear of God, received punishment openly; that they may be chastised, and those who came after them may tremble and fear. For that for which our Lord came into the world was altogether41 to teach and show that at the end of created things is a resurrection for all men. And at that time their acts of conduct will be represented on their own persons, and their bodies become volumes for the written things of justice, and there will not be he who knoweth not writing; because that every man shall read the letters of his own book42 at that day, and the account of his actions he taketh with the fingers of his hands. Thus the unlettered will know the new writing of the new language, and there is not he who will say to his fellow, Read me this, because that one doctrine and one instruction shall reign over all men. |23
Let this thought, therefore, be represented before your eyes, and let it not pass from your mind, because that if it pass from your mind, it passeth not from Justice.43 Seek mercies from God, that He may pardon the hateful infidelity of your paganism, for ye have forsaken Him who created you upon the face of the earth, and makes His rain to descend and His sun to rise upon you, and ye worship, instead of Him, His works. For the idols and graven images of paganism, and whatsoever of the creation in which ye have confidence and which ye worship, if there were in them feeling and understanding, for the sake of which ye worship and honour them, it would be right for them, which ye have engraven and established, and have firmly fixed with nails that they be not shaken, to receive your favour. For if the creatures were aware of your honours to them, they would cry, shouting to you, not to worship your fellows, which like yourselves are made and created; because that creatures made should not be worshipped; but that they should worship their Creator, and they should glorify Him who created them. And as His grace covers the wicked here,44 so His justice shall be avenged on the infidels there. For I saw in this city that it abounded greatly in paganism, which is against God. Who is this Nebo,45 an idol made which ye worship, |24 and Bel,46 which ye honour? Behold, there are those among you who adore Bath Nical,47 as the inhabitants of Harran your neighbours, and Taratha,48 as the people of Mabug, and the eagle, as the Arabians, also the sun and the moon,as the rest of the inhabitants of Harran, who are as yourselves. |25 Be ye not led away captive by the rays of the luminaries and the bright star; for every one who worships creatures is cursed before God. For although there are among creatures such as are greater than their companions, yet they are fellow-servants of their companions, as I have said to you. For this is a bitter pain, for which there is not a cure, that things made should worship things made, and creatures should glorify their fellows. For as they are not able to stand by the power of themselves, but by the power of Him who created them, so they are not able to be worshipped with Him, nor to be honoured with Him; for it is a blasphemy against both parties, against the creatures when they are worshipped, and against the Creator, when the creatures, who are strangers to the nature of His existence, are made partakers with Him. For all the prophecy of the Prophets, and the preaching of us who are after the Prophets, is this, that creatures should not be worshipped with the Creator, and that men should not bind themselves to the yoke of corrupt paganism. It is not because of the creatures being seen, I say, that they should not be worshipped; but everything which is made is a creature, whether visible or invisible. This is a horrible wickedness, to place the glorious name of divinity upon it. For not creatures, as you, we proclaim and worship; but the Lord of creatures. The earthquake, which made them tremble at the Cross, testifies that everything which is made depends on and exists by the power of its Maker, who was before worlds and creatures, whose nature is incomprehensible, in that His nature is invisible, and, with His Father, is sanctified in the heights above, for that He is Lord and God from eternity. This is our doctrine in every country and in every region. And so |26 have we been commanded to preach to those who hear us, not violently, but by the teaching of the truth and by the power of God. And the miracles which were done in His name, testify concerning our faith, that it is true and to be believed. Be obedient, therefore, to my words, and receive that which I have said, and am saying before you; and that I may not require your death, behold, I warn you to be very cautious. Receive my words fitly, and do not neglect. Draw nigh to me ye my distant ones from Christ, and be near to Christ. And in the place Of erroneous sacrifices and oblations, offer now to Him the sacrifices of thanksgiving.
What is this great altar which ye have built in the midst of this city? and what are those going and coming offering upon it to demons, and sacrificing on it to devils? But if ye know not the Scriptures, doth not nature itself teach you, by its power of sight, that your idols have eyes and see not? And ye 49 who see with eyes in that ye do not understand, ye are also as they who see not and hear not, and in vain you excite your voices, ineffective to deaf ears. For they are not to be complained of for that which they do not hear, because that by nature they are deaf and dumb. And the blame with which justice is involved is yours, for ye do not wish to understand, even that which ye see. For the thick darkness of error, which is spread over your mind, permits you not to acquire the heavenly light, which is the understanding of knowledge. Flee, therefore, from things made and created, as I have said unto you, that in name only are they called gods, though they are not gods in their nature; and draw near to Him, who in His nature is |27 God from eternity and from everlasting, and is not made as your idols, and also not a creature, and a work of art as the images in which ye make your boast. Because that although He put on this body, He was God with His Father; for the works of creation, which trembled when He was slain, and were terrified by the suffering of His death, they testify that He is He who created the works of creation. For it was not for a man the earth shook, but for Him who established the earth upon the waters; and it was not for a man the sun became dark in the heavens, but for Him who made the great lights. And it was not by a man the righteous and the just were raised to life, but by Him who gave power over death from the beginning. Nor was it by a man the vail of the temple of the Jews was rent from the top to the bottom, but by Him who said to them, 'Behold, your house is left desolate.'50 For, behold, except they who crucified Him knew that He was the Son of God, they would not have proclaimed the desolation of their city, also they would not have brought down woes upon themselves. For even if they wished to neglect this confession, the terrible commotions which were at that time would not have permitted them. Behold also some of the children of the crucifiers have become at this day preachers and evangelists, with the Apostles my companions, in all the land of Palestine and among the Samaritans, and in all the country of the Philistines. The idols of paganism also are despised, and the Cross of Christ is honoured. Peoples and creatures also confess God, who became man. If truly when Jesus our Lord was upon earth ye believed in Him that He is the Son of God, and before that ye had heard the word of |28 His preaching, confessed in Him that He is God; now that He has ascended to His Father, and ye have seen the signs and wonders which are done in His name, and the word of His Gospel ye have heard with your ears; not a man of you should let himself doubt in his mind how the promise of His blessing which He sent to you would have been established with you: "Blessed are ye who have believed in me, although ye have not seen me; and because ye have so believed in me the city in which ye dwell shall be blessed, and the enemy shall not prevail against it for ever."51 Do not, therefore, turn from His faith; for, behold, ye have heard and seen those things which bear witness to His faith, that He is the adorable Son, and is the glorious God, and is the triumphant King, and is the Omnipotent Power; and by His true faith a man is able to acquire the eye of the true mind, and to perceive that every one who worships creatures, the wrath of justice overtakes him.
For everything which we say before you, we say as we have received of the gift of our Lord, and we teach and we show how to possess your life, and not destroy your spirits by the error of paganism; because that the heavenly light hath risen upon creation, and He it is, who hath chosen the ancient fathers and the just men and the Prophets, and hath spoken with them by the revelation of the Holy Spirit. For He is the God of the Jews, who crucified Him, and the erring Gentiles also worship Him, though they know it not; because that there is no |29 other God in heaven and in earth, and behold confession ascendeth up to Him from the four quarters of the earth. Behold now your ears have heard that which was not heard by you before, and behold, again, your eyes have seen that which was never seen by you before. Be ye not therefore unjust to that which ye have heard and seen. Cause to pass from you the rebellious mind of your fathers, and free yourselves from the yoke of sin, which hath dominion over you by libations and sacrifices before graven images. Let it be a care to you concerning your perishing lives, and concerning the vain bowing of your head, and acquire the new mind which worships the Maker and not the thing made, in which is represented the image of truth and verity, of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, when ye believe and are baptized in the triple and glorious names. For this is our doctrine and our preaching. For it is not in many things that the truth of Christ is believed. And such of you as are willing to be obedient to Christ, know that many times I have repeated my words before you, that ye might learn and understand whatsoever ye hear. And we will rejoice in this, as a husbandman in his field which is blessed; and our God is glorified by your repentance towards Him. And as ye live in this, we also who counsel you thus will not be defrauded of the blessed reward of this. And because I am confident that ye are a blessed land, according to the will of the Lord Christ, therefore for the dust of my feet which we have been commanded 52 to shake off against the city that receiveth not our words; behold I shake off to-day at the door of your ears the words of my lips, in which the |30 coming of Christ is represented, that which has been, and that which is about to be, and the resurrection and resuscitation of all men, and the separation which is to be between the faithful and unbelieving, and the blessed promise of future joys which they who have believed in Christ and worshipped His high Father, and confessed Him and the Spirit of His godhead, shall receive. And now it is right for us to finish our present discourse, and let those who have received the word of Christ remain with us, and also those who wish to be associated, with us in prayer, and then let them go to their homes."
And Addai the Apostle rejoiced in this when he saw that the multitude of the population of the city remained with him, and there were few who did not remain at that time; and these same few, after a few days, received his words and believed in the gospel of the preaching of Christ.
And when Addai the Apostle had said these things before all the city of Edessa, and Abgar the king saw that all the city rejoiced in his doctrine, men and women equally, and were saying to him "Christ, who hath sent thee to us is true and faithful," and he also greatly rejoiced at this, praising God, that according to what he had heard from Hannan, his tabularius, concerning Christ, so he had seen the marvellous mighty works which Addai the Apostle had done in the name of Christ. And Abgar the king also said to Addai the Apostle, As I sent to Christ by my letter to Him; and as He also sent to me and I have received from thee thyself this day; so will I believe all the days of my life, and in the same things continue, exulting, because I know that there is no other power in the name of whom these signs and wonders are done, but by the power of Christ, whom thou preachest in truth and verity. And now I will worship Him, |31 I and Ma'nu,53 my son, and Augustina, and Shalmath the queen. And now, wherever thou wishest, build a church, a house of assembly for those who have believed, and shall believe in thy words. And, as commanded thee by thy Lord, minister thou at times with confidence. And those who are teachers with thee of this Gospel, I am prepared to deliver to them large gifts, that they may not have any other work with the ministry. Everything also which is required by thee for the expenses of the house, I will give thee without taking account; thy word shall be powerful and have rule in this city, and without another man, have thou authority to enter into my presence in my royal palace of honour.
And when Abgar the king went down to his royal palace, he rejoiced, he and his princes with him, Abdu and Garmai, and Shamshagram, and Abubai, and Meherdath, with the rest of their companions, at everything which their eyes had seen, and their ears had heard, and in the joy of their heart they also praised God, who had turned their mind to Him; they renounced the paganism in which they stood, and confessed the Gospel of Christ. And when Addai had built a church, they offered in it vows and offerings, they and the people of the city, and there they worshipped all the days of their life.
And Avida 54 and Bar-kalba who were chiefs and rulers, and clothed with royal headbands 55, drew near to Addai, and they asked Addai concerning the |32 history of Christ, to tell them how that He being God was seen by them, as man, and how ye were able to see Him. And he satisfied them all concerning this, concerning all which their eyes had seen, and concerning all which their ears had heard of Him. And every thing which the Prophets had said of Him, he repeated before them, and they received his words gladly and faithfully, and there was not a man who rose up against him. For the glorious things which he did permitted not a man to rise up against him.
Shavida and Ebednebo, chiefs of the priests of this city, with Piroz 56 and Dancu 57 their companions, when they saw the signs which he did, ran and threw down the altars upon which they sacrificed before Nebo and Bel their gods, except the great altar, which was in the midst of the city, and they cried out and said, that this is truly the disciple of the distinguished and glorious Master of whom we heard all those things, which He did in the country of Palestine. And all who believed in Christ, Addai received, and baptized them in the name of the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit. And those who were accustomed to worship stones and stocks, sat at his feet, learning, and being corrected of the plague of the foolishness of paganism. The Jews also, conversant with the Law and the Prophets, who carried on |33 merchandise in silks, 58 were also persuaded and became disciples, and made confession in Christ, that He is the Son of the living God. But neither Abgar the king, nor Addai the Apostle pressed any man by force to believe in Christ; because without the force of man, the force of the signs compelled many to believe in Him. And all this country of Mesopotamia, and all the regions round about it received his doctrine with love.
But Aggai made the chains 59 and headbands of the king, and Palut and Abshelama 60 and Barsamya with the rest of the others their companions, adhered to Addai the Apostle, and he received them and made them partakers with him in the ministry; they read in the Old Testament 61 and the New, and the Prophets, and the Acts of the Apostles, every day they meditated on them. He commanded them cautiously, "Let your bodies be pure, and let your persons be holy; as is right for men who stand before the altar of God; and be ye indeed far |34 removed from false swearing, and from wicked murder, and from false testimony, which is mixed with adultery, and from sorcerers with respect to whom there are no mercies, and from divinations, and soothsaying, and necromancers, and from fates, and nativities, in which the erring Chaldees boast themselves; and from stars, and the signs of the Zodiac, in which the foolish are confident. And keep at a distance from you evil hypocrisy, and bribes, and gifts, by which the pure are condemned. And with this ministry to which ye have been called, let there not be for you another service; for the Lord Himself is the service of your ministry all the days of your life. Be ye also diligent to deliver the sign of baptism, and love ye not the gains of this world, but hearken ye to judgment with justice and truth. And be ye not a stumbling block to the blind, that the name of Him who opened the eyes of the blind, as we have seen, be not blasphemed through you. Let all, therefore, who see you, perceive that ye perform all which ye preach and teach. And they ministered with him in the church which Addai had built by the word and command of Abgar the king, and they were supplied from that which was the king's and his nobles; and some of them they brought for the house of God, and some for the nourishment of the poor. But a large multitude of people assembled day by day and came to the prayer of the service, and to the reading of the Old and New Testament, of the Diatessaron, 62 and they believed in the revival of the dead, and |35 they buried their dead in the hope of the resurrection. They also observed the festivals of the Church in their times, and every day they were constant in the vigils of the Church, and they likewise performed acts of charity to the sick and those who were whole, according to the instruction of Addai to them. And in places round about the city churches were built, and the hand of the priesthood many received from him: So also orientals with the appearance of merchants passed into the country of the Romans to see the signs which Addai did, and those of them who became disciples, received from them 63 the hand of the priesthood, and in their own country of the Assyrians they taught the sons of their people, and houses of prayer they built there secretly, because of the danger arising from the worshippers of fire and the adorers of water.64
But Nersai,65 the king of the Assyrians, when he had heard of these things which Addai the Apostle had done, he sent to Abgar, the king; either send me the man who |36 hath done these signs with thee, that I may see him and hear his discourse, or send me an account of all these things which thou hast seen him do in thy city. And Abgar wrote to Nersai and made him acquainted with the whole history of the affair of Addai from the beginning to the end, and he left not any thing which he did not write to him.
But when Nersai heard those things which were written to him, he wondered and was astonished. But Abgar the king, because that he was not able to pass to the country of the Romans, and to go to Palestine and slay the Jews, because that they had crucified Christ, wrote a letter and sent to Tiberius Caesar, writing it thus: "Abgar, the king, to our Lord Tiberius Caesar, peace. Knowing that not anything is hidden from thy Majesty, I write and inform thy dread and great sovereignty, that the Jews, who are under thy hand, who dwell in the country of Palestine, assembled themselves together and crucified the Christ without any fault worthy of death, when he was doing before them signs and wonders, and showed them mighty works and signs; so |37 that even the dead He raised to life for them. And at the time they crucified Him, the sun became darkened and the earth shook, and all creatures trembled, and as if of themselves, at this deed all creation quailed, and its inhabitants. And now thy majesty knows what is right to command against the people of the Jews, who did these things."
And Tiberius Caesar wrote and sent to Abgar the king, and thus he wrote to him: "The letter of thy fidelity to me, I have received, and it was read before me. With respect to that which the Jews have done with the cross, Pilate the governor hath also written, and informed Olbinus, 66 my pro-consul, of these things which thou hast written to me. But because of the war of the Spaniards who have rebelled against me is going on at this time, therefore I have not been able to avenge this matter; but I am prepared, when I have quietness, to make a charge legally against the Jews, who have not acted legally. And because of this, as to Pilate, who was made by me governor there, I have sent another in his place, and I have dismissed him with disgrace, because that he departed from the law, and did the will of the Jews, and he crucified Christ for the gratification of the Jews, who according to that which I hear of them, instead of the cross of death, it was fitting that He should be honoured, and it was right He should be worshipped by them, especially as they saw with their eyes all which He did. But thou, according to thy fidelity to me and thy true |38 compact and that of thy fathers, hast done well to write to me thus."
And Abgar the king, received Aristides,67 who was sent to him by Tiberius Caesar, and he replied, sent him back with honourable gifts, which were suitable for him, who had sent him to him. And he departed from Edessa, and went to Ticnutha,68 where was Claudius the second, from the king, and from there also he went to Artica,69 where was Tiberius Caesar. But Gaius guarded the regions, which were round about the Emperor. And Aristides himself also recounted before Tiberius the mighty works which Addai did before Abgar the king. And when he had rest from the war, he sent, slew some of the chiefs of the Jews, who were in Palestine. And when Abgar the king heard, he greatly rejoiced at this, that the Jews had received punishment, as it was right.
And some years after Addai the Apostle had built the church in Edessa, and furnished it with everything which was suitable for it, and had taught many of the population of the city, also in the other villages, both those which were distant, and those which were near, he built churches, and completed and ornamented them, and appointed in them deacons and elders, and |39 taught in them those who should read the Scriptures, and the orders of the ministry within and without he taught. After all these things he became ill with the disease, by which he departed from this world.70 And he called Aggai before all the congregation of the church, and he brought him near, and made him governor and ruler in his place. And concerning Palut, who was a deacon, he made him an elder, and of Abshelama, who was a scribe, he made him a deacon. And when the nobles and chiefs were assembled and stood by him, Bar-kalba and 71 Bar-Zati, and Marihab, the son of Barshemesh, and Sennac, son of Avida, and Peroz, son of Patricius, with the rest of their companions, Addai the Apostle said to them: "Ye know, and ye testify, all of you who hear me, that everything which I have preached to you and taught you, and ye have heard from me, so have I conducted myself among you, and ye have seen also in works, because that thus our Lord commanded us that whatsoever we preach in words before the people, we in work should do before every man. And according to the ordinances and laws which were appointed in Jerusalem, and by which also the Apostles, my companions, were governed, |40 so also ye, do not turn aside from them, and do not take away anything from them, as I myself also have been guided by them among you, and have not turned aside from them to the right hand, or to the left, that I might not become strange to the promised salvation, which is reserved for those who are guided by them. Take heed, therefore, to this ministry which ye hold, and with fear and trembling abide ye in it, and minister every day. Minister not in it with habits bringing contempt, but with the prudence of faith; and the praises of Christ, let them not cease from your mouth, and let not weariness in prayer at the stated times draw near to you. Take heed to the truth, which ye hold, and to the teaching of the truth, which ye have received, and to the inheritance of salvation, which I commend to you, because before the judgment-seat of Christ you will be sought out by Him, when He taketh account with the pastors and superiors, and when He taketh His money from merchants with the increase of gains. For He is the king's son, and goes to receive a kingdom, and to return, and to come and make a resurrection for all men; and then He sitteth on the throne of righteousness, and judgeth the dead and the living, as He hath said to us. Let not the secret eye of your mind from the height above be closed, that your offences may not multiply in the way in which there are no offences; nor abominable error in its ways. Seek ye those that are lost, and visit those that err, and rejoice ye in those that are found. Bind up those that are bruised, and be ye watchful of the fatlings, because at your hands will the sheep of Christ be required. Look ye not to passing honour, for the shepherd that looketh to be honoured by his flock, badly, badly with respect to him does his flock stand. Let your solicitude for the |41 young lambs be great, for their angels 72 behold the face of the invisible Father, and be ye not a stone of stumbling before the blind, but clearers 73 of the way and the path in a difficult country, among the Jews, the crucifiers, and the erring heathen; for with these two parties only is there war for you, in order to show the truth of the faith, which ye hold; also when ye are quiet, your modest and honourable appearance will be fighting for you with those who hate truth and love falsehood. Be ye not smiters of the poor before the rich, for the severe infliction of their poverty is sufficient for them. Be ye not beguiled with the hateful cogitations of Satan, that ye be not stripped naked of the faith that ye have put on,74 for unbelief is easier than faith, as sin is easier than righteousness. Take heed, therefore, of those that crucified, that ye be not friends to them, that ye be not responsible with them whose hands are full of the blood of Christ; and ye know, and ye bear witness, that everything which we say and teach of the history of Christ, is written in the Book of the Prophets, and deposited with them. And their words bear witness to our teaching concerning the judgment, and suffering, and resurrection, and ascension of Christ; but they know not, that when they rise against us they rise against the words of the Prophets, and as in their lives they persecuted the Prophets, so also now, since their death, they persecute the truth, which is written in the Prophets. Again, take ye heed of the heathen, who worship the sun and the moon, and Bel and Nebo, and the rest of those which they call gods, though they are not gods in their nature. |42 Flee ye, therefore, from them, because that they worship creatures and things made. And as reported to you before, the whole object 75 for which our Lord came into the world was that creatures might not again be worshipped and honoured, because they exist by the nod of their Creator; and when He wishes, He dissolves and makes them cease, and they are as though they are not. For the will of Him, who created the creatures, freed men from the yoke of the paganism of the creatures. For ye know that every one who worships the servants of a king with the king, the death of the sword findeth him in his worship. Be ye not searching for secret things, and inquiring after hidden things, which are written in the holy books that ye possess. Be ye not judges concerning the words of the Prophets. Remember and consider that by the Spirit of God they are said; and he who accuses the Prophets, accuses and judges the Spirit of God. May this be far from you I Because the ways of the Lord are straight, and the righteous walk in them without stumbling; but the infidels stumble in them; because that they have not the secret eye of the secret mind, which has no need of questions in which there is no profit, but loss.76 Remember the menacing judgment of the Prophets, and the word of our Lord, which defines their words, that the Lord judgeth by fire, and all men are tried by it. Wherefore, as wayfarers |43 and sojourners, who tarry for a night and return early to their homes, so may you yourselves consider concerning this world, that from here ye go forth to the places where the Son went to prepare for every one worthy of them. As to kings of countries, their armies go forth before them, and prepare for them a dwelling-house for their honour; but this King of ours, behold, He is gone to prepare for His worshippers blessed mansions 77 in which they may dwell. For it was not in vain God created the children of men; but that they might worship and glorify Him. here and there for ever. As He passeth not away, so those glorifying Him cease not. Wherefore my death also, with the disease of which I am bound and lie; as a sleep of the night, let it be esteemed in your eyes. And remember that with the suffering of the Son, Death, which snatches away the children of men, passed away and ceased; and Satan, who causes many to sin and makes war with the true, that they may be without truth. And as a husbandman who puts his hand to the ploughshare, if he looks behind,78 the furrows before him cannot be straight; so also ye who have been called to this gift of the ministry, be ye cautious, that ye do not trouble yourselves with the things of this world, lest by chance ye be impeded as to that to which ye have been called.
As to princes and judges, who have embraced this faith, be ye loving them, although do not simulate in any thing, and if they sin, ye reprove them with justice. Ye shall show them openly your rectitude, that they may be corrected so as not again to conduct themselves after their own will. This solicitude ye shall have all the days |44 of your life, that all of you may run after honest things, as ye also counsel others with respect to them; for in these things men find their life before God.
But the Law,79 and the Prophets, and the Gospel, which ye read every day before the people, and the Epistles of Paul, which Simon Peter sent us from the city of Rome, and the Acts of the twelve Apostles, which John, the son of Zebedee, sent us from Ephesus; these Books read ye in the churches of Christ, and with these read not any others, as there is not any other in which the truth that ye hold is written, except these books, which retain you in the faith to which ye have been called. And our lord Abgar the king, and his honoured nobles, who have heard that which I have spoken before you to day are sufficient to be for me witnesses after my death, that I have diligently preached the doctrine of our Lord before every man, and that I have not acquired anything with His word in the world. For His word by which I have become rich was sufficient for me, and I have made by it many rich; for it lifts me up in this way in which I go forth before Christ, who has sent after me, that I should go by it to Him. For ye know that which I have said to you, "That all the souls of men, which depart from this body, die not; but they live and rise, and have mansions, and a dwelling-place of rest, |45 for the understanding and the intelligence of the soul do not cease, because the image of God is represented in it, which dieth not. For it is not as the body without feeling which perceives not the odious corruption which has come upon it. Eeward and recompense it is not able to receive without it (the body); because that labour was not its only, but also of the body in which it dwelt. But the rebellious who know not God, they become penitent then to no purpose. Ye, indeed, who are of Christ, whose glorious name is placed upon you, and ruleth, He will direct you in the way of truth, in which, ye shall go and shall arrive at and attain to that which is promised and kept for those who depart not from Him; but abide according to what they were called to by our Lord.
And when Addai the Apostle had said this word, he ceased and was silent. And Aggai, maker of the king's chains, and Palut, and Abshelama, with the rest of their companions, answered and said to Addai the Apostle, "Christ Himself has testified that He sent thee to us, and thou hast taught us the true faith, and hast made us possess the true life. As we have heard from thee and received, all this time thou hast been with us, so we abide all the days of our life. And from the worship of things made and created, which our fathers worshipped, we flee, and with 80 the Jews, the crucifiers we will not mix ourselves; and this inheritance, which we have received from thee, we do not let go, but with it we will depart from this world. And in the day of our Lord, before the judgment-seat of righteousness, there will He return to us this inheritance as that thou hast said to us.
And when these things had been said, Abgar the king, |46 arose, he and his princes, and all the nobles of his kingdom, and he went to his own palace, when all of them grieved over him, for he was dying. And he sent to him honourable and costly garments, in which he should be buried; and when Addai saw them, he sent word to him, that not in my life have I taken from thee anything, and I will not falsify in me the word of Christ, which He said to me, "Receive not anything from man, arid acquire not anything in this world."81 And after three other days, that these things were said by Addai the Apostle, and he had heard and received the testimony of the doctrine of his preaching from the sons of his ministry, before all the nobles, he departed from this world, and it was the fifth day of the week, in the fourteenth of the month Eyor.82 And the whole city was in great sorrow and bitter pain; not only Christians sorrowed for Him, but also Jews and Pagans, who were in this city. But king Abgar more than any man sorrowed for him, he and the princes of his kingdom. And in the grief of his |47 mind he despised and forsook the honour of his kingdom on that day; and with mournful tears he wept over him with every man. And all the people of the city, who saw him, wondered at how much he suffered because of him. And with great and excellent honour he carried and buried him, as one of the princes, when he dies, and he placed him in a great sepulchre of ornamental sculpture, in which those of the house of Aryu, the ancestors of the father of king Abgar, were placed. There he placed him carefully with grief and great sorrow. And all the people of the church went from time to time, and prayed there diligently, and the commemoration of his death they made from year to year, according to the command and instruction which was received by them from Addai the Apostle, and according to the word of Aggai, who was himself the guide and ruler and the successor of his chair after him, by the hand of the priesthood, which he had received from him before every man.
And he also by the hand from which he received made priests and guides in all this country of Mesopotamia. For they also, as of Addai the Apostle, thus took his word and heard and received, as a good and faithful heir of the Apostle of the adorable Christ. But silver and gold he took not from man, and the gifts of the princes approached him not. For instead of gold and silver he enriched the Church of Christ with the souls of the faithful. But all the chiefs 83 of men and women |48 were modest and decorous, and they were holy and pure, and they dwelt singly and modestly without spot, in watchfulness of the ministry decorously, in their carefulness for the poor, in their visitations to the sick; for their goings forth were full of praise from those who saw, and their conversation was covered with glory from strangers; so that even the priests of the temple of Nebo and Bel divided with them the honour at all times, by their honourable aspect, by their truthful discourse, by the confidence which they possessed, and by their freedom, which was not enslaved to greediness, and was not in bondage under blame. For every one who saw them ran to meet them, that he might honourably salute them; because even the sight of them spread peace over the beholders. For their words of peace were spread like nets over the rebellious, when they were entering the fold of truth and verity. For there was no man who saw them, and was ashamed of them; because they did not anything which was not just, and which was not becoming, and in consequence of this their countenances were open in the preaching of their doctrine to every man. For whatsoever they said to others and directed them, they exhibited the same by works in themselves; and as to the hearers, who saw that their works were with their words, many became their disciples without persuasion, and confessed Christ the king, praising God who had turned them to Him.
And years after the death of Abgar the king, one of |49 his rebellious sons,84 who was not obedient to the truth, arose and sent word to Aggai, when he was sitting in the Church: "Make me headbands of gold, according to that which thou didst make for my fathers of old." Aggai sent him word: "I desert not the ministry of Christ, which has been committed to me by the disciple of Christ, and make headbands of wickedness." 85 And when he saw that he did not obey him, he sent, and broke his legs, as he was sitting in the church and expounding. And as he was dying he made Palut and Abshelama swear that in this house, for the sake of whose name, behold, I die, place me and bury me. And as he made them swear, so they placed him within the middle door of the church, between the men and the women. And there was great and bitter sorrow in all the church, and in all the city, above the pain of sorrow, which had been |50 in its interior, as the sorrow, which had been when Addai the Apostle died.
And because that by the breaking of his legs he died suddenly and quickly, he was not able to place the hand upon Palut.86 Palut himself went to Antioch, and received the hand of the priesthood from Serapion, Bishop of Antioch. Serapion, Bishop of Antioch, himself also received the hand from Zephyrinus, Bishop of the city of Rome,87 from the succession of the hand of the priesthood of Simon Cephas, which he received from our Lord, who was there Bishop of Rome twenty-five years, in the days of the Caesar, who reigned there thirteen years.
And as is the custom in the kingdom of Abgar the king, and in all kingdoms, that everything which the king commands, and everything that is said before him is written down and placed among the records, so also Labubna, the son of Sennac, the son of Abshadar, the king's scribe, wrote these things of Addai the Apostle, from the beginning to the end. Hannan also, the Tabularius, the king's Sharrir, set the hand of witness, and placed it among the records of the writings of the kings, where are put the commands and laws, and the contracts of those who buy and sell are kept there with care, without any negligence.
THE END OF THE DOCTRINE OF ADDAI THE APOSTLE.
[Footnotes numbered and moved to end]
1. a Addai. According to Eusebius, Addai was one of the seventy disciples of Christ. See also p. 5.
2. b Abgar. This king is called here the son of Ma'nu. Of the twenty-nine kings of Edessa mentioned by Assemani, in his edition of the Chronicon Edessenum, Bibl. Or. tom. i. p. 417, ten bore the name of Abgar, and ten that of Ma'nu. The meaning of Abgar in Syriac is lame. Lower down we find Abgar called Ukkama. The latter word is a Syriac adjective, signifying black, and it may have been used because his skin was of a blackish hue. A previous king of Edessa was called Abgar the Red.
3. c Edessa is called, in Syriac, Urhai.
4. d The Seleucian era, which corresponds to B.C. 312-311.
5. e Marihab and Shamshagram. In regard to many of the proper names in this book, it is a matter of conjecture where the vowels should be inserted. In these two I have followed the French translation of the Armenian version. The latter name Cureton, in a note on Bardesanes, in his Spicilegium Syriacum, p. 77, calls Shemashgram. In Greek it is written
Samyige/ramoj or Samyike/ramoj.
6. a Hannan. This name is written in Cureton's text according to the Greek form. Further on, however, in the same text, we have Hanan. He is called in our text tabularius, but in Cureton's tabellarius. The former is more probably correct. Perhaps it and the following word, Sharrir, express, the one in Latin and the other in Syriac, the same office, viz. that of keeper of the archives. There is a passage in the Chronicle of Edessa, in which those who were placed over the archives of a city were called the Sharrirs of that city. Bibl. Or. tom. i. p. 393.
7. b Beth-gubrin. "Ville connue déjà par Ptolémée, qui écrit Baitograbra_." ---- Lettre d' Abgar, p. 11. It is still called Beit-jibrin.
8. c Reply. [Syriac] usually signifies a copy; but here it seems rather to mean a reply to the letters which were brought to Sabinus.
9. a March.
10. b April.
11. a The word in Syriac is [Syriac], "the chief," a title of dignity among the Jews.
12. b [Syriac], spirits. Some adjective, signifying unclean, such as [Syriac] is perhaps to be understood with this noun.
13. c From the expression "it is written," one would infer that these words are a quotation from the Old Testament; but they are not to be found in any part of that sacred Book. Our Lord said to Thomas: "Blessed are they that have not seen, and yet have believed." (St. John xx. 29.) The passage in this reply is somewhat like these words. Although these words are not found in the Old Testament, they are like passages there in sense. See Is. vi. 9; lii. 15.
14. a There is a tradition preserved by Eusebius, see Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, under 'Jude,' that the true name of Thomas (the twin) was Judas ('Iou&daj o( kai\ Qwma~j). It is therefore probable that Judas is mentioned in the text to certify that it was the Apostle Thomas, and not another Thomas, who sent Addai to Edessa. See also Wright's Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles, p. [Syriac].
15. a Tobias. Moses of Chorene calls Tobias Prince Juif, and says: "Qu'on dit être de la race des Pacradouni." It appears, on the same authority, that he did not abjure Judaism with his relations, but followed its laws up to the time when he believed in Christ.
16. b Abdu. Moses of Chorene says of Abdu that he was "Prince de la ville, très honoré dans toute la maison du roi."
17. c With a bending of the knees. The Syriac word is [Syriac], which, according to Castle, means genuflexio, but he cites no instance in which the noun occurs. The verb is found several times, but the noun is evidently very rare. Castle himself got the word from Bar Bahul.
18. a Cureton's text of this document begins here. It is taken from the Nitrian collection in the British Museum, No. 14,654, at fol. 33. It is contained in one leaf only.
19. b A long time. The time is not mentioned by Eusebius in his Eccle siastical History. Moses of Chorene, bk. ii. chap. xxx. p. 217, Histoire D'Arménie, says that Abgar suffered from a disease which he had caught in Persia more than seven years before, and that he had obtained no remedy for it from men.
20. a Moses of Chorene speaks of Helena as the first wife of Abgar, that she was a pious woman, and renounced idolatry. He says the tomb of Helena was a very remarkable one, and was to be seen in his day before the gate of Jerusalem. Book II. c. 35, ed. Le Vaillant de Florival.
21. a With this word ends Cureton's text, p. [Syriac].
22. b "L'Histoire detachée de la première invention de la Croix dit plus clairement que c'était Claude qui alla centre les Espagnols pendant que Tibere était absent de Rome. Cette guerre d'Espagne mentionnee ici et plus bas dans la lettre de Tibere a Abgar n'est citée par aucun auteur Romain: cependant il est très probable que notre auteur fait allusion aux intrigues et aux spoliations des biens des hommes les plus riches d'Espagne et de Gaule, faites par l'ordre de Tibère (v. Suétone, Tiber. 49; Tacite, Annal. vi. 19)."----Lettre d'Abgar, p. 19.
23. c Second in authority.
24. a A leaf is missing in the MS. after fol. 7. It must have been lost at an early date, and its place is now supplied by a rudely written leaf of the twelfth or thirteenth century. It fills the gap in the Syriac text, caused by the loss of the original. This leaf, having become loose, has been bound as fol. 54 of the MS., in the middle of the Acts of St. John at Ephesus (see Wright's Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles, p. 3); moreover, it has been reversed in binding, so that what is really the recto now appears as the verso.
25. a This story of the finding of the cross is the same in most of its details as that which is told of the discovery of it by Helena, the mother of Constantine. It is related of Helena, that on her arrival at Jerusalem, she resolved to lay the foundation of a church, dedicated to the true God, on Mount Calvary. In digging, some pieces of wood were discovered, which were recognised as belonging to the cross of our Saviour. These pieces were sent by Helena to Constantine.
26. a In the French translation of the Armenian version this name is called Phocreas, also Azzai is called Aghi. The orthography of proper names is often modified, to adapt them to the language in which they appear.
27. a The French translation has "Avité fils d'Abdékhil." Lower down, the same name is called Avida.
28. a Labubna. In the French, translation of the Armenian version, this name is written Leboubnia. Moses of Chorene has made a change in the consonants; he calls the name Ghéroupna. Whiston has written the name Lerubnas: "Lerubnas, Apsadari scribas filius, omnes res gestas Abgari et Sanatrucis conscripsit, atque in Tabulario Edesseno posuit," p. 146.
29. b Chesrun. There is mention of this person in Moses of Chorene, lib. ii.: "Abgar s'étant rendu dans sa ville d'Édesse, se ligua avec Arète, roi de Petra, et lui donna des troupes auxiliaires, sous la conduite de Khosran Ardzrouni, pour faire la guerre à Hérode." The name occurs again in p. 237 of the Second Book of the same work.
30. a [Syriac], being in apposition with [Syriac] seems to have the meaning given to it above.
31. b The word rendered divinity was not very much employed till after the times of the Apostles, when Christianity had become to some extent a system, and theological words had begun to be made use of to give it definiteness.
32. c The words which immediately follow are evidently very similar to what we find in St. John xiii. 31. There is very little variation between them and the passage as it is read in the Peshitta version.
33. a This is a quotation from Isaiah xlviii. 16. The plural pronoun us for me is the only variation. This may he because Addai is speaking in the context in the plural number, viz. "the Prophets of old."
34. b The sense seems to require Dolath instead of Vau, Beth, before the Syriac word for Prophets. This suggestion is supported by the Armenian version.
35. c It is here that Cureton's text recommences, p. [Syriac]. The said text, beginning here and continuing to the end, is taken from a MS. different from that in which the previous part of his text appears, viz. from a MS. of the Nitrian collection in the British Museum, Cod. Add. 14,644.
36. a Il fait allusion à la confusion, des langues au Sénaar dans la Baby-lonie, qui n'est pas très loin de la contrée où prêchait S. Thaddée." Lettre d'Abgar.
37. b Paneas, the same as Caesarea Philippi.
38. c Here is found another break in Cureton's text, p. [Syriac].
39. d The sense of this expression I apprehend to be, that erroneous thoughts only fill the mind with despair of being able to escape a bitter death.
40. a The text of Cureton is found to recommence at this place, p. [Syriac].
41. b [Syriac], according to Pratten, is here equal to omnino. Page 15 of Syriac Documents.
42. c Here is found another break in Cureton's text. p. [Syriac].
43. a Justice. [Syriac] is equal in sense to [Syriac]. The former word is not unfrequently found in old Syriac MSS. See this word a little lower down.
44. b By here and there, understand this world and the world to come.
45. c Nebo was an idol of the Babylonians. Traces of this deity are observed in the proper names, Nebuchadnezzar, Nebuzaradan, &c. Nebo seems also to have been worshipped in other places. In Isaiah xlvi. 1, we read that "Nebo stoopeth." It is supposed that at Dibon, a city of Moab, was a temple to Nebo. See Selden, "De Diis Syris." Syntagma II. chap. xii.
46. a Bel was a Babylonian deity. Calmet thinks that the sun was worshipped under this name. But worshipping the sun is mentioned lower down, and further it must, according to Addai, have been an object of worship distinct from Bel. The worshippers of Bel attributed to him the gift of healing diseases, and asserted that he ate and drank. See the apocryphal story of the Bel and Dragon.
47. b Bath Nical. It is here stated that this idol was worshipped in Harran. There does not appear to be much known with any certainty about it. In the history of Armenia, by Moses of Chorene, translated from the Armenian into French by P. E. le Vaillant de Florival, liv. ii. c. 27, this goddess is called Pathincagh. One has not heard of a god called Nical, and therefore it may be inferred that Bath Nical was a goddess invested with the attribute or attributes implied in the word [Syriac]. The sense of this word, however, is uncertain. The root has been supposed to be the Hebrew [Hebrew] 'He was able.' If this be correct, the distinguishing attribute of this goddess would accordingly be power. It has also been suggested that, [Syriac] is an epithet of Venus = [Syriac] = dolio&frwn Afrodi/th.
48. c Taratha. Jacob of Serug, see Assemani, Bibliotheca Orient. I. 327, mentions this goddess with others, viz. Nebo, Bel, Sin, Bel-shemin, Bar-Nemre, Gadlat, &c. It is thought that Taratha, or Atargatis as she was also called, is considered to have been a correlative of Dagon. Diodorus Siculus says (lib. ii.) that at Askelon the goddess Derceto or Atargatis was worshipped under the figure of a woman with the lower parts of a fish. (See Calmet's Dictionary of the Bible, under Dagon.) Assemani, in a note at the foot of the page cited above, says: "Tarata, Janus fortasse Syrorum nam Tara est Janua, unde faemininum Tarata, quod faeminae specie illud idolum colerent. See the discourse of Jacob of Serug, on the Fall of the Idols, published by M. l'Abbé Martin, in the Zeitschrift of the German Oriental Society, note and translation, p. 131, for the year 1875. These four divinities, in Whiston's Latin translation of Moses of Chorene, are Nabogus, Belus, Bathnicalus and Tharatha.
49. a Here Cureton's text commences, p. [Syriac].
50. a Matth. xxiii. 38.
51. a The city in which ye dwell, &c. This is a quotation from the message of our Lord to Abgar. See p. 5. The passage in this message seems to have given rise to the notion very prevalent and mentioned by several Syriac writers, that Edessa would be henceforth free from hostile invasion and be especially blessed and protected by God.
52. a Matth. x. 14.
53. a Abgar's father bore the name of Ma'nu as well as his son; indeed it is said that he had two sons of that name. This is probably the one who succeeded his father as king. It was the name of many kings of Edessa. See note p. 1.
54. b Avida. In Cureton's text it is [Syriac], evidently a mistake in the MS.
55. c Headlands, According to our Syriac text [Syriac] of [Syriac] has no point to show whether it be a Dolath or a Resh. In Cureton's text it is a Dolath, but elsewhere we find it a Resh. As to the meaning of the word, see Dr. Payne Smith's note, cited by Pratten, Syr. Documents, p. 22.
56. a Piroz. According to Cureton, this is supposed to be the same name as that of Berosus.
57. b Dancu. Cureton has [Syriac] Diku.
58. a Silks. So the Syriac word is translated by Cureton. In Luke vii. 25, we have [Syriac] rendered by soft raiment. See also Matt. xi. 8. It is probable from what is here said and referred to by other writers, that the Jews of Edessa carried on an extensive trade with people of other districts and countries.
59. b The word [Syriac] is by some translated chains, and by others silks or muslins. The former rendering is adopted by Castle, and the latter by Moses of Chorene, and although the word is translated chains by Dr. Cureton in a note p. 157, he seems to think it might be more correctly rendered silks. I prefer the former rendering, because in Numb. xxxi. 50, and Isaiah iii. 22, the former but not the latter will suit the context.
60. c Abshelama. In Cureton this name is read Barshelama.
61. d As the Prophets are mentioned by themselves, the Old Testament here probably means no more than the Pentateuch. Similarly, as the Acts of the Apostles are named apart from the New Testament, the latter is probably intended to comprise only the Gospels.
62. a Diatessaron. In the text of Cureton is Ditornon. The reading of the MS., he remarks, is not quite clear, and he is disposed to think that the word ought to be Diatessaron. The reading of the St. Petersburgh MS., as we see, confirms Dr. Cureton's supposition. The Diatessaron was that made by Tatian, and was, as appears from sundry
testimonies, in general use in the Syrian churches in the second century. It was a volume compiled from the Four Gospels, and seems to have been publicly read at Edessa up to the fourth century. Mention is made of it in Asseman. Bibl. Orient, tom. iii. p. 12: The Gospel which Tatian compiled, and he called it the Diatessaron, A commentary was written on this work by Ephraim Syrus, according to what is affirmed by Barsalibe and Bar Hebraeus as recorded in Asseman. Bibl. Orient, tom. I. pp. 57, 58. The former says that Ephraim illustrated the Diatessaron with commentaries; and the latter, in speaking of Tatian's volume, in his work [Syriac], says that the expression "In the beginning was the word "was elucidated by Ephraim.
63. a According to Cureton, him.
64. b Water. In the MS. we have [Syriac] evidently by mistake for [Syriac]. In Cureton's text the latter word is found.
65. c Nersai. Moses of Chorene speaks of this king as le jeune Nerseh p. 229. In the same page is a copy of the Letter which Abgar wrote to Nersai, viz., "Abgar roi des Arméniens, à mon fils Narseh, salut; J'ai reçu ta lettre et tes hommages; j'ai déchargé Béroze de ses fers, et lui ai remis ses offenses, si cela te fait plaisir, donne lui le gouvernement de Ninive. Mais quant à ce que tu m'écris de t'envoyer ce médecin qui fait des miracles et prêche un autre Dieu supérieur au feu et à l'eau, afin que tu puisses le voir et l'entendre, je te dirai: Ce n'était point un médecin selon l'art des hommes, c'était un disciple du fils de Dieu, créateur du feu et de l'eau, il a été destiné, envoyé aux contrées de l'Arménie. Mais un de ses principaux compagnons, nommé Simon, est envoyé dans les contrées de la Perse. Cherche-le, et tu l'entendras, toi, ainsi que ton père Ardachès. Il guérira tous vos maux et vous montrera le chemin de la vie."
66. a Olbinus. It is the opinion of Cureton that this name has been confounded with that of Albinus, who was made governor of Judaea by Nero, A.D. 62. No person of the name of Olbinus was governor of Judaea at the time mentioned in the document, and the opinion referred to is most probably correct, and the mistake arose from some confusion of the editor.
67. a Aristides. In the Armenian version, this name is written Artidias, which in the French translation is corrected according to the reading in the Syriac text.
68. b Ticnutha. "Cureton lit, mais avec doute, Thicuntha au lieu de Nuthicontha, noms tous deux inconnus dans la géographie."----Lettre d'Abgar, p. 45.
69. c Artica. This word may, by placing different vowels to it, be pronounced Ortyka, which Cureton thinks was intended for Ortygia, near to Syracuse, not far distant from Capreae, where Tiberius resided.
70. a A great difference is found here between the Syriac text and the Armenian version. According to the former, Addai had gathered around him the nobles and chiefs, in order that he might deliver unto them his farewell and dying discourse, but in the latter it is said that "the Apostle Addai conceived the thought of visiting the countries of the East and Assyria to preach there," &c. One statement must be erroneous, and authority obliges us to conclude that the error is in the Armenian version.
71. b And. We have a vau in our MS. which is not in Cureton's text, nor is it supported by the Armenian version; we think, therefore, that the reading should be, not Bar-Kalba and Bar-Zati, but Bar Kalba, son of Zati.
72. a See Matth. xviii. 10.
73. b Lit. "purgers of the way."
74. c Here Cureton's text ends.
75. a In p. 22, we find that that for which our Lord came into the world was altogether to teach the resurrection of man. Here it is stated, that the whole object for which our Lord came into the world was that creatures might not again be worshipped. The author is speaking superlatively. In these days we should in each case say a great object, &c.
76. b They spend their time in useless and injurious questions.
77. a See John xiv, 2.
78. b See Luke ix. 62.
79. a We have already had mention of the Old Testament; and the New of the Diatessaron, p. 34. Here we have the Holy Scriptures more particularly specified. The New Testament is described as consisting of the Gospel, the Epistles of Paul and the Acts of the Apostles. The two latter were probably not written at the time that Addai was preaching Christianity in Edessa. If the Gospel mentioned be that of St. Matthew, that might possibly have been then in existence.
80. a Here Cureton's text recommences.
81. a These words are not according to the letter, but are certainly in the spirit of the instructions, which our Lord delivered to the twelve disciples at their ordination, as we read them in Matt. x. 7-10. Anything like desire or anxiety for the things of this world, the disciples of Christ were frequently and in distinct and impressive language warned against by their Master.
82. b Eyor is the Syriac word for the month of May. In Assemani, Bibl. Orient. tom. ii. p. 392, we find it stated, on the authority of Bar Hebraeus, "that Addai the Apostle was slain on the 30th of July, and buried in the church, which he himself had built in Edessa." This date, however, is contradicted in a foot-note on the same page, in the following terms:----"Amrus Matthaei filius historicus Nestorianus, qui Chronicon Maris ejusdem sectae scriptoris in compendium redegit, Addaeum obiise refert, non die 30 Julii, sed 14 Maii. Et quidem in pervetusto Kalendario Syriaco, quod ad calcem Codicis 32 in fine hujus tomi subjicitur, die Maii 14, Addaeus decessisse dicitur."
83. a Chiefs. This is the rendering in the Armenian version, and it seems to me that it is a sense in accordance with the Syriac text. The Syriac noun, among other meanings, signifies a prefect or chief. Every chief is the same as all the chiefs, and so the noun may agree with the plural number of the verb in the text. The expression thus considered refers to the most distinguished persons of both sexes. Cureton states that it alludes to those who especially belonged to the ministry of the church.
84. a It appears that this rebellious son did not reign till years after the death of Abgar. There must consequently have been another, who was the immediate successor of Abgar; and the name of this successor was Ma'nu, who is said to have reigned seven years, according to what is stated by Assemani, Bibl. Orient, tom. i. p. 421. The successor of Ma'nu was his brother, also by name Ma'nu, and he reigned fourteen years. Moses of Chorene, liv. II. ch. xxxiv., says of this prince: "Il ouvrit les temples des idoles, embrassa le culte des païens. Il envoie dire à Attée, 'Fais moi une coiffure en toile tissée d'or, comme celles que tu faisais autrefois pour mon père.' Il reçut cette réponse d'Attée: 'Mes mains ne feront point de coiffure pour un prince indigne, qui n' adore pas le Christ Dieu vivant.' Aussitôt, le roi d'ordonner à un de ses gens d'armes de couper les pieds à Attée. Le soldat étant allé et ayant vu le saint personnage assis dans la chaire doctorale, avec son glaive lui coupa les jambes, et aussitôt le saint rendit l'esprit."
85. b Wickedness. In Cureton's text the word is in the singular number.
86. a In p. 39, it is said that Addai made Palut an Elder. It would seem, therefore, that this whole paragraph, as Cureton observes, must have been introduced into the text at a later period, and that too by some careless, ignorant person.
87. b In Cureton's text the word is Rome, which is right. The name found in our MS. is obviously a mistake.
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Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (1871) Volume 1. Title page and preface. pp.i-xvii
Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (1871) Volume 1. Title page and preface. pp.i-xvii
LONDON:
GILBERT AND RIVINGTON, WHITEFRIARS, CITY
AND ST. JOHN'S SQUARE, CLERKENWELL
APOCRYPHAL ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
EDITED FROM SYRIAC MANUSCRIPTS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM AND OTHER LIBRARIES
BY
W. WRIGHT, LL.D., PH. D.;
PROFESSOR OF ARABIC IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE, AND FELLOW OF
QUEEN'S COLLEGE; CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE BERLIN
ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, ETC., ETC., ETC.
VOL. I.
THE SYRIAC TEXTS
WILLIAMS AND NORGATE,
14, HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDON
AND 20, SOUTH FREDERICK STREET, EDINBURGH.
1871
TO
THE REVEREND
J. B. LIGHTFOOT, D.D.,
CANON OF ST. PAUL'S,
AND
HULSEAN PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN THE UNIVERSITY
OF CAMBRIDGE
THIS WORK IS DEDICATED
BY
HIS OBLIGED FRIEND
THE EDITOR
PREFACE
----
The documents which these volumes contain, in text and translation, are the following:—
1. The history of S. John at Ephesus, taken from two vellum manuscripts, the one of the vith cent., the other of the ixth. The former is in the Imperial Public Library of St. Petersburg, the latter in the British Museum.1. The St. Petersburg manuscript consists of 142 leaves, written in a fine, regular Estrangela, in double columns. The quires were originally signed with both letters and arithmetical figures. Fol. 54, which is misplaced, is a later addition, of about the xith cent., in a cursive hand. [Title, Syriac] The contents are:—The Doctrine of Addai at Edessa, [Title, Syriac] fol. 1 b (Add. 14,644, fol. 1 a); the Doctrine of Simon Peter at Rome, [Title, Syriac] fol. 33 a (Add. 14,644, fol. 15 b); the History of S. John at Ephesus, fol. 38 b; the Invention of the holy Cross by the empress Helene, fol. 74 b (Add. 14,644, fol. 18 b); the Martyrdom of Judas, who became bishop of Jerusalem by the name of Cyriacus, fol. 84 b (Add. 14,644, |viii fol. 23 b); the History of the eight Youths of Ephesus, fol. 92 a (Add. 12,160, fol. 147 a, and elsewhere); the Life of Gregory Thaumaturgus, bishop of Neo-Caesarea, fol. 101 a (Add. 14,648, fol. 125 a); and the Life of Basil of Caesarea by Amphilochius of Iconium, fol. 117 a (Add. 12,174, fol. 125 a). The volume belonged to the convent of S. Mary Deipara in the desert of Scete, according to the note on fol. 142 b: [Syriac] This book, and three others from the same convent (the two Books of Samuel and the Pauline Epistles, both according to the Peshīţtā version, and the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius, dated A.D. 462), were withheld by a Greek named Pacho from the Trustees of the British Museum, who had made use of his services in the acquisition of the Nitrian collection, and were sold by him, in 1852, to the Imperial Public Library of St. Petersburg, for the sum of 2500 silver rubles. They have been carefully described by Professor Dr. Dorn in the "Melanges Asiatiques," t. ii., p. 195. I am indebted for the use of this manuscript, —which would have given invaluable aid to Dr. Cureton in the publication of his " Ancient Syriac Documents" (compare my Catalogue of Syriac MSS. in the British Museum, part iii., p. 1083, no. DCCCCXXXVI.)-—to the liberality of the Imperial Government of Russia, which is always ready to place its scientific treasures at the disposal of scholars of every nation. To his Excellency M. Deljanoff, the Director of the Imperial Public Library, my warmest thanks are due for the promptitude |ix with which he acceded to my application for the loan both of this volume and of the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius. Would that the management of all similar institutions were conducted on equally liberal principles!
2. Of the manuscript in the British Museum, Add. 17,192, it is unnecessary to give a detailed description in this place, as I have described it minutely in my Catalogue, part ii., p. 778, no. DCCLXXXIX. It is of the ixth cent, and was one of the 250 volumes, which were collected and conveyed by the abbat Moses of Nisibis to the convent of S. Mary Deipara in the year 1243, A.D. 932.
These Acts, which are obviously translated from the Greek, being of comparatively late date, and to all appearance destitute of any historical basis, are chiefly valuable from the linguistic point of view. The fact of Eusebius of Cæsarea being named as the author (p. 3), combined with the mention of "Urhāi of the Parthians" at p. 54, suffices, I think, to show that the work was written after the story of the conversion of Abgar, king of Edessa, by Addai, had become generally known, that is to say, after the publication of Eusebius's Ecclesias-tical History, or about the middle of the fourth century. The Greek original, however, is, so far as I am aware, unpublished, if indeed it be still extant.
II. The Decease of S. John, taken from a vellum manuscript in the British Museum, Add. 12,174, which is dated A. Gr. 1508, A.D. 1197 (see my Catalogue, part iii., p.1123, no. DCCCCLX.). This is a translation of the latter portion of the Greek text edited by Professor |x Dr. von Tischendorf in his "Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha" (Leipzig, 1851), from the beginning of chapter 15 (p. 272) to the end.
III. A section from the Περίοδοι. of S. Philip, which is, I believe, not extant, or at least unpublished, in the original Greek, narrating the conversion of the Jew Hananiah or Ananias, and, by his means, of the city of Carthage. I have taken it from a manuscript in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society of London, which, was placed at my disposal by my friend Mr. Eggeling, the secretary and librarian of the Society. This is a paper manuscript, consisting of 188 leaves, all more or less stained by water, and some of them slightly torn, especially foll. 1 and 97. The quires, twenty-one in number, mostly of ten leaves, are signed with letters (except the last two, which have no signatures). Leaves are wanting after foll. 6, 21, 49, 125, 166, and 172. The volume is written in a good, regular, Nestorian hand, with many vowel-points, 1 and dated (see fol. 92 b) A. Gr. 1880, A.D. 1569. The name of the scribe was Elias. The contents are:—
a. The theological treatise of 'Ebed-Yeshua', metropolitan of Sobā, entitled, [Syriac] or "the Book of the Pearl." See Assemani, Bibl. Or., t. iii., pars 1, p. 352. Imperfect. Fol. 1 b.
b. The "Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Works in Syriac " by the same 'Ebed-Yeshua', edited by Assemani in the Bibl. Or., t. iii., pars 1. Imperfect. Fol. 18 b. |xi
c. The historical treatise of Solomon, metropolitan of Perath-Maishān or al-Başra, entitled, [Syriac] "the Book of Collectanea (or the Spicilegium), called the Bee." Imperfect. Fol. 26 a. See Assemani, Bibl. Or., t. iii., pars 1, p. 309, and my Catalogue, part iii., p. 1064, no. DCCCCXXII. It has been translated into Latin by Dr. Schönfelder of Bamberg.
d. The narrative, or vision, of Abba Zosimus "regard-ing the holy men who were removed from this world, by the command of God, in the days of Jeremiah the prophet" (the Rechabites; see Jeremiah, ch. xxxv.). Fol. 93 a. See Add. 12,174, fol. 209 & (in my Catalogue, part iii., p. 1123, no. DCCCCLX.).
e. The Acts of S. Philip. Fol. 107 a.
f. The history of a demon, who repented and was accepted by God. Fol. 117 a.
g. The history of the king's son, who was murdered by the teacher of the school to which he went. Fol. 119 b.
h. The history of Onesimus and the ascetics, who revealed themselves unto the paramonarius (or verger) of Alexandria. Fol. 122 a. Imperfect.
i. The history of the blessed Virgin Mary. Fol.,126 a. There are lacunæ in the text on foll. 128 b, 137 b, and 144 b. This is a still fuller form of the history than any of those edited by me in the "Journal of Sacred Literature" and in my "Contributions to the Apocryphal Literature of the New Testament."
j. The history of John bar Malkē, or John of Rome. Fol. 161 b. Imperfect. Of this there are several copies |xii in the Nitrian collection. See, for example, Add. 14,651, fol. 103 b (in my Catalogue, part iii., p. 1101, no. DCCCCXLVIII.).
k. The Eggartā de-Hadbeshabbā Kaddishā,or letter that was sent down from Heaven to Athanasius, patriarch of Rome (!), regarding the observance of Sunday, A. Gr. 1140, A.D. 829. Fol. 169 a. Imperfect. Compare my Catalogue, part ii., p. 1022, no. DCCCLXXIX.
l. The martyrdom of Julitta and Quiricus or Cyriacus. Fol. 173 a.The volume once belonged to a priest named Wardā, the son of the deacon Moses, prior of the convent of Mār Ezekiel, fol. 187 a; and also to one Mār Yūhannān, fol. 187 b. [Arabic] It was bound in the year 1916, A.D. 1605, by a person whose name has been blotted out, fol. 1 a.
IV. The Acts of S. Matthew and S. Andrew, translated from the Greek. See Tischendorf, Acta Apostt. Apocrypha, p. 132, and compare Professor Dr. von Gutschmid's article " Die Königsnamen in den apokryphen Apostelgeschichten," in the Rheinisches Museum für Philologie, Neue Folge, Bd. xix., p. 390. My text is taken from Add. 14,645, which was written A. Gr. 1247, A.D. 936. See my Catalogue, part iii., p. 1111, no. DCCCCLII.
V. The history of S. Paul and Thecla, translated from the Greek. See Tischendorf, Acta Apostt. Apocrypha, p. 40, and Von Gutschmid's article, loc. cit., p. 177. My text with its various readings is taken from four manuscripts:— |xiii
a. Add. 14,652, of the vith cent., denoted by the letter A. See my Catalogue, part ii., p. 651, no. DCCXXXI. This manuscript is older by several cen-turies than any of the Greek codices used by Tischendorf.
b. Add. 14,447, of about the Xth cent., a small frag-ment, denoted by the letter B. See my Catalogue, part L, p. 98, no. CLVI.
c. Add. 14,641, of the Xth or xith cent, denoted by the letter C. See my Catalogue, part iii., p. 1042, no. DCCCCXVIII.
d. Add. 12,174, dated A.Gr. 1508, A.D. 1197,denoted by the letter D. See my Catalogue, part iii., p. 1123, no. DCCCCLX.
VI. The Acts of S. Thomas, or Judas Thomas (i.e.; the Twin), taken from Add. 14,645 (see above, no. IV.).
I regard this piece as the gem of my small collection, since we have here, for the first time, these Acts in a nearly complete form. The portions which are extant in Greek have been edited by Tischendorf, Acta Apostt. Apocrypha, pp. 190—234 and 235—241, but they cover less than half of the Syriac text, viz., [Syriac] and even here there are considerable differences. For example the fourth act of the Syriac (pp. [Syriac]) is altogether wanting in the Greek; and at page [Syriac] the two texts deviate widely from one another (Compare my translation, p. 173, with that in Clark's Ante-Nicene Christian Library, vol. xvi., p. 408). On the origin and composition of the whole document see the above-mentioned article by Von Gutschmid, pp. 161 and 179. |xiv
Whatever may be the ultimate conclusions to which a careful examination of these Acts may lead biblical and historical critics, I feel almost certain of two things. Firstly, we have here the Syriac version of a Greek text very similar to that from which the Latin translation, which passes under the name of Abdias, was made. Notwithstanding sundry notable differences, the two works are substantially the same, allowance being made for a constant tendency to abridgement on the part of the Latin translator. As examples of such differences I may mention the omission of the third and fourth acts in the Latin, the variations in the account of the examination of S. Thomas by king Mazdai (Fabricius, pp. 714— l ), and the transposition of the prayer of S. Thomas (Fabricius, p. 731). On the other hand, the Syriac text offers us the two hymns of S. Thomas, of which there is not a trace in the Latin redaction.2 Secondly, the Syriac text, even in its present shape, is of great antiquity; I am inclined to think, not later than the fourth century. I ground this opinion on the number of rare and curious words which it contains, some of which are as yet unknown to me and to other scholars, whom I have consulted. Such are [Syriac]. |xv
In preparing the present work for publication, my intentions and methods have been the same as heretofore. I wish to appear simply as an editor and translator, not as a commentator and historical critic. As editor, I have sought to reproduce the text of the manuscripts, to which I had access, as closely and accurately, as possible. Where I have made alterations, they are distinctly noted for the information of the reader. My translation I have striven to make as literal as possible; I am fully aware that it is at times painfully so. I am content, however, like Cureton, to leave my work in this shape. Some one, who wishes to earn a cheap reputation for |xvi scholarship, may perhaps, a few years hence, think it worth his while to issue a new edition of the book; revise my translation and make it read more smoothly, correcting (let us hope) some mistakes whilst he does so; incorporate my notes with his own; and then lay claim to have produced a translation which may fairly be considered as independent",3 and which the more ignorant or careless among his readers will probably assume to be the first English version.4 Such has been the fate of Cureton's "Ancient Syriac Documents" in this country, and such may possibly be the fate of my "Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles."
In conclusion, I have to thank Mr. Bensly of the University Library, Cambridge, Dr. Hoffmann of Göttingen, Professor Dr. Nöldeke of Kiel, and Professor Dr. Sachau of Vienna, for the counsel and assistance which they have given me from time to time. The Dean of Canterbury read the Syriac sheets after they had passed' through the press, and from him I have received many useful notes and observations; whilst Mr. Thompson, the Assistant-keeper of the Manuscripts in the British Museum, has aided me in revising and correcting the proof-sheets of the translation.
To Canon Lightfoot I am indebted in a different way, for it is his liberality alone, which has rendered the publication of this work possible. Being unable to find a publisher for it, I had actually abandoned my design and sent a notice to Leipzig, for insertion in the Journal of the German Oriental Society, offering my materials to any German scholar who would undertake the labour of making a translation. This being accidentally mentioned to Canon Lightfoot, he wrote to me, proposing to defray the whole cost of publication, a generous offer of which I thankfully availed myself. To him, therefore, I dedicate the book, hoping that he may find the result of my labours not wholly unworthy of his acceptance.
W. WRIGHT.
London, nd October, 1871.
[Footnotes moved to the end and numbered. Note that a complete reprint of this book with all notes, page divisions and Syriac text can be bought online by visiting Gorgias Press, (and search on Wright)]
1. a Which I have reproduced, as closely as possible, in my text.
2. a The former of these hymns is a most curious document, and savours rather of Gnosticism or Mandaism than of genuine Christianity. It is certainly wholly out of place in the mouth of the Apostle, and we need not therefore wonder at its absence from the Latin text. The explanation of it I leave to those who are better skilled in the interpretation of such riddles than I am.
3. a See Clark's. Ante-Nicene Christian Library, vol. xx., introductory notice to Syriac Documents etc., p. 3.
4. b See the periodical called "Evangelical Christendom" for July, 1871.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (1871) Volume 2. pp.3-60. The History of John, the son of Zebedee, the Apostle and Evangelist
Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (1871) Volume 2. pp.3-60. The History of John, the son of Zebedee, the Apostle and Evangelist
APOCRYPHAL ACTS OF THE APOSTLES
EDITED FROM SYRIAC MANUSCRIPTS IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM AND OTHER LIBRARIES
BY
W. WRIGHT, LL.D., PH. D.;
PROFESSOR OF ARABIC IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE, AND FELLOW OF
QUEEN'S COLLEGE; CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE BERLIN
ACADEMY OF SCIENCES, ETC., ETC., ETC.
VOL. II.
THE ENGLISH TRANSLATION.
WILLIAMS AND NORGATE,
14, HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDON
AND 20, SOUTH FREDERICK STREET, EDINBURGH.
1871
LONDON:
PRINTED BY GILBERT AND RIVINGTON,
WHITEFRIARS, CITY, E.C., AND ST. JOHN'S SQUARE, CLERKENWELL, E.C.
THE HISTORIES
OF THE
HOLY APOSTLES.
THE HISTORY OF
JOHN, THE SON OF ZEBEDEE
THE APOSTLE AND EVANGELIST.
———————
The history of John, the son of Zebedee, who lay upon the breast of our Lord Jesus at the supper, and said, "Lord, who betrayeth Thee?" This history was composed by Eusebius of Cæsarea concerning S. John, who found it in a Greek book, and it was translated into Syriac, when he had learned concerning his way of life and his birth and his dwelling in the city of Ephesus, after the ascension of our Lord to Heaven. 1
After the ascension of our Lord to Heaven, when the days of Pentecost were fulfilled, and the Paraclete had come to the upper chamber, and all the Apostles were filled with the Spirit of holiness, and were speaking each one of them with a separate tongue — then after (some) days there was the wish to each one of them being full of the Spirit of holiness, that they should go forth to |4 proclaim and preach the truth of the Only-(begotten), the Word God, for the great hearing of the faith, to all nations that are under the heavens. After, then, that Simon Peter had finished his words, they said all of them one to another: " Now that our Lord Jesus has fulfilled all things that are necessary for our feeble race, it is necessary for us too that we should do with diligence all that He commanded us. For He said to us, when He was going up unto Heaven from beside us, as He was blessing us: 'Go forth, teach, and baptize in the name of the Father and the Son and the Spirit of holiness; every one that believes and is baptized shall live.' For us too, then, my brethren, it is necessary to toil and labour throughout the whole world, and to go about in the countries, and to preach, and to teach all those who, in the worshipping of idols and with libations to devils, have kneeled before images, and fallen down (and) worshipped the accursed demons, the children of the left hand; and let us bestow our labour, and let light shine in the ear which the evil one has blinded, and let the father of lying be crushed beneath the feet of us all."
When these words had been spoken among the blessed assembly of the Apostleship, they parted from one another in the body, each of them being full of the Spirit of holiness, who proceeded from the Father and came unto them, as the beloved Son had promised them. |5
Each of them then went to such country and region as he was charged by the grace (of God). And it happened that when this holy virgin, namely John, the son of Zebedee, went forth, the grace (of God) accompanied him, through the Spirit of holiness, that it might lead him to the country of the Ephesians, where the head and power of idolatry was dominant. And when he had parted and gone forth from Jerusalem, he set his face to go to Ephesus. And on the third day after he had set out to proceed upon the journey, he took a cross of wood, and put it up towards the east, and kneeled, and was praying and saying: " Lord Jesus, now that Thy promise is fulfilled, and we have all received of Thy fullness, grant to the garland of Thy disciples, that wherever, Lord, they make mention of Thy birth from the Virgin, and Thy abiding among men, and Thy passion on the Cross, and Thy death and Thy entering within the grave, and Thy resurrection on the third day, and Thy ascension unto Thy Father to Heaven, the feeble race of mankind may be strengthened, which in its infancy the evil one deceived, and took captive, and led them astray to worship idols, and sacrifice to devils, and bow down to senseless stones. Yea, Lord! hear and answer me. Let the devils and the legions of Satan wail, wherever one of us proclaims Thy Gospel; and let the whole assembly of the Apostleship be enriched with the sound of Thy praise thundering in every place. |6 Let the demons tremble at the voices that thunder in the midst of Thy Church; and remember Thy Church, which Thou hast bought with Thy precious blood, which Thy Father hath given that through Her all creation might be atoned for. Thou, Lord, art Light of Light; and because it seemed good unto Thee, in the love of Thy Father, Thou didst walk on earth, and didst humble Thy majesty, that Thou mightest raise us up from the degradation into which the slayer of man had cast us down through his envy. And Thou hast said, and we have heard with our ears of flesh, 'I and My Father are one,' and 'he that hath seen Me, hath seen the Father;' and in this confidence, Lord, my youth beseeches Thee to hear my prayer. For I too trust that I have received the Spirit of holiness with my companions, and of it, lo, have obtained and am full. And whatsoever I ask of Thy Father in Thy name, He will give to me; and nothing shall be too difficult for one of those who believe in Thee, but whatsoever they ask, they shall receive. Yea, Lord! grant me that I may abide in Thy Gospel, and may prosper in all the truth; because I speak the truth, that Thou art from the beginning, the Word that proceeded from the Father; and Thou didst appear to the world in the body (derived) from Adam, from the Virgin Mary, who was preserved in her virginity; and there was not (a time) when the, Father was without Thee, |7 or Thou without Him; and Thou before us hast laid the foundations of the earth; and Thy mercy made Thee bow, and Thou didst enter by the ear of the Virgin, and didst dwell in her nine months, and didst come forth from her, and wast in the world, in contempt and littleness; and Thou didst choose us from the world, that the world might live through our preaching. Now then, Lord, I will go to that place to which Thy heavenly grace hath made me look; and may they be turned, and become (my) disciples, and be baptized in Thy name and in the name of the Father who sent Thee, and receive Thy Spirit of holiness, which has proceeded from Thy Father, and, lo, dwells in us; and may the graven images of error be destroyed; and do Thou build for Thyself in the city of priests churches for Thy glorification, and, in place of the house of altars for the libations of demons, altars for Thy dwelling-places; and may these, who through our means are to take the road and paths to turn unto Thee, make praise ascend unto Thee at all times. Amen."
And when S. John had finished his prayer, our Lord Jesus spake with him. from heaven, and said unto him: " My peace I have given unto thee and have not left thee bereaved. Lo, I am with you unto the end of the world. Be not afraid, son of Zebedee! Go and preach, and take no heed what thou shalt say or what |8 thou shalt speak. But when thou hast converted this city and this country from error, another band too of the disciples, which is labouring in the Gospel, is destined to come and see all that I shall do by thy hands. Go, and tarry not."
And when He had done speaking with him, John arose, and was going on the way confidently, rejoicing in the joy of the Spirit of holiness. He was clothed then after the fashion of the raiment of Palestine, and was walking barefooted, and was going along and preaching in the cities and in the villages concerning our Lord Jesus the Messiah, forty-eight days. Some were saying, "He is a madman;" and others were saying, " No; let him alone; for this (man) has come from a far country, and knows not our mighty gods. But when he has entered in and learned, then he will love them and sacrifice unto them." But many people of Asia heard him gladly, and believed, and thought his preaching true; and he baptized of them in three days about two hundred souls, and made them lay hold on the path of truth.
Then S. John went forth and journeyed to come to the city of the priesthood. And his sustenance was, from the ninth to the ninth hour once, when he had finished his prayer, bread and herbs with a mess of boiled lentils, which he bought for himself (as he went) from town to town, eating, and drinking water only. And he kept |9 himself aloof, that he might not associate with the heathens.
This great and chosen (man), then—as we have found in the books, which are written on paper, in the archives of Nero, the wicked emperor—S. John, then, came and arrived at the city of Ephesus; and he lifted up his eyes and saw, and, lo, a smoke was going up from the midst of the city of Ephesus, for it was a festival of the heathens, and they were sacrificing to the devils. And he stood still and was astonished, saying: "What is this conflagration, which, lo, veils the sun so that it does not shine upon the buildings of the city?" And with terror taking hold on him, he came and reached the southern gate, and lifted up his eyes and saw; and lo, the image of the idol Artemis was standing over the gate, painted by them with paints, with gold laid upon her lips, and a veil of fine linen hanging over her face, and a lamp burning before her. And when S. John looked and saw her, he contemplated her; and sighed, and wept over the city; and he left (the spot), and departed thence to another gate, and saw there the same thing; and he went round and saw thus at all the gates. And at last he came near to the eastern (gate), and said to an old woman, who was standing and worshipping her — he spoke and said to her in the language of the country: "Woman, I see thee, that thou art a woman advanced in years; what is this image that thou art worshipping?" |10
She then said to him: "Dost thou not know, my son, what thou seest? This is our lady, and her image descended from heaven, and she nourishes all flesh." He then, a youth in his body, but exalted above the whole garland of his brethren, the holy virgin John, broke out into anger with her and said: "Hold thy peace, old woman! for thy mind has become enfeebled by sacrifices of unclean things. Talk not to me of the daughter of Satan." But she stooped down, and filled her fists with dust and gravel, and scattered it in his eyes; and he left (her) and departed thence. And he went a little (way) off, and knelt down, and was praying and supplicating. And he placed his face between his knees from the sixth hour to the ninth, and was weeping, groaning and saying: "Lord God, strong and mighty, longsuffering and abounding in grace, Thou art He who from the first didst show Thy longsuffering, for a hundred years, on those (who were) called to repentance of the generation of Noah; but they did not repent, until the flood came and swept away that whole generation. And Thou art He who didst send Thy only-(begotten and) dear Son, that the world might have life through Him; and He came and did good deeds like Thee, because He proceeded from Thee. And Thou art He who, when the people of Israel worshipped the calf, didst find out a reason and didst say to Moses, 'Suffer me to destroy this people,' since it did not honour Thee; for Thou didst wish that it should pray to Thee, because Thou |11 takest great pleasure in the life of men. So also Thy dear Son our Lord Jesus the Messiah, when the Jews took Him to slay Him, prayed and said, 'Forgive them, for they know not what they do.' This mercy, then, which is eternally in Thee, is also found in Thy Son, for Ye are one. Turn, Lord! the heart of these erring ones, who, lo, are shouting and crying out before devils. Thou didst come and slay the evil one; let not his head be lifted up in the assembly of this city; let not be heard the sound of the roaring of the falsehood of the devils. Thou didst die once, and didst raise us to life with Thyself. Dash down Satan, for, lo, he has cast down and brought low the image, that was created in Thy likeness, before the legions of his demons. Let the doomed images be brought into contempt, not of this place only, but of every region through which our preaching runs. Yea, Lord! Thou hast taught us that we should walk in the world humbly and lowlily. Hear the prayer of Thy servant John, and let me enter this city, bearing the sign of Thy Cross; and direct my path to the right hand; and where Thou pleasest, there let be found for me a place in which I can earn my living as a hireling, until, Lord, this city follows (Thee) and confesses Thy name."
And when he had entered by the gate of Ephesus, he looked to the right hand, and saw there a bath, which was built for the washing of the body. And he turned |12 aside thither, and lo, (there was) the man who kept the bath, whose name was Secundus. And S. John spake with him, and said to him in the language of the country: "To thee I say, O man! art thou perchance willing that a stranger should work with thee?" And Secundus, the keeper of the bath, said to him: "How much dost thou require of me by the day?" But S. John said to him: " Whatever thou art willing to give, give." And he fixed for him a hundred shamūnē by the day, and accepted him (as a servant); and he let him come in to work at his trade with him, and he fetched faggots for those who kindled the bath; and he was with him forty days, receiving his wages day by day.
And Secundus the bath-keeper answered and said to the holy man: "I wish to know what thou dost with thy wages; for, lo, all these days thou hast not bought for thyself either shoe or coat. Tell me, if it be enough; and if not, deposit thy wages in my hands, and I will buy for thee whatsoever thou requirest; for thou art a stranger, and hast no kindred here." But S. John said to Secundus the bath-keeper: "I have a Master, and He has ordered me and the disciples my fellows, that none (of us) should possess gold or silver or brass in a purse, or two coats; and I cannot despise his command, otherwise He would be wroth with me." Secundus says to him: " Who is this master of |13 thine? and what is his name? It is fitting that thou shouldst let me know, lest he come and assail me, and, it he be a hard man, give me up (to the magistrates) and put me to great losses; for it is an odious thing, and abominable in the eye of the law, for a man to accept (one as) a servant without his master's consent." And S. John answered and said to Secundus the bath-keeper: "Fear not, Secundus, thou son of free parents! for my Master will not be angry with thee, because He sent me and directed me to thee." Secundus says: "But why didst thou not tell me until to-day that thou wast a slave and hadst a master?" And S. John said to him: "My Master is in Heaven, and all that He wills, He does, on earth and in the seas and in all the deeps; and at His beck everything was made, which is visible and which is invisible; and He established all created things, and made the lights in the firmament of heaven; and then He made man in His image. And when Satan came with his envy, and counselled Eve, and she hearkened to his words and made Adam sin and he transgressed His command, they went forth from Paradise, and became fugitives, and tilled the ground, and multiplied and increased and filled the earth. And Satan went about and plotted, and filled all mankind with the love of idols and (made them) sacrifice to devils, and bow down to the work of their hands, and caused them to forget |14 the Creator, and to reverence those who are not gods. But the good Lord had patience with them until (the time of) his lover Noah; and He made him a preacher for Him for a hundred years, whilst he was making for himself the ark, that they might see and repent and be turned away from the wickedness of their deeds. And when they despised our Creator, His wrath went up, and He sent the waters of the flood and swept them all away. And after the waters of the flood were restrained, the world was established through Noah, and the generations came in succession, and the world was populated at the beck of the Creator; and the minds of men were inclined to do evil and wickedness, and to turn from the living God; but the mercy of the Creator of men was made manifest, and He had compassion upon all the degradation of this feeble race of ours, and He sent the prophets to proclaim His truth, but they did not choose to hear them, and some they beat and some they stoned. But in this time, which is the last, the one beloved Son, His only-(begotten), who was to Him from the time that He was,—Him He sent, and He entered by the ear of the woman, and dwelt in her nine months, without quitting Him who sent Him; and the heights and depths were full of Him, and were ruled by Him by the will of His Father. And when the nine months were fulfilled, He came forth from the woman, the Word that became flesh, and her virginity remained immaculate for ever. And He grew up in the body among men, and walked among men as a man, He the Word God, apart from sin. |15 And He grew up to the full age of thirty years, and chose for Himself disciples, and they clave unto Him whilst he sojourned in the desert. And He made wine out of water at Cana at the feast; and bread was wanting, and he satisfied four thousand men, besides women and children, with five loaves of barleymeal, and they ate and left (some) over, and carried and conveyed to their homes as much as they were able. And again, another time, He satisfied thousands in the desert, after He had healed their lame and sick, and opened (the eyes of) the blind, and some of them are abiding until now; and He made the deaf hear, and cleansed the lepers, and raised the daughter of Jairus, the chief of the synagogue, after she was dead, and, lo, she abideth, with her father, in Decapolis, and if thou choosest to go, thou mayest learn (it) from her. And (He delivered from death) the son of the widow of Nain, as they were going to bury him, and Lazarus, after they had laid him in the grave four days. Many such things mayest thou hear, if thou wilt give me thine ear, and believe, and become His servant, Secundus. And after thirty-two years, after the thirty-third had commenced, the people of the Jews hated Him and detested His good works, as they had rejected His Father and made for themselves a calf at Horeb. And they delivered Him unto Pilate the hěgemon, and scourged Him, and stripped Him of His garments, and mocked Him, and spat in His face, and wove |16 a crown of thorns, and placed it on His head, and crucified Him upon the tree, and gave Him vinegar and gall to drink, and smote Him with a spear in His side and He cried out with a loud voice on the Cross, ('My Father, forgive them'). And when the preaching of the prophets was accomplished, the sun was darkened from the sixth to the ninth hour, and there was darkness over the whole earth on the Friday; and the veil of the temple was rent; and the boulders and rocks, which blocked up the entrances of the tombs around Jerusalem, were split, and the dead came forth and entered into the city, crying out aloud; and they came and worshipped Him as He hung on the tree, and many of them are (still) alive. And they took Him down from the tree, and a man full of the truth, Joseph the councillor, wrapped Him in a swathe of linen, and laid Him in the tomb; and on the third day He rose from the grave, and we saw Him, and He spake with us, and we ate bread with Him and we felt Him, and believed and declared (it) true, that He is the "Word which became flesh and dwelt among us. And He ascended into Heaven, and is seated at the right hand of His Father, and He has given us power to give life and blessings to every one who believes in His name. And He said to us: 'Go forth, |17 and teach, and baptize them in the name of the Father and the Son and the Spirit of holiness; everyone who believes and is baptized, shall live.' And now I beseech thee, Secundus,— for I have proved thee during these days, that thou art not a blasphemer, but art full of good deeds and love of strangers — receive what I have spoken before thee, and count me not a deceiver, but, if thou wilt, come with me to the country of Galilee, and I will show thee (some) of the dead and the blind and the hunch-backed and the palsied and the lepers, whom He cleansed and healed and raised, for they are alive. But if thou dost not choose to come and (yet) believest, thou art greater than I, who have seen Him and have been with Him, for thou wilt believe in Him that He is God who did these things, and He will convert thee and make thee white and pure from the stench of unclean sacrifices. Yea, my brother! set my mind at ease, and thy dwelling shall be blessed, and thou shalt be recognised before Him in the new world."
And Secundus the bath-keeper was sitting (still), and astonished and wondering at what he was hearing from John; and he began to say to him: "Wonderful is what thou hast spoken unto me and verging on marvel; for even though He be not God and did not descend from Heaven, it is fitting that He should be believed in and should be called God, because He came forth from the womb and did not destroy (His mother's) virginity |18 when He came forth; and it is a very deplorable thing, if one does not hold it true that He is God, who raised the dead, and He is the Creator, who made wine out of water; and He has power over our frame, and because of this He opened and healed and cleansed. This one, then, is fitting to be called God, and not yon one, to whom, lo, for sixty years, more or less, I have been paying vows and libations, and she has not opened the eye of my son which was blind. But now, my son John, let this secret be kept which we have spoken, and let it not be revealed until the time that its Lord wishes to reveal it, especially as thou art a stranger, lest it be heard regarding thee that thou dost not worship Artemis, and they burn thee. Now, then, I have assented to, and believed, and hold to be true, all that thou hast said; and do thou be persuaded by me, and take upon thee the management of this bath, and let thine eyes be upon the servants, and do thou have control over the income and over all the outlay." But John said to him: "It becometh me not to eat without working;" and Secundus said to him: "Thy labour is harder than that of him who works.'' Then the holy (man) yielded to him, and took upon him to receive the incomings of the bath and to give a reckoning from morning to morning.
Secundus, then, was amazed, he and his household, how much the receipts of the bath increased during these days, which were twenty-two days (in number); and he used to get up very early, and go down and speak to |19 the holy (man) and ask him: "How is it possible to make me thy associate?" But John said: "After He has opened thy son's eye, that he may be baptized."
And on the twenty-fifth day, (when) the time of an hour of the day (was past), a procurator's son, whose name was Menelaus, and his father's Tyrannus, came and constrained the holy (man) that the bath should be closed and got ready. But it was not known to the holy (man) that any one was going into the bath with him. And the holy (man) gave orders, and the bath was got ready; and this Menelaus came to bathe, and took with him into the bath a harlot, and was with her in the bath. And when he came out from his bath, John arose and said to him: "Hither come not thou again, because thou hast done a great disgrace to this person of thine, which is created in the image of God, in that thou hast gone in with a harlot, and not been ashamed that thou hast seen her shame and she thine." And Menelaus was enraged with the holy (man) and struck him. And S. John said to him: "If thou comest hither, thou shalt not depart hence."
And after two days, he sent two of his servants to get ready the bath. And when the bath was ready, he came to bathe, and brought the former harlot along with him. But S. John, by the agency of God our Lord, had gone out to look after those who kindled (the bath). And when he came, he asked: "Why is the door of the bath closed?" They say unto him: "Menelaus, the |20 procurator's son, is within." But when the holy (man) heard that he was within, and that the harlot was with him, he was grieved, and sighed, and was troubled. And he waited till both of them came out; and he did not look at them till they had put on their clothes. And when they were dressed after their bath, he turned and looked at them, and said to the youth: "To thee I say, may Jesus rebuke thee, whom the Jews crucified on the tree, and He died, and rose after three days, and He is God, and He ascended to Heaven, and is at the right hand of His Father; but thou shalt drop down and die on the spot." And straightway the Angel of the Lord smote him, and he died on the spot. And he was lying (there), and S. John was sitting beside him; and straightway the harlot went forth with a great outcry, with her hands placed on her head. And when they heard it around the bath, they came and saw with fear that the young man was dead and lying (there), and the holy (man) sitting beside him. And they looked on his face and perceived that it was Menelaus, the procurator's son; and lamentation and wailing ran through that whole street. And it was dinner-time, and his father was seated (at table), and expecting him to come up and dine with him. And they came in and said to him: "Lo, thy only son is dead and lying in the bath."
And Tyrannus arose in haste, and cast ashes on his head, and rent his garments; and he made great haste coming to the bath to his son, and a great multitude with him. And he came, and went in, and saw his son dead and lying (there), and S. John sitting beside him; and they |21 seized hold on John, and laid fetters on his hands and feet, and thick collars on his neck. But the father of the youth was crying with a great outcry; and he commanded, and they stripped John, that they might see what he had on. And when they had taken off his coat and the worn-out shirt which he had on, they found on him a cross, which was suspended to his neck, and it was of wood. And the procurator, the father of the young man, commanded that they should take it away; and when they stretched out their hands to take it away, it had four tongues of fire, and they burned the hands of those who came near it. And the whole multitude cried out: "This man is a wizard; let this man be kept to-day in custody and be examined, (to see) how many companions he has." And the procurator commanded that S. John should be dragged away till he entered the prison house, whilst the youth his son was being buried. But S. John cried out, "The youth is not dead;" and his father gave orders, and they lifted him up and turned him over, and he placed his mouth against his, and he was like a stone without sensation. But the holy (man) said, "He is not dead," solely that they might see that he was already dead. And the holy (man) said unto them: "If he be dead, I will bring him to life." And whilst they were dragging away S. John that he might go to prison, Secundus the bath-keeper was standing by and weeping passionately |22 with sobs among the crowd. And S. John was begging of Tyrannus that they might call Secundus the bath-keeper; and the procurator ordered, and they laid hold of Secundus and brought him in to him. And Secundus was weeping for John's sake, for he imagined that John would be put to death; but the father of the youth thought that he was weeping for the youth. And the holy (man), being bound, answered and said to Secundus: "Fear not, Secundus! and be not grieved; to-day it is the will of the Spirit of holiness to make manifest the truth."
And the crowd was great and agitated. And S. John begged the procurator to order the crowd to be silent; and he ordered and the crowd was quiet. And S. John stood up, and cried with a loud voice and said: "To thee I say, (thou) youth Menelaus, in the name of Jesus the Messiah, (who is) God, whom the Jews crucified and killed in Jerusalem, and He died and was buried and rose after three days, and, lo, is above in Heaven at the right hand of His Father,—rise." And straightway he sprang up and arose; and the whole populace of the city marvelled. And the youth fell on his face before S. John, and saw the collars that were laid on his neck and the cord that bound his hands and feet; and the youth loosened them, and kissed S. John's toes. And the youth drew nigh, and stood on a place that was elevated, and beckoned with his hand, and began to tell from the |23 commencement, how he had come to the bath, and all that had happened; and he told with a loud voice before the people, how he had committed fornication with the harlot, and how the holy (man) had bidden him not to come (again). And they began to cry out, "What did he do to thee that thou didst die?" He says to them: "Thus he said to me: 'May the Lord Jesus rebuke thee, whom the Jews crucified in Jerusalem, and He died and was buried, and rose after three days, and ascended to Heaven, and sat down at the right hand of His Father;' and straightway the angel smote me and I fell down. And he took out and carried away my soul, and brought me nigh, and I saw the glory (of God) and a dreadful sight, which one of mankind is not able to narrate, such as I have seen; yet a little out of much, if this (man) who is standing before you bids me, will I tell."
And straightway the father of the youth fell upon his face before John, and said to him: "I beg of thee, sir, permit the youth to speak, and be not angry with him." And the holy (man) made a sign to the youth to speak; and the youth answered and said:
"I saw the chariot of the cherubim, (and) seraphim without number, who had wings, and they were covering their faces that they might not look upon the Creator, and were crying, 'Holy, holy, holy (is) the Lord Almighty, of whose praises Heaven and earth are full.' And I saw twelve men in one band, and in another seventy-two, and I counted them; and they were standing with their heads uplifted to heaven. And a right hand was stretched out from between the cherubim, like fire, and it commanded |24 them in a low and gentle voice: 'Go forth, teach, and baptize in the name of the Father and the Son and the Spirit of holiness; every one who believes and is baptized, shall live.' And I trembled; and being afraid, I drew near to the great troop of seventy-two, and was also entreating them to tell me, who this is; and they answered and said to me: 'This is the Son of God, whom the Jews crucified in Jerusalem; all this, my son, whatever thou seest, is dependent upon and subsists by His nod, and He upholds all the arrangements of the upper world, and by His power subsist all the creatures of the lower worlds; because He is the Power and the Wisdom of the Father, and He sent Him to deliver all those who cleave unto and take refuge with Him; and He draws and brings unto His Father all who believe in Him; and He it is who acknowledged, whilst walking on the earth, 'I am the living bread, who am come down from Heaven, and every one who eats of my body, shall live.' And when I had observed His true aspect, I looked upon the band of twelve, and saw this man there, who, lo, is standing before you, clad in glorious white robes, and standing at the head of the band of twelve, beside an old man; and the eyes of those eleven were looking upon him lovingly, as if he were offering some petition on their behalf, but his eyes were raised aloft, and he was weeping. And the old man drew nearand asked him, 'My son, why weepest thou and prayest thus?' |25 And I had learned, when I asked the band of seventy, that Simon was the name of the old man. And S. John complied with the wish of Simon and said to him: 'Because of the error of the city of Ephesus I am weeping, for lo, it is bound down, and its children, and worships the devils who dwell in the doomed images.' And I saw a gentle voice, which made a sign to him with the finger, (saying:) 'Go; all that thou hast prayed before me, shall happen.' And whilst trembling, I noticed him, that it was this man against whom I rose up to kill him in the bath, because he hindered me from fornication. And whilst I was marvelling at these many evidences, my soul heard his voice and came and lived; and lo, I stand before you. And now therefore, lo, I beseech him to let me draw nigh to the living sign, and to make me his disciple. And ye who have seen this wonder, do ye turn from error, and despise the images, and let us become disciples of His, and let us save our souls alive, and not destroy them with our own hands; and when He has consecrated us, then let us confess and worship Him, believing in the Father and the Son and the Spirit of holiness, now, and at all times, and for ever and ever, Amen."
And a great multitude had come and was assembled there; and they went forth unto them outside of the bath, the father of the youth holding (the hand of) the holy (man). And the youth was coming, with his hands |26 lifted up to Heaven. And they came and arrived at the great square in the midst of the city, and the whole city was assembled; and it was the ninth hour. And the whole city was agitated, men and women and children. And the priests, when they saw the sign that had taken place, and the youth standing up and become a preacher of the Gospel, said: "This is one of the race of our lady Artemis." But S. John was crying out: "I am a man subject to passions, and the Lord Jesus hath chosen me, the Son of God, who came down from Heaven, and entered by the ear of the Virgin, and dwelt in her womb nine months, and came forth from her without destroying her virginity, and lived in the world as a man, apart from sin, whilst He was God like His Father; and the Jews took Him, and crucified Him upon the tree in Jerusalem; and He died, and was buried, and rose after three days, and ascended to Heaven, and is seated at the right hand of His Father."
And when the procurator, the father of the youth, heard these things, he fell down on his face before the feet of the holy (man), and all the chief men of the city, from the ninth to the eleventh hour. And they were astonished, men and women, at these things; and the half of the crowd were crying out: "Verily, great is this mystery, and Jesus ought to be worshipped, for He is God." Others were saying, "Artemis ought to be worshipped." These, then, who were held worthy to believe, with their daughters and sons, were about |27 36,706 souls, on that afternoon, who were numbered in the evening and their number was given to the procurator. And when there was a great crush and tumult, and the day was on the wane, John encouraged the procurator to stand up, saying to him: "Arise, thou pleasant tree, that yields early fruit, whose smell is sweet and its odour diffused by the Gospel. Arise, my brother! and bid thy nobles arise with thee. Arise, and thy head shall be lifted up, and not sink again. Do not worship me, who am a slave, made and created; but worship and praise Him, who formed us and created us." And all the nobles lifted up their heads, kneeling upon their knees, and looked on the holy (man), and saw his face like light; and they bowed down their faces to the ground, being afraid, for they thought that at that time their lives would perish from among the sons of men. And being afraid, they lifted up their voices, crying out: "Verily, great is this God, who is newly preached in this our city; and these are (things) made and are not gods; and we are the servants of This (One), and will not again be perverted so as to bow down our head before idols which have not profited us and will not profit us We beg of thee, thou who art His servant, bring us near before Him, and let us know His ways, and make us look on His paths, for the good servant, who loves his master, knows to work his pleasure, and his master too hears him."
And the holy (man), when he heard these things, was |28 rejoicing in the Spirit of holiness. And he stretched out his hands to them, and made them rise, and said to them: "Peace be unto you, little flock, for your Father has willed to give unto you the kingdom which is reserved for His friends. Arise, new congregation, which has assembled to-day to hear the Gospel of Jesus, the Son of God. I beg of you, my brethren, salute one another with a holy kiss, because the time is short, and the sun has finished his course, which he was commanded by This (One), whom I preach unto you, to run; and especially too, because there are here persons, who have not yet tasted bread or water." But they were crying with a loud voice: " Sweeter far are Thy words to the roof of my palate than honey to the mouth; for verily we are hungry and thirsty, and we receive nourishment from thy pleasant word." But S. John besought the procurator that the crowd should be dismissed, praying in his heart with sighs and saying: "Lord Jesus, grant concord to our congregation; and let Satan be driven out, that he may not cast discord or sedition into this city, and people die (thereby)."
And the procurator arose and beckoned with his hand that they should be quiet. And when they were still, he began to speak with them, and answered and said: "My brethren and children and friends, if it be pleasing unto you, let us depart at this time from one another; and to-morrow morning I wish that you should assemble |29 at the theatre; and whatever is the will of the Spirit, which we have heard from the mouth of this man, we will do. For this is fitting for us, that all night each man in his house should offer up prayer and entreaty before our Lord, who is in Heaven and brings us nigh unto His Father, on account of our sins, because we have let our feet go astray from His way. If He willeth to mingle us with the bands of those that praise Him, (it is well); and if not, he will (yet) deliver us from the fire that is laid up for the worshippers of idols."
And when the clerk had finished this proclamation, the whole multitude cried out with a loud voice: "Peace be unto thee, thou wise ruler! peace be unto thee, thou wise chief! Peace be unto thee, thou goat, that hast entered (into the fold) and become a lamb! Thou hast shown to-day thy love to us; to-day thou hast become a true chief unto us, and hast given us counsel that we might live and not die."
And when they had finished their outcry, after the nobles had quieted them, the multitude dispersed, and began to go away rejoicing. And the priests of Artemis assembled, and blew horns and lighted lamps; and the |30 gates of the temple were opened; and all the people of Ephesus ran to the temple, as was their custom. And the procurator was enraged, and wished, he and the nobles, to send and massacre the priests, because they had made an assembly without their order. But S. John threw himself upon his face and besought them, (saying): "Whosoever keeps my word and loves our Lord Jesus, let him not go and injure them there, because they too, through your prayers, shall draw nigh unto the mystery of life, and become brethren of ours." And then they obeyed the holy (man).
And some of the nobles, whose names were Antoninus, Marcellus, Epiphanius, and Fortunatus, gave orders, and their slaves ran and brought a hundred and fifty lamps of papyrus to give light, and said by way of petition to the procurator: "It beseems us not to go away this whole night, lest the city be set on fire by the hands of the worshippers of idols, and they be saying, 'Because they forsook the fear of Artemis, fire has fallen in their houses,' and they blame Artemis, whilst she (really) can do nothing; and especially, that there may be no murders."
And when the multitude heard these things, they took S. John upon their shoulders, and ran; and from their joy they did not know what they were crying out. And the foremost ran (and) opened the doors of the theatre; and the procurator and his nobles went in with great pomp. And they ran to spread (carpets) and arrange |31 (a seat) for him, according to custom. And the procurator said: "It is not fitting for me any longer to sit upon the throne; take (it) away from here." And the whole multitude came into the theatre and there was a great tumult. And the sun was set about two hours. And some of the councillors of the procurator besought of him that a thousand men might go out, and perambulate the city, and keep watch till dawn, that no harm might happen, since S. John had begged that no one should be killed; " and if they catch any man, let them say to him: 'There are two watches in the city, one made by Satan in the temple of Artemis, and one made by our Lord Jesus in the theatre; to whichsoever thou choosest to go, go.'" And when the multitude heard these things, they were glad, and stretched out their hands to Heaven, saying: "Glory to Thee, Creator of Heaven and earth, and of night and day." And the procurator commanded, beckoning to them with his hand, that they should be quiet, and said to them: "Let not our assembly become uproarious and tumultuous, but let us be still, and hear the word of life, and see by what we live." And he commanded, and they brought S. John to the highest row (of seats), and the nobles sat beneath his feet. And the procurator was standing, and did not wish to sit down, saying: "I beg of you that I may stand, that, if there be a man who is weak in his body, I may go over and awaken him that he slumber not." And he could hardly be persuaded |32 to sit down. And when he had sat down, there was a great silence.
And when they were quiet, S. John sprang up, and stood, and beckoned to them with his hand to keep silence; and brought out the cross that was on neck, and looked upon it, and laid it on his eyes, and kissed it. And after he had wept, he stretched out hi right hand, and signed with it the whole assembly, and placed it on the highest row (of seats), which was the most eastern of all, and had lamps placed before it And they cried with a loud voice and said: "Thou servant of Jesus, declare unto us, what this is that thou hast done unto us." And the holy (man) beckoned unto them, and they were silent; and he began to speak and; said: "Beloved children, whom the Gospel hath won, this is the Cross of the Son of God, who was eternally with His Father, and He made these heavens and these stars that are arrayed in them, and on Him depend all His creatures. And I have made this Cross a bulwark for you, that Satan may not come, and assemble his demons, and make sleep enter into you or heedlessness of mind." And they cried out: "To us this night is day, for now life is come nigh unto us." And they quieted one another. And when they were quiet, all the people ran; and when they had run, they turned their backs to the west, and fell down on their faces before the cross to the east, and were weeping and saying: " We worship Thee, Son of God, who wast suspended on the tree." And the procurator was lying prostrate before the cross |33 and he went (and) stood in front, and said: " We worship Thee, Father and Son and Spirit of Holiness, for ever, Amen." And they all answered, "Amen."
And they were saying to John: "By our Lord Jesus (we conjure thee), inform us how the Son of God came, and let us know, if we are drawing nigh unto Him, and if He will forgive us all the sacrifices and libations with which we have polluted ourselves." And the holy (man) stood up on the highest row (of seats), and began to speak with them, being full of the Spirit of holiness, and he made known unto them all the ordering of creation, and that the Son of God was with the Father from the beginning, and was not parted nor far away from Him, and that without Him nothing came into being (of) all that is in heaven and in earth, (of) all things visible and invisible. And being full of the Spirit of holiness, he was narrating before them from the Torah and the Prophets, and how God had compassion upon the body of the human race, which was taken in sin, and sent His only Son and He came, and entered by the ear of the Virgin Mary, and dwelt in her womb nine months, and from her was clothed with the body, whilst the height and depth were full of Him, and there was no place in which He was not; and whilst forming children in the wombs (of their mothers), He was with His Father; and when the nine months were fulfilled, He came forth from the womb of the woman, whilst she remained a Virgin, and her virginity was not destroyed but remains |34 for ever; and He grew tip as a man, He the Great One, who became small because He willed (it so); and when thirty years were fulfilled, He came to the Jordan for baptism, and was baptized by John, the son of Zacharias, who was His servant; and when this "Jesus was baptized and multitudes surrounded Him, the Heavens were rent, and His Father cried out over Him, and pointed Him out with the finger, (saying:) ' This is my beloved Son, in whom I take pleasure; hear ye Him.' And straightway He came up out of the water, and multitudes (were) around Him; and He, the Hidden One, who came into the world, began to perform those miracles, which He used to do secretly, so as to do them openly; for He was invited to a wedding-feast, and the wine ran short, and the bridegroom had none; and he commanded the groomsmen and the attendants to draw water and pour it into large jars, which were there. And when the attendants had filled out the water, He made a sign and looked upon the water, and it was blessed and transformed and became pleasant and sweet wine. And they all drank and were pleased; and I drank of it. And when He was teaching in the desert, and the day inclined to its close, after the sick had been healed, and the lepers cleansed, and the lamed walked, and (the eyes of) the blind were opened, those who had been healed were hungry; and the time was short, and there was no bread but three cakes of barleymeal. And |35 He commanded the multitude to sit down; and He gave orders, and they brought to Him these cakes; and He looked up to heaven, and blessed, and brake, and gave to them, and they ate, and left (some) over, and were satisfied. And those who ate and were satisfied, and carried (some) away, and went to their homes, were four thousand (men), besides women and children. And He sent us away, that we might go into a ship and sail on the sea, and He stayed behind on the dry land. And when the sun had set and it was dark, the sea arose against us, and we were tossed about all night. And in the fourth watch of the night, this Jesus, whom I preach unto you, came unto us walking on the sea, and we were afraid; and when one of the disciples, my companions, saw (this), he said to Him: 'Lord, if it be Thou, command me to come unto Thee upon the water.' And Jesus said unto him, 'Come.' And he walked and came unto Him. And our Lord Jesus came and entered into the ship, and there was a great calm. And these multitudes were astonished and said: 'Who is this, pray, that He commands the winds and the sea and they obey Him?' And when Jesus came to the land of the Gadarenes, they brought unto Him all those who were grievously afflicted with various diseases, and madmen, and paralytics, and lunatics, and the lame; and He healed them all. And now, |36 my brethren, there cannot be numbered or counted the cures and the miracles which this Jesus did, who is the Son of God. For just as He was seen bodily in this world He was doing these works also when He was concealed in His Father eternally. He appeared in the flesh from the Virgin, and wrought these signs openly that by them He might convict Satan, the father of falsehood and condemn him, and show the whole race of mankind, that every one who is drawn and comes unto Him He brings him near unto the Father who sent Him, and He does works like these. For He and His Father are one; and because the Father loved the world, He gave Him to the Cross, and He died for us and gave us life, and we live with Him, and every one who believes in Him, abides in Him. And as to what ye have asked of me and said unto me, 'If our iniquity will be forgiven us, and our sacrifices and our libations, and our impurity and our uncleanness, if we draw nigh unto Him,'— lo, I say unto you, if ye believe in Jesus, and resolve in your minds that ye will not again be mixed up with libations and the impurity of idols, and no man of you change (his mind), and ye do not worship the work of men's hands, but believe in the Father and the Son and in the Spirit of holiness, I will do what He said unto us and commanded us, when He was ascending to Heaven to His Father; and I will cry unto Him, He will blot out your sins, and forgive your faults, and make white your stains; and I will anoint and soften |37 with oil your knees, which you have bent, and the evil one, our enemy, has lacerated them, making them bend before his idols, which have been made by him a dwelling place for his devils; and I will sign for you with His Cross, which is the sign of life, the head which He has bowed down to the ground, and (which) is glad that it is bowed down, because it is created in the likeness of Him who created it; and I will place a seal upon your foreheads, that when he sees that ye are the asylum of this Lord, he may flee and say: 'These were my kids, and were joined unto me that they might become big he-goats, and might butt with their horns all armies; but now the Son of the Father, who bowed Himself down and became flesh from the Virgin, has taken them and made white their colour, which was (the colour of) the darkness in which I am shut up; and He has made them new lambs, and lo, they dwell with Him.' And this mouth of yours, which was fed fat at the table of bitter herbs,— and lo, the deceiver is proud, because he thinks that he has made you food for the serpent, I will open it, and place in it the living bread, which is the body of God, and gives life to every one who believes in Him; and I will make you swallow the blood of the Son of God, which was rent on Golgotha with the spear, of this Jesus, whom, lo, I preach unto you, who, even when ye are dead, is buried with you, and His body and His blood remain in your flesh, and He will raise you up |38 and ye shall arise. Through this body ye shall come without corruption, and not to the fire or the torment, and ye shall not see the worm that dies not, because ye have believed in the name of the Only (-begotten), that He is the Son of God, and in truth He is the Life-giver of the world."
And after these things, the whole assembly in the theatre cried out and said: "We beg of Thee, servant of the living God, do what thou pleasest, and let us participate in the living Mystery, that we may live and not die; and this in haste."
And the holy (man) commanded the procurator that he should have a place (made) in one of the corners of the theatre; and the stone-cutters came, and set to work in that very hour, and made (a place) like a cistern, and turned the water-pipe, which went into the theatre, into the cistern, and the water came and the cistern was filled. And it was spacious on every side, twelve cubits in length and twelve cubits in breadth, and it was two and a half cubits deep.
And the holy (man) besought the procurator to command and let fine, scented oil come, seventy pints. And he commanded, and it came, and a vat was filled with it. And the holy (man) drew nigh, and kneeled down, and looked up to heaven, and cried out in the midst of the theatre: " Holy is the Father and the Son and the Spirit of holiness for ever, Amen." And the whole assembly answered, "Amen." Then John made the sign of the |39 Cross over the oil, and said with a loud voice: "Glory be to the Father and to the Son and to the Spirit of holiness for ever, Amen." And again the third time he said: " Holy is the Father and the Son and the Spirit of holiness, Amen." And straightway fire blazed forth over the oil, and the oil did not take fire, for two angels had their wings spread over the oil and were crying, "Holy, holy, holy, Lord Almighty."
And the people, when they saw these things, were afraid with a great fear, and fell on their faces, and were worshipping to the east. And when the oil was consecrated, then the holy (man) drew near to the water, and signed it, and said: "In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Spirit of holiness, for ever, Amen." And the whole people cried, "Amen." And straightway these two angels came and hovered over the water, and were crying, "Holy, holy, holy, Father and Son and Spirit of holiness," after him. And S. John cried after them, "Amen."
And John answered and said to the whole assembly: "Arise in the power of God!" And they all arose with fear, and their hands were stretched out to Heaven, and they were crying out, saying: "Great is this mystery! We believe in the Father and in the Son and in the Spirit of holiness." And it was about the eighth hour of the night. Then the procurator drew near, and fell on his face before John, and said to him: "What is it |40 necessary for us to do?" And S. John said to him: "Strip off thy garments from thee." And when he had stripped, the holy (man) drew nigh, and took oil in his hand, and made him a cross on his forehead, and anointed his whole body, and brought him nigh to the cistern, and said to him: "Descend, my brother! who art become a new firstling, which enters in at the head of the flock into the fold of the owner of the sheep. Descend, my brother! for the lambs are looking at thee, and running that they may go down, and become white, and get a new fair fleece, instead of that which is rent by ravening wolves." The procurator says: "What must I say, and then descend?" John says to him: "According as thou hast seen, and found true, and believed." And the crowd was silent, as if there was not a man there, that they might see what the procurator and John would say. And the procurator stretched out his hands to Heaven, and cried out, weeping and saying: "I believe in the Father and in the Son and in the Spirit of holiness;" and he leapt down into the font. Then the holy man drew near, and placed his hand on the head of the procurator, and dipped him once, crying out, "In the name of the Father;" and the second time, "In the name of the Son;" and the third time, "In the name of the Spirit of holiness." And when he had come up out of the water, then he clothed him in white garments, and gave him the (kiss of) peace, and said to him: "Peace be unto thee, thou new bridegroom, |41 who hadst grown old and effete in sin, and, lo, to-day art become a youth, and thy name has been written in Heaven."
Then the whole multitude was agitated, and hastened eagerly (to try) which should run down into the font. And all the chiefs were standing around the font; and they signed to the crowd with their hands to be silent. And the whole crowd were crying out, saying with simplicity: "Brethren and fathers, let us run and anoint ourselves with this holy oil, and bathe in this water, and become white, lest perchance either the water become exhausted, or the oil run short."
Then the holy (man) cried out to them and said: "Be quiet, blessed flock, for your Father, who is in Heaven, has willed to give unto you His kingdom, because ye have believed in His beloved Son." They then straightway were quiet. Then the holy (man) drew near and said to the procurator: "Come, sit down on the fair upper row (of seats); for to-day it is fitting that thou shouldst be honoured, for there is joy in Heaven on thy account." And they spread cushions for him and he sat down.
Then he made a sign unto them with his hand to be silent. And when they were silent, then he began to speak with them, saying: "Verily today life has come nigh unto us. Now then, if this holy (man) gives me leave, I will speak." Then the whole crowd cried out to John and said: "In the name of Jesus, bid him speak." And John said to him: "Speak, my lord, whatever thou pleasest." |42
Then the procurator said: "Hearken, my brethren! When I was (first) dipped, I opened my eyes and saw, not that I was going down, but that I was going up to Heaven. And the second time, I looked and opened my eyes, and saw a right hand holding a reed and writing. And the third time, I heard a voice saying: 'The sinner, the sheep which was lost, is found; let him come in.' "
And S. John straightway clasped his hands tightly behind him, and threw himself on his face before the cross, and cried out: "Glory be unto Thee, Maker of all creatures, who hast sent Thy beloved Son, and He walked upon earth, and gave us power to go forth (and) preach His gospel in the world, and turn the erring to repentance.'' Then he spoke to the nobles, and they took off their garments, and he drew nigh (and) anointed them, and baptized them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Spirit of holiness. And when they were baptized, then he baptized the whole crowd, from the eighth hour (of the night) until the sun rose. And a great multitude assembled and came; and when it was morning, they ran and brought their children, and the holy (man) was giving them baptism till the fifth hour. And those who received baptism were, souls. Then the whole multitude departed for that day.
And the procurator took the holy (man) to his house, and they were rejoicing and glad; and he was in his |43 house three days. But on the third day the holy (man) begged that they would let him go (and) dwell in one of the mountains. And he sent and assembled all his free men, and they were beseeching John to remain in the palace; but he was unwilling to be persuaded, for he said: "I must wander about through all Asia, and also in the country of Phrygia." And when he saw that they were distressed and were weeping, he said to them: "If it were the will of the Spirit of holiness that I should go, ye should not be distressed; but now I will remain and abide with you. Let us go out then, and go about through the whole city, and I will look where it is fitting for me to dwell, for the Apostles my fellows are coming unto me.'' And these words seemed good unto them; and the procurator took his seat with pomp, and all his nobles were going before him. And whilst they were going round, the holy (man) said: "I beseech you, my brethren, to show me the temple of these erring ones." And the procurator came with his retinue to the temple of Artemis, and they were wishing to slay the priests and to burn her temple with fire. But John was beseeching (them) that no man should be slain, saying: "These will come and turn to the knowledge of the truth; let us not destroy them with the sword." And when the holy (man) came and saw them and the temple of folly, there was there a place which was elevated; and he saw that place, and said: "I wish to dwell here." And the procurator and the nobles commanded (them) to |44 make a palace for him there. But he said: "No, by the Lord Jesus; if ye build anything, I will not dwell in it and I wish for nothing but a hut alone." And, straightway they brought (materials) and made for him a hut, which was above the temple, and he was sitting under it. And when he had sat there a long, time, there were assembling unto him all those who believed in Jesus the Messiah our Lord, and were being baptized; and he was communicating unto them the body and blood of Jesus. And there was a hut above, the temple of Artemis; and the holy (man) was sitting, and beholding the uncleanness which took place there.
And after three months and ten days, the priests were assembled, and went round (and) informed the congregation of the heathens, (saying): "We must celebrate a festival to our goddess; but let every man prepare whatever he can, both oxen and sheep, and let us sacrifice (them), and see why our goddess is angry with us." Then the heathens were assembled, and prepared and made a feast, and sacrificed unclean sacrifices. And when they were assembled, John was standing above in the hut and looking at everything that took place. And kneeling before her, they said to the priests: "Ask her for what reason, and learn of her why she has neglected and is angry with us men." And there was dissension in the city. Then came Legion,— the sister of her who fell into the sea, she and the swine,— and spoke in the |45 doomed image; and the priests listened and were hearing from the mouth of the image the sound of a humming like that of bees; and they made the heathens keep silence, and drew near, and laid their ear on the mouth of the image, and the devils gave forth a voice and said: "That hut will destroy this temple; fight not with him. For as said that master of ours, he fought with the Master of this (man), and the Master of this (man) overcame him. See then and be ye also afraid of him. And we are afraid lest his Master come to the help of this (man), and be enraged, and cast us into the deep, and our master be deprived of two Legions. We then, lo, are fighting that we may not be conquered; and if he conquers us, we shall be reckoned as if his Master had conquered our master." And the priests were trembling (with fear), and answered and said: "We ask of you, my lords, who is this man's Master?" The devils say: "He is the Son of God, who came down from Heaven; and our master did not perceive when He came down. And He became man, and died on the Cross; and our master imagined that he was a mere (man). And He rose on the third day from the grave and, lo, He is in Heaven, and is assailing us." And the priests when they heard these things, were amazed and astonished. And the multitudes say unto them: "Why are ye amazed?" And the priests answered and say: "Artemis has said that this hut will destroy this temple, and all who are initiated into her mysteries are afraid |46 of this; and accordingly they are beseeching us to be afraid of this man, who dwells in this hut, who, if he will and command, will destroy us in the abyss."
And the multitudes were straightway crying out: "We renounce this Artemis, in whom there is no use; for if of this (man), who is a slave or a disciple, the strength is so great, (that of) his teacher or his master (must be) as much again." And they were beating their faces and saying: "Alas, what has befallen us? for our possessions have been consumed in libations, and we have gained loss for our souls." And the priests said: "Ye are men of sense; whatever is good in your eyes, do; but we will worship and honour Him who is able to make alive and to destroy." And they ran down from the altar, and with speed went up to the holy (man), and cast themselves upon their faces before the holy (man). And the whole crowd cast cords about the image of Artemis, and pulled it down, and dragged it along, whilst bands were crying out before it and behind it: "Thou destroyer of our lives, arise, deliver thyself! Not from heaven didst thou descend; artisans made thee in a furnace."
And S. John saw that the priests were lying on their faces, but he spoke not with them, nor they with him; and he kneeled down among them, and made them look to the east, and was praying and entreating. And whilst the crowd were crying out and dragging along the image of Artemis, the multitude, who had before received baptism within the theatre, were applauding them in stoles and robes, and were saying: |47 "Come in peace, our brethren and children; let us all have one spirit. Come in peace, O congregation that was estranged from its Master, and lo, to-day has repented and been united with the number (of the chosen). Come in peace, O flock, that was led captive by Satan, and which its Master has brought back that the ravening wolves might not rend it."
And when the procurator heard the tumult and great outcry of the whole city, he was afraid, and arose (and) came from his palace, and went up to S. John, and found him kneeling. And the procurator made a sign with his hand that they should desist from (their) outcry. And he commanded and strong men arose to restrain the crowd from going up to John. Then the procurator said to S. John: "Arise, my lord, and sign this new congregation; for if not, their lives will perish for crying out. For lo, I see aged men whose garments are wet with tears and sweat." Then the holy (man) lifted up his head from prayer, and said to the procurator: "I was interceding for them before our Lord Jesus the Messiah, that He would bring them in and bring them nigh before His Father, and pray on their behalf; for He is the door, and through Him a man goes in, and finds pasturage; and without Him, a man is not able to draw nigh unto the Father; and He gave the law from mount Sinai."
Then the holy (man) arose and looked on them from above, and signed them with the sign of the Cross; and |48 they all fell upon their faces before him, crying out with grief and sobbing: "We have sinned and done wrong and committed evil, and we knew it not until today. Have mercy on us, Lord! Lord of Heaven and earth! for henceforth we abjure all idols."
Then the holy (man) cried unto them from above: "Arise in the might of our God! Arise in the name of our Lord Jesus the Messiah, His beloved Son!" And straightway they arose, and were lifting up their hands to Heaven and crying out: "Glory unto Thee, God, the Maker of Heaven and of earth! Our Lord hath appeared unto us; and we know that Thou art the true God, and that by Thee this youth was sent to the city of Ephesus." And a cloud was overshadowing the city; and straightway there was a low thundering. And the whole crowd fell upon their faces for fear and say: "We praise Thee, Thou hidden God, who art invisible, and lo, hast been revealed unto us because we sought Thee. We confess Thee, and there is no other God but Thee."
Then S. John spake with them, and was expounding unto them from the Law and from the prophets, and was teaching them concerning our Lord Jesus, proving and showing unto them concerning our Lord Jesus, that He is the Son of God. And they, after they had received the faith, were beseeching that they might receive the sign of baptism, crying out and glorifying God. And the procurator besought the holy (man), |49 saying: "If thou pleasest, my lord, let criers go forth in the city and proclaim, 'Whosoever believes in the Son of God, let him come (and) bathe, and be cleansed of pollution;' and as for us, let us go to the place where the font is, and every one who comes, give him the sign, and let him live and not perish." S. John said to the procurator: "Well hast thou spoken, my lord; thus will we do, according to thy command." And straightway both of them arose, and the procurator made a sign with his hand that they should be quiet. And when they were quiet, he said to them: "To you we speak, ye new children, whom the Gospel of God hath won. Today, we being all assembled without tumult, go to the theatre, and there ye shall receive the sign of life." They then, being assembled, drew up bands in order, whilst they were crying out and saying to the procurator: "How must we chant and sing?" The procurator says unto them: "Thus say and sing, until ye enter in, 'Glory to the Father and to the Son and to the Spirit of holiness! Lord have mercy upon us.'" And the sound of their outcry was going outside of the city more than five miles.
And they came and entered into the theatre. Then came the procurator and John, and entered into the theatre. Then the holy (man) answered and made a sign with his hand that the crowd should be quiet. And when they were quiet, the holy (man) stood up on the steps and |50 said: "Arise in prayer." And they looked to the east, and fell on their faces, and were saying: "Lord, have pity upon us." Then the priests, when the whole people were lying on their faces, came (and) entered last of all, and were walking barefooted and girded with sackcloth, with dust cast on their heads and their faces covered with soot, and were lamenting and crying out: "Thou God, who dwellest in Heaven, have pity upon us; we have sinned before Thee, and have caused many souls without number to sin; it is not hard for Thee to forgive us, if Thou wilt."
And when they had said these things, John arose from his prayer and said: "Arise in the might of God." And when they had arisen, he concluded the prayer, and they all answered "Amen." And he turned, and looked upon the seven priests, who were standing in vile attire, with their heads inclined to the east and their hands raised to Heaven, and tears without end were running from their eyes and dripping down upon their blackened cheeks. And when the holy (man) saw (them), he was grieved and wept, and the procurator with him; and the whole crowd was weeping. And the holy (man) kneeled down, and prayed, and said: "Merciful God, the Father and Sender of our Lord Jesus the Messiah, Thou, Lord, hast said, 'If the dinner turns from his sin and does righteousness before me, through that righteousness, which he hath done, he shall live.' I ask of thee, Lord, |51 have pity upon the work of thy hands, and be not disgusted with it. Let these be received, who were perishing like sheep which have no shepherd, and let them praise Thy great and terrible name and Thy dear Son our Lord Jesus the Messiah, for to Thee and to Him and to Thy holy Spirit is glory and honour for ever, Amen." And the whole congregation answered "Amen."
Then he arose and called them, but they were not able to speak for weeping and sobbing. And he drew near unto them, holding the procurator by his hand, and spake with them, and they did not speak. And the holy (man) made the sign of the cross upon the forehead of each one of them. Then there was an outcry from the whole crowd, and the tears of S. John were running over. And he said unto them: "Take courage; there is no cutting off of hope. Hope was given to men by the birth of the Son of God from the Virgin. Open your mouths and speak with us. We are your members, and are formed of the same material of which ye are formed. We are created by one God, and are one soul. Fear not; He will not cast you off; He will not reject you; He will not be disgusted with you. I have learned of Him, that if ye believe in Him, ye shall rejoice at the table of His kingdom." Then those priests answered and said before the crowd: "How can our deceitful mouth speak? What can we say? for the face of our heart is blackened more than our external face. We cannot open our mouth to speak. But this we know, and |52 believe, and declare true, that there is one God, who created the world by His grace, and His only (and) beloved Son, our Lord Jesus the Messiah, who put on the body from the holy Virgin; and whether we die, or whether we live, we know no other man. Woe to us then, if He has not mercy upon us and does not forgive us; because we have much property and gold that passeth away, and with these souls we have acquired it."
And the procurator had a wish that they should draw near to him, because they were far from the crowd and were standing alone. And when they went to bring them near and make them stand in the midst, the priests say: "We beg of you, do not defile your hands with our stench. "We will not draw nearer than here, until He wills it in whose name we have believed." And it was about the third hour of that day.
And the holy (man) answered and said to the procurator: "Command, sir, that water come into the font. We must baptize this assemblage, and speak to them the word of life. And command that tables be (laid out) through the whole city, and whosoever wants food, our Lord Jesus, who satisfied thousands in the desert, will prepare (a feast) before him." Then the procurator called Menelaus his son, who became alive, and said to him: "Take unto thee ten men, and let each of them go and provide for thee a hundred men of those who have received the sign of baptism, and let them lay the tables, |53 and make ready a great banquet." And they went and did according to the command of the procurator.
And S. John arose from the bench on which he was sitting, and came to the priests, and took hold of the hand of their chief, whose name was Apollo, and of the hand of another, whose name was Dionysius, and drew them near to him, and was speaking to them the word of God, and was interpreting (it), and exhorting them. And Apollo and Dionysius the priests were saying aloud: "Have pity upon us, Son of God, and bring us nigh unto Thy Father, we beg of Thee. If we are to be punished for our wickedness, let not these be punished, for we have led them astray from Thy path. We beg of Thee, merciful Lord, have mercy, Lord, upon our wickedness. If Thy righteousness judge us, let not these be judged, for ours, Lord, is their corruption." And the whole people was weeping.
And when the font was prepared, the procurator commanded, and oil was brought. Then S. John arose, and prayed, and said: "Glory to Thee, Father and Son and Spirit of holiness, for ever, Amen." And they answered after him, "Amen" And he said: "Lord God Almighty, let Thy Spirit of holiness come, and rest and dwell upon the oil and upon the water; and let them be bathed and purified from uncleanness; and let them receive the Spirit of holiness through baptism; and henceforth let them call Thee 'Our Father who art in |54 Heaven.' Yea, Lord, sanctify this water with Thy voice, which resounded over the Jordan and pointed out our Lord Jesus (as) with the finger, (saying,) 'This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased, hear ye Him.' Thou art here who wast on the Jordan. Yea, I beseech Thee, Lord, manifest Thyself here before this assemblage who have believed on Thee with simplicity, and let the nations of the earth hear that the city of Ephesus was the first to receive Thy Gospel before all cities, and became a second sister to Urhāi (Edessa) of the Parthians." And in that hour fire blazed forth over the oil, and the wings of the angels were spread over the oil; and the whole assemblage was crying out, men and women and children, "Holy, holy, holy, Lord Almighty, of whose praises Heaven and earth are full." And straightway the vision was taken away.
And the priests fell down on their faces and wept. And S. John drew nigh and raised them up, and they said: "We believe in the name of the Father and the Son and the Spirit of holiness, and we will never know aught else." And John drew near, and washed them (clean) of the soot, and anointed them with oil, and baptized them in the name of the Father and the Son and the Spirit of holiness, for the forgiveness of debts and the pardon of sins. And S. John said to the procurator: " Command that they go and fetch fine white bread and wine, whilst the whole multitude is being baptized." |55
And they went, (and) prepared, and made ready every thing. And when the whole multitude was baptized, the priests say: "Brothers and fathers and sons, today we bear the Cross of our Lord Jesus the Messiah. Why stand over the gates of our city the images of the daughter of Satan? Let us go (and) pull them down and burn them, and place over all the gates the Cross of our Lord Jesus the Messiah." And the whole multitude were crying out, "Where ought we to make a church?" And S. John was glad and rejoicing; and he said to the procurator: "Look, sir, where it pleaseth thee." And they chose a place which was fitting, and bore the cross and came thither, and set up there the cross, and over the gates of the whole city crosses. And the holy (man) prayed, and offered the (eucharistic) sacrifice, and let them partake of the body and blood of the Messiah; and thither they were assembling every Sunday, and were breaking (bread) together, and were partaking of the body and blood of our Lifegiver.
After these things, when the Gospel was increasing by the hands of the Apostles, Nero, the unclean and impure and wicked king, heard all that had happened at Ephesus. And he sent (and) took all that the procurator had, and imprisoned him; and laid hold of S. John and drove him into exile; and passed sentence on the city that it should be laid waste.
And after three days, believing men of the city assembled, and counselled one another and said: |56 "Let us assemble at the church, and see what each man is willing to give, and take a bribe, and offer it to this wicked ruler, and he will give up to us this (man), who turned us away from error unto our Lord." And when they had taken counsel thus, they collected three hundred pounds of gold, and took ten men, and they went on board a ship to go to Nero, the wicked king, and give the bribe, and bring back the holy (man).
And when they had gone and entered into Rome, at midnight, when the impure Nero was asleep, the Lord sent to him an angel; and he appeared to him in a flame and bearing a sword, and awakened him. And when he had opened his eyes and looked upon him, he cried out and said: "I pray thee, what I have to do with thee?" The angel says to him: "Send back the man whom thou hast taken from Ephesus and cast into exile; and if not, this sword shall enter into thy unclean heart before the sun rises." And the angel smote him and took away his speech, and he was howling like a dog. And his slaves came in when they heard his lamentation, and said to him: "What is the matter with thee, my lord the king?" And he made a sign, and they brought him ink and a sheet of paper, and he wrote: "Straightway, — if it be possible, today,— let John, the son of Zebedee, the Galilean, whom I took away from Ephesus, pass the night in it." And he wrote also, and sent (word) to Ephesus quickly, that every one who was in prison, should come out and do as he pleased. |57
And there came sailors and men clad in arms, and took the letters written by the king's hand, and went on board ship, and went (and) found John at midday kneeling and praying. They say to him: "The king has commanded that we should convey thee to the place where thou wast." And they took him, and went on board ship, and sailed on the sea in peace, and brought him to the gate of Ephesus, and returned to Rome.
And those men who had brought the bribe, when they heard that the holy (man) had returned to Ephesus, said: "We worship Thee, Father and Son and Spirit of holiness, who hast done what Thy fearers wished." And they went on board ship, and brought those three hundred pounds (of gold with them), and came. And when they had entered Ephesus, they showed the gold and narrated all that had happened, and there was joy through the whole city; and they took counsel one with another, and deposited the gold in a house, and hired artificers, and built with it two churches for the worship of our Lord Jesus the Messiah.
And S. John went up (and) sat in the hut; and all the free men of the province of Asia gathered together unto him, and he was teaching and preaching concerning our Lord Jesus; and the word of Nero was established over his own place, but he did not dare again to give orders regarding the province of Asia. It was this wicked man, who slew Paul and Peter.
And after a long interval, when the Apostles |58 heard all that had happened in the whole country of the Ephesians, they were amazed, and said: "This thing is not great for our Lord Jesus, hut to us it is wondrous." And Paul was asking and inquiring of the Apostles, that he might hear the history of S. John; and every day and every hour he was supplicating before God, that he might be deemed worthy to see him.
And when the Gospel rose upon the world, the Spirit of holiness willed, and Matthew was moved and composed the Evangel; and after him, Mark; and after him, Luke. And they wrote, and sent (word) to the holy John that he too should write, and informed him concerning Paul, who had entered into the number of the Apostles. But the holy (man) did not wish to write (a Gospel), saying that they should not say "He is a youth," if Satan cast dissension into the world.
And when the Apostles had travelled about in the countries, and had planted the Cross, and it had spread abroad over the four quarters of the world, then Simon Cephas (Peter) arose, and took Paul with him, and they came to Ephesus unto John. And they rejoiced with a great joy, and were preaching concerning our Lord Jesus without hindrance. And they went up to the holy (man), and found him praying. And they saluted one another, and rejoiced with a great joy, |59 and narrated to one another all that our Lord Jesus had done, and appointed (as) priests believing men.
Peter and Paul entered Ephesus on a Monday, and for five days they were persuading him, whilst rejoicing, to compose an Evangel, but he was not willing, saying to them, "When the Spirit of holiness wills it, I will write." And on the Sunday, at night, at the time when our Lord arose from the grave, the Apostles slumbered and slept. And at that glorious time of the Resurrection, the Spirit of holiness descended, and the whole place, in which they were dwelling, was in a flame; and those men who were awake, awakened their fellows, and they were amazed. And John took paper, and wrote his Evangel in one hour, and gave it to Paul and to Peter. And when the sun rose, they went down to the house of prayer, and read it before the whole city, and prayed, and partook of the body and blood of our Lord Jesus. And they came to the holy (man), and remained with him thirty days; and then they came to Jerusalem, to Jacob (James), the brother of our Lord, and thence they came to Antioch.
And the holy (man) sat in the hut summer and winter, until he was a hundred and twenty years of age, and there his Master buried him in that place, as Moses was buried on Mount Nebo.
Every one who believes, and gives credence to the signs, which our Lord did by the hands of the Apostles, shall find mercy at the day of judgement. And to the |60 Spirit of holiness, who is in the Father and the Son, everything is easy. And let the children of the Church, without division, offer up praise, without investigation, to the Father and to the Son and to the Spirit of holiness, for ever, Amen.
Here ends the Doctrine of John the son of Zebedee, who leaned on the breast of our Lord Jesus at the supper, and instructed and taught and baptized in the city of Ephesus.
[Most footnotes omitted. Note that a complete reprint of this book with all notes, page divisions and Syriac text can be bought online by visiting Gorgias Press, (and search on Wright)]
1. b. In B. the title is: "The history of the holy and beloved Mar John the evangelist, who spoke and taught and baptised in the city of Ephesus."
This text was transcribed by Colin Tunnicliffe, UK, 2004. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: apocryphal_acts_03_john_decease.htm
Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (1871) Volume 2. pp.61-68. An account of the decease of Saint John the Apostle and Evangelist
Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (1871) Volume 2. pp.61-68. An account of the decease of Saint John the Apostle and Evangelist
AN ACCOUNT OF
THE DECEASE OF SAINT JOHN
THE APOSTLE AND EVANGELIST. 1
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AND S. John was with the blessed brethren, rejoicing and being glad in the Lord.
And on the next day, which was Sunday, when the brethren were assembled, he began to say: "My brethren and fellows, and heirs and sharers of the kingdom of the Messiah, ye know how much God hath given to you through me,—how many signs, how many wonders, how many gifts, rests, services, teachings, rulings, graces, honours,—how many things ye see before your eyes, which are given to you, which are not seen by these eyes and are not heard by these ears. Be strong in Him, therefore, remembering Him in your every deed, and knowing well the mystery of the dispensation that is (come) unto men, why it was wrought. The Lord beseeches you—the Lord through me beseeches, my brethren, and implores—who beseeches us that we should remain not insulting, not injured, not defiled. |62 For He knows insult which (comes) from you, He knows contempt, He knows degradation, He knows torture, when ye do not obey His holy commandments. Let not, therefore, your good God be grieved, the gracious, the merciful, the holy, the undefiled, the only one, the immutable, the true, the guileless, the slow to anger, who is exalted above every appellation that is spoken or thought by you — the God Jesus. Let Him be glad, therefore, whilst ye conduct yourselves well and live purely; let Him glory, whilst ye conduct yourselves chastely; let Him not be anxious, whilst ye live continently in the world; let it be pleasant to Him that ye are in fellowship; let Him glory in your chastity; let Him rejoice, whilst ye love Him. These things I speak unto you, my brethren, whilst I hasten to the work which is appointed, which is already perfected in the Lord. For what is there to say to you? Ye have the surety of God; ye have the pledge of His grace; ye have His coming, which cannot be deprecated. If, therefore, ye sin not again, those things which ye have done without knowledge He will forgive you; but if, when ye have known Him, and have obtained mercy from Him,|63 ye walk in courses which (are) like (unto those), both those former (sins) will be imputed unto you, and ye shall not have part in Him or mercy."
And when he had said these things unto them, he prayed thus: " Jesus, who didst twine this garland with Thy twining; who hast attached these many flowers to Thy flower which falleth not; who hast sown these words of Thine; (who) alone hast compassion on Thy servants; physician that healest for nought; (who) alone art a minister and not haughty; Jesus, who alone art gracious and merciful; do Thou with Thy grace cover all those who hope in Thee, Thou who knowest well the artifices and the plundering of the adversary."
And when he had asked for bread, he prayed thus: "What praise, or what offering, or what thanksgiving, when we break the bread, shall we render unto Thee? But Thyself alone, Thee Jesus the Messiah, we praise, the Name of the Father which was spoken. We glorify Thy entrance by the door; we glorify the resurrection, which through Thee has been announced unto us; we glorify Thy word, Thy glory, Thy ineffable pearl, Thy treasury, Thy net, Thy greatness, Him who for our sake was called the Son of Man, the truth, the knowledge, the rest, the strength, the command, the freedom of speech,|64 the liberty which (is) in Thee as in the truth. For Thou art the Lord, who wast called the root of immortality, and the fountain of incorruption, and the foundation of the universe. Because of this we acknowledge Thy majesty, which is now invisible."
And when he had broken the bread, and stretched out his hand to them, and prayed for every man, that he might be worthy of the grace which (is) in the Lord and of the holy Eucharist, he too did eat, and said: "And to me in the same manner (let there be) a portion with you, and peace, and love."
Then he said to Birrus (Byrrhus): "Take with thee two brethren, who have with them baskets and spades,and come after me." And Birrus, without neglect, did what was ordered him by John, the servant of God.
The blessed John, therefore, went forth from the house, and was walking before the gate, and said to many that they should depart from him. And when he came to the grave of a brother of ours, he said to the youths, "Dig, my sons." And they were digging; but he was urging them exceedingly, and saying: "Let the trench be deep." And whilst they were digging, he was conversing with them, and was exhorting them, with himself and with those who had come forth from the house, edifying (them)|65 and speaking to them of the majesty of the Messiah, and praying over each of them.
And when these young men had finished the trench, as he wished, without our knowing any thing, he stripped off the garments which he wore, and cast them like bedding into the bottom of the trench. And standing in his mantle only, he lifted up his hands, and prayed thus: "God, who hast chosen us for the apostleship of the nations; who hast sent us to the world; who hast shown Thyself through Thy Apostles; who hast never been at rest from the foundations of the world, but who constantly hast saved those who were able (to be saved); who hast made Thyself known through all nature, and hast proclaimed Thyself even among the beasts; who hast made the desolate soul, that had become savage, be peaceable and quiet; who, when it was thirsting for Thy word, hast given Thyself to it; who, when it was dead, hast quickly appeared unto it; who, when it was plunged in sin, hast alone shown Thyself unto it; who, when it was overcome by Satan, hast already manifested Thyself unto it; who hast not left it to be agitated like the body; who hast shown it its enemy; who hast made a clean union; God Jesus, Father of those that are above the heavens, and Lord of the celestials, and God of the celestials, and law of those that are in |66 the ether; course of the aerials, and guardian of those that are on the earth; fear of the terrestrials, and peace of Thine own; receive the soul of Thy John, which perhaps may be worthy before Thee, Jesus, who hast thus preserved me to Thyself pure until this hour, and free from intercourse with woman; who didst appear to me in my youth, when I wished to take to myself a wife, and didst say to me, 'Thou art needful to me, John;' who didst choose for me infertility of body, when three times, being disobedient, I wished to marry; who didst say to me on the sea, 'Thou art needful to me, John, and if not, I would let thee take a wife, to mourn and weep;' who in the third year didst open for me the eyes of my understanding, and didst present me with my visible eyes; who didst make it hard for me to see and gaze upon a woman; who didst deliver me from temporal show (or fancy), and preserve me for that which produceth fruit always; who didst deliver me from the madness of uncleanness that is in the flesh; who didst separate me from bitter death, and didst raise me up who had need of Thee; who didst restrain the hidden disease of the soul, and didst cut off its evil action; who didst afflict and expel from the boundary him who caused disturbance in me; who didst preserve my affection to Thee without spot; who hast established my course towards Thee without slipping; who hast given my faith in Thee (to be) without doubting; who hast traced out for me the pure knowledge which is in Thee; who givest to every work the due reward; who hast placed it in my soul that I should not have any possession save |67 purity; for what can I find that is better than Thou? Now, Lord, I have accomplished the stewardship with which I was entrusted; make me worthy of Thy rest, presenting me with the perfection that is in Thee, which is salvation unutterable and ineffable. And when I am going to Thee, let the fire depart, let the darkness be overcome, let the pit be enfeebled; let the furnace be slackened, let Gehenna be extinguished; let the angels accompany, let the demons be afraid; let the princes be cast down, let the powers of darkness fall; let the places on the right stand, but those on the left not stand; let the Slanderer be muzzled, let Satan be laughed to scorn; let his work be undone, let his glory be put to shame, let his anger be rendered vain; let his children be beaten, let his whole root be crushed. But my path unto Thee do Thou render for me free from insult and from spoliation, and (grant) that I may receive the things which Thou hast promised to those who have lived purely and have loved Thee alone."
And he turned to the east and glorified (God), standing full in the light, and said: "Be Thou with me, Jesus the Messiah our Lord." Then he went down into the trench, where he had spread his clothes, and saying to |68 us "Concord and peace be with you, my brethren," he rendered up his spirit, rejoicing. May his prayer be with us. Amen.
Here ends the account of John the Evangelist. May his prayer be with us. Amen.
[All footnotes and biblical references have reluctantly been omitted apart from these. Note that a complete reprint of this book with all notes, page divisions and Syriac text can be bought online by visiting Gorgias Press, (and search on Wright)]
1. Compare Clark's Ante-Nicene Library, vol. xvi., p. 449.
This text was transcribed by Colin Tunnicliffe, UK, 2004. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: apocryphal_acts_04_philip.htm
Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (1871) Volume 2. pp.69-92. The History of Philip, the apostle and evangelist
Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (1871) Volume 2. pp.69-92. The History of Philip, the apostle and evangelist
THE HISTORY OF PHILIP,
THE APOSTLE AND EVANGELIST.
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In the name of the unbegotten nature of the immortal God, I write the wondrous and marvellous history of the glorious acts of Philip the Apostle and Evangelist. Our Lord, help me with grace. Amen.
And our Lord Jesus the Messiah spake with Philip the Apostle in a vision of the night at Jerusalem, and said to him: "Rise, go to the city of Carthage, which is in Azotus, and drive out thence the ruler of Satan, for lo, he rejoices there like a destroying wolf, which rejoices in the flock that has no shepherd; and after thou hast driven him out, preach there the kingdom of Heaven." And Philip said to our Lord: "I beseech Thee, the Raiser to life of all souls, — Thou knowest me, that I am a man of Palestine, and I do not know Latin or Greek, and the people of Carthage are not acquainted with Aramaic,—and how shall I go (and) preach to them the Gospel of Thy kingdom?" Our Lord said to Philip: "Who made Adam in His image and His likeness? Who formed for him a mouth, and eyes, and a tongue to speak? Was it not I the Lord?" And Philip said to our Lord: "Thou art the chosen Son, who didst make Heaven by Thy might, and didst establish the world by Thy wisdom." And our Lord said to him: "Now go in my name, and doubt not. I shall be with thy mouth, and thou shalt speak every tongue that thou wilt." And Philip said to our Lord: "I go, Lord; but let not Thy grace be far from me."
And Philip went down from Jerusalem to Samaria, and from Samaria to Caesarea of Palestine, and went down to the harbour, to look for a ship that was going to the city of Carthage. And he found a ship that was lying ready, and waiting for a wind to blow for it, that it might sail. And Philip came near to the captain, and spake with him, that he might go with them to the city of Carthage. The captain answered and said to Philip: "Pr'ythee, do not annoy me; for lo, it is twenty days that we have been waiting for a wind to blow for us, that we might sail, and it has not blown. Now go, fetch thy baggage, and come; for perchance, by the help of thy prayers, God may send us a favourable wind, and we may go on our journey in peace; for I see that thou hast the appearance of a servant of God." Philip says to the captain: "Thou seest me and my baggage; I have nothing else in this world save Jesus the Messiah, and Him crucified. But because I see that there are in thee the fruits of faith, order the people who are going with us to come on board (and) sit down in the ship." And the captain ordered them, and they all came on board and sat down in it. And when the Apostle and the captain had come on board, Philip said to the people who were in the ship: "Let us rise (and) pray, and ask of the Messiah to send us a favourable wind, that we may go on our journey in peace and joy." And they all stood up for the prayer; and Philip prayed and said: "Our Lord Jesus the Messiah, come to our help, for I cry unto Thee at this time, that these people, who are here in this ship, may believe that Thou hast sent me." And he turned again to the west, and was strengthened by the Spirit of holiness, and said with a loud voice: "To thee I say, angel of peace, who hast charge of all favourable winds that serve this great sea,—in the name of our Lord Jesus the Messiah, send me a favourable wind, which may come and convey me to the city of Carthage, not in fifty days, nor in twenty days, nor even in ten days, but today let us be there, that all these people, who are here, may know that He who sent me, Jesus, is the Son of the living God."
There was in the ship a Jew, whose name was Hananyā (Ananias), (who) did not pray, but blasphemed and said: "May Adonai recompense thee and the Messiah on whom thou callest, who, lo, has become dust and lies in Jerusalem, whilst thou livest and leadest astray ignorant men by His name."
And when the Apostle had prayed, there came a breeze, and an Angel with it, and entered into (i. e. filled) the sail of the ship, and she began to roll hither and thither from the violence of the wind. Then the sailors arose to loose the cables of the ship from the shore. And the Jew got up to help them to hoist the sail of the ship; and the Angel of the Lord bound him by the great toes and suspended him head downwards aloft on the top of the sail. And the ship was flying and going over the water like an eagle in the air; and the Jew was suspended head downwards. And he was crying out and saying: "O Apostle of Jesus the Messiah, who knows the secrets of men!"And Philip said to him: "No, by the life of thy friend Haman, thou shalt not come down thence, until thou confessest, how thou hast blasphemed Jesus the Messiah, and thy wicked thoughts against His worshippers. He has bound and suspended thee head downwards."
And the Jew cried out and said: "I confess, Sir, whilst I worship, that when ye arose and prayed in the ship, I did not pray, but blasphemed in my heart and said to thee, 'May Adonai recompense thee and the Messiah on whom thou callest, who, lo, has become dust and lies in Jerusalem, whilst thou livest and leadest astray ignorant men.' And straightway a breeze came, and its Angel with it, and filled the sail, and the ship began to roll.hither and thither from the violence of the wind. And when the sailors arose to loose the cables and hoist the sail, I too got up to help them. Then the Angel of thy God bound me by the great toes, and suspended me head downwards, as thy eyes behold me. And lo, his sword is drawn, and he is standing by me and lashing me with scourges of fire. But I beg of thee, Sir, order him to let me loose, for, lo, my soul is going forth from my nostrils."
Philip says to the Jew: "Now how dost thou view this matter? Dost thou believe in the Messiah that He is the Son of God? Yes or no?"
And the Jew cried out, weeping, and saying with a loud voice: "Yes, Sir, I believe in the Messiah thy God, that He is I am that I am, El Shaddai, Adonai, the Lord (of) Sabaoth, the Strong, the Glorious in His holiness, who made heaven and earth by His word; and He made Adam in His image and His likeness; and He accepted the offering of Abel, and He rejected the offering of Cain the murderer; and He removed Enoch without his tasting death; and He delivered Noah from the flood; and He spake with Abraham His friend; and He saved Lot from the midst of the overturned (city, i. e. Sodom); and He preserved Isaac from the knife; and He revealed Himself to Jacob at Beth-el; and He expounded His secrets to Joseph; and He led Israel out of Egypt; and He spake with Moses in the thorn-bush; and He divided the sea before the people; and He sent down the manna from Heaven and He brought up the quails from the sea; and He dashed to pieces Pharaoh and his host in the sea of Sūph, the Red Sea; and He delivered Joshua the son of Nun in the wars; and He revealed His mystery to Gideon; and He strengthened Barak and Deborah in Israel; and He spake with Samuel in the interior of the temple; and He destroyed Goliath before David; and He gave wisdom to Solomon; and He took up Elijah to Heaven; and He delivered Elisha from the armies; and He took Jonah out of the fish; and He brought Daniel out of the pit; and He extinguished the blazing fire of Ananias and his companions; and He rescued the wronged Susanna; and this is Emmanuel, the mighty God, in whose name the sea and land, and the winds and Angels, are subject unto thee."
And Philip rejoiced at the belief of the Jew, and glorified God, and said: "Praise be to Thee, our Lord Jesus the Messiah, who changest rebellious minds and blasphemous tongues, and suddenly makest them harps praising Thy glory. Yea, Lord, pardon Thy servant Hananyā, who has believed in Thee." And in that very hour the Angel of the Lord, who was standing beside him at his right hand, took him and brought him down and placed him in the midst of the ship.
Then Hananyā fell at the feet of Philip, and wept, and said: "Have mercy on me, O Apostle of the Messiah, and beg for me of the Preserver of all, that He will pardon my blasphemies, with which I have blasphemed against thee and against thy gods." And the Apostle lifted him up and said to him: "If the Messiah has absolved thee and pardoned thee, who shall condemn thee? Rise, and fear not. Jesus the Messiah will make thee worthy of His true baptism." And fear laid hold on the 495 men who were in the ship, and they were amazed and said: "It never was thus among men."
And whilst they were wondering at what had happened to the Jew, they lifted up their eyes and looked, and lo, the lighthouse (Pharos) of Carthage was visible. And then they began whispering one to another and saying: "Either this is a vision, or it is a dream, or a demon has deceived us, or of a truth God is with this man. Who has seen a wonder like this? or who has heard a marvel like this? that we have come seventy-five masyune in one day." But when Hananyā saw them whispering one to another, he began biting (one end of) his cloak, and said: "O blind, who see not! and wicked fools, who believe not! Have ye not seen what befell me, because I blasphemed in my heart against the Messiah? Be silent, and plot nothing against this chosen one, because at this moment ye are not all suspended head downwards. Will ye not believe in the God of this just man? for, if he commands that city in the name of the Messiah, it will take all its inhabitants and go (and) stop in Gibtusan."
And while the Jew was speaking thus, (the ship) was found to stop in the harbour of Carthage. And all those men cried out and say: "Glory to Thee, the God of Mār Philip, in whose name the sea and land, and the wind and the Angels, are made subject to Thee." And Philip blessed them in the name of the Lord, and let them go to their homes in peace. But he remained at the harbour that he might confirm the captain in the faith of God.
And on the Sunday Philip went up from the ship to enter the city of Carthage, and to drive out thence the ruler of Satan, as the Lord had commanded him. And as he was entering the gates of the city, he signed himself with the sign of the Cross, and sighed before the Messiah. And he saw an Indian man (i. e., a black man), who was sitting on a throne, with two serpents twined round his loins, and a wreath of vipers placed on his head; and his eyes were like coals of fire, and blazing flames issued from his mouth; and from the place where he was sitting a smell of smoke went up, and troops of Indians (blacks) were standing on his right hand and on his left. And when he saw that the Apostle had entered the gate and crossed himself, the ruler was overturned and fell backwards, and all his troops upon him. The Apostle says to the ruler: "Fall and rise not, thou portion of the fire and child of Gehenna, accursed from of old; (thou) bitter (one), who in (all) thy days didst never sweeten; (thou) hater of the just and enemy of all righteousness; deceiver of Adam, bringer of death upon Eve and upon all her children."
The ruler said to the Apostle: "Why cursest thou me, (thou) chosen of the Most High? Tell me, what have I done wrong? or wherein have I sinned against thee? Rebuke me, because I do not abide in this city, but my troops wander about on the whole earth, and come to me; till the third hour of the day; but to a single one of the disciples of Jesus they do not come near, because I have warned them, and commanded them, and said to them: 'Wherever the name of Jesus is mentioned, abide not there, lest ye bring judgement upon me before my time is come.' Woe is me, if perchance one of my troops has deceived me, and transgressed my command, and afflicted one of His disciples; for lo, the effacer of our footsteps is angry with me, and has sent this chosen one to drive me away from this city. Woe is me! what has become of me? Woe is me! what has happened to me? Alas, what has come upon me? Alas, what has befallen me? Alas, what has reached me? Alas, what has overtaken me? Whither shall I go and be delivered? Whither shall I flee and escape? Where shall I hide myself and be saved? Where shall I conceal myself and be delivered? Whither shall I go from this Mighty (One)? Whither shall I fly from this Strong (One)? Whether I say 'Woe is me,' or whether I am silent, I shall burn in the fire. If I cast myself into the sea, I shall be drowned, because the fire is prepared for me, and torment for all my troops. If I ascend unto Heaven, He will cast me down thence; and if Igo down to Hell, there He will breathe upon me. In the east His Star has made me ashamed; in the west they preach His Gospel; in the north they praise His right hand; in the south they worship His Cross. This Jesus has slain me by His death; He has humbled me by His exaltation; He has brought me to abjectness by His necessity. He has deceived me by His similitudes (or likenesses); He has shamed me by His resurrection; He has dazzled me with His humiliation; He has befooled me with His quietude; He has maddened me with His visions. My snares He has broken; my gins He has disclosed; my nets He has cut to pieces. My crown He has taken away from my head; my throne He has overturned behind Him; my power He has taken from me, and my glory He has given to others. He has made me a treading under foot for children, and offscourings and filth unto infants and the simple. He has made me a reproach unto the little, and a mockery and a scorn to the poor and sinners. He has taken everything from me, and given to me nothing at all, save the weeping and wailing and groans of the darkness, to me and to my ministers and to all my troops."
And the whole city was standing and hearing what the ruler was saying, but no man saw him, save that the Apostle saw him through the Spirit of holiness. Philip says to the ruler: "I bid thee in the name of our Lord Jesus the Messiah, the Mighty God, who sent me against thee, arise; take thy throne, anda lead away all thy troops, and ye shall go forth from this city, for lo, 3795 years ye have enjoyed yourselves in it." And in that hour the ruler arose, and took his throne, and led away all his troops, and they went forth thence, flying in the air, and wailing as they went, and saying: "Woe is to us for thee, our ruler; woe is to us for thee, our king; woe is to us for thee, our monarch." And they ceased not from weeping, all of them, whilst they were going, till they entered the city of Babel, and there established the throne of their ruler.
And there was fear in the whole city, and they were praising God and saying: "Glory to Thee, Jesus the Messiah, the God of Philip, who hast not recompensed us according to our wickedness, nor dealt with us according to our sins; for we did not know Thee, Lord, and Thou in Thy mercy hast sent us a deliverer. Glory to Thy grace, which has been abundant upon us, for ever and ever, Amen." Philip says to the people of the city of Carthage: "Ye have seen, my brethren, what the ruler said, whilst burning and being scorched by the power of the Son of God, that is, Jesus the Messiah, the Power and Wisdom of His Father. And by this Power was (created) the heaven and the earth and all that is in them; and by this Wisdom was established the world and all its inhabitants. Now therefore, my brethren, leave that former opinion of idolatry, and go not after the mind of painters, and (after) images of wood and stone and gold and silver and brass and iron and tin and lead and clay, which men have made, which have eyes and see not, and have ears and hear not, and there is no breath in their mouth, and they feel not with their hands, and walk not with their feet, and smell not with their nostrils, and speak not with their throats; and with nails and spikes they fasten them, that they may not be broken in pieces; and they carry them about, because they cannot walk; and they are set up like masts, because they cannot speak. Be not afraid of them, because they can do neither harm nor good, and it is said concerning them by God, that their makers shall be like them and all who trust in them. Turn, therefore, to the Son of the living God, in whose hand your souls and spirits are placed. This is the first God, and there is none beside Him. Renounce Satan, my brethren, and believe in the Messiah. Flee from the darkness, and come to the celestial light. Quit the destroying left hand, and the unconquered right hand shall receive you. Be delivered from the fiery Gehenna, and ye shall rejoice and be glad in the Paradise of Eden. Strip off the old man, who is corrupted by the lusts of error, and put on the new man, Jesus the Messiah, who is renewed by knowledge in the likeness of His Creator. Avoid and flee from the desire of women, which burns like fire, and destroys those who are inflamed d with it; and trust in God and be glad. Who has believed in Him, and He has forsaken him? Or who has trusted in Him, and He has cast him off? Or who has called upon Him, and He has not answered him? Because the Lord is gracious and merciful, and forgiving sins, and hearkening to the voice of those that do His will. Believe, my dear (friends), for He will forgive you your sins when ye turn to Him with all your heart, with a pure mind free from doubt."
And when the Apostle had spoken these words to the citizens, they cried out and say: "Glory to God, who has sent us a deliverer.'' And Philip blessed them, and went down to the ship, to the harbour, where the ship was lying, in which he came from Cæsarea of Palestine.
And on the Sabbath day (Saturday) all the Jews, who were in Carthage, were assembled unto their synagogues. And they sent and called Hananyā the Jew, who had believed in the Messiah. And the Jews answered and say to him: "Our brother Hananyā, are the things true which the sorcerer Philip did to thee in the ship?" And Hananyā signed himself with the sign of the Cross, and answered and said to them: "All that ye have heard concerning me is true; and far be it from me ever to renounce our Lord Jesus the Messiah." The Jews say to him: "Do not renounce Moses and believe in the Messiah, because the Messiah was an impostor, and his disciples go about with sorcery." Hananyā answered, rejoicing in the faith, and said to the Jews: "The deception of the Messiah be upon me and upon my wife and upon my children; and the sorcery that His disciples practise, be upon the bones of my parents in Sheol. But as for you, well did Isaiah the prophet prophesy concerning you, to whom God said: 'Go, say to this people of Israel that they shall see a sight and shall not see, and shall hear a report and shall not believe; for their eyes they have closed, and their ears they have stopped, that they may not hear with their ears, and understand with their hearts, and repent, and I forgive them their sins.' Rulers of Sodom and people of Gomorrah, an evil and a provoking seed, a generation that has not set fast its heart and has not believed in the God of its spirit; children of crime, an evil and adulterous race, and generations of sinners; a race doomed to woe, a vine of Sodom and a plant of Gomorrha; foolish children and unwise; wise in evil things, but not knowing good things; a people uprooted and flayed; rejected silver; scattered millet; worn-out water-skins; a rent garment; a cloth that is of no use; a menstruous rag; an accursed fig-tree; an evil vineyard, the husbandmen of which are murderers; a restive heifer; broken cisterns in which they cannot collect water; perforated money of a cursed merchant; a dry fleece, the dew of which is sprinkled among the Gentiles; proclaimed sons, whom they do not reckon equal to slaves; bitter roots, which in their days have never yielded sweetness; exchanging their God for a calf; sacrificing their sons and their daughters to devils; haters of the Son, enemies of God, provokers of the Spirit of holiness; worshippers of the sun, offerers of sacrifice to Tamuz, servants of Baal, priests of idols; sons of Ahab, fosterlings of Jezebel; dumb dogs, which are unable to bark; stiff of neck and uncircumcised in heart. For in whom of the prophets have ye believed, that ye should believe in the feeble Hananyā? Moses and Aaron led forth your fathers from Egypt, and how often did ye stone them with stones? There arose Joshua the son of Nun, and ye sought to kill him with deadly poison. There arose Samson, and Gideon, and Barak, and Jephthah, and Deborah, and ye provoked them all their lives and all their days. There arose Eli your priest, and through your greed he was rejected from his priestly office. There arose Samuel the prophet, and ye rejected him and his God. There arose David the prophet, and with reproach ye drove him out of Jerusalem. There arose Solomon the king, and he worshipped Ashtaroth, the goddess of the Sidonians. There arose Isaiah the prophet, and ye sawed him with a saw of boxwood. There arose Ezekiel the prophet, and ye dragged him by his feet until his brains were dashed out. There arose Jeremiah the prophet, and ye cast him into a pit of mire. There arose Micah the prophet, and ye smote his cheeks as if (he had been) a child. There arose Amos (the prophet), and ye hindered him from prophesying. There arose Habakkuk the prophet, and through your sins he went astray from his prophetic office. There arose Zechariah the prophet, and him ye slew like a lamb before the altar of the Lord. There arose Malachi the prophet, and ye wearied his God with your words. There arose Elijah the prophet, and ye made him flee to Horeb. There arose Elisha the prophet, and ye wished to kill him. There arose too John the Baptist, a shining light, and ye cut off his head, and sat in darkness; and he began proclaiming the resurrection to the dead. And again, as the consummation of your sins, ye children of crime, ye crucified the Lord of the prophets on the tree. And lo, ye persecute these His disciples, who are about to sit at the day of judgement on twelve thrones of glory and to judge the twelve tribes of Jacob."
And all those Jews were looking on Hananyā, and were seeing that his face was like to the Angel of the Lord, and were gnashing their teeth like destroying wolves. And one of the priests arose and kicked Hananyā, and he died. And they dug a place there in their synagogue and buried him. And they swore one to another that none of them would disclose in his house what they had done.
And on the next day Philip arose to pray in the ship at the ninth hour, he and the citizens with him, and he made mention of Hananyā in his prayer and said: "Our Lord Jesus the Messiah, do Thou deliver Thy servant Hananyā from the perfidy of the Jews, and bring him to us that we may see and be gladdened by him." And God heard the prayer of Philip, and commanded the earth, and it gave a passage like a water-pipe, and (this) conveyed Hananyā down to the bottom of the sea. And the Lord prepared a large dolphin, and it carried Hananyā. And while the Apostle was praying in the ship, he lifted up his eyes and looked upon the water; and lo, the dolphin was swimming on the surface of the sea, with the corpse of Hananyā upon him. And when the people who were there, saw (this), they feared with a great fear, and were imagining that a demon had appeared to them. Then the Apostle answered and said to them: "Fear not, my brethren; for by means of this corpse many are about to believe in the Messiah." And Philip cried with a loud voice and said: "Glory to Thee, O Lord, the Restorer to life; for every one who believes in Thee, although he dies, shall live through Thee; and every one who does not believe in Thee, although he is alive and walking on the earth, is dead before Thee." And Philip said to the dolphin: "I bid thee in the name of the Messiah, the Lord of all creatures, go, convey Hananyā the martyr to the place from which thou didst take him, until I go up to the city and put his murderers to open shame." And the dolphin passed through the sea; and carried Hananyā to the place from which he had taken him; and the deeps conveyed Hananyā to the place in which he was killed; and the Lord commanded the earth, and it closed its barriers, that the deeps might not come up and sweep away the city.
And on the next day Philip the Apostle went up from the ship, and went into the city to the judge, and said to him: "One favour I ask of thee that thou wouldest do for me." The judge answered and said to him: "Command me, sir, and whatsoever thou wishest, I will do for thee." And Philip said to the judge: "Send (and) collect for me all the Jews that there are in this city, because I have a cause to plead with them before thee.'' And straightway the judge sent his officers, and collected unto him all the chiefs of the Jews. And Philip said to the hêgemôn: "Sit thou upon the tribunal of the town-hall, and hear the cause between me and them."
And when the king (sic) had seated himself on his tribunal, Philip said to the Jews: "Where is Hananyā, who came with me in the ship from the city of Cæsarea of Palestine, and became a Christian of the Messiah? For I know and am sure, through our Lord Jesus the Messiah, that ye have counselled him to confess Moses and renounce the Messiah." The Jews answered and said to Philip: "Are we the keepers of Hananyā, (who is) alienated from the Law?" And Philip said to the Jews: "Well did our Lord call you the children of Cain the murderer; for Cain, (when) he killed his brother Abel, thought that no man saw him; and God said to Cain, 'Where is thy brother Abel?' And Cain denied (it) like you, and said, 'I know not, because I am not his keeper.' And God said to Cain, "What hast thou done? Lo, the blood of thy brother Abel cries unto me from the ground. Cursed is the ground for thy sake. A wanderer and a vagabond shalt thou be on the earth, which has opened its mouth and received the blood of thy brother from thy hands.' And now, murderers, disclose to me where Hananyā the martyr is, and I will ask of the Messiah for you that He would forgive you your iniquities." The Jews answered and said: "Once we have said to thee, that Hananyā has not been seen by us, and we do not know what has become of him." And Philip said to the Jews: "Tell me, where is Hananyā, the confessor of the Messiah, who has given his life for his Master, and do not lie and deny (it) before me, for ye do not lie unto me, but to the Spirit of holiness which dwells in me." The Jews say to him: "If the Spirit were with thee, it would be clear to thee that we know nothing of Hananyā; but because thou art a liar and an impostor, and the truth is not in thee, lo, thou standest up and doest us wrong/' And again the Apostle said to them: " And if it be that Hananyā is found with you, what do ye deserve to have done to you?" And the Jews said to Philip: "If it be that he is found with us, we all deserve death from God, and Cæsar." And the Apostle said to them: "And if it be that ye rely upon yourselves, do not your consciences convict you of being conscious of the blood of Hananyā the confessor? Swear to me, for as the Paraclete who is with me commands me, will we do unto you." Then the Jews cried out and said: "No, by the God of Abraham, who spake with Moses from the midst of the thorn-bush, (we swear) that Hananyā has not been seen by us; and we do not know what has befallen him."
Then the Apostle was strengthened by the Spirit of holiness, and said to the assemblage who were standing-there: "Give me a little room." And when they had given him room, the Apostle of God lifted up his eyes and saw a man from the country, who was leading anox which was sick, and had brought it to town that he might sell it to the butchers. And the Apostle called him, and said to the ox: "To thee I speak, ox, beast without speech. I command thee, in the name of our Lord Jesus the Messiah, at whose word all creatures are afraid, be strong, and go to the synagogue of these murderous Jews, and call out there and say:'Hananyā, Hananyā, Philip, the disciple of our Lord, calls thee; rise, come, put to shame the murderous Jews.'" And straightway the ox dragged along his owner, and threw him down on the ground, and ran and went to the synagogue of the Jews, and called out and said, like a man: "Hananyā, Hananyā, Philip, the Apostle of the Messiah, calls thee. Rise, come, put to shame the Jews thy murderers." And at the word the dead (man) rose, and laid hold of the ox with his right hand; and they both ran and came to the Apostle of the Messiah, and the owner of the ox was running after them. And the three of them came and prostrated themselves before Philip. And the Apostle cried out and said to Hananyā: "Whence comest thou, my friend?" And Hananyā said to Philip: " From the synagogue of these murderous Jews, who are standing before thee; for they killed me and buried me in their synagogue, because I believed in the Lord Jesu the Messiah, who gave me life, and became a Christian. And now I ask of thee, Sir, do me justice upon these murdering Jews." And the Apostle said to Hananyā:"Listen, my son and friend Hananyā. It is written for US:'If thou do not judgement for thyself, I will do (it), saith God;' and: 'If thy enemy be hungry, give him to eat, and if he be thirsty, give him to drink, and when thou doest these things unto him, thou heapest coals of fire upon his head.' And again He has said: 'Let not evil overcome you, but overcome evil with good. And again it is written: 'Is there a man who envies thee or hates thee, thou shalt not pray for his harm, lest it be displeasing in the eyes of the Lord, and He turn away the calamity from him, and bring it upon thee and upon thy dwelling.' And our Lifegiver has commanded us: 'Pray for your enemies, and bless them that curse you, and do good to him who persecutes you and hates you, that ye may be the children of your Father who is in Heaven, who lets His sun shine upon the good and upon the bad, and lets His rain descend upon the righteous and upon the wicked.' And again our Lord commanded us: 'If ye do not forgive men their offences neither will your Father, who is in Heaven, forgive you your offences.' And again He said: 'Blessed are the merciful, for upon them shall mercy be (shown).' And now draw nigh unto the Jews thy murderers, and as the Spirit of holiness gives unto thee, speak with them." And when the Apostle had said these things to Hananyā, the ox spake again, and said to Philip: "Order me, Sir, that at this moment I may kill and knock down all these murderers, the enemies of the Messiah, with my horns." And the Apostle said to the ox: "Hurt no man but go with thy master, and serve him, and the Lord will heal thee and him (with such) a healing that thou shalt never have a pain." Then the ox and his master bowed down before the Apostle of God, and went to their village in peace.
The hêgemôn says to the Apostle: "These Jews, therefore, are deserving of death." The Apostle says: "The Lord has not sent me to slay but to give life, and to raise up those who, whilst alive, were slain by Satan through sin." And the murderers were standing before the Apostle and before the Judge, with their faces ashamed, and what answer they should give them they did not know. Their mouth was closed, when they saw the miracle that was (wrought) through the ox, which, spake like a man, and Hananyā, who had been killed, who stood before them.
And Hananyā, drew nigh to the Jews who slew him, and said to them: "Today is fulfilled regarding you the prophecy of Jeremiah the prophet, who said:'Like the shame of the thief, when he is found out, so are ashamed the children of Israel, they and their kings and their priests and their nobles, who say to wood, Our father art thou, and to stone, Thou art our mother.' And now ye shall go in peace, ye children of Cain the murderer. Our Jesus the Messiah, in whom I have believed, shall do me justice upon you, and shall demand my innocent blood of your hands." And the Apostle said to the Jews: "Hear, ye who are guilty of death for (shedding) innocent blood, thus has Solomon your king written: 'He who is conscious of (shedding) a man's blood, shall flee to the chosen, and he will not deliver him.' And it is written in your Law: 'Whoso slays a man, he too shall be slain and shall not be atoned for, and it shall not be forgiven him before the Lord, until the blood of him be shed, who shed innocent blood.' But us, followers of the Messiah, Christians, disciples of Jesus the Messiah, He has thus commanded: 'It was said to the ancients, Cheek for cheek, tooth for tooth; but I say unto you, Stand not up against evil, but whoso smites thee on thy right cheek, turn unto him the other too.'" And when the Apostle had spoken vehemently, and they did not repent, and did not ask pardon, the Apostle said to the judge: "Turn them out." And the judge ordered his young men, and they turned the Jews out from before him by tribes.
And afterwards fear seized all the Jews who were dwelling in the city of Carthage; and they were crying out and glorifying God and saying: "The God of Philip the Apostle is One, whom the sea and the winds and the Angels obey, and the dead rise to His glory, and beasts and dolphins praise the majesty of Jesus the Messiah, the God who (is) over all." And there became disciples on that day about three thousand souls of the Gentiles, and of the Jews fifteen hundred; and they received the sign (baptism) of the Messiah, and rejoiced in the love of Jesus the Messiah, who had held them worthy of His grace. But the Jews who did not believe in the word of the Apostle, went away from the city and settled in other cities; and ere the sun had set, the Angel of the Lord smote and slew forty priests of the Jews, because they had shed the innocent blood of a just and righteous man. And all who heard and saw, confessed and worshipped and bowed down and said: "The true God is One, our Lord Jesus the Messiah, and with Him His Father and His holy Spirit, to whom be glory and honour and praise and worship in all generations, for ever and ever, Amen and Amen."
Here ends the history of Philip, the Apostle and Evangelist, and to God be the glory for ever, Amen.
[All footnotes and biblical references have reluctantly been omitted. Note that a complete reprint of this book with all notes, page divisions and Syriac text can be bought online by visiting Gorgias Press, (and search on Wright)]
This text was transcribed by Colin Tunnicliffe, UK, 2004. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: apocryphal_acts_05_matthew_andrew.htm
Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (1871) Volume 2. pp.93-115. The history of Mar Matthew and Mar Andrew, the blessed apostles
Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (1871) Volume 2. pp.93-115. The history of Mar Matthew and Mar Andrew, the blessed apostles
THE HISTORY OF
MĀR MATTHEW AND MĀR ANDREW,
THE BLESSED APOSTLES.
WHEN THEY CONVERTED THE CITY OF DOGS, THE INHABITANTS OF WHICH WERE CANNIBALS.1
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After the days of the ascension of our Lord Jesus the Messiah to Heaven, when the days of Pentecost were fulfilled, and the Paraclete had come to the upper chamber of Zion, and the holy Apostles were filled with the gift of the Spirit of holiness, each of them had the wish to go forth and preach the Gospel of the Messiah. And they began to cast lots and to distribute the countries among them. And it happened that, when they had cast lots, it fell to Matthew the Apostle to go to the city of which the inhabitants were cannibals. And the inhabitants of that city neither ate bread nor drank water, but their food was the flesh of men, and their drink too the blood of men. And every man who entered into that city, its inhabitants seized, and dug and put out his eyes, and gave him to drink a cup, which was mingled with sorcery; and as soon as he drank that cup, his heart was changed, and his understanding perished, and he got the heart of a beast.
And it happened that, when S. Matthew entered within the gate of the city, the inhabitants of the city seized him, and dug and put out his eyes, and gave him to drink the cup which was mingled with sorcery, and conveyed him to the prison where every one was imprisoned who fell into their hands; and they threw down for him grass to eat.
And when the blessed Apostle had drunk the cup which they gave him, his heart was not changed; but he was always in urgent prayer and tears, saying: "Our Lord Jesus the Messiah, for whose sake we have left everything and follow Thee, because we know that Thou art the true God, and the Helper and the Deliverer of all those who trust in Thee,—look, Lord, and see what this hard-hearted people are doing to Thy servant Matthew, how they have made me like unto the beast in which there is no sense; for Thou art the Knower of everything. If thus be Thy will, O Lord; that I should become food for the inhabitants of this city, let Thy will be accomplished; I will not flee from Thy command. Give me the light of my eyes, that I may see what the people of this city do with me. Do not, Lord, forsake me, and do not give me up to this bitter death."
And whilst the blessed Matthew was praying thus, a mighty light shone through the whole place where he was imprisoned, and a voice was heard from the light, saying: "Matthew, my Apostle, lift up thine eyes." And straightway he lifted up his eyes and saw. And again the voice came unto him the second time and said: "Matthew, be firm, and be strong, and fear not; for I will not abandon thee, nor forsake thee; for I will deliver thee from all temptations, and not thee alone but all thy companions, for I am with thee at all times. And now endure in this thy prison-house twenty-five days,2 for the help of the souls of many. And after these things I will send unto thee Andrew, and he shall bring thee out of this prison and all those who are with thee here." And when our Saviour had said these things, He was lifted up to Heaven.
Then Matthew said: "Thy grace be with us, our Lord Jesus the Messiah." And he was within in the prison and was singing. And it happened that, when the executioners came into the prison to take out men for slaughter, Matthew shut his eyes, that they might not perceive that he saw the light. And it happened one day, when the executioners came and reached him, they read the ticket which was attached to his hand, and said among themselves, "In three days more we shall take out this one too and slaughter him;" for they used to write upon a ticket of wood the day on which a man was taken, and to tie it to his hand, that they might know the completion of his days.
And it happened that, when the twenty-seven days were completed, from (the time) that the blessed Matthew had been seized, our Lord Jesus the Messiah appeared unto Andrew in the country in which he was teaching, and said to him: "Andrew, rise, go with thy disciples to the city of which the inhabitants are cannibals, and take Matthew out of the prison in which he is; for after three days those wretches are going to take him out and kill him for their food." And Andrew answered and said: "My Lord, I am not able within three days to go to that city, because the way is long; but send an Angel to take him out thence, for Thou, my Lord, knowest that I am clothed with flesh, and am not able to arrive there quickly, neither do I know the way." And our Lord answered and said to him: "Andrew, listen, and obey Him who made thee and brought thee into being; for He is able in the twinkling of an eye to command, and that city would be lifted up and brought hither. For I will command the wind, and it shall convey thee thither. But arise in the morning, and go down to the sea-shore with thy disciples, and lo, thou shalt find a ship. Go on board of it, thou and thy disciples." And when our Lord had said these things, He gave him (the salutation of) peace, and was lifted up into Heaven.
Then Andrew arose in the morning, as he had been ordered, and went to the sea-shore with his disciples, and saw a small vessel, and in the vessel three men were sitting; for our Lord by His command had prepared a vessel, and He appeared in it in the likeness of a sailor, and there were with Him two Angels in the likeness of men. And Andrew, when he saw the vessel and the three men who were in it, rejoiced (with) a great joy, and drew nigh unto the vessel, and said to them: "Whither are ye going, my brethren?" And our Lord said to him: "Weare going to the country of the Cannibals." Now Andrew did not perceive that it was Jesus, but our Lord concealed the might and power of His Godhead, and appeared like a steersman. And Andrew answered and said: "We too wish to go to that city." Then our Lord said to him: "Every man flees from that city, and ye wish to go thither!" Andrew answered and said: "We have something to do there, and we must go thither; and now, if ye are going to do a kindness unto us, show (it) to us." And Jesus answered and said to them: "Come on board in peace."
And Andrew answered and said: "I wish thee to know, my brother, before we go on board the vessel, that we have no ship-hire to give thee, nor have we bread for food with us." And our Lord said to him: "And how do ye come on board the vessel, when ye have no ship-hire? " Andrew says to Him: "Listen, my brother; do not suppose that from stiff-neckedness we do not give thee the ship-hire; but we are the disciples of our Lord Jesus the Messiah, who loved us, and chose us twelve, and gave us commandment and said: 'When ye go forth to preach, do not take with you purses nor bags, nor copper (coin) in your purses, nor bread, nor a staff, nor shoes; neither have ye two coats.' If then thou wilt have compassion upon us, tell us quickly; and if not, we will look for another vessel." Jesus answered and said unto them: "If this be the commandment which ye have received, and ye keep it, come on board; for I say unto you, that it is more pleasing to me that the disciples of the Messiah should come on board my vessel than those who give me gold and silver. But this I say unto you, that perhaps I am worthy that the disciple of the Messiah should come on board my vessel." And Andrew answered and said: "Permit me, my brother; may the Lord give thee a reward and pardon."
Then Andrew went on board the vessel,3 and answered and said to his disciples: "My children, if ye choose, stay on shore, until I finish what was commanded me by our Lord, and return unto you." But his disciples said to him: "Far be it from us to do this! For if we remain behind thee, we shall become strangers to the grace which was given us; and now we will be with thee whithersoever thou goest."
Then Jesus answered and said to Andrew: "If thou art in truth the disciple of the Messiah, remind thy disciples of the miracles which thy Lord wrought, that thou mayest strengthen their minds, that they may forget (their) concern about this sea; for lo, we are making ready to loosen the vessel from the land and to sail." Then Jesus made a sign to one of the Angels, and he loosened the vessel from the land; and Jesus came and sat in the midst of the vessel. And Andrew was encouraging his disciples, and saying: "My children, ye have given up your lives for the Messiah; fear not; for He did not forsake us at the time when we were with Him in the vessel, and He had lain down to sleep in the vessel, trying us, for He was not asleep; and when there was a great wind, and the sea reared its waves so that they rose above the mast of the vessel, and great fear took hold of us, our Saviour arose and rebuked the wind, and the waves were assuaged, and there was a great calm on the sea; for everything obeys His command, because they are His creation. And now, my children, fear not." And when Andrew had said these things, he prayed that his disciples-might remain at rest.
And when they had fallen asleep, Andrew turned and said to Jesus, not knowing that it was Jesus: "Tell me, man, and truly show me this art of thy steering; for I have never seen a steersman who managed a vessel as I now see thee. For sixteen times have I sailed on the sea, and this is the seventeenth, and I have never seen skill like this; for verily this vessel is in the midst of the sea just as if it were on land. Show me then thy art, O youth." Then our Lord said to Andrew: "We too have sailed many times on the sea, and a violent storm has risen against us; but because thou art the disciple of the Messiah, the sea has recognised thee and has not uplifted its waves against us." Then Andrew cried with a loud voice and said: "I bless Thy name, my Lord Jesus the Messiah, that Thou hast let me meet with a man who glorifies Thy name." And Jesus answered and said to him: "Tell me, disciple of Jesus, why the wicked Jews did not believe on thy Lord that He is the true God. Show me; for we have heard that He showed His power to His disciples." And Andrew answered and said: "Yes, my brother, He showed us that He is the true God; and now do not suppose that Jesus is not God, for He made man.4" And Jesus answered and said: "And why did the Jews not believe on Him?" Andrew answered and said: "O man, who hast the spirit of knowledge and all understanding, why temptest thou me?" Our Lord says to him: "I tempt thee not with these things, but my soul rejoices and exults in them." Andrew says: "My brother, the Lord shall fill thy soul with great joy and grace." Our Lord answered and said: "Narrate to me then." And Andrew answered and said: "Hast thou not heard of the miracles which He did before them? To the blind He gave light, and to the lame to walk, and to the deaf and dumb to hear and speak; and He cast out devils; the lepers He cleansed, the dead He raised to life; He changed water into wine; and He took five loaves and two fishes, and ordered the people to recline upon the grass, and blessed, and satisfied them; and five thousand did eat and were satisfied, and left (something) over. And again He spake a blessing over seven loaves, and satisfied four thousand. And He did many signs and wonders and miracles, which, if I narrate them before thee, thou wilt not be able to bear." Jesus says to him: "I shall be able; but to a enough, though a fool not even many (words) can persuade."
And when our Lord knew that the vessel had arrived near the land, He leaned His head against one of the Angels, and ceased to converse with Andrew. And when Andrew saw (this), he leaned himself against his disciples, and sank into a heavy sleep. And our Lord said to the Angels: " Spread out your hands, and carry Andrew and his disciples, and go, place them at the gate of that city, the inhabitants of which eat the flesh of men." And the Angels did as they were commanded, and took up Andrew and his disciples, and carried (and) placed them at the gate of that city, the inhabitants of which eat men.
And when Andrew awoke from his sleep and opened his eyes, he saw that he was sitting at the gate of that city, and his disciples beside him, who were asleep. And being astonished at what had happened, he awakened them and said to them: "Rise, my children, and see the grace that has been with us, and know that our Lord was with us in the vessel, proving us, and we did not recognise Him." And his disciples answered and said to him: "Do not suppose, our father, that we knew that we were sailing on the sea, because we were sunk in a deep sleep; and we saw that Angels came and took our souls and carried them to Paradise; and we saw there great wonders, for we saw our Lord Jesus the Messiah sitting on a glorious throne, and all the Angels beholding Him; and we saw there Abraham and Isaac and Jacob and all the Fathers and the holy Prophets, and you too the twelve Apostles, standing beside our Lord Jesus the Messiah; and we heard our Lord commanding His holy Angels: 'Be obedient to the Apostles in everything which they say unto you.' This is the vision which we saw, our father."
Then the blessed Andrew, when he had heard these things from his disciples, rejoiced (with) a great joy, that his disciples were worthy to see the great things of God. And he lifted up his eyes to heaven and said: "Pardon me, my Lord, and forgive me what I have done; for as a man I saw Thee in the vessel, and as a man I spake with Thee. Wherein have I sinned, my Lord? (for) Thou didst not show to me Thy majesty." And our Lord said unto him: "Thou hast not sinned, Andrew; but I did these things unto thee, because thou saidst, 'I cannot go to the City of Dogs in three days.' Lo, now have I shown thee that I am able to do everything by (my) power. But arise, and go into the city unto Matthew thy brother, and bring him forth from prison, him and all those who are imprisoned with him. And lo, I make known unto thee, before thou enterest into their city, that they will show thee cruel tortures, and thy body shall be torn, and thy blood shall be poured out upon the earth like water; for death they cannot give unto thee, but great tortures they are about to let pass over thee. But bear up, and harden not thyself against their wickedness. Remember the tortures which I endured, when the Jews smote me with their fists and spat in my face. Was I not able in the twinkling of an eye to move heaven and earth, and to bring chastisement upon those who beat me? But I bore (it), and forgave them, that I might set you an example."
And Andrew straightway arose, and entered into that city with his disciples. And he went to the prison, and saw the seven keepers, who were standing at the gates of the prison and guarding it. And Andrew prayed, and these keepers fell down and died. And when he came nigh to the gate of the prison, he made upon the gate the sign of the Cross; and straightway the gate became open.
And when Andrew had entered the prison with his disciples, Matthew saw Andrew, and straightway he arose, and they asked after each other's welfare. And Andrew said to Matthew: "My brother, how hast thou got in here? For lo, after three days, the men of this city are going to take thee out and kill thee for their food. Where are the holy mysteries which thou hast learned? For if thou didst utter them, heaven and earth would tremble." And Matthew answered and said: "My brother Andrew, thou hast heard our Lord say: 'Lo, I send you like lambs among wolves.' For as soon as I entered into this prison, I prayed before the Lord, and He appeared unto me, saying: 'Bear up for twenty-seven days, and afterwards I will send unto thee Andrew, and he will take thee out of this prison and also all those who are with thee.' And as our Lord promised to me, lo, I see thee to-day; and now, what shall we do?"
Then Andrew looked in the midst of the prison, and saw those men who were bound there, stripped (naked) and eating grass like cattle. And Andrew beat his breast and said: "Our Lord Jesus the Messiah, look and see what they have given to men, who are made in Thy image and in Thy likeness, to eat." And the blessed (one) began to rebuke Satan and to say: "Out upon thee, Satan, thou enemy of our God and of His Angels! How long wilt thou fight with the human race?"
And Andrew and Matthew kneeled and prayed; and afterwards Andrew laid his hands upon the eyes of those men who had been blinded, and straightway they all saw the light. And again he placed his hand upon their heart, and their understanding was changed and became like that of men. And he said to them: "Depart now to the lower part of the city. Lo, ye shall find on the road a large fig-tree; sit down under it, and eat of its fruit, till I come to you. And if I delay, ye will find for yourselves on it as much food as sufficeth for you." And those men answered and said to the blessed Andrew: "Come with us, sir, lest perchance the heathen men of this city see us again, and take us, and put us to tortures which are worse than the former ones." And he said to them: "Go in peace; verily I say unto you, that, whilst ye are going, not even a dog shall bark at you." And those men went, as the blessed Andrew had said to them; and they were in number forty-nine. But to Matthew he said that he should go with his disciples to the east side of the city. And Andrew prayed, and a cloud descended, and took away Matthew and his disciples, and set them on a mountain, where Peter the Apostle was sitting and teaching; and they remained with him.
But Andrew, after he had gone out of the prison, was walking about in the city. And he saw a pillar, and upon it was standing a statue of brass; and he sat down by the side of that pillar, that he might see what would take place. And it happened that, when the executioners went to the prison to fetch out men for their food, as was the custom of every day, they found the gates of the prison open and the keepers dead and lying on the ground. And they returned to the chief men, and said to them: "We went to the prison, and found it open and the keepers dead and lying on the ground; and when we went in, we found no man there." And when the chief men heard (this), they said among themselves: "What is this thing that has happened? Have men perchance gone into the prison and killed the keepers, and taken those who were bound there, and departed?" Then the chiefs said to the executioners: "Go to the prison, and bring those seven keepers, that we may eat them to day; and straightway collect for us all the old men of the city, and let them cast lots among themselves, and those on whom the lot falls we shall go on killing every day, seven by seven, for our food, until we choose young men and put them on board ship, and they go to the countries around us, and put men on board their ships and bring (them) hither, that they may be to us for food."
And when the executioners had gone to the prison, they brought those seven keepers dead. And there was there a large furnace, which was built in the midst of the city; and by the side of the furnace there was a large trough of stone, in which they used to kill the men, and their blood ran down and was collected in that trough, and they used to draw up the blood and drink it. And it happened that, when they had brought those seven, who were dead, they placed them beside the trough, that they might lay their hands upon them and lift them up. And the blessed Andrew heard a voice saying to him: "Andrew, look and see what is being done in this city." And it happened that, when he saw (it), he prayed and said: "Our Lord Jesus the Messiah, who hast brought me to this city, do not permit that there take place in it anything hateful, but let the knives fall from the hands of these executioners." And straightway their hands were paralysed, and they were not able to lift them up or let them down. And when the nobles saw what had happened, they wept bitterly, saying: "Woe unto us, for there are magicians here, and they have gone into the prison, and slain the keepers, and brought out those who were imprisoned there; and lo, they have bewitched the executioners too. What then shall we do?"
Then they said to the executioners: "Go, collect for us the old men of the city, because we are hungry." And they went and collected them, and found two hundred and sixteen in number, and brought them to their nobles; and they commanded them to cast lots, and the lot of seven old men came forth. And one of the old men, upon whom the lot had fallen, answered and said to the executioners: "I beg of you, I have a little son, take him and kill him in my stead, and let me go." And they said to him "We cannot do this, unless the nobles bid us." And the executioners went and told their nobles these things. And the nobles answered and said to them: "If he gives a substitute, let him go"; and the executioners made this known to the old man. And the old man answered and said to them: "I have a daughter too; take her also with her brother for slaughter, and let me go." And he gave them up for slaughter, and the executioners took these children to kill them. And they were weeping and saying: "Do not kill us in this youth (of ours), but allow us to come to full growth, and then ye may kill (us)." And this also was the custom in that city, that they did not bury those who died, but ate them. And the executioners did not heed these children, but took them and went to the trough, in which they used to kill men, to kill them."
And when the holy Andrew saw (this), he wept bitterly, and said: "Our Lord Jesus the Messiah, as Thou didst hear me sinful concerning these dead, and Thy Divinity did not suffer them to be eaten, so now too do not suffer them to be brought nigh to the death of these children, but let their hands be paralysed, and let the knives fall and melt like wax before the fire." And the moment that the blessed Andrew had prayed, the knives were loosened, and fell from the hands of the executioners. And when S. Andrew saw what had happened, he glorified God who had answered him in everything.
And when the rulers saw what had happened, they wept bitterly and said: "Woe unto us! what is there now for us to do?" And Satan took the likeness of an old man, and stood in their midst, and said: "Woe to you! What can ye do? For ye have no food. And now arise, and seize in this city a stranger, whose name is Andrew, and kill him; for he has let out these men who were shut up in the prison."
And S. Andrew looked upon Satan, how he was talking among the crowd; but Satan did not see the blessed (one). And the Apostle of the Messiah answered and said to Satan:"O thou enemy of all mankind, who art constantly warring against them, our Lord Jesus the Messiah will humble thee and cast thee into the deep abyss of destruction." And when Satan heard this, he said, "Fie, fie upon thee! Thy voice I hear, but where thou art I know not." And the blessed (one) answered and said to Satan: "Verily thou art blind, and thou canst not «m see the saints." And when Satan heard this, he said to the multitude: "See now, seize him with whom I am speaking, because he is the disturber of your affairs." And those wicked (ones) ran and shut the gates of the city; and they were going about and seeking for the blessed Andrew through the whole city, and did not see him. Then our Lord Jesus the Messiah appeared to him and said to him: "Andrew, arise, show them thy power, that they may learn that the power of Satan, who dwells in them, is nought."
Then the blessed Andrew arose in the sight of the whole multitude, and said: "I am Andrew, whom ye seek." Then the whole people ran and seized him, and said to him: "As thou hast done unto us, we will do unto thee." And they began taking counsel together and saying: " With what death shall we kill him? If indeed we take off his head, it is not a bitter death; and if we burn him with fire, neither is this anything." Then one of them, after Satan had entered into him, answered and said to them: "As he made us suffer, so we too will make him suffer. This let us do unto him. Let us put ropes round his neck, and drag him through the streets and lanes of this city; and when he is dead, then we will divide his body among all of us." And this seemed good before the whole people; and they cast ropes upon his neck, and were dragging him through all the streets and lanes of the city, until his body was torn by the stones over which he was dragged, and his blood was flowing like water. And when it was evening, they cast him into prison, with his hands bound behind him.
And again, when it was morning, they brought him out, and cast cords upon his neck, and dragged him through the whole city, and his whole body was torn by the ground. And the blessed (one) prayed with sighs and said: "Our Lord Jesus the Messiah, behold what they do with me, and I bear it because of Thy command, —for if it were not because of Thy mercy, Thou wouldest have sent them into the deep abyss, with their city,—but only, Lord, do not permit the enemy to mock me." And when the blessed (one) had said these things, Satan answered from behind him and said to the people: "Be smiting him upon his mouth, that he may not speak."
And when evening came, they cast him into the prison. Then Satan took with him seven demons, and went into the prison. And they stood before S. Andrew, and were mocking him, saying: " Now art thou caught in our hands. Who then shall deliver thee? For lo, thou destroyest our works out of every city, and hast desolated our temples and shrines, which were built for us." And Satan commanded those seven demons which were with him to slay the blessed (one). Then, when these demons drew near, and saw the seal of the Messiah between his eyes, they were afraid and fled from him. And Satan answered and said to them: "Why flee ye from him? "What is it?" And they say to him: "We cannot come near to him because of the seal which is upon him; but do thou go, slay him, if thou art able." And Satan said to them: "Come then, let us mock him." Then those demons came with Satan their master, and were mocking the blessed (one) and saying: "Thou O Andrew, lo, art come to great disgrace and to hard judgement." Then, when the blessed Andrew heard these things, he said: "If ye kill me outright, I will not do your pleasure, but the pleasure of my Lord; for if my Lord visits me in this city, I will chastise you as ye deserve." And when the demons heard these things, they vanished from before him like smoke.
And when it was morning, they brought the blessed Andrew out of the prison, and tied ropes round his neck, and were dragging him. And again his body (was lacerated) and all the hair of his head was pulled out. And the blessed (one) cried with a loud voice, with sighs and tears, and said: "Our Lord Jesus the Messiah, these tortures are enough for me, these three days, by day and by night, of Satan and of the demons and of these heathens. Command, Lord, and receive my spirit, or show me Thy grace that I may be strengthened." And when he had said these things, a voice came to him in Hebrew, saying: "Andrew, heaven and earth shall pass away, but my words shall not pass away.And do thou now turn and see thy flesh, which has been plucked from thee, what has become of it." And he looked and saw large trees, which had grown up and bore fruit. And S. Andrew said: "Now, Lord, I know that Thou hast not forsaken me."
And when it was evening, they cast him into the prison, saying: "His body is destroyed, and during this night he will die." Then our Lord Jesus the Messiah appeared to him in the prison, and said to him: "Andrew, give me thy hand." And He took him by his hand, and straightway he rose up whole. And the blessed (one) fell down and worshipped Him. And afterwards he looked into the midst of the pit in which he was imprisoned, and saw a pillar (statue) which was called in Greek Alabastros. And Andrew stretched out his hand and said: "Thou dumb stone, fear the sign of the Cross, at which heaven and earth tremble; and straightway let there flow from thy mouth much water, that it may submerge this city." And straightway that pillar (statue) let much water flow out like a mighty stream; and the water prevailed exceedingly, and killed their children and their cattle; and they were wishing' to flee from the city.
Then the blessed Andrew prayed, and a fiery cloud descended, and surrounded the city like a wall, and they were unable to flee. And when Andrew knew what had happened, he glorified God and said: "I bless Thee, our Lord Jesus the Messiah!" And all the inhabitants of the city trembled, and were weeping and saying: "Woe to us I for all these things have come upon us because of the stranger who is in the prison; but let us go and release him, that we may not die wretchedly by these waters of the flood and by this fire."
And they all came to the prison, crying out with a mournful voice. And when the blessed Andrew saw that their spirit was humbled to him, he said to the pillar (statue): "Enough now; do not emit water any more. Lo, I will go out and preach the word of God; and I say unto thee, that, if the people of this city believe, I will build in it a church, and I will remove thee hence, and convey thee and set thee up in it, in recompense for thy having answered me and done that which was commanded thee." And at that moment the statue ceased from its flowing. And Andrew went forth from the prison, and the water was running before his feet.
Then the old man, who had given up his children to slaughter in his stead, came nigh before him, and said to him: "Have mercy upon us, our lord." And Andrew answered and said to him: "I ask of thee, how canst thou say to me that I should have mercy upon thee, when thou didst not have mercy upon thy children. But I say unto thee, that in a little while these waters shall go and be swallowed up in the midst of the abyss, and these executioners, who were killing the men, and thou too shalt be swallowed up with them." And he turned and said to the assembly: "Come after me, all of you." And whilst they were going after him, the waters were divided hither and thither before the feet of the holy (one), until he came to the place of the trough. And the blessed Andrew lifted up his face to heaven, and prayed, and the earth opened, and swallowed up the water and the executioners and the old man. And when the people of the city saw what had happened, they began to say among themselves: "Woe to us! for this man has been sent hither by God, and he will kill us because of the tortures which we made him bear; for lo, as it has been with the executioners and with that old man, (so) it will be with us." And the blessed Andrew, when he heard (this), said to them: "Fear not, my children, for not even these will God leave in Sheol; these have been snatched away to the lower earth, that ye might believe."
Then Andrew ordered them to bring all those who had been drowned by the water; and they were not able to bring them, because those who had died by the water were many, men and women, and children and animals. Then the blessed (one) prayed before God, and they were resuscitated and all arose. And after these things he baptised them in the name of the Father and the Son and the Spirit of holiness. And he marked out for them the likeness of a church, and it was built quickly. And they brought the pillar (statue) which had made the water flow, and set it up in the church. And he sketched out for them rules and laws by which they might subsist, and delivered to them the mysteries of our Lord Jesus the Messiah, and bade them sow and be nourished by the sweat of their faces. And he made haste to depart from them; and they were beseeching him, from the youngest to the oldest, and were saying to him: "We beg of thee, tarry with us a few days, (for) we are yet children in the faith, that we may receive of thy blessed fountain and of thy divine words." But he did not consent to abide with them, but went his way.
Then our Lord assumed unto him the likeness of a comely child, and said to him: "Why art thou going, and leaving them without fruit, and not taking pity upon the children who are coming after thee and crying out? Now therefore return to the city, and abide with them seven days; and when thou enterest into the city, bring up those who were swallowed up in the abyss."
Then Andrew glorified God and said: "Blessed art Thou, our Lord Jesus the Messiah, for Thou dost not wish that a man should perish, but that he should live." And he returned, and entered into the city. And when the people of the city saw that he had returned, they rejoiced (with) a great joy. And he spent there seven days, teaching and confirming them in the faith of our Lord. Then the blessed Andrew prayed, and the men, who had been swallowed up in the abyss, were resuscitated. And after seven days all the people of the city went out, and were accompanying him on his way, from the youngest even to the oldest, and were crying out and saying: "One is the God of the blessed Andrew, our Lord Jesus the Messiah, the Son of the living God;" to whom is befitting glory and worship and thanksgiving, with His blessed Father and His living and holy Spirit, for ever and ever, Amen.
Here ends the history of Matthew and Andrew, when they converted the City of Dogs; which is ،Írkā.
[All footnotes and biblical references have reluctantly been omitted apart from these. Note that a complete reprint of this book with all notes, page divisions and Syriac text can be bought online by visiting Gorgias Press, (and search on Wright)]
1. See Clark's Ante-Nicene Library, vol. xvi, p.348.
2. Margin, twenty-seven, as in the Greek and below.
3. Here the Syriac text omits a considerable portion of the Greek, from p.138 l.13, in Tischendorf's edition, to p. 139 l.18. See Clark's Ante-Nicene Library, vol xvi., pp.351, 352.
4. Here again the Syriac text is shorter than the Greek, and some sentences are transposed. See Tischendorf's edition, p.142, line 1, to p.146, line 16, and Clark's Ante-Nicene Library, vol. xvi., pp.353-6.
This text was transcribed by Colin Tunnicliffe, UK, 2004. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: apocryphal_acts_06_thecla.htm
Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (1871) Volume 2. pp.116-145. The history of Thecla, the disciple of Paul the apostle
Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (1871) Volume 2. pp.116-145. The history of Thecla, the disciple of Paul the apostle
THE HISTORY OF THECLA,
THE DISCIPLE OF PAUL THE APOSTLE.1
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When Paul had gone up to the city of Iconium after his persecution, there accompanied him Demas and Hermogenes, the coppersmiths, who were full of sedition and spake big words. And they were conversing with Paul as though with their friend; but Paul was looking to the dwelling-place of the grace of the Messiah, and was not doing unto them any harm, but was loving them truly. And he was so loving them, that he was making all the words of the Lord, and of the teaching and preaching and the birth and the resurrection of the Beloved, sink into their souls through the great (doings) of the Messiah. And he showed them how they were revealed to him, and was narrating (them) unto them by word (of mouth).
And a man, whose name was Onesiphorus, heard that Paul had come to the city of Iconium, and went out, with the sons of Simon, and with Zeno, and with his wife, to meet Paul, that they might receive him; for Titus had told him what was the aspect of Paul; for Onesiphorus did not know him in the body, but in the spirit. And he went (and) stood where the roads meet, on the highway which goes to Lystra; and was standing and waiting for him, and looking upon those who were passing and returning, according to the marks which Titus had given him. And he saw Paul coming, and in his stature he was a man of middling size, and his hair was scanty, and his legs were a little crooked, and his knees were projecting (or far apart); and he had large eyes, and his eyebrows met, and: his nose was somewhat long; and he was full of grace and mercy; at one time he seemed like a man, and at another time he seemed like an Angel. And when Paul saw Onesiphorus, he was glad; and Onesiphorus said to him: "Peace be to thee, thou apostle of the Blessed (One)." Paul saith to him: "Peace be to thee, Onesiphorus, and to all thy household." And Demas and Hermogenes were filled with envy, and their jealousy was great; and they said to Paul: "Are we not of the Blessed (One), that thou hast never saluted us thus?" He answered and said to them: "Because I do not see in you the works of righteousness." Onesiphorus saith to them: "If ye be aught, come ye too to my house and rest."
And when Paul had entered into the house of Onesiphorus, there was great joy there, and they kneeled down on their knees, and prayed, and brake bread. And Paul came nigh and spake unto him the words of God concerning the controlling of the flesh and concerning the resurrection, and was saying: "Blessed are they who are pure in their heart, for they shall see God. Blessed are they who have kept their flesh in purity, for they shall be called temples of God. Blessed are they who control themselves, for God shall speak with them. Blessed are they who have despised this world, for they shall be pleasing unto God. Blessed are they who have wives as though they had them not, for they shall inherit the earth. Blessed are they in whose heart is the fear of God, for they shall be called Angels. Blessed are they who tremble at the words of God which they hear, for them shall God call. Blessed are they who have received the wisdom of Jesus the Messiah, for they shall be called sons of God. Blessed are they who have kept the baptism, for they shall rest with the Father, who is in Heaven, and with His beloved Son. Blessed are they who have received the exhortation of the Messiah, for they shall be in great light. Blessed are they who for the love of God have gone out of this body, for they shall inherit eternal life, and shall stand at the right hand of the Son of God. Blessed are the merciful, for mercy shall be upon them from God, and on the Day of Judgement they shall receive the kingdom. Blessed are the bodies and souls of virgins, for they shall be pleasing unto God, and the reward of their holiness shall not be lost, for, according to the word of the Father, there shall be found for them works unto life at the day of His Son."
And whilst Paul was speaking these great things of God in the midst of the Church, in the house of Onesiphorus, one Thecla, a virgin, the daughter of Theocleia, who was betrothed unto Thamyris, came and sat at a window, which was close to their roof, and was listening to the words of Paul, which he was speaking concerning purity; and she did not depart from that window, and by night and day was hearkening to the prayer of Paul, and was wondering at the faith. Moreover too she was seeing many women, who were going in unto Paul that they might hear his words, for he was teaching the commandments of God; and she was longing to hear the words of Paul, for his figure had not been seen by her, but it was his words only which she was hearing; and she did not stir at all from that window.
Then her mother sent for Thamyris her betrothed; and when Thamyris her betrothed heard that his mother-in-law had called him, he ran and came to her, as if, lo, she was already granting to him to take her to wife. And Thamyris answered and said to his mother-in-law: "Where is Thecla my betrothed, that I may see her?" Theocleia answered and said to him: "I have something new to tell thee, Thamyris! Thecla thy betrothed, lo, for three days and three nights has not got up from that window, neither to eat nor to drink; but her eyes are intently fixed and she is looking at a strange man, who speaks vain and foolish words as if for a pastime; and accordingly I am surprised how discreet young women are quickly (and) evilly led away after him. I say unto thee, Thamyris, that he has perverted the whole city of the Iconians, and Thecla thy betrothed too, and many (other) women; and the young men go in to him, and he teaches them to worship one God and to live purely. And moreover Thecla is bound like a spider on its web, and is seized with a new desire and with an evil corruption, and her eyes are intently fixed on whatsoever comes out of that chamber, and she does not quit that window either to eat or to drink, and the virgin is quite absorbed (in thought). But do thou, Thamyris, go near to her and speak with her, for she is betrothed to thee."
And Thamyris her betrothed drew nigh unto her, firstly, because he loved her, and secondly, because he had respect for her modesty; and he answered and said to her: "Thecla, thou art my betrothed; why is it that thou doest thus? And what is the evil corruption that has taken hold of thee? Turn to Thamyris thy betrothed, and be ashamed before him." And her mother answered and saith to her: "Why is it that thou thus lookest down, and givest no answer, but art become like a mad woman?" And when the people of their household saw her, they wept; and Thamyris was weeping because his betrothed had parted from him; and the mother because she was parted from her daughter and the women-servants because they were parted from their mistress. And great was the grief and the mourning in their house. And Thecla paid no attention to all these things, but her mind was bent to hear the words of Paul.
Then Thamyris her betrothed became angry, and sprang up (and) went out into the street, and was looking at those who were going in and out to Paul. And suddenly he saw two men who were quarrelling bitterly with one another. And Thamyris drew nigh unto them and said to them: "What are ye? Tell me. And who is this man, who (is) within, who is with you, who leads astray the souls of young women and of virgins, and commands that there should be no marriage-feasts, but that they should live thus (as they are)? I am willing to give you much money, if ye will tell me about him, who he is; for I am the chief (man) of this city." And Demas and Hermogenes, when they saw him, came to him, and answered and say to him: "This man of whom thou hast spoken, we do not know him, who he is; but he separates the young men from the virgins, and the virgins from the young men, and says to them, 'Ye cannot rise from the grave, unless ye keep yourselves purely.'" Thamyris answered and said to them: "Come, my friends, with me to my house, and rest yourselves with me." And they went with him to a great repast, and much meat, and immense luxury, and splendid tables. And Thamyris entertained them, because he loved Thecla his betrothed, that he might get her as a wife on the day which his mother-in-law had fixed for him. Thamyris answered and said to them as they were reclining (at table): "Tell me, my friends, what are the doctrines which he teaches, that I too may know; for they are not few, who complain against him, and I too am grieved for my betrothed, who loves a strange man, and I am parted from her."
And Demas and Hermogenes answered and said to him with one consent: "Thamyris, bring him before Castelus the hêgemôn, and say, 'This (fellow) teaches the new doctrine, and is a Christian'; and lo, straightway he will destroy him, and thou shalt take Thecla thy betrothed (to wife), and we will teach thee the resurrection of the dead, which he teaches."
And when Thamyris heard these words, he was filled with envy and jealousy, and rose early in the morning, and went to the house of Onesiphorus with the chief men of the city and many people with staves. And he answered and said: "Paul, thou hast destroyed the city of the Iconians and my betrothed, so that she will not be mine. Come to Castelus the hêgemôn." And the whole city said: "Drag him along, he is a magician; for he has corrupted all our wives." And the whole people let themselves be persuaded. And when Paul had gone, they holding him, and stood before the hêgemôn, Thamyris answered and said with a loud voice to the hêgemôn: "This man—we do not know who he is; but he does not suffer virgins to become (the wives) of men. Let him tell thee, why he teaches this doctrine." And Demas and Hermogenes the smiths, who were full of sedition, drew near to Thamyris and said to him: "Say that he is a Christian, and lo, at that moment he will destroy him." And when the hêgemôn had heard the words of Thamyris and of the whole people, who were holding Paul, they saw that the hêgemôn called Paul and said to him: "Tell me, Paul, who art thou? And what teachest thou? For they are not few who accuse thee." Then Paul lifted up his voice and said: "I will relate to-day what I teach; listen, O hêgemôn. I teach a living God; a God who does not requite retributions unto men; a God who does not require anything, but to whom the life of men is useful. And he has sent me that I might rescue them from destruction, and from uncleanness, and from all deadly lusts, that they might sin no more. On this account God has sent me, whom I preach, and I proclaim that in Him shall be the hope of all men; who has taken providential care and delivered the nations from error, that they might sin no more, and might not walk in sedition, but that fear might be in them through belief in God, and (that) they might know fear and love in truth. And if I teach whatever God hath revealed unto me, what wrong do I do, O hêgemôn?" And when the hêgemôn heard these words, he commanded that Paul should go to prison, being bound, until he could have an opportunity of hearing him well.
And Thecla in that night took off her bracelets and gave (them) to the doorkeeper of their house, and he opened the door for her; and she went out, and went to the jailer, who was guarding Paul, and gave him her mirror of gold that he might bring her in to Paul. And he brought her in, and she came and sat by the feet of Paul, and was listening to the great things of God. And Paul was not distressed, but was teaching the commandments of God openly to every one who was with him (in the prison). And Thecla with great joy was kissing the bonds and chains which were laid on the hands and feet of Paul.
And when her family and her betrothed sought for Thecla, as if she had been lost, they arose, going about and searching for her in the streets. And the companion of the doorkeeper came, and informed against him, and said: "I saw Thecla by night give her bracelets to the doorkeeper, and he opened the door for her, and she went out." And when they had scourged the doorkeeper, he confessed and said to them: "She went out, and said to me, 'Lo, I am going to the stranger, where he is imprisoned.' " And they went, as the doorkeeper told them, and found her sitting at Paul's feet, she and many persons, and they were listening to the great things of the Most High. And Thamyris went forth thence with many persons, and they went in a great rage, and informed the hêgemôn of what had happened. Then the hêgemôn said: "Fetch Paul." And the young men ran and unbound Paul, and were dragging him from the prison until (they came) before the hêgemôn. And Thecla was prostrating herself and weeping on the spot where Paul had been sitting bound and teaching the commandments of God. And again of a sudden the hêgemôn commanded and said: "Bring Thecla, the betrothed of Thamyris." And Thamyris ran with many men, and they laid hold of Thecla, and were dragging her up to the hêgemôn. And when the hêgemôn saw her, he was very sorry for her; but Thecla was standing before him with great joy, and was not sorry. Then of a sudden the whole people cried out and say: "Destroy this magician"; but he (the hêgemôn ) did not say anything concerning Paul. Then the hêgemôn sat in council, and he arose, he and his companions, and they called Thecla, and say to her: "Why art thou not to thy betrothed according to the law of the Iconians?" And Thecla was standing and looking on Paul, and she answered not a word to the hêgemôn. Then her mother cried out and saith: "Burn the fool in the midst of the theatre, that all the women who see her, those whose doctrine this is, may be afraid." And when the hêgemôn heard (this), he was very sorry for her. Then he commanded, and they scourged Paul, and cast him out of the city and he condemned Thecla to be burned with fire in the midst of the theatre. And the hêgemôn arose and went to the theatre, he and the whole people, that they might see Thecla being burned with fire. And as a sheep on the mountain seeks its shepherd, so Thecla too was seeking that she might see where Paul was. And whilst she was looking among all that crowd, she saw the Lord Jesus the Messiah, who was sitting beside her in the likeness of Paul. And Thecla answered and saith: "Thus indeed hath Paul come and seated himself opposite me, as if I were not able to bear whatever may come upon me." And she was looking upon him, and her eyes were gazing intently at him; and the Lord rose up thence and ascended unto Heaven, And the youths and maidens brought faggots and placed (them) in the theatre, that they might burn Thecla; and they brought her into the theatre naked. And when the hêgemôn saw her, he wept, and was astonished at the strength that was in her. And they piled up the faggots, and the youths laid hold of her that she might ascend the pile. And as soon as Thecla ascended (it), she stretched out her hands in the form of the Cross, and ascended the pile. And when the flames of fire rose, not even an atom of her hair was singed, because the Spirit of God had compassion upon her; and the sound of its roaring went up from the earth; and a rain cloud overshadowed (them), and hailstones and water were poured out abundantly, and many of those people, who were sitting and looking on, perished; and the fire was extinguished, and Thecla preserved alive.
And Paul was fasting, he and Onesiphorus, with his wife and children, in a sepulchre which was open by the roadside of the Iconians. And when they had been many days fasting, the youths say to Paul, "We are hungry;" and they had not wherewith to buy for themselves bread, for Onesiphorus had left his house and his property, and he and his household had gone forth with Paul. Then Paul stripped off his tunic, and gave (it) to a boy, and said to him: "Go, sell (it), my son, and buy bread in abundance, and come (back)." And the boy went to buy bread; and he saw Thecla their neighbour, and was astonished, and said to her: "Thecla, whither art thou going?" She saith to him: " After Paul I am going, for I have escaped from the fire." And the boy said to her: "Come with me, and I will lead thee to him; for he is supplicating and weeping and fasting, lo, these six days, and begging of God concerning thee." And Thecla came with him to the sepulchre, and entered and stood over Paul, and found him kneeling on his knees and praying and saying: "Our Father, who art in Heaven, I beg of Thee, let not the fire touch Thecla, but extinguish it from her, because she is Thine." And Thecla, whilst she was standing beside him, opened her mouth and saith: "Father, who hast made Heaven and earth, Thou Father of the Holy (One), I praise Thee, who hast made me, and hast preserved me alive that I might see Paul." And Paul arose and saw her. And Paul answered and said: "God, the Searcher of hearts, the Father of our Lord Jesus the Messiah, I praise Thee because what I asked of Thee Thou hast rescued from the fire, and hast granted me to see Thecla, me and these persons who are with me; and in Thy hands it is an easy thing to deliver from all distress one who praises Thy name for ever."
And Paul was glad and rejoicing with those persons who were with him. And the boy had brought them five loaves of bread, and herbs and water and salt; and they were rejoicing in the pure works of the Messiah. And Thecla saith to Paul: "I will cut off my hair, and go after thee, whither thou goest." He answered and said to her: "It is a hard struggle, and thou art beautiful. (Take care) lest yet another trial come upon thee, which is worse than the first, and thou bear it not." And Thecla said to Paul: "Give me only the sign of God, and temptation shall not come nigh unto me. "Paul saith unto Thecla: "Be patient, and thou shalt receive thy water (of baptism)."
And Paul sent away Onesiphorus with his family, and he went to his home. And Paul took hold of Thecla's hand, and those persons who were with him, and they entered into Antioch. And as they were entering and going along, one of the chief men of Antioch,— Alexander was his name, and he had great influence in Antioch,—saw Thecla and was enamoured of her, and was trying to seduce Paul, and was counselling him that he should give him much silver and gold and he should give him Thecla. And Paul answered and said to him: "I do not know this woman of whom thou speakest, if she be a woman as thou sayest, nor is she mine." And because Alexander was powerful, he came and embraced Thecla in the middle of the street; and she did not endure (it), but was seeking for Paul, and cried out bitterly and said to him: "Do not force the stranger! Do not force the handmaid of God! I am a noble's daughter of the city of Iconium; and because I did not wish to belong to Thamyris my betrothed, they drove me out thence." And she laid hold of Alexander, and tore his garments, and pulled off from him the golden crown of figures, which was placed on his head, and dashed it to the ground, and left Alexander standing naked. And because he loved her, and also because he was ashamed of what she had done to him, he went at once and made (it) known before the hêgemôn. And when the hêgemôn heard that Thecla had done these things, and she confessed what she had done to him, he sentenced her and ordered that they should cast her to the beasts; for Alexander was exhibiting spectacles to the city. And when all the inhabitants of the city heard this, they were astonished, and cried out in complaint before the tribunal and said: "Evil is the doom of Thecla." And Thecla came and stood before the hêgemôn, and made him swear that she should be kept in purity until they threw her to the beasts. And the hêgemôn, when he heard this thing, said to Thecla: " Go whither thou pleasest, and be in safe keeping." And there was there a rich queen, whose name was Tryphaena, whose daughter was dead; and she came and took Thecla, and was keeping her, and it was a consolation to her that she saw Thecla.
And when the beasts were brought into the theatre, (men) came for Thecla, to take her away from the house of Tryphaena; and they led her to the theatre. And they brought (her; and) stripped her, and put a cloth round her loins, and made her stand naked, and brought in against her a huge lioness. And queen Tryphaena was standing beside the door of the theatre, and was weeping for her. And the lioness came (and) drew near to her, and was licking her, whilst Thecla was standing (there). And the whole people were astonished at her and at the power which God had given her. And they wrote on tablets and showed (them) unto all the people who were sitting (there); "Thecla they have called a violator of the temples, because she cast down the crown of Caesar from the head of Alexander, who wished to do uncleanness with her." And all the people were crying out there with their children, and saying: "Thy help, O God, (we implore) against the wickedness which has been (done) in this city." And again they let loose upon her other beasts, and again they did not come near her. Then she went forth from the theatre, she and these beasts; and straightway came queen Tryphaena and took Thecla; because her daughter, who was dead, had appeared in a vision of the night and showed herself to her mother, saying: "My mother, take in my stead this Thecla, the stranger and the persecuted, that she may pray for me, that I may pass into the place of the righteous."
And when Tryphaena had taken her,—firstly, because she was grieved that tomorrow they were again going to throw her to the beasts; and next, because her soul was moved with compassion for her daughter who was dead,—the queen saith: "A second time, Thecla, there is mourning in my house. Pray, and beg of God; that he may have mercy on thee and may deliver thee from these beasts; and pray and beg of God also for my, daughter, that she may live; for thus I saw in my dream." And at that moment Thecla arose, and lifted up her voice, and said: "God, who art in Heaven, the Father of the Most High, grant to queen Tryphaena, according to her wish, that her daughter may live for ever." And when the queen heard these things, she sat in mourning, and was weeping and saying: "This beauty of thine, Thecla, tomorrow again the beasts will devour it."
And when it was dawn, Alexander ran (and) came to lead Thecla away, because he was giving the (exhibition of) beasts to the city at the theatre. And he answered and said: "Lo, the hêgemôn is sitting, and the whole people are hurrying us; give us Thecla who is (sentenced to be) devoured by the beasts, (and) we will carry her off." And Tryphaena cried out at him bitterly; and at the sound of the cry which she uttered at him, he fled. And the queen answered and saith: "Thy help, O God, (I implore); for lo, twice is there mourning in my house, and I have no one to help me; for my daughter lives not, who is dead, and there is none of my kinsmen to stand at my side, and I am a widow. Go, Thecla! Thy God will help thee."
And again the O hêgemôn sent young men for her to fetch her down. And queen Tryphaena did not let go her hold of Thecla, but was taking her by the hand; and going (with her), and saying to her: "My own daughter I accompanied and conveyed to the tomb; and thee, Thecla, lo, I am accompanying and leading, that the beasts may devour thee." And Thecla wept bitterly and groaned before God, and said: "My Lord and my God, I believe in Thee, for I took refuge with Thee and Thou didst deliver me from the fire; and now grant Thou a recompense to Tryphaena, because her soul has had compassion upon Thy handmaiden and she has kept me in purity." And at that moment there was a great confusion, and the sounds of the cracking of many whips, which they were cracking at the beasts, and the sound of the outcry of men and women, who were saying, "Bring out the violator of the temple of the gods." And some of them were saying: "This city will be destroyed for the wickedness which it has done; the hêgemôn has ruined us all; for bitter is the sight which we behold here, and evil is the doom of Thecla."
And the young men came and took Thecla away from the hands of queen Tryphaena, and led her into the theatre to throw her to the beasts. And they brought (her), and made her stand in the midst of the theatre, and stripped (her), and took away her clothes, and put a cloth round her loins; and she was standing naked, and said: "My Lord and my God, the Father of our Lord Jesus the Messiah, Thou art the Helper of the persecuted, and Thou art the Companion of the poor; behold Thy handmaiden, for lo, the shame of women is uncovered in me, and I stand in the midst of all this people. My Lord and my God, remember Thy handmaiden in this hour." Then they brought in against her a leopard, which was very savage; and again they brought in against her a lioness. And Thecla was standing with her arms spread out in the form of the Cross. And the lioness ran towards her, and when it reached her, it came (and) lay down at her feet. And the leopard came to her, to attack her, and fell down before her and burst. And again they brought in against her a bear,which was very strong; and it ran at Thecla. And the lioness, which was crouching at her feet, arose, and sprang upon the bear and rent it. And again (they let loose) a lion which was trained to run at men, which belonged to Alexander; and it ran at Thecla. And the lioness, which was crouching beside her, arose, and met the lion; and the two sprang upon one another, and after a little (while) the two killed each other. And the women specially sat in sorrow, who were sitting there and looking on, and saying: "The lioness too, which was helping Thecla, is dead."
And again, lo, they let in upon her many beasts. And when Thecla, standing (there), saw that they were letting in upon her many beasts, she spread out her hands and stood praying. And when she had finished her prayer, she turned backwards, and saw a reservoir which was full of water. And Thecla answered and saith: "Lo then, it is time to wash myself." And she lifted up her hands and saith: "In the name of Jesus the Messiah, lo, to-day, the last day, I am baptised." And when the women, who were sitting (there), saw (this), and the whole people, they wept and say to her: "Do not cast thyself into that water, for evil are the beasts that are in it." And the hêgemôn too, when he saw her, wept, that the beasts, who were in that water, should devour this beauty. And Thecla leaped, and fell into the water. And the beasts, which were there, when they saw the flash of light, died, and floated upon the surface of the water. And there was around her, and overshadowing her, a cloud of lightning, so that Thecla could not be seen (to descry) whether she
was naked.
And when the women, who were sitting in the theatre, saw that other beasts were being let in at Thecla, which were worse than the former, they broke out into wailing and say: "Thy help (we implore), O God! What do we see in this city?" And then these women came and cast perfumes upon Thecla; there were some who cast spikenard, and some sweet-marjoram (amaracus), and some tarphūsē; and they were throwing perfumes into the midst of the theatre upon Thecla. And the beasts, which they had let loose at her, came up to her, and sat down around her, behind her and in front of her, and lay down and slept; and not one of them harmed Thecla. And again Alexander ran (and) came and said to the hêgemôn: "I have two bulls, which are very strong and savage; let us bring them and bind between them this (woman who is) doomed to be devoured by beasts, so that perchance they may become furious and destroy her." And the hêgemôn said to Alexander: "Go and do whatever seems good unto thee." And he sent and had the bulls fetched; and they brought Thecla from among the beasts, and took hold of her, and threw Thecla upon her face, and took hold of her feet and bound her between the two bulls. And they brought spits and put them in the fire, and made the spits hot with fire, and laid them upon the thighs of the bulls, that they might become furious and in their anger destroy the captive. And the bulls, because of the pain they suffered, sprang up suddenly; but a flash of fire ran and consumed the ropes which were fastened to the feet of Thecla, and Thecla sprang up and stood beside the bulls, as if she had no pain and as if she had not been bound. And when the hêgemôn and the whole city saw the great marvels which God had wrought with Thecla, they praised God for what they had seen. And queen Tryphaena, who was standing by the door of the theatre, fainted away and fell down on the ground,, because she thought that Thecla was dead. And when her slaves saw that she had fainted and fallen down, they broke out into wailing, and rent their garments and say: "The queen is dead." And when the hêgemôn heard them say "The queen is dead," (he stopped the games,) and the whole city trembled. And Alexander was afraid, and he ran (and) came and said to the hêgemôn: "Have pity on me, sir, and also on this city, and release this (woman, who was) doomed to be devoured by beasts, that she may go away from us, so that the city too may not perish, lest perchance, when Caesar hears of these things which we have done, he may destroy the city; for queen Tryphaena is of the family of Caesar, and lo, she was standing beside the door of the theatre, and she is dead." Then the hêgemôn said: "Bring Thecla before me." And the young men ran and brought Thecla from the midst of the beasts, and made her stand before the hêgemôn on the tribunal. And the hêgemôn answered and said to Thecla: "Who art thou? And who was there beside thee, that not one of these beasts came nigh unto thee?" And Thecla said: "I am the handmaiden of the living God, and He who was beside me is the Son of the living God, in whom I have believed, by reason of whom not one of those beasts came nigh unto me; and He is the limit of life; for He is a companion to all the persecuted, and to those who have no hope, He is hope and life. I tell thee then, hêgemôn, and these men who, lo, are standing before thee, that he who does not believe in God—for, lo, ye have seen the great things of God, what He hath done to His handmaiden,— he who does not believe in Him shall die for ever."
And when the hêgemôn heard these words from the mouth of Thecla, he ordered them to bring clothes for her; and the hêgemôn said to her: "Thecla, take off the cloth that is wrapped round thy loins, and take these garments which I have had brought for thee." And Thecla answered and saith to the hêgemôn: "He who has clothed me with power amid these beasts, He will clothe me at the Day of Judgement with life." And Thecla took off the cloth that was wrapped round her loins, and took the clothes and put them on. And the hêgemôn made criers proclaim to the whole people: "Thecla, who is God's, and Thecla, who is righteous, I have released and given unto you." And the women, who were sitting there in the theatre, shouted out with one voice, and offered praise (unto God), and said: "God is One, and the God of Thecla is One, who has preserved her alive, and brought her forth from the midst of all these beasts." And with the voice of the women who shouted the whole city trembled. And straightway they ran (and) announced it to queen Tryphaena; and she ran (and) came and met Thecla, and embraced her and kissed her and said to her: "My daughter Thecla, now I believe that the dead live, and now I believe that my daughter lives. Come then with me to my house, my daughter Thecla, and everything whatsoever I have, I will assign to thee by deed." And Thecla went with her and entered into her house, and rested there eight days, and taught queen Tryphaena all the commandments of God. And the queen believed in God, and a great many of her handmaidens; and there was great joy there.
And because Paul was dear unto her, Thecla sent and was seeking him everywhere. And when they had found him, they came and said to her: "Lo, he is in the city of Myra." And she arose and departed from the house of queen Tryphaena, and dressed herself like a man, and the queen's handmaidens. And she went and entered into the city of Myra, and found Paul sitting and teaching the commandments of God, And Thecla stood beside him. And when Paul saw her and the people who were with her, he was astonished; for Paul thought that a new trial was come upon him. And Thecla answered and saith to him: "I have received baptism; for He who commanded thee to preach, commanded me too to wash myself." And straightway Paul arose, and took her and all the people who were with her, and led her to the house of Hermseus. And Paul and Thecla, and the people who were with them, sat down; and she narrated to themeverything that they had done with her; and Paul marvelled greatly at the power which was given to Thecla; and all who were standing there and hearing what God had done with her, were greatly confirmed and established. And straightway they all arose, and praised God, who works great things in every one who believes in Him and does His commandments. And they prayed and besought of God for queen Tryphaena, and said: "Our Lord and our God, the Father of the Most High, reward queen Tryphaena, who has had compassion upon Thy handmaiden, and kept her in purity." And Thecla said to them: "I am going to the city of Iconium." Paul saith to her: "Go and teach there the commandments of God." And when queen Tryphaena heard that Thecla was going to the city of Iconium, she took much clothing and gold, and sent (them) to Thecla. And Thecla took the clothing and some of the gold, and sent (them) to Paul for the service of the widows and for those who were in want of them.
And Thecla went (and) entered into the house of Onesiphorus, and fell upon her face on the place where Paul used to sit and teach the commandments of God; and she was weeping and saying: "O Lord, our God and the God of this house, in which light shone upon me from Jesus the Messiah, the Son of God, who aided me in prison, and delivered me from the fire, and preserved me from among the furious beasts, and helped me before the hêgemôn, and gave me my baptism, and gave me purity that I might live for ever, and might go into the glories which are kept for me and for those who keep the commandments of God in righteousness—He is one God the Most High, who sitteth upon the throne of the cherubim, to whom be praises for ever, Amen and Amen." And after these great things which God had done with her, she learned there in the city of Iconium that Thamyris her betrothed was dead, but her mother Theocleia alive; and she sent and called her and saith to her: "My mother Theocleia, if thou canst believe, believe that there is one God, the Lord in Heaven; and if thou lovest wealth and gold and silver that perish, lo, they are given unto thee from this hour; but if thou wilt believe that there is one God in heaven, and that there is no other god but He, thou shalt be able to live and to observe whatever I say unto thee; for lo, I stand before thee, who have escaped from the fire, and have escaped from the furious beasts, and have escaped from before the hêgemôn, for my God and my Lord helped me, and gave me power to endure all these things." And all these things did she testify unto her mother; and she departed from the city of Iconium, and went to Seleucia, and there too she enlightened many persons by the word of God, and lay down to sleep in a quiet resting-place.
Peace be with you, servants of Jesus the Messiah, who keep His commandments in purity, that the Father may recompense you with all that He hath promised unto you through His Son, who is our King.
Here ends (the history of) Thecla, the disciple of the Apostle Paul.
[All footnotes and biblical references have reluctantly been omitted apart from these. The footnotes in the printed edition show very many text variants with words and clauses omitted in one manuscript or another, or additional text added. Note that a complete reprint of this book with all notes, page divisions and Syriac text can be bought online by visiting Gorgias Press, (and search on Wright)]
1. See... Clark's Ante-Nicene Christian Library, vol. xvi., p.279.
This text was transcribed by Colin Tunnicliffe, UK, 2004. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: apocryphal_acts_07_judas_thomas.htm
Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (1871) Volume 2. pp.146-298. The acts of Judas Thomas (or, the twin), the apostle
Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles (1871) Volume 2. pp.146-298. The acts of Judas Thomas (or, the twin), the apostle
THE ACTS OF
JUDAS THOMAS (OR THE TWIN)
THE APOSTLE.
----
The (first) act of Judas Thomas the Apostle, when He sold him to the merchant Habbān, that he might go down (and) convert India.1
AND when all the Apostles had been for a time in Jerusalem, — Simon Cephas and Andrew, and Jacob (James) and John, and Philip and Bartholomew, and Thomas and Matthew the publican, and Jacob (James) the son of Alphæus, and Simon the Kananite, and Judas the son of Jacob (James),—they divided the countries among them, in order that each one of them might preach in the region which fell to him and in the place to which his Lord sent him. And India fell by lot and division to Judas Thomas (or the Twin) the Apostle. And he was not willing to go, saying: "I have not strength enough for this, because I am weak. And I am a Hebrew: how can I teach the Indians?" And whilst Judas was reasoning thus, our Lord appeared to him in a vision of the night, and said to him: " Fear not, Thomas, because my grace is with thee." But he would not be persuaded at all, saying: "Whithersoever Thou wilt, our Lord, send me; only to India I will not go." And as Judas was reasoning thus, a certain merchant, an Indian, happened (to come) into the south country from——,whose name was Habbān; and he was sent by the king Gūdnaphar, that he might bring to him a skilful carpenter. And our Lord saw him walking in the street, and said to him: " Thou wishest to buy a carpenter?" He saith to him, "Yes." Our Lord saith to him: "I have a slave, a carpenter, whom I will sell to thee." And he showed him Thomas at a distance, and bargained with him for twenty (pieces) of silver (as) his price, and wrote a bill of sale thus: "I, Jesus, the son of Joseph the carpenter, from the village of Bethlehem, which is in Judæa, acknowledge, that I have sold my slave Judas Thomas to Habbān, the merchant of king Gudnaphar." And when they had completed his bill of sale, Jesus took Judas, and went to Habbān the merchant. And Habbān saw him, and said to him: "Is this thy master?" Judas saith to him: "Yes, he is my master." Habbān the merchant saith to, him: "He has sold thee to me outright." And Judas was silent.
And in the morning he arose and prayed, and entreated of his Lord, and said to Him: "Lo, our Lord, as Thou wilt, let Thy will be (done)." And he went to Habbān the merchant, without carrying anything with him except that price of his, for our Lord had given it to him. And Judas went and found Habbān the merchant carrying his goods on board the ship, and he began to carry (them) on board with him. And when they had gone on board and sat down, Habbān the merchant saith to Judas: "What is thy art which thou art skilled in practising?" Judas saith to him: "Carpentering and architecture—the business of the carpenter." Habban the merchant saith to him: "What dost thou know to make in wood, and what in hewn stone?" Judas saith to him: "In wood I have learned to make ploughs and yokes and ox-goads, and oars for ferry-boats, and masts for ships; and in stone, tombstones and monuments, and temples, and palaces for kings." Habbān the merchant saith to him: "And I was seeking just such an artificer." And they began to sail, because the breeze was steady; and they were sailing along gently, until they put in at the town of Sandaruk.
And when they had disembarked on the land, and were entering and going into the city, they heard the sound of pipes and organs and much singing. And Judas was asking and saying: "What is the rejoicing that is in this city?'' They say to him: "Thee too have the gods brought that thou mayest be glad in this city; for the king has an only daughter, and he is giving her to a man; and this sound of rejoicing is that of the wedding-feast. And heralds have been permitted by the king to proclaim, that every one should come to the feast, both poor and rich, and slaves and freemen, and strangers and citizens. And every one who does not come to the feast, is in danger of the anger of the king." The merchant Habbān saith to Judas: "Let us too go, that we may not be spoken ill of, especially as we are strangers." And when they had stopped at an inn and rested a little, they went to attend the feast. And Judas reclined in the middle, and they were all looking upon him as upon a stranger, who came from another place. And the merchant Habbān, his master, was reclining in another place.
And when they ate and drank, Judas was tasting nothing at all. Those who were beside him say to him: "Why art thou come hither, since thou art not able to eat or to drink?" Judas saith to them: "For something that is better than eating or drinking, am I come hither; and for the king's rest, and that I might accomplish his will; and because the heralds were proclaiming, that he who hears and does not come, shall receive chastisement." And when they had eaten and drunk, both oil and dried fruits were brought in to them, and they took (thereof). Some were anointing their faces, others their beards, and others other places; but Judas was praising, God, and signing the middle of his head (with the Cross); and he moistened his nostrils with a little (of the oil), and put (some) in his ears, and made the sign (of the Cross) over his heart; and a garland of myrtle was placed on his head, and he took a reed-branch in his hand.
Then the flute-girl, who was in the midst of the party, was going round to them all; and when she came to Judas, she was standing and playing over him. And the flute player was a Hebrew (woman).
And when she had stood over him a long time, Judas did not lift up his face, but was looking all the while on the ground. And one of the cup-bearers came, (and) raised his hand and smote him on his cheek. And Judas looked at him and said to him: "My God will forgive thee this in the world to come, but in this world He will show His wonders on the hand which smote me, and I shall see it dragged along by a dog." And Judas began to sing this song.
"My Church is the daughter of light; the splendour of kings is hers. Charming and winsome is her aspect, fair and adorned with every good work. Her garments are like unto flowers, the smell whereof is fragrant and pleasant. On her head dwelleth the King, and He feedeth those who dwell with Him beneath. Truth is placed on her head, joy moves in her feet. Her mouth is open, and it becometh her, wherewith she uttereth all songs of praise. The twelve Apostles of the Son, and the seventy-two (disciples) thunder forth (His praises) in her. Her tongue is the curtain, which the priest raiseth and entereth in. Her neck is the lofty flight of steps, which the first architect did build. Her hands, both of them, proclaim (and point out) the place of life; and her ten fingers have opened the gate of Heaven. Her bridal chamber is lighted up, and full of the sweet odour of salvation. A censer is ready in its midst, love and belief and hope, gladdening all; within, truth (dwells) in humility. Her gates are adorned with truth; her groomsmen surround her, all whom she hath invited; and her pure bridesmaids (go) before her, uttering praise. The living are in attendance upon her, and they look to their Bridegroom who shall come, and they shall shine with His glory, and shall be with Him in the kingdom which never passeth away. And they shall be in the glory to which all the just are gathered; and they shall be in the joy into which some enter; and they shall put on shining garments, and shall be clothed with the glory of their Lord. And they shall praise the living Father, whose majestic light they have received, and have been enlightened by the splendour of their Lord, of whose food they have received, which never hath any excrement, and have drunk of the life which makes those who drink of it long and thirst (for more); and have glorified the Father, the Lord of all, and the only-(begotten) Son, who is of Him; and have praised the Spirit, His Wisdom."
And when he had sang this song, all who were beside him were looking at him, and were seeing that his aspect was changed; but they could not at all understand what he was saying, because he was speaking in Hebrew, and they did not know (it). But the flute-player had heard everything, because she was a Hebrew (woman), and she was looking at him. And when she left him and played to the others, she still kept looking at him, and loved him as a countryman of hers; and in his looks he was more beautiful than all those who were there. And when the flute-player had finished, she sat down opposite to him and did not turn away her eyes from him; but he did not lift up his eyes, and did not look at any one, but was ever looking upon the ground, (waiting) till he might arise and depart from the banquet-room. And the cup-bearer had gone down to the fountain to draw water, and a lion happened to be there, and rent him and tore him limb from limb. Then the dogs were carrying off his limbs singly; and a black dog carried off his right hand, which he had raised against Judas, and brought it into the midst of the banquet-room.
And when they all saw it, they were amazed. And when they were all asking which of them was lost, the hand was found to be that of the cup-bearer who had smitten Judas. Then the flute-player broke her flutes, and came to the feet of the Apostle, (and) sat down, and was saying: "This man is either God or the Apostle of God; for I heard him (say) in Hebrew what he said to that cup-bearer, and immediately it befell him. For he said to him, 'I shall see a dog dragging about the hand that smote me'; and lo, ye have seen how the dog dragged it about." And some of them believed the flute-player, and some of them did not believe (her). And the king, when he heard this story, came and said to Judas: "Come with me, and pray for my daughter, because she is my only one, and today I am giving her away in marriage." And he did not wish to go with him, because our Lord had not yet manifested Himself to him in that place. But the king carried him off by force to the bridal chamber.
And he began to pray and to say thus: "Our Lord,— companion of His servants, and guide and conductor of those who believe in Him, and refuge and repose of the afflicted, and hope of the poor, and deliverer of the feeble, and healer of sick souls, life-giver of the universe, and saviour of (all) creatures,—Thou knowest what things are going to happen, and through us Thou accomplishest them. Thou art the discloser of hidden secrets, and the revealer of mysterious sayings. Thou art the planter of the good tree, and through Thy hands all acts take place. Thou art hidden in all Thy works, and art manifested in their acts, Jesus, perfect Son of perfect mercy; and Thou didst become the Messiah, and didst put on the first man. Thou art the power, and the wisdom, and the knowledge, and the will, and the rest of Thy Father, in whom Thou art concealed in glory, and in whom Thou art revealed in Thy creative agency; and Ye are one with two names. And Thou didst manifest Thyself as a feeble (being), and those who saw Thee, thought of Thee, that Thou wast a man who had need of help. And Thou didst show the glory of Thy Godhead in Thy longsuffering towards our manhood, when Thou didst hurl the evil (one) from his power, and didst call with Thy voice to the dead, and they became alive; and to those who were alive and hoping in Thee, Thou didst promise an inheritance in Thy kingdom. Thou wast the ambassador, and wast sent from the supernal heights, because Thou art able to do the living and perfect will of Thy sender. Glorious art Thou, Lord, in Thy might; and Thy renovating administration is in all Thy creatures, and in all the works which Thy Godhead hath established; and no other is able to annul the will of Thy majesty, nor to stand up against Thy nature as Thou art. And Thou didst descend to Sheol, and go to its uttermost end; and didst open its gates, and bring out its prisoners, and didst tread for them the path (leading) above by the nature of Thy Godhead. Yea, Lord, I ask of Thee on behalf of these young people, that whatever Thou knowest to be beneficial for them, Thou wilt do for them." And he laid his hand upon them, and said to them: "Our Lord be with you"; and he left them and went away.
And the king requested the groomsmen to go out of the bridal chamber. And when all the people had gone out, and the door of the bridal chamber was closed, the bridegroom raised up the curtain, that he might bring the bride to himself. And he saw our Lord in the likeness of Judas, who was standing and talking with the bride. And the bridegroom said to him: "Lo, thou didst go out first; how art thou still here?" Our Lord saith to him: "I am not Judas, but I am the brother of Judas." And our Lord sat down on the bed, and let the young people sit down on the chairs, and began to say to them:—
"Remember, my children, what my brother spake with you, and know to whom he committed you; and know that as soon as ye preserve yourselves from this filthy intercourse, ye become pure temples, and are saved from afflictions manifest and hidden, and from the heavy care of children, the end of whom is bitter sorrow. And if ye have children, for their sakes ye will become oppressors and robbers and smiters of orphans and wrongers of widows, and ye will be grievously tortured for their injuries. For the greatest part of children are the cause of many pains; for either the king falls upon them, or a demon lays hold of them, or paralysis befalls them. And if they be healthy, they come to ill either by adultery, or theft, or fornication, or covetousness, or vain-glory; and through these wickednesses ye will be tortured by them. But if ye will be persuaded by me, and keep yourselves purely unto God, ye shall have living children, to whom not one of these blemishes and hurts cometh nigh; and ye shall be without care and without grief and without sorrow; and ye shall be hoping (for the time) when ye shall see the true wedding-feast; and ye shall be in it praisers (of God), and shall be numbered with those who enter into the bridal chamber."
And the young people were persuaded by our Lord, and gave up themselves to Him, and were preserved from filthy lust, and passed the night in their places. And our Lord went forth from beside them, and said to them: "May the grace of your Lord be with you." And in the morning, when it was dawn, the king had the table furnished early, and brought in before the bridegroom and bride. And he found them sitting the one opposite the other, and the face of the bride was uncovered and she was sitting, and the bridegroom was very cheerful. The mother of the bride saith to her: "Why are thou sitting thus, and art not ashamed, but (art) as if, lo, thou wert (married) along time and for many a day?" And her father too said: " Because of thy great love for thy husband dost thou not even veil thyself?"
And the bride answered and saith to her: "Truly, my mother, I am in great love, and I am praying to my Lord that I may continue in this love which I have experienced this night, and may call for the incorruptible Bridegroom who has revealed Himself to me this night. And that I am not veiled, (is) because the veil of corruption is taken away from me; and that I am not ashamed, (is) because the deed of shame has been removed far from me; and that I am not repentant, (is) because the repentance, which restores to life, abides in me. And that I am cheerful and gay, (is) because, in the day of this transitory joy, I am not agitated by it; and that this deed of corruption is despised by me, and the spoils of this wedding-feast that passes away, (is) because I am invited to the true wedding-feast; and that I have not had intercourse with a husband, the end whereof is bitter repentance, (is) because I am betrothed to the true Husband." And many things which were like unto these was she saying.
Then too the bridegroom answered and said: "I praise Thee, (Thou) new God, who by means of a stranger hast come hither. I glorify Thee, (Thou) God, who hast been preached by means of a Hebrew man; who hast removed me from corruption, and hast sown in me life; who hast delivered me from the disease that was abiding in me for ever; who hast revealed to us Thyself, and I have perceived in what (state) I am; who hast saved me from falling and hast led me on to a better state; who hast rescued me from these transitory things, and hast deemed me worthy of those that are not transitory; who hast let Thyself down even to my littleness, that Thou mightest bring me unto Thy greatness; who didst not withhold Thy mercy from me who was lost, but didst show me (how) to seek for myself and to put away from me the things that are not mine; who, when I did not know Thee, hast sought me Thyself; who, when I did not perceive Thee, hast come unto me; whom I have now perceived, and am not able to say anything which I do not know; against whom 'I cannot consent that I should say aught with boldness, for it is because of Thy love that I am bold."
And when the king heard these things from the bridegroom and from the bride, he rent his garments, and said to those who were by him: "Go forth in haste through the whole city, and go about, (and) bring me that sorcerer, whom I introduced with my own hands into my house, and bade him pray over my unlucky daughter. To the man who shall find him and bring him to me, I will give whatever he shall ask." And they went (and) were going about looking for him, and did not find him, because he had set out. And they went to the inn where he had stayed, and found the flute-girl sitting and weeping, because he had not taken her with him. And when they told her what had happened, she was glad and saith: "I have found rest here." And she arose (and) went to the young people, and was dwelling with them a long time. And they taught the king too, and collected a number of brethren, until news was heard of the Apostle (being) in the realm of India; and they went to him and were united unto him.
Here ends the first act.
The second act, when Thomas the Apostle entered into India, and built a palace for the king in Heaven.
AND when Judas had entered into the realm of India with the merchant Habbān, Habbān went to salute Gūdnaphar, the king of India, and he told him of the artificer whom he had brought for him. And the king was very glad, and ordered Judas to come into his presence. And the king said to him: "What art dost thou know to practise?" Judas saith to him: "I am a carpenter, the servant of a carpenter and architect." He saith to him: "What dost thou know to make?" Judas saith to him: "In wood I know (how) to make yokes and ploughs and ox-goads, and oars for barges and ferryboats, and masts for ships; and in hewn stone, tombstones and monuments and palaces for kings." The king saith to Judas: "And I want such an artificer." The king saith to him: "Wilt thou build me a palace?" Judas saith to him: "I will build it and finish it, for I am come to work at building and carpentering."
And he took him and went outside the gate of the city, and was talking with him about the constructing of the palace, and about its foundations, how they should be laid. And when he had reached the place where the king wished him to build a palace for him, he said to Judas: "Here I wish you to build for me a palace." Judas saith to him: "(Yes,) for this is a place which is suitable for it." Now it was of this sort; it was a meadow, and there was plenty of water near it. The king saith to him: "Begin to build here." Judas saith to him: "Now I cannot build, at this time." The king saith to him: "And at what time wilt thou be able to build?" Judas saith: "I will begin in Teshri (Oct.-Nov.), and I will finish in Nisan (April)." The king saith to him: "All buildings are built in summer; and thou buildest in winter!" Judas saith to him: "Thus (only) is it possible for the palace to be built." The king saith to him: "Well then, trace it out for me that I may see it, because after a long time I shall come hither." And Judas came and took a cane, and began to measure; and he left doors towards the east for light, and windows towards the west for air; and (he made) the bake-house to the south, and the water-pipes for the service (of the house) to the north. The king saith to him: "Verily thou art a good artificer, and art worthy to serve a king;" and he left with him a large sum of money, and departed from him.
And he was sending silver and gold to him from time to time. But Judas was going about in the villages and cities, and was ministering to the poor, and was making the afflicted comfortable, and was saying: "What is the king's shall be given to the king, and many shall have rest."
And after a long time, the king despatched messengers to Judas, and sent (a message) to him thus: "Send me (word) what thou hast done, and what I shall send thee." And Judas sent him (word): "The palace is built, but the roof is wanting to it." Then the king sent to Judas silver and gold, and sent him (word): "Let the palace be roofed." And the Apostle was glorifying our Lord and saying: "I thank Thee, Lord, who didst die that Thou mightest give me life; and who didst sell me that I might be the liberator of many." And he did not cease to teach, and to relieve those who were afflicted, saying: "May your Lord give you rest, to whom alone is the glory; for He is the nourisher of the orphans and the provider of the widows, and He ministers unto all those who are afflicted."
And when the king came to the city, he was asking every one of his friends about the palace which Judas had built for him; but they say unto him: "There is no palace built, nor has he done anything else, but he was going about the cities and villages, and giving to the poor, and teaching them the new God, and also healing the sick, and driving out demons, and doing many things; and we think that he is a sorcerer; but his compassion, and his healing, which was done without recompense, and his asceticism, and his piety, make (us) think of him either that he is a magus, or an Apostle of the new God; for he fasts much and prays much, and eats bread and salt and drinks water, and wears one garment, and takes nothing from any man for himself, and whatever he has he gives to others." And when the king heard these things, he smote his face with his hands, and was shaking his head.
And he sent (and) called Judas and the merchant who had brought him, and said to him: "Hast thou built me the palace?'' Judas saith to him: "I have built thee the palace." The king saith to him: "In what time can we go (and) look at it?" Judas saith to him: "Thou canst not see it now, but when thou hast departed from this world." Then the king became very furious in his anger, and commanded that Thomas and the merchant who had brought him, being bound, should go to prison, till he could question him about what had done — to whom he had given it — and then destroy him. But Judas went rejoicing, and said to the merchant: "Fear not, but only believe, and thou shalt be freed from this world, and shalt receive everlasting life in the world to come."
And the king was considering by what death he should kill Judas and the merchant; and he took the resolution that he would burn him, after being flayed, with the merchant his companion. And in that very night, the brother of the king, whose name was Gad, was taken ill through grief and through the imposition which had been practised upon the king. And he sent (and) called the king, and said to him: "My brother, I commend unto thee my house and my children, for I am grieved and am dying because of the imposition that hath been practised upon thee. If thou dost not punish that sorcerer, thou wilt not let my soul be at peace in Sheol." The king saith to him: "The whole night I have been considering, how I should kill him, and I have resolved to burn him with fire after he hath been flayed." Then the brother of the king said to him: "And if there be anything else that is worse than this, do (it) to him; and I give thee charge of my house and my children."
And when he had said these things, his soul left him. And the king was grieved for his brother, because he loved him much; and he wished to bury him in a splendid sepulchre. But when the soul of Gad, the brother of the king, had left him, angels took it and bore it up to heaven; and they were showing it each place in succession, (and asking it) in which of them it wished to be. Then, when they came to the palace which Judas had built for the king, his brother saw it, and said to the angels: "I beg of you, my lords, let me dwell in one of the lower chambers of this palace." The angels say to him: "Thou canst not dwell in this palace." He saith to them: "Wherefore?" They say to him: "This palace is the one which the Christian hath built for thy brother." Then he said to them: "I beg of you, my lords, let me go, that I may go to my brother and buy of him this palace; for my brother hath not seen it, and will sell it to me."
Then the angels let go the soul of Gad. And as they were enshrouding him, his soul came into him, and he said to those who were standing before him: "Call my brother to me that I may make of him one request." Then they sent word to the king, "Thy brother is come to life." And the king sprang up from his place, and went into the house of his brother with a number of people. And when he had gone in beside his bed, he was astounded and was unable to speak with him. His brother saith to him: " I know, my brother, that if a man had asked thee for the half of thy kingdom, thou wouldst have given it for me. And now I beg of thee that thou wouldst sell me that at which thou hast laboured." The king saith to him: "Tell me, what shall I sell thee?" He saith to him: "Swear unto me." And he swore unto him that he would grant him whatever he asked of all that he had. He saith to him: "Sell me the palace which thou hast in heaven." The king saith to him: "Who hath given me a palace in heaven?" His brother saith to him: "(It is) that which the Christian hath built for thee." The king saith to him: "That I cannot sell to thee; but I pray and beg of God that I may enter into it and receive it, and may be worthy to be among its inhabitants. And thou, if thou really wishest to buy thyself a palace, this architect will build (one) for thee which will be better than that of mine." And he sent (and) brought out Judas and the merchant who was imprisoned with him, and said to him: "I beg of thee, as a man who begs of a minister of God, that thou wouldst pray for me, and beg for me from the God whom thou worshippest, that He would forgive me what I have done unto thee; and that He would make me worthy to enter into the palace which thou hast built for me; and that I may become a worshipper of this God whom thou preachest." And his brother came and fell down before the feet of the Apostle, and said to him: "I beg of thee—I too supplicate before thy God, that I may become worthy to Be a worshipper of His, and may also receive what He hath shown me by the hand of the angels."
Judas saith: "I praise Thee, our Lord Jesus the Messiah, who art alone the God of truth, and there is no other, and Thou knowest whatever man does not know. Thou, whose mercy is upon men, whom Thou hast willed and made,—and they have forgotten Thee, but Thou hast not neglected them—do Thou receive the king and his brother, and unite them to Thy fold, and anoint them, and purify them from their uncleanness, and guard them from wolves, and feed them in Thy meadows, and let them drink of Thy fountain, which is never turbid and the stream whereof never faileth; for, lo, they beg of Thee and supplicate, and wish to become servants of Thine, and to be persecuted by Thy enemy and to be hated for Thy sake. Let them therefore have boldness in Thee, and be confirmed by Thy glorious mysteries, and receive of the gifts of Thy gifts."
And they were rejoicing with holy hymns, and were cleaving unto the Apostle and not parting from him; and every one who was needy, was receiving and being relieved. And they begged of him that they might receive the sign (of baptism, saying:) "For we have heard that all the sheep of that God, whom thou preachest, are known to Him by the sign." Judas saith to them: " I too rejoice, and I ask of you to partake of the Eucharist and of the blessing of this Messiah whom I preach." And the king gave orders that the bath should be closed for seven days, and that no man should bathe in it. And when the seven days were done, on the eighth day they three entered into the bath by night that Judas might baptise them. And many lamps were lighted in the bath.
And when they had entered into the bath-house, Judas went in before them. And our Lord appeared unto them, and said to them: "Peace be with you, my brethren." And they heard the voice only, but the form they did not see, whose it was, for till now they had not been baptised. And Judas went up and stood upon the edge of the cistern, and poured oil upon their heads, and said: "Come, holy name of the Messiah; come, power of grace, which art from on high; come, perfect mercy; come, exalted gift; come, sharer of the blessing; come, revealer of hidden mysteries; come, mother of seven houses, whose rest was in the eighth house; come, messenger of reconciliation, and communicate with the minds of these youths; come, Spirit of holiness, and purify their reins and their hearts." And he baptised them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Spirit of holiness. And when they had come up out of the water, a youth appeared to them, and he was holding a lighted taper; and the light of the lamps became pale through its light. And when they had gone forth, he became invisible to them; and the Apostle said: "We were not even able to bear Thy light, because it is too great for our vision." And when it dawned and was morning, he broke the Eucharist and let them partake of the table of the Messiah; and they were glad and rejoicing.
And when many were added and were coming to the refuge of the Messiah, Judas did not cease to preach and to say to them: "Men and women and children, youths and maidens, shun fornication and covetousness and the service of demons; for under these three heads comes all wickedness. For fornication blinds the intellect, and darkens the eyes of the soul; it confuses the steps of the body, and changes its complexion, and makes it sick. And covetousness puts the soul into agitation in the midst of the body, so that it takes what does not belong to it, and is afraid lest, when it returns the thing to its owners, it should be put to shame. And the service of the belly makes the soul dwell in care and sorrow, fearing lest it should come to want, and grasp at things that are far from it. For since ye have been delivered from thence, ye are become without care and without grief; and there remains with you (the saying): 'Take no care for the morrow, because the morrow will take care of itself.' And bear in mind the other (saying), which is written for you: 'Look upon the ravens, and consider the fowl of heaven, which sow not nor reap, and God feedeth them; how much more then will He have care for you, ye lacking in faith?' But expect the coming of Jesus, and hope in Him, and believe in His name, because He is the Judge of the dead and of the quick, and He shall recompense every man according to his works at His last coming. For it will be no excuse for one to say; 'We did not know.' His heralds are proclaiming in the four quarters of the world: 'Repent and believe in the new preaching, and receive the pleasant yoke and the light burden, and live and die not. Gain (these), and perish not. Come forth from the darkness, and the light will receive you. Come to the Good, and receive for yourselves grace, and plant the Cross in your souls.' "
And when the Apostle had said these things, some of them said to him: "It is time for the debtor to be paid." He saith to them: "The creditor always seeketh more, but let us give him as much as is proper." And he spake a blessing over the bread and the olives, and gave unto them. And he himself ate, because the Sunday was, dawning. And when the Apostle was asleep in the night, our Lord came and stood over him and said to him: "Thomas, rise, go forth in the morning after the service, and go along the eastern road about two miles, and I will show in thee my glory; for because of this on account of which thou goest out, many shall come to my refuge and shall live, and thou shalt reprove the power and the nature of the enemy." And when he awoke from his sleep, he said to the brethren who were. beside him: "My children, our Lord will do today whatsoever He will; but let us pray and beg of Him that there be to us no hindrance towards Him, but, just as at all times when He wisheth to show His power in us, (so) now too let His will be accomplished." And when he had spoken thus, he laid his hand upon them, and broke the Eucharist, and gave unto all of them, and said to them: "Let this Eucharist be unto you for grace and mercy, and not for judgement and vengeance." And they said, "Amen."
Here ends the second Act.
The third act of Judas, regarding the black snake.
AND the Apostle went forth to go whither our Lord had told him. And when he reached (the distance of) two miles, he turned aside from the road a little, and saw lying there a corpse of a handsome youth, and said: "Was it for this trial Thou didst bring me out hither, our Lord? Let it be as Thou wilt." And he began praying and saying: "Our Lord, Lord of the dead and of the quick—of the quick, who, lo; are standing, and of the dead, who, lo, are lying, — O Lord, Lord of the souls which abide in the body, and Father of all the souls which have gone out of the body, — come, Lord, at this moment, for the sake of the dust which Thy holy hands have fashioned, and look down from, heaven, for I call upon Thee, and show Thy glory in this (man) who is lying here." And he said again: "This deed has not taken place without the instigation of the enemy, who does these things; but the enemy, who does these things, has not dared (to attempt it) through one who is alien to him, but (through one) who is subject to his will." And when he had said these things, a black snake came forth from a fissure, and was shaking his head violently, and beating his tail on the ground. And with a loud voice he said to the Apostle: "I will say before thee on what account I slew this youth. There was a woman fair of face in this village which is over-against thee; and as she passed by me, I saw her and loved her; and I went after her, and saw this youth kissing her, and he also slept with her, and did other things with her which are unseemly, — easy for me (to say), but to thee I do not dare to utter them, because I know that the ocean-flood of the Messiah will destroy our nature. And in order that I might not alarm her, I did not kill him at that time, but I watched him, and in the evening, when he passed by me, I struck him and killed him, and especially because he had dared to do this thing on the Sunday." Judas saith to him: "Of what seed art thou?"
The snake saith to him: "I am reptile, the son of reptile) and harmer, the son of harmer; I am the son of him, to whom power was given over all creatures, and he troubled them. I am the son of him, who makes himself like unto God to those who obey him, that they may do his will. I am the son of him, who is ruler over everything that is created under heaven. I am the son of him, who is outside of the ocean, and whose mouth is closed. I am the kinsman of him, who spake with Eve, and through her made Adam transgress the commandment of God. And I am he who incited Cain to slay his brother. And on my account, — because for this I was created, — the earth was cursed and thorns grew up in it. I am he who dared, and cast down the just from their height, and corrupted them through the lust of women; and they begat sons large of body, and I worked in them my will. And I am he who hardened the heart of Pharaoh, that he might slay the children of Israel, and keep them down in hard slavery. I am he who led the people astray in the desert, when I subdued them so that they made for themselves the calf. I am he who stirred up Caiaphas and Herod by slander against the Righteous Judge. I am he who caused Judas to take the bribe, when he was made subject to me, that he might deliver up the Messiah to death. I am he to whom the power of this world was given, and the Son of Mary has seized me by force and taken what was His from me. I am the kinsman of him, who is to come from the east, to whom the power is given."
And when he had finished, the multitude was hearing all these things; and fear with belief settled on all those who were there, when they saw and heard these wonders. And they were crying out alike with one voice: "One is the God of this man, who has informed us concerning his God, and by his word has commanded this fearful beast, and it has disclosed its nature." And they were begging of him that, as he had commanded it by his word to speak like a man, so too by his word he would kill it.
Then Judas made a sign to them with his hand, and raised his voice and said: "Thou art audacious, though thy nature is laid bare, and thou shalt be slain. And thy insolence, which has gone so far, ought not to have been (such) that thou shouldst tell those things which were done by those who were subject to thee; and thou hast not feared that thy end was come. But to thee I say, in the name of our Lord Jesus, who struggled against thy nature even to the end for His human beings, that thou suck out the poison which thou hast cast into this youth; because my God has sent me to
ill thee and to raise him up alive before this multitude, that they may believe in Him, that He is the true God and that there is no other." And the snake said to him: "Our destruction is not as yet come, as thou hast said. "Why compellest thou me to take (back) what I have put into this youth? For were even my father to suck out and take (back) what he has cast into the creation, it would be his destruction." The Apostle saith to him: "Show, then, the nature of thy father." And the snake came, and put his mouth upon the wound of the youth, and was sucking the poison from it; and by little and little, as the poison was drawn out, the colour of the youth, which had become like purple, became white, and the snake was swelling. And when he had drawn out the whole of the poison from the youth, he sprang upright, and ran to the feet of the Apostle, and fell down and worshipped him. Then the snake burst, according to the word of Judas; and a great pit was made in the place where the poison of the snake fell. And Judas commanded the king and his brother to fill up that place, and lay foundations, and make in it houses (as) places of entertainment for strangers.
And the youth was glorifying God, through whose grace he had come to life by the hand of the Apostle Judas, and had been rescued from all his former deeds. And he begged of the Apostle that he would aid him in prayer to our Lord, being upbraided by his own conscience, and was saying: "To Thee be glory, merciful and great and glorious God, maker and founder of all created things. Thou hast set a limit and a measure to all Thy creatures whom Thou hast created; and hast appointed for them changes that are beneficial to their natures. Thou art He who didst make man, as Thy Godhead willed, with the fashioning of Thy hands, that he might be ruler above; and didst create for him another creation, that he might strive against it with the free-will which Thou didst give him. But the free nature of man went astray, and he became subject to his fellow; and that (fellow) became an enemy to him, because he found that he had been unmindful of his free-will. And the enemy rejoiced that he had found an entrance into his fellow, and thought that he would be master over all the slaves; but Thou, O Merciful, through Thy great mercy, didst spread over us Thy goodness, and didst send to our human race Thy Word, the Disposer of all created things, through Thy glorious Son. And He, through His free-will, which Thou gavest Him,—Thy goodness aiding Him,—came and found us in those works which our human nature did from the first day. And Thou didst not enter into a reckoning with us for our sins, but didst bring me to life through Thy goodness, and didst show me my remissness, and didst sow in me Thy heavenly love; and didst open my mouth, which was shut, that I might speak of my enslaver and of Thy abundant grace, which is not angry with me for what I say concerning it, about whose great love I am speaking."
And Judas stretched out his hand to him, and raised him up, and embraced him, and said to him: "The grace of our Lord be with thee and with all those who believe in Him." And the youth said: "Glory to Thee, O God,—who did not withhold His mercy from me, who was lost, but showed me (how) to seek my own soul, and informed me concerning thee, that thou art His Apostle, and said to thee: 'I have many things to show through thee, and thou hast many works to accomplish through Me, for which thou shalt receive their reward; and thou shalt give life to many, and they shall become on high, in the light, sons of God. Do thou, therefore, bring to life this youth, who has been smitten by his enemy, because thou at all times beholdest thy Lord.' Yea, my lord, Apostle of God, thou hast done well to come hither, and thou hast drawn many unto Him, and He will not fail thee. And I am without care and without suffering, because of His grace which has come upon me through thee, and (because) His gift has been poured out abundantly upon my weakness. And I have been freed from evil cares and from deeds of corruption, and have been delivered from him, who was alluring me and inciting me to do those things in which thou didst find me, and have understood Him who was saying to me' the opposite of them. And I have destroyed him, who, through darkness, his kinsman, made me stumble by his works; and I have found the Light, the Lord of the day, who had not been seen by me, and I have seen him. And I have destroyed him, who was darkening and obscuring all those who cleave unto him and obey him, so that they cannot see what they are doing and be ashamed of their deeds and desist from them, and his work (thereby) come to an end; and I have found Him, whose doing this is, that those who do His will should never repent. I have been delivered from him, whom fraud supports, and before whom goes a veil (of darkness), and after whom comes shame, and she daring in impudence. And I have found Him, who clears away evils, the Lord of peace and the Confirmer of truth, who makes the
enemy pass away from those who turn repenting unto Him, and heals their afflictions, and destroys their disturber. But I beg of thee, Apostle of God, sow in me thy word of life, so that I may again hear perfectly the voice of Him, who delivered me unto thee and said to thee, 'This is (one) of those who shall live through thee, and henceforth let him be with thee.' "
Judas saith to him: "If thou wilt be delivered from these things which thou hast learned, as thou hast said, from the doer of evils, and wilt listen to Him, whom in the fervour of thy love thou now seekest, thou shalt see Him, and shalt be with Him for ever, and shalt rest with Him by His grace, and shalt be with Him in His joy. But if thou art negligent of Him, and comest to those former deeds of thine, and insultest Him, whom, because of (His) beauty and because of the aspect of His light, thou now eagerly desirest, thou shalt not only be deprived of that life which thou hast seen, but thou shalt also lose this in which thou art abiding."
And Judas came to the city, and took the hand of the youth, and said to him: "My son, these things which thou hast seen are a few out of the many that belong to our God; for He doth not send us tidings concerning these things that are seen, but promiseth us better things; for as long as we are in the world, we are unable to speak about that which all the believers in God are going to receive. For if we say that He hath given us light, we mention something which we have seen; and if we say that He hath given us wealth, we mention something that is in the world; and if we speak of (fine) clothing, we mention something that nobles wear; and if we speak of daintymeats, we mention something against which we are warned; and if we speak of (this) temporary rest, a chastisement is appointed for it. But we speak of God and of our Lord Jesus, and of the Angels and the guardian spirits and the saints, and of the new world, and of the incorruptible food of the tree of life, and of the draught (of the water) of life; of what eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, nor hath it entered into the heart of man (to conceive), — what God hath prepared from of old for those who love Him. Of this we speak, and of this we preach. Believe in Him, therefore, my son, that thou mayest live, and trust in Him, that thou mayest not die; for He will not take a bribe, that thou shouldst offer (it) to Him, nor is He pleased with a sacrifice, that thou shouldest sacrifice it (to Him). Look unto Him, and He will not neglect thee, and turn unto Him, and He will not forsake thee; for His beauty will incite thee to love Him, and He will not suffer thee to turn away from Him."
And when Judas had said these things to the youth, great multitudes joined (them). And the Apostle lifted up his eyes, and saw people raised up upon one another that they might see him, and going up to lofty places. And the Apostle saith to them: "Ye men, who are come to the assembly of the Messiah, men who wish to believe in Jesus, take unto yourselves an example from this, that, if ye do not raise yourselves up, ye cannot see me who am little. Me, who am like yourselves, ye are unable to see; Him, who is on high and is found in the depths, how shall ye be able to see, unless ye raise yourselves above your former works, and above the deeds that profit not, and the pleasures that abide not, and the corruptible wealth that remaineth here; and above riches and possessions that perish on the earth, and above garments that decay, and above beauty that becomes old and is disfigured, and above the body, in which all these are included, and which becomes dust, and which all these support? But believe, and trust in our Lord Jesus the Messiah, Him whom we preach, in order that your hope may be in Him, and that in Him ye may live for ever and ever, and that He may be to I you a guide in the land of error, and may be to you a haven in the sea of trouble, and may be to you a fountain of living water in the region of thirst, and may be to you a full basket in the place of hunger, and maybe a rest to your souls and a healer and giver of life to your bodies."
Then the multitudes were crying out: "Apostle of the living God, and guide in the path of life, and revealer of the mysteries of the truth, many are the things that have been done for us, who are aliens from the glorious God whom thou preachest, and until now we do not dare to say that we are His, because our works are alien from Him and hateful before Him. But if He will have compassion upon us, and deliver us from our former deeds, and from the evil things that were done by us in error, and will not enter into reckoning with us nor remember against us our former sins, we will become servants of His and accomplish His will." Judas saith to them: "He will not reckon against you your sins which ye did in error, but He will pardon you your iniquities, those former ones which ye did without knowledge."
Here ends the third Act.
The fourth Act, of the Ass that spake.
AND whilst the Apostle was standing in his place on the road, and speaking with those multitudes concerning the kingdom of God, and concerning their conversion and repentance unto our Lord,—whilst the Apostle was standing on the road, and speaking with those multitudes, an ass's colt came and stood before him. And Judas said: "It is not without the direction of God that this colt has come hither. But to thee I say, O colt, that, by the grace of our Lord, there shall be given to thee speech before these multitudes who are standing here; and do thou say whatsoever thou wilt, that they may believe in the God of truth, whom we preach."
And the mouth of the colt was opened, and it spake like a man by the power of our Lord, and said to him: "Twin of the Messiah, and Apostle of the Most High, and sharer in the hidden word of the Life-giver, and receiver of the secret mysteries of the Son of God; freeborn, who didst become a slave, to bring many to freedom by thy obedience; son of a great family, who became bereaved, that by the power of thy Lord thou mightest deprive the enemy of many, so that thou mightest become the cause of life to the country of the Indians; (thou) who didst come against thy will to men who were straying from God, and, lo, by the sight of thee and by thy godly words they are turned unto life; mount (and) ride upon me, and rest until thou enterest the city."
And Judas lifted up his voice and said: "O Jesus, Son of perfect mercy; O Thou quiet and silent (One), who speakest by animals that have not speech; O hidden (One), that art seen in Thy works; our Nourisher and Guardian; the Giver of life to our bodies and the Giver of life to our souls; sweet spring that never faileth, and clear fountain that is never polluted; Thou who art a help to Thy servants in the contest, and crushest the enemy before them; Thou who standest up in contests for us, and makest us victorious in them all; our true Athlete, who cannot be hurt, and our holy General, who cannot be conquered; Thou who givest to Thine own joy that passeth not away, and rest in which there is no more affliction; Thou good Shepherd, that giveth his life for his flock, who hath overcome the wolf and rescued his lambs; we glorify Thee, and we exalt through Thee Thy exalted Father, who is not seen, and the holy Spirit that broodeth over all created things."
And when the Apostle had said these things, all the multitudes that were assembled there were looking to see what answer he was about to give to the colt. And after the Apostle had stood a long time wondering and looking up to heaven, he said to the colt: "Who art thou? And what is thine errand, that by thy mouth wonders are uttered and great things that are more than many?" The colt saith to him: "I am of that stock that served Balaam the prophet, and God thy Lord rode upon my kin; and I am sent unto thee to give thee rest, and that thereby the faith of these might be confirmed, and that that other portion might be added to me, which I have got today in order to serve thee and which will be taken away from me when I have served thee." Thomas saith to him: "God, who has given thee this gift now, is to be relied on to give it hereafter too in full to thee and thy kindred; for I am too little and weak for this mystery." And he would not ride upon it.
And the colt was begging of him and supplicating him that it might be blessed by his riding (upon it). And he mounted and rode upon it. And the people were going after and before the Apostle, and were running to see what would happen to him, and how he would let the colt go. And when he reached the gate of the city, he dismounted from it, and said to it: "Go, be preserved as thou hast been." And at that moment the colt fell down and died. And all who were there were sorry for it, and were saying to the Apostle: "Bring it to life again." The Apostle says to them: "It is not because I am Unable to bring this colt to life, that I do not bring it to life, for He who gave it speech was able to make it not die; but this is a benefit to it." And the Apostle commanded those who were with him to dig a place and bury its body; and they did as he commanded them.
Here ends the fourth Act.
The fifth Act, of the Demon that dwelt in the Woman.
AND the Apostle went into the city, the multitudes accompanying him; and he was thinking of going to the house of the family of the youth whom he had brought to life, because he had begged this earnestly of him.
And a fair woman cried with a loud voice and said to him: "Apostle of the new God, who art come to India; servant of the holy God, who by thee is proclaimed both the Giver of life to the souls of those that come unto Him, and the Healer of the bodies of those who are tortured by the enemy; (thou) who art the cause of life to the whole people of India; permit them to bring me before thee, that I may tell thee what has befallen me, so that perchance I may get hope from thee, and these who are standing by may be greatly strengthened in the God who is proclaimed by thee. And I tell thee, that I am not slightly tormented by the enemy, lo, for the space of five years. For I was sitting in ease, and peace was around me on all sides, and I had no concern about anything, because I knew no care. And it happened one day, as I was coming out of the bath, a man met me, who seemed troubled in his aspect, (and) his voice and speech were very weak. And he said to me: "I and thou shall be in one love, and do thou have intercourse with me as a man and a woman have intercourse." And I said to him: "I did not yield myself to my betrothed, because I cannot bear a man; and to thee, who wishest to have adulterous intercourse with me, how can I give myself to thee?" And I said to the maiden who was with me: "See the impudence of this young man, (who goes) so far as to talk licentiously to me." And she said to me: "I saw an old man who was talking to thee." And when I had gone home and supped, my heart made me afraid of him, because he had appeared to me in two forms; and I went to sleep thinking of him. And he came in the night and had filthy intercourse with me, and by day too I saw him and fled from him; but by night he used to come in a terrible form, and torture me. And lo, up to the present, as thou seest me, lo, for five years he has not left me alone. But because I know and believe that both devils and spirits and demons are subject to thee and dread thy prayer, I beg of thee, my lord, that thou wouldst pray over me, and ask of God, and drive away from me this affliction, and (that), for the time that is appointed to me, I may be free, and may be united to my former nature, and receive the gift that is given to the penitent.
Then the Apostle, when he saw the instigation of the enemy, lifted up his voice and said: "O evil that cannot be repressed! O enemy who art never at rest! O envious one who art never quiet! O hideous (one) who strivest with the comely, that thou mayest subdue them under thee! O (thou) who hast many hideous shapes, and appearest as thou wilt, but thy black colour never changes, because it is thy nature! O crafty (one) and disturber of good works! O bitter tree, the fruits of which are like unto it! O lying slanderer, who strivest with those that are not thine! O deceit which, coiled up upon itself, rears itself with impudence and dares to assail those who are better than itself! O wickedness, that creepeth like a serpent, and crawleth, and entereth in, and aimeth at virtue! But how long do I say these things (Keep me not waiting,) but show thyself quickly, thou enemy of the servants of the Messiah, that these multitudes may see that we call them unto the true God." And when the Apostle had said these things, the enemy came and stood before him, no one seeing him except the Apostle and the woman, and cried with a loud voice, whilst all those who were there heard him: "What have we to do with thee, Apostle of the Most High? What have we to do with thee, servant of Jesus the Messiah? What have we to do with thee, thou sharer in the holy mysteries of God? Why dost thou wish to destroy us, when our time is not yet come? Why dost thou wish to take away the power that was given us, when till now we have had reliance upon it? What have we to do with thee, that thou art come to drive us out? Thou hast power over them that obey thee, and we have power over them that are subject unto us. Why dost thou wish to use violence towards us before our time, when thou enjoinest others not to use violence towards any man? Why dost thou covet what is not thine? For thine own suffice thee not. Why art thou like unto God thy Lord, who concealed His majesty and appeared in the flesh, and we thought regarding Him that He was mortal, but He turned and did us violence? For thou; namely, art born of Him. For when we thought that we could bring Him under our power, He turned and hurled us down into the abyss; for we did not know Him, because He deceived us by His humble aspect, and by His need and His poverty; and we thought, when we saw Him, that He was one of the children of men, and we did not know that He was the Giver of life to all mankind. But He gave us power not to slacken our hold of our own, so long as our time lasts, and we occupy ourselves with our own. But thou, lo, wishest to acquire more than He has given unto thee and to afflict us."
And when the demon had said these things, he wept again and said: "I quit thee, O my fair wife, whom I found a long time ago and was at rest on thee. I quit thee, my sister and my beloved, on whom I hoped to abide. What I shall do, I know not, nor on whom I shall call for help, that he may aid me. I know what I shall do. I shall go to another country, where I shall not hear tell of this man; for thee, my beloved, I shall find a substitute." And he lifted up his voice and said: " Fare thou not well, who hast taken refuge with one who is greater than I. I go to wander and seek for myself one like thee; and if I find not (one) for me, I will again return unto thee; for I know that now, because this man is near unto thee, lo, thou takest refuge with him. I then depart hence, and thou becomest as thou wast; but when night cometh, and thou forgettest him, I shall have an opportunity (of getting) at thee, for now the name of Him whom this (man) proclaims hath frightened me." And when the demon had said these things, at that moment he was looked for and was not found (i. e., disappeared suddenly), but smoke and fire were seen after him; and all those who were standing there were amazed.
And when the Apostle saw (this), he said to them: "The accursed one has shown nothing strange, but the nature by which he has been consumed; for the fire consumes him, and the smoke ascends from him." And the Apostle began to say: "Jesus, hidden mystery that hath been revealed to me, Thou hast revealed Thy mysteries unto me more than to all my fellows, and hast spoken unto me words with which, lo, I am burning, but which I am not able to utter. Jesus, born a man, slain, dead; Jesus, God, Son of God, Life-giver and Restorer of the dead to life; Jesus, poor, and catching fish for dinner and supper; Jesus, satisfying many thousands with a little bread; Jesus, resting from the fatigue of a journey like a man, and walking upon the waves of the sea like a God; Jesus, exalted Voice that arose from perfect mercy, Saviour of all, and Liberator and Administrator of the world, and Strengthener of the dead; Jesus, right hand of the Father, who hast hurled down the evil one to the lowest limit, and collected his possessions into one blessed place of meeting; Jesus, King, over all and subduing all; Jesus, who art in the Father and the Father in Thee, and Ye are one in power and in will and in glory and in essence, and for our sake Thou wast named with names, and art the Son, and didst put on the body; Jesus, who didst become a Nazīr, and Thy grace provides for all like God; Son of God Most High, who didst become a man despised and humble; Jesus, who dost not neglect us in anything which we ask of Thee, who art the cause of life to all mankind; Jesus, who wast called a deceiver on our account, Thou who rescuest from deceit Thy human beings; I entreat of Thee on behalf of these who are standing (here) and believing in Thee, and in need of Thy help, and expecting Thy gift, and taking refuge with Thy majesty, and opening their ears to hear Thy words which are spoken by us,—let Thy grace come, and Thy faith abide upon them and make them new from their former deeds, and may they put off their old man with his deeds and put on the new man which is proclaimed unto them by me."
And he laid his hand upon them, and blessed them, and said to them: "May the grace of our Lord be upon you for ever and ever, Amen." And the woman begged of him and saith to him: "Apostle of the Most High, give me the seal of my Lord, that the enemy may not again come back upon me." And he went to a river which was close by there, and baptized her in the name of the Father and the Son and the Spirit of holiness; and many were baptized with her. And the Apostle ordered his deacon to make ready the Eucharist; and he brought a bench thither, and spread over it a linen cloth; and he brought (and) placed upon it the bread of blessing. And the Apostle came (and) stood beside it, and said: "Jesus, who hast deemed us worthy to draw nigh unto Thy holy Body and to partake of Thy life-giving Blood; and because of our reliance upon Thee we are bold and draw nigh, and invoke Thy holy Name, which has been proclaimed by the Prophets as Thy Godhead willed; and Thou art preached by Thy Apostles through the whole world according to Thy grace, and art revealed by Thy mercy to the just; we beg of Thee that Thou wouldest come and communicate with us for help and for life, and for the conversion of Thy servants unto Thee, that they may go under Thy pleasant yoke and under Thy victorious power, and that it may be unto them for the health of their souls and for the life of their bodies in Thy living world." And he began to say: "Come, gift of the Exalted; come, perfect mercy; come, holy Spirit; come, revealer of the mysteries of the Chosen among the Prophets; come, proclaimer by His Apostles of the combats of our victorious Athlete; come, treasure of majesty; come, beloved of the mercy of the Most High; come, (thou) silent (one), revealer of the mysteries of the Exalted; come, utterer of hidden things, and shewer of the works of our God; come, giver of life in secret, and manifest in thy deeds; come, giver of joy and rest to all who cleave unto thee; come, power of the Father and wisdom of the Son, for Ye are one in all; come and communicate with us in this Eucharist which we celebrate, and in this offering which we offer, and in this commemoration which we make." And he made the sign of the Cross upon the bread, and began to give (it). And he gave first to the woman, and said to her: "Let it be unto thee for the remission of transgressions and sins and for the everlasting resurrection." And after her he gave to the persons who were baptized with her. Then he gave to every one, and said to them: "Let this Eucharist be unto you for life and rest, and not for judgement and vengeance;" and they said, "Amen."
Here ends the fifth Act.
The sixth Act, of the Young Man who killed the Girl.
AND there was there a young man, who had committed a very hateful deed; and he came and took the Eucharist, and was going to put it into his mouth, but both his hands dried up and did not come to his mouth. And when those who were with him saw him, they came (and) made known to the Apostle what had befallen him. And the Apostle called him, and said to him: "Tell me, my son, and be not ashamed before me. What hast thou done, and art come hither now? For lo, the gift of our Lord hath convicted thee, this (gift) which healeth the many who draw nigh unto it in love and in truth and in faith, but hath utterly withered thee away. These things have not befallen thee without cause." And when the youth saw that he was convicted by the Eucharist of our Lord, he came (and) fell down before the feet of the Apostle, and was begging of him, and interceding before him, and saying to him: "An evil deed have I done. I loved a woman (who lived) at an inn without the city, and she too loved me; and because I heard from thee the truth which thou speakest, and the faith of the God whom thou preachest, and knew in truth that thou art the Apostle of God, I too received the sign with those who received (it). And thou didst say thus: 'Whoever indulgeth in filthy intercourse, especially in that of adultery, hath not life with this God whom I preach.' And because I loved her, I begged of her and tried to persuade her to live with me a life clean and pure and tranquil and chaste and modest, such as thou teachest, but she would not; and when I saw that she would not listen to me, I slept with her and killed her, because I could not bear to see her while she was having intercourse with other men."
And when the Apostle heard these (things), he said: "O corrupt love, that hath no shame, how it hath incited this man to do these things! O the companion of corruption, how this man has not been able to bear up against it! O lascivious intercourse, how it corrupts the minds of men (and turns them away) from the purity of the Messiah! O the work of deception, how it rears itself up exceedingly in its own!" And the Apostle ordered (them) to bring him water in a basin for washing; and they brought him water that he might pray over it. And he glorified (God), and blessed (it), and said: "Water that was given unto us by the Living Water; Light that was sent to us by the glorious Self-existent; Grace that was sent unto us by Grace; let Thy victorious power come, and Thy healing and Thy mercy descend and abide upon this water, over which I have proclaimed Thy name, Jesus our Life-giver." And he said: "May the gift of the Spirit of holiness be perfected in you." And he said to the youth: "Go, wash thy hands in this water." And he went (and) washed his hands, and they became as they had been before they were dried up. And the Apostle said to him: "Dost thou believe then in our Lord, that it is possible for Him to do everything?" The youth saith to him: "I am not lacking in faith; yea, because of this, that I believed in God, I did this deed, since I thought that I did well; for I begged of her, as I have said before thee, and she was not willing to listen to me (and) keep herself in purity and chastity; because of that I did thus." Judas saith to him: "Come, let us go to the inn where thou didst this deed." And he was going before the Apostle, and a great multitude were coming after him. And when they arrived at the inn,, they went into it, and found the woman dead. And when the Apostle saw her, he was grieved for her, because she was a girl; and he said that they should take her up and bring her out into the midst of the inn. And when they had brought her and laid her on a couch, Judas Thomas laid his hand upon her, and began to say: "Jesus, our Life-giver, who never neglectest us at any time when we call upon Thee; Jesus, who comest unto us at all times when we seek Thee; Thou whose ear is inclined to this, that we should seek Thee, and Thou givest unto us; Jesus, who hast not only permitted us to ask, but hast also taught us how to pray; Thou who now art not seen by us with these bodily eyes of ours, but by means of these eyes of our understanding dost not depart from us; Thou who art hidden from us in Thy aspect, and revealed to us in Thy grace and the administration of Thy works and Thy great deeds; Thou whom we know so far as we are able, according to our measure, but who hast given us Thy gift beyond our measure; Thou who hast said, 'Ask and it shall be given to you, seek and ye shall find, knock and it shall be opened unto you;' we ask therefore of Thee, our Lord, fearing because of our trespasses and because of our sins, that Thou wouldst spread over us grace by Thy mercy. Not gold, nor silver, nor riches, nor possessions, nor goods, nor clothes, nor anything at all of these earthly things that are of this world, and come from it and return to it, do we seek; but we ask of Thee and beg of Thy benignity, that Thou wouldst raise up by Thy holy name this (woman) who is lying before Thee, to Thy great glory, and to the praise of Thy Godhead, and to the confirmation of Thy faith in these who are standing by."
And he said to the youth: " Stretch thy mind towards our Lord;" and he signed him with the Cross, and said to him: "Go, take her by the hand, and say to her, 'I with my hand slew thee with iron, but Jesus with His grace raiseth thee up by my faith.'" And the youth went (and) stood over her, and said: "I have in truth believed in Thee, my Lord Jesus the Messiah, the gift of Thy Father, that in Thee are all aids, and in Thee all dispensations, and in Thee all healings, and in Thee life for the repentant, who in truth repent unto Thee with all their heart. Yea, my Lord, I beg of Thy mercy, come to my help and to my conversion, and give life to this (woman) by my hands, since I dare to do this." And he was looking upon Judas Thomas and saying to him: "Pray for me, Apostle of God, that my Lord may come to my aid, on whom I call." And he laid his hand upon hers, and said: "Come, my Lord Jesus the Messiah, and give to this (woman) life and to me the pledge of Thy faith." And as soon as he took hold of her hand, she sprang up (and) stood upright, and was looking on the great crowd who were standing by. And she saw the Apostle of our Lord, who was standing opposite to her, and ran and fell down at his feet, and took hold of his skirts, and saith to him: "I pray thee, sir, where is the other, who was with thee, who did not let me remain in that place which I saw, but gave me over to thee, and said to thee, 'Take this (woman) away unto thee, that she may be made perfect in her love by faith, and then be gathered unto my place.'"
Judas saith to her: "Tell me whither thou wentest and what thou didst see?" She saith to him: "Thou, who wast with me, and to whom he gave me over, dost thou ask to hear of me?" And she began to tell him, (saying): "A man, whose aspect was hideous, and his body black, and his clothes filthy, took me away and carried me to a place which was full of pits, and a stinking smell too was diffused in its midst. And he made me look down into each of the pits; and I saw the first pit, and as it were fire was blazing in its midst, and wheels of fire were revolving in its midst; and he said to me: 'Into this torment are destined to come those souls which transgress the law, which change the union of intercourse that has been appointed by God; and other (souls) are destined to come into this torment, which have not preserved their virginity, and have given themselves up to the deed of shame, and they shall come to this affliction, because they have transgressed the law of God, and shall be given over to evil spirits, and shall be for a mockery and a derision, and retribution shall be (exacted) from them, and they shall go into another torment, which is worse than this, and shall be tormented there.' And again he showed me another pit, and I looked down into it and saw dreadful things, to which are destined to come the souls that do evil; and I saw there many tortures which are prepared for men and women and youths and maidens. Those men who leave their own wives, and have intercourse with the wives of their fellows; and women, who go beyond intercourse with their own husbands; and youths, who do not keep their laws, wantonly indulge themselves with harlots in their lust, and for whom it is not enough to transgress the law among harlots, but they lie in wait for virgins and wantonly indulge in sin; and maidens, who have not kept their state of virginity, (but), because of their wanton lust, have brought shame upon their parents; — (these) shall come to this affliction and shall be recompensed, each according to his works. And he took me away again; and showed me a dark cave, and a stinking smell was coming out of it. And he said to me: ' Look down and see, for this is the prison of those souls about which I said to thee that, when the chastisement of each of them is finished, another cometh in its place; and there are some of them which are utterly consumed, and there are some of them which are handed over to other tortures.' The guardians of those tortures say to the man who led me: 'Give us this (woman), that we may bind her in her place, until she goes to her torture.' The man who led me saith to them: 'I will not give her to you, because I am afraid of Him who delivered her to me, and I was not ordered to leave her here; but I will take her up with me, until I receive an order regarding her.' And he took me and brought me out to the place where men were; and he who was like to thee took me and delivered me unto thee, and said to thee: 'Take this (woman), because she is one of the sheep that have gone astray.' And thou didst take me from him, and lo, I stand before thee, and beg of thee that I too may believe through thee, and may find grace because of thy prayer, and that I too may not go to those tortures which I have seen."
Judas Thomas saith to them: "Ye have heard, my children, what this woman hath said; and there are not these tortures only, but also others, which are much worse than these. Ye too, therefore, unless ye are converted to this truth which I preach, and restrain yourselves from your evil deeds, and from your actions which profit you not, and from your thoughts without knowledge, your end will come to these torments. But do ye, therefore, believe in Jesus the Messiah, and He will blot out your former actions, and will cleanse you from all your earthly thoughts that abide on the earth, and will purify you from your sins, which, unless ye repent of them unto God, will accompany you and go with you and be found before you. Put off, therefore, each of you, his old man, and put on the new man, that is to say, (put off) your old courses and your fleshly works. Let those, then, who stole, steal no more, but toil and work and live; and let those of you who committed adultery, not commit adultery and abandon themselves to the ease of the moment, that they may not go to everlasting torment, for adultery is hateful before God more than all evil works; and put away from you lying and oppression and drunkenness and slander, and requite not any man evil for evil; for all these things are odious to this God whom I preach, and unclean to him; but walk in all humility and temperance and purity, and in hope in God, and ye shall become servants of Him, and shall receive from Him the gifts which are given to some (only.)"
And these multitudes believed, and surrendered themselves to the living God and to Jesus the Messiah, and were enjoying the blessed works of the Most High and His holy service; and were each of them bringing much money for the relief of the widows, who were collected by the Apostle in each city, and to all of whom he was sending by the hand of his deacons what was fitting for them for food and clothing. And he never ceased to preach and to speak unto them, and to show them that it was Jesus the Messiah of whom the Scriptures spake, and whose types and mysteries and likenesses the Law and the Prophets showed forth; who was given as a covenant to the people (of Israel), that they might be restrained for His sake from the worship of idols, and as a light to the peoples (the Gentiles), by means of which the grace of God hath dawned upon them, and all those who keep His commandments shall find rest in His kingdom, and be honoured in glory; and He came, and was crucified, and rose in three days. And he was narrating unto them, and expounding, from Moses even unto the end of the prophets, because they all preached concerning Him, and He came (and) fulfilled (all) in fact.
And the report of him was heard among men in the cities and villages; and every man who had a sick (person), or one possessed by a spirit, or a lunatic, or paralytics,—some they brought on beds and placed them by the road-side, whithersoever they learned that he was going; and he was healing them all by the power of Jesus his Lord. And the sick, who were ill of grievous diseases and in hideous torments, were healed, and the paralytics, who were standing up quite sound; and they were all glorifying (God) with one mouth, and saying: "To Thee be glory, Jesus the Messiah, who hast given us healing by Thy servant and Thy Apostle Judas. For lo, being quite well and seeing, we pray of Thee that we too may become children of Thy fold, and may be numbered among the number of Thy sheep. Receive us, our Lord, and reckon not against us our former sins, which we committed in ignorance."
Then, when Judas Thomas saw them, he lifted up his voice and said: "To thee be glory, Living (One) who (art) from the Living (One); to Thee be glory, Life-giver of many; to Thee be glory, Help and Aider of those who come to Thy place of refuge; to Thee be glory, (Thou that art) wakeful from all eternity, and the Awaker of men, living and making alive. Thou art God, the Son of God, the Saviour and Helper, and Refuge, and Best of all those who are weary in Thy work; the Giver of rest to those who, for Thy name's sake, have borne the burden of the whole day at mid-day. We praise Thee for Thy gift unto us, and for Thy aids to our feebleness, and for Thy provision for our poverty. Make perfect with us Thy grace and Thy mercy unto the end, and give us the boldness that is in Thee. Behold, Lord, that Thee alone we love; and behold, Lord, that we have left our homes and the homes of these our kindred, and for Thy sake are become strangers without compulsion. Behold, Lord, that we have left our possessions for Thy sake, that we might gain Thee, the possession of life, that cannot be taken away. Behold, our Lord, that we have left all our kindred for Thy sake, that we might be united in kinship to Thee. Behold, our Lord, that we have left our fathers and our mothers and our fosterers, that we might see Thy exalted Father and be filled with His divine nourishment. Behold, our Lord, that we have left our fleshly wives and earthly fruits, that we might be united in true union with Thee and produce the heavenly fruits which (are) from above, which men cannot take away from us, but which shall be with us and we shall be with them."
Here ends the sixth Act.
The seventh Act, how Judas Thomas was called by the General of king Mazdai to heal his Wife and Daughter.
AND whilst Judas was preaching throughout all India, the general of a king came to him and said to him: "I pray thee, servant of God, and the more so that thou seest that I myself am come to thee as unto the Apostle of God, because thou art sent for the healing of men who have need of the aid which is given them by thy hands; and I have heard concerning thee that thou takest no fee from any man, but providest for the poor, for if thou tookest a fee, I would have sent thee a large sum of money, and I would not have come hither, because the king doth naught without me; for I have abundance and am rich, and am a great man throughout all India, and I have done no wrong to any man, but this thing hath happened to me contrary (to my deserts). I have a wife, and by her I had a daughter; and I love her much, as nature too teacheth, and I know no other wife along with her. Now there chanced to be a banquet in our city, and the givers of the entertainment were great friends of mine; and they came (and) asked of me, and prepared the feast for her and her daughter. And because they were friends of mine, I could not make any excuse, but I sent her, though against her will, and I sent with her also many of my servants, and I made a great display for her and her daughter. And when it was time to depart, I sent after her lanterns and lamps; and I too was standing in the street and was looking when she should come, that I might see her and receive her and her daughter with her. And whilst I was standing there, I heard a sound of lamentation and a sound of weeping; 'Alas for her, alas for her,' was coming to. my ears from all mouths. Then my servants came to me, rending their clothes, and made known to me what had happened, and say to me: 'We saw a man, and another, a boy, was with him, who was like to him. And the man laid his hand upon thy wife, and the boy upon thy daughter; and they shrank with loathing from them, and we smote them with swords, but our swords sank to the ground; and at that moment the women fell down, and were gnashing their teeth, and dashing their heads on the ground; and we are come to inform thee of what hath happened.' And when I had heard these things from my servants, I rent my clothes, and was beating my face with my hands; and running about in the street like a madman. And I came and found them lying in the street; and I took them and brought them to my house, and after a long time they came to themselves; and I restored (them and) made them sit up, and began to ask my wife: 'What hath happened to thee?' And she saith to me: 'Thou dost not know what thou hast done with me; for I asked of thee that I might not go to the feast, because I was not well in body; and as I was going along the street, and had come to the pipe that throweth up water, I saw a black man standing opposite to me and shaking his head, and another, a boy, who was like to him, standing beside him; and I said to my daughter: 'Look at these men, how hideous (they are);' and my daughter said to me, 'I saw a boy whose teeth were like milk and his lips like coals.' And we left them beside the water-pipe and went on. And when it was evening, and we quitted the house where the entertainment was, and came away with the servants, and arrived at the water-pipe, my daughter saw them first, and came to me for refuge; and after her I too saw them coming towards us; and the servants who were with me fled; and they struck me and my daughter, and threw us down.' And whilst she was narrating (this) to me, they came upon them, and cast them down again; and from that hour they are unable to go out any more into the street, either to go to the bath, or to the house of feasting, or the house of weeping, but they lie there night and day, the mother with her daughter, and are shut up by me in a room within another, because of the laughing-stock that I am become through them, and because, when they come upon them, they throw them down and disgrace them wherever they find them. I beg therefore of thee and entreat thee, help me and have mercy upon me, for, lo, for three years no table hath been laid in my house, and my wife and daughter have not sat at it; but specially for my poor daughter's sake, who hath had no pleasure (of her life)." And when the Apostle had heard these things from the general, he was very sorry for him, and said to him: "If thou believest in my Lord Jesus the Messiah that He can heal them, thou shalt see their recovery." The general, when he had heard these things, saith to him, because he imagined that he was Jesus: "I believe that thou canst heal them." The Apostle saith to him: "I am not Jesus, but His servant and His Apostle. Commit then thyself to Him, and He will heal them and help them." The general saith to him: "Show me how I can ask Him and believe in Him." The Apostle saith to him: "As far as thou art able, stretch thy mind upward, because He is not visible now to these bodily eyes, but by faith is recognised in His works and glorified in His healings." And the general lifted up his voice and said: "I believe in Thee, Jesus the Messiah, God, that Thou art the Living, the Son of the Living, and didst become man, and didst appear (as) a Healer and Life-giver and Saviour for all those who in truth repent unto Thee. Yea, Lord, I beg of Thee and intercede before Thee; help my little faith and my fear, for with Thee I take refuge."
And the Apostle commanded his deacon Xanthippus to assemble all the brethren who were there. And when he had assembled them, the Apostle came and stood in their midst, and said to them: "My sons and brethren and sisters in our Lord Jesus, abide in this faith, and trust in our Lord Jesus the Messiah, Him whom I preach unto you; and let your hope be in Him, and He will keep you; and fall not away from Him, because He will not forsake you. And if it be that ye sleep that sleep, which when a man sleeps, he is not, He will not sleep, but will be wakeful and preserve you. And if ye sit in a ship and on the sea, where no man of you is able to help his fellow, He will walk upon the waves of the sea and support your ship. Because I then am going away from you, and I do not know if I shall see you again in the body, be not ye, therefore, like to the children of Israel, who stumbled, because Moses, their shepherd for a time, departed from them. But lo, I leave you in my stead the deacon Xanthippus, and he too will preach Jesus the Messiah like me. For I too am a man like one of you, and I have no wealth, which is found with some, the end of which is that it destroyeth him who possesseth it, because there is no utility
in it, since it leaveth him in the earth, from which he came, and the transgressions and sins which he committed for its sake are with him; for there are (only) some who are rich and charitable. Neither have I any human comeliness, on which all those who place their reliance are quickly brought to shame; for if he who had beauty becometh deprived (of it), his beauty availeth him nought, but those who loved him because of his beauty, they especially shun him with loathing; for all things which are of the world are loved in their season and hated in their season. But let your hope be in Jesus the Messiah, the Son of God, and be ye holding fast by us and looking to us, as the servants of God, since we too, if we bear not the burden that beseemeth this name, shall receive punishment, and it shall be to us for judgement and vengeance."
And he prayed with them a long prayer, and committed them to our Lord, and said: "Lord of all orders of creation," which await Thee, and God of all spirits, which hope in Thee, (Thou) that deliverest from error Thy human beings, (and) freest from corruption and from slavery those who obey Thee and come to Thy place of refuge; be Thou with the flock of Xanthippus, and anoint his flock with Thy oil of life, and cleanse it of its disease, and guard it from wolves and from robbers, that they may not snatch it out of his hands." And he laid his hand upon them, and said to them: "The peace of Jesus be with you, and go with us also."
And the Apostle set out to go on the way; and all of them were accompanying him with weeping, and were conjuring him by his Lord to be mindful of them in his prayers and not to forget them. And when the Apostle had mounted, he sat in the chariot of the general, and all the brethren remained behind. The general came and said to the driver: "I am praying that I may be worthy to sit beneath the feet of the Son of God, Jesus the Messiah, and to be His driver on this road, which many know, that He may be my guide on that road on which some (only) shall go."
And when he had gone about a mile, Judas Thomas begged of the general, and made him get up to sit beside him, and ordered the driver to sit in his place. And as they were going along the road, and Judas was conversing with the general, the cattle became tired from their having driven them so far, and stood still and would not stir. And the general was sorely vexed, and knew not what to do; and he thought of running on foot, and bringing other cattle, wherever he could get them, or horses, because his time was becoming short. And when the Apostle saw this, he said to him: "Be not afraid and be not agitated, but only believe in Jesus, as I told thee, and thou shalt see great wonders." The general saith to him: "I believe in Him, (and) that everything is possible for him to do who asketh of Him."
Now Judas saw a herd of wild asses feeding some distance off the highway, and he said to the general: "If thou believest in Jesus, go to the herd and say to them: 'Judas, the Apostle of Jesus the Messiah, the Son of God, saith, Let four of you come, for I require them.'" And the general went, fearing greatly, because they were many; and the more he went on, (the more) they came towards him. And when they were close to him, he said to them: "Judas Thomas, the Apostle of Jesus the Messiah, saith: 'Let four of you come to me, because I require them.'"And when they heard this speech, all, the asses came to him with a great rush; and when they came to him, they bowed down unto him by the direction of our Lord.
And Judas Thomas, the Apostle of our Lord, lifted up his voice in praise, and said: "Glorious art Thou, God of truth and Lord of all natures, for Thou didst will with Thy Will, and make all Thy works, and finish all Thy creatures, and bring them to the rule of their nature, and lay upon them all Thy fear, that they might be subject to Thy command. And Thy Will trod the path from Thy secrecy to manifestation, and was caring for every soul that Thou didst make, and was spoken of by the mouth of all the prophets, in all visions and sounds and voices; but Israel did not obey because of their evil inclination. And Thou, because Thou art Lord of all, hast a care for the creatures, so that Thou spreadest over us Thy mercy in Him who came by Thy will and put on the body, Thy creature, which Thou didst will and form according to Thy glorious wisdom. He whom Thou didst appoint in Thy secrecy and establish in Thy manifestation, to Him Thou hast given the name of Son He who was Thy Will, the Power of Thy thought; so that Ye are by various names, the Father and the Son and the Spirit, for the sake of the government of Thy creatures, for the nourishing of all natures, and Ye are one in glory and power and will; and Ye are divided without being separated, and are one though divided; and all subsists in Thee and is subject to Thee, because all is Thine. And I rely upon Thee, Lord, and by Thy command have subjected these dumb beasts, that Thou mightest show Thy ministering power upon us and upon them, because it is needful, and that Thy name might be glorified in us and in the beasts that cannot speak."
And when he had said these things, he said to the wild asses: "Peace be with you, because ye have obeyed the Word, the sovereign of all. Let four of you come and be yoked in place of these cattle, which have stood still and arc not able to go on." And every one of the wild asses crowded round, (striving) which of them should be yoked. And there were some there, that were stronger than their fellows, and these were yoked; and the rest of them went along after and before the Apostle. And when they had proceeded a little way, he said to them: "To you I speak, ye inhabitants of the desert; remain behind and go to your pasture; for if I had had occasion for you all, ye would all have come. Now then go to the place in which ye were." And the wild asses were going along gently, until they were out of his sight.
And the Apostle was seated (in the chariot), and the general, and the driver; and the wild asses were going along gently and quietly and by little and little, that the Apostle of God might not be shaken. And when they reached the gate of the city, they (viz. the asses) distinguished (the house), and went (and) stood before the gate of the court-yard of the general. Then the general was amazed and said: "I am not able to speak and tell what is happening; but let there be another wonder, and then I will tell." And the whole city was coming, because they saw the wild asses which had been yoked in the chariot, and because they heard the report of the Apostle's having gone thither.
The Apostle saith to the general: "Where is thy house? And whither wilt thou conduct us?" The general saith to him: "Thou knowest that thou art standing at the door of thy servant, and these (beasts), which by thy command are come with thee, know better than I." And when the general had spoken thus, he sprang down from the chariot.
And the Apostle began to say: "Jesus, the knowledge of whom is denied in this country; Jesus, the report of whom is strange in this city; Jesus, a stranger among these men; Jesus, who sendest Thy Apostle on before to every country and every city, and art glorified in him and made known by him to all those who are worthy of it; Jesus, who didst put on the body, and become man, and appear to us all, that we might not part from Thy love; our Lord, who didst give Thyself for us, and buy us with Thy blood, and acquire us unto Thyself, a possession that was dearly bought;—for what have we that we can give to Him for His life? For He gave His life for us. It is not anything that belongs to each one (of us), nor does He ask of us anything, save that we should ask of Him and live."
And when he had said these things, many were coming from every place to see the Apostle of the new God, who was come thither. And Judas said: "Why stand we here and are idle? Jesus, what wilt Thou? Command the time, and let the deed be (done)." Then the demons were sore upon that woman and her daughter, and the servants of the general did not think that they would last, for they did not suffer them to eat anything, but kept them constantly lying in bed, without being recognised by anyone, until the day when the Apostle came thither.
And the Apostle said to one of the wild asses which were yoked on the right hand: "Go into the court-yard, and, standing there, call those demons, and say to them: 'Judas the Apostle, the disciple of Jesus the Messiah, saith, Come out hither, because on your account I have been sent and against your kindred, that I might drive you to your own place, ere the time of the consummation cometh and ye go to your pit.'" And the wild ass went in, a crowd of people being with him, and said: "To you I speak, ye enemies of mankind; to you I speak, who close your eyes to the light that ye may not see, for the nature of evil cannot be with good; to you I speak, offspring of Gehenna and Abaddon, children of him who hath never been forced to keep quiet until today, of him who produceth afresh evil servants that suit his nature; to you I speak, audacious wretches, who are to perish by your own hands. And what I should say concerning your end, I know not; and what I should tell, I am unable (to utter); for these things are too great for hearing and have no limit, for however great your bodies may be, they are too small for your retributions. To thee I speak, demon, and to thy son, who accompanieth thee, for now I am sent hither against you. "Why do I go on speaking at great length of your nature? For ye know (it) better than I, and are audacious. But now Judas Thomas, the disciple of Jesus the Messiah, this (man) who hath been sent hither with mercy and grace, saith: 'Come forth unto this crowd, which, lo, is standing here, and tell me of what race ye are.' "
And at that moment the woman and her daughter came out, like to the dead in appearance, and exposed, and disgraced. And when the Apostle saw them, he Was grieved for them, and said: "No pity hath been shown unto you; on this account ye are scarcely conscious. But in the name of Jesus the Messiah depart ye from them, and stand beside them." And when the Apostle had uttered this speech, the women fell down and (to all appearance) died, for there was no breath in them, nor did they utter any sound. And the demon cried with a loud voice and said: "Thou art come again, rebuker of our nature! Thou art come hither again, destroyer of our race! Thou art come hither again, effacer of our footsteps! And, as I see, thou dost not wish to let us remain on earth; but thou art not able at this time to do this to us."
And Judas perceived that it was the demon whom he had driven out of that (other) woman. And he said to him: "I beg of thee, then, give me leave, (and) I will go whither thou pleasest (and) dwell (there); and I will take orders from thee, and not be afraid of him who hath authority over me; for as thou art come to visit (and do good), so am I come to destroy; and as thou, if thou dost not accomplish the will of Him who sent thee, art reproved, so I too, unless I do the will of him who sent me, go before the time unto our nature; and as thy Lord helpeth thee in the things which thou dost, (so) too my father supporteth me in the things which I do; and as He prepareth for thee vessels which are worthy for Him to dwell in, so too he maketh me aware of the vessels which obey him, that I may do in them his will; and as He nourisheth and provideth for thee and for those who obey thee, so also doth He torture me, and torment me and those in whom I dwell; and as to thee He giveth the reward of thy work, that is to say life everlasting, (so) also to me He giveth the recompense of my deeds, everlasting perdition; and as thou takest pleasure in thy prayers, and in thy good works, and in the Eucharist, and in His chants of praise and psalms and hymns, so I too take pleasure in murder and adultery, and in sacrifices and libations of wine on the altars; and as thou turnest men unto everlasting life, so I too turn men unto me, unto everlasting perdition and torment; and thou receivest thy reward, and I mine."
And when the demon had said these things, the Apostle said: "To thee and to thy son Jesus saith by me, that ye shall not again enter the habitation of men, but go (and) dwell without the entire habitation of men." And the demons say unto him: "Lo, we go, as thou hast commanded us; but what wilt thou do unto those who are hidden from thee, and their vessels rejoice, in them more than in thee,—those whom many worship and do their will, sacrificing unto them and pouring out unto them wine as a libation, and offering unto them offerings?" The Apostle saith: "They too shall perish in the end with their worshippers." And the demons were sought and were not found; but the women were lying (there) as if dead, without a word; and the wild asses were standing one beside the other, and were not moving away from one another; but the one to whom speech was given by the power of our Lord, was standing in front of his fellows.
And when all the people were silent and looking on him, that they might see what the Apostle would do, the wild ass looked on them all, and said to Judas: "Why standest thou (there) and art idle, Apostle of the Most High? For lo, the Paraclete is standing beside thee and looking that thou shouldest ask him and he would give unto thee. Why delayest thou, good Disciple? For lo, thy Master wisheth to show great things through thee. Why standest thou (there), preacher of the Hidden? For lo, thy Master wisheth to disclose His hidden nature through thee unto those who are worthy of Him that they may hear these things. Why art thou still, worker of miracles in the name of thy Lord? For lo, thy Lord is standing by and encouraging thee. Fear not; for He will not abandon thee, and His Godhead will not suffer thy manhood to be grieved. Begin, therefore, to call upon Him, and He will answer thee, as He is wont at all times. Why doth amazement seize thee at His manifold doings? For these are small things which He hath shown through thee; and if thou wert to tell of the number of His gifts, thou wouldest not be able to make an end of them. Why art thou astonished concerning these His bodily healings, (which are) ended by dissolution, when thou rememberest His healing of His possessions, which is not ended by dissolution? Why ponderest thou upon this temporal life, when, lo, thou canst reflect every day upon the life everlasting? But unto you, I say, ye multitudes, who, lo, are standing by and waiting to see these arise who, lo, are lying here; believe on the Teacher of verity, and believe on the Shewer of truths; believe on the Revealer of secrets; believe on the Demonstrator of life; believe on the Apostle of the tried Son, Jesus the Messiah, who was born, that the born might live by His birth; and was reared, that the perfect rearing might be seen in Him; and went to school, that through Him perfect wisdom might be known; He taught His teacher,2 because He was the Teacher of verity and the Master of the wise; he went to the temple and offered an offering, that they might see that all offerings are sanctified in Him. This is the Apostle of Him; this is the Apostle of truth; this is the doer of the will of Him that sent him. But there shall be a time when false apostles shall come, and lying prophets, whose end shall be like their works; who will say unto you, 'Beware of sins,' whilst they at all times utter sins; who will put on the clothing of lambs, whilst within they are ravening wolves; who will not take one wife legally, but by their words and their deeds will corrupt many women; who will not beget children, but will corrupt many children, and pay the penalty for them; who will be distressed at the happiness of others, and will take pleasure in their distress; to whom what they possess will not suffice, but who will desire that all things should serve them, and will boast of them, and be esteemed as disciples of the Messiah; in whose mouth is one thing, and in their heart another; who teach that ye should shun hateful things, but themselves do not even a single good thing; before whom adultery is hateful, and theft, and oppression, and greed, but in themselves secretly these are all done, whilst they teach that a man should not do them."
And when he spake these things, all the wild asses were looking at him. And when he was silent, Judas said: "What am I to think of Thy servant, Jesus? And how I am to call Thee, I know not. O (Thou) gentle and silent and still and speaking! (Thou) Seer, that art in the heart, and Searcher, that art in the mind! Glory to Thee, (Thou) gracious (One)! Glory to Thee, living Word! Glory to Thee, (Thou) hidden (One), who hast many forms! Glory to Thy mercy, which hath abounded unto us. Glory to Thy grace, which hath been upon us! Glory to Thy greatness, which became small for us! Glory to Thy exaltation, which was humbled for us! Glory to Thy strength, which became feeble for us! Glory to Thy Godhead, which for us put on manhood!
Glory to Thy manhood, which was made new for us, and died for us to give us life! Glory to Thy Resurrection from the grave, that we might have a resurrection and a raising up! Glory to Thy Ascension unto Heaven, by which Thou didst tread for us the road (leading) up on high! And Thou didst promise and swear unto us, that we should sit on the right hand and on the left, and should be judges with Thee. Thou art the Word of Heaven. Thou art the hidden Light of the understanding, and the Study of the path of truth, the Dispeller of darkness and the Destroyer of error."
And when the Apostle had said these things, he came and stood over those women, who were lying (there), and said: "My Lord and my God, Jesus the Messiah, I doubt not regarding Thee, but I call upon Thee, as at all times Thou dost aid us and support us and encourage us. Thou Giver of freedom of speech and of joy unto Thy servant and Apostle, let these (women) be healed b and arise, and let them be as they were before they were smitten by the demons." And when he had said these things, the women turned over, and sat up healed. And Judas commanded the general that his servants should take them and lead them in and give them food, for they had not eaten for many days. And when they had taken them and led them in, he said to the wild asses, "Follow me." And they went after him until he had brought them without the gate. And when they had gone out, he said to them: "Go in peace to your pasture." And the wild asses were going along gently, and the Apostle was standing and looking at them, lest perchance any man should hurt them, until
they had got out of his sight and were no longer visible to him.
Here ends the seventh Act.
The eighth Act, of Mygdonia and Karīsh.3
AND Judas returned from (accompanying) them, and went to the house of the general, and a great multitude with him. And it happened that a woman, (the wife) of a kinsman of the king, whose name was Mygdonia, had come to see the new sight of the new God who was preached, and the new Apostle who was come to their country; and she was sitting in a palanquin, and her servants were carrying her. And because of the great press that there was, they were unable to bring her near to him; and she sent to her husband, and he sent his officers, and they were going before her, and pressing back the people. And the Apostle saw (this) and said to them: "Why do ye ill-treat these (people), who are coming to hear the word? And (why are) ye anxious that they should pass on, and ye yourselves wish to come unto me, being very far off? For our Lord said to those multitudes who were coming unto him: 'Ears ye have, and ye hear not, and eyes ye have, and ye see not'; and (He also said): 'Come unto me, all ye that are weary and bearing burdens, and I will give you rest.' " And he looked upon those men and said: "Now the blessing that was given unto these falleth to the share of you who are carrying; for ye are bearing a heavy burden, and she directeth you by her command. Though God hath made you men, men make you carry a heavy load like beasts; and those who are borne upon you, think in their minds that ye are not men like to them, and do not know that all men are equal before God, whether they be slaves or free; and righteous is the judgement of God, which shall come upon all souls that are on the earth, and no man shall escape from it, neither slaves nor free, nor rich nor poor. Those who have, shall not be profited aught thereby; and those who have not, shall not be delivered by their poverty from this judgement. For we are not commanded to do anything which we are unable to do, nor to take up heavy burdens, nor to build buildings, which carpenters build for themselves with wisdom, nor (to practise) the art of hewing stones, which stonecutters know as their craft; but (we are commanded to do) something which we can do,—to refrain from fornication, the head of all evils; and from murder, by reason of which the curse came upon Cain; and from theft, which brought Judas Iscariot unto hanging; and from gluttony, which removed Esau from his birthright; and from covetousness, unto which when one is subject, he doth not consider what he doeth; and from vain-glory, and from destroying slander; and from evil actions; and from deeds of shame, and from hateful intercourse and unclean connection, in which there is eternal condemnation; and this it is that seizeth the uplifted by force, and casteth them down to the lowest depth, and bringeth them under its power, so that they cannot discern what they do, and their works become hidden from them. But harken ye to me, and conduct yourselves with purity, which is chosen before God more than all good things; and with temperance, for it showeth us intercourse with God, and giveth eternal life. And also conduct yourselves with humility, for this is weighed with every (virtue), and is heavy, and outweigheth (them), and gaineth the crown; and with gentleness, and stretching out of the hand to the poor, and supplying the wants of the needy; but especially it behoveth you to conduct yourselves with purity, for this is chosen before God, and maketh (us) enter into everlasting life, for it is the head of all virtues, and by it are done all good works; for he who is not purified, is unable to do anything good, because all the virtues are after this of purity. For purity is seen of God, and destroyeth evil. Purity is pleasing to God; therefore it proceedeth from him. Purity is the athlete who is not overcome. Purity is the truth that blencheth not. Purity is the tower that falleth not. Purity is worthy before God of being to Him a familiar handmaiden. Purity is comeliness when it is found with many. Purity destroyeth corruption. Purity is the messenger of concord, which bringeth the tidings of peace. Temperance setteth him who acquireth it free from daily cares. Temperance careth for naught but how it may be found pleasing to its Lord. Temperance holdeth on by hope, awaiting deliverance. Temperance sitteth at all times in tranquillity, because it doth nothing that is odious. Temperance seeketh a life of rest, and is a joy to all who acquire it, and exalteth those who are nigh to it. Humility hath subdued Death, and brought him under its power. Humility hath conquered enmity. Humility is the pleasant yoke, and fatigueth not those who bear it. Humility feareth naught, for it is rude to none. Humility is concord and peace and joy and rest. Acquire purity, and take unto you temperance, and strive after humility; for by these three cardinal virtues is typified this Messiah, whom I preach. For purity is the temple of God, and every one who guardeth it, guardeth His temple, and the Messiah dwelleth in him. And temperance is the rest of God; for our Lord fasted forty days and forty nights, and tasted nothing; and the Messiah dwelleth in him who observeth it. And humility is a mighty power; for our Lord said unto Simon the Apostle: 'Return thy sword back (to its sheath); if I am willing to ask strength of my Father, He will give me more than twelve legions of angels.' "
And when Judas had said these things, all the multitudes were listening together, and trampling on one another. And the wife of Karīsh, the kinsman of king Mazdai, sprang up and came out of the palanquin, and fell down on the ground before the feet of the Apostle, and was begging of him and saying to him: "I beg of thee, thou Apostle of the new God, who hast come to a desert place from the habitation of men — for we dwell in a desert, because we live like the beasts that have not speech, and now, lo, we are being tamed by thy hands, — that thou wouldst turn unto me too, and pray for me, that I also may obtain grace from this God whom thou preachest, and that I may become a handmaiden of Him, and that I too may be united with you in prayer and in hope and in thanksgiving, and that I too may become a holy temple and He may dwell in me."
The Apostle saith: "I pray and beg of you, my brethren in our Lord and my sisters in the Messiah, that the word of the Messiah may dwell in you all and abide in you, because ye are given power over your own souls." And he began to say to the woman: "Mygdonia, arise from the ground, and be mindful of thyself, and be not concerned about thy ornaments, which pass away, nor about the beauty of thy person, which perisheth, nor about thy dress, nor about this name and dignity in the world that passeth away; and degrade not thyself to this filthy intercourse, and be deprived of the true fellowship. For ornaments perish, and beauty becometh old and marred, and clothes decay, and power passeth away, (accompanied) with punishment, according as each person hath conducted himself in it, and marriage passeth away with much contempt. Jesus alone abideth, and those who hope in Him and take refuge (with Him), and deliver up themselves unto Him." And when he had said these things, he said to the woman: "Go in peace, and may our Lord make thee worthy of His divine mysteries." She saith to him: "I am afraid to go, lest thou leave me and depart to another place." The Apostle saith to her: "Jesus will not abandon thee for His mercy's sake." And she bowed down and prostrated herself before him, because she thought that he was Jesus; and she went home rejoicing.
Now Karīsh, the kinsman of king Mazdai, had taken his bath and gone to supper; and he was asking for his wife, where she was, that she had not come to meet him from her chamber. And her maidens said to him: "She is not inclined (to come)." And he went into the chamber, and saw her lying on the bed with her face covered. And he kissed her, and said to her: "Why art thou sad today and sorrowful?" She saith to him: "I am very tired." He saith to her: "Why didst thou not pay proper respect to thy position as a free woman, and stay at home, and not go and hear vain words and (see) deeds of witchcraft? But get up, and come out, and sup with me, for I cannot sup without thee." Mygdonia saith to him: "Today I must be excused from supping with thee and from sleeping with thee, for I am much agitated." And when Karīsh heard from Mygdonia that she spake to him thus, he was unwilling to quit (the room) to sleep or to sup; but ordered his servants to bring (food) to him that he might sup in her presence.
And when they had brought in (food, and) set it before him, he asked her to sup, but she would not; and since she would not sup, he supped alone. And Karīsh said to her: "On thy account I excused myself to my lord, king Mazdai, from (staying to) supper, and thou dost not choose to sup with me!" Mygdonia saith to him: "Because I am not inclined." And he stood up to go to bed and sleep as was his wont, and she said to him: "Did I not tell thee that I must be excused today, that I may sleep alone?"
And when he heard this speech, he went and slept in another bed. And when he awoke suddenly from his sleep, he said to her: "My lady and sister Mygdonia, harken unto a dream which I saw this night. I saw myself reclining in the presence of my lord king Mazdai, and a table was laid before us. And I saw an eagle swoop down from heaven, and carry off from before me and from before king Mazdai a brace of partridges; and he bore them up to his nest and placed them there, and came again and hovered over us. And king Mazdai bade them bring him a bow. And the eagle came again, and carried off again from before us a pigeon and a turtle-dove. And king Mazdai shot an arrow at him, and it passed through him from side to side, and did not harm him; but he soared away to his nest. And I started (out of my sleep), being agitated, and being vexed on account of the partridge which I had tasted, and of which he did not let me put any more into my mouth, and lo, its taste was in my mouth." Mygdonia saith to him: "Thy dream is good; for thou eatest partridges every day, but perchance a partridge had never been tasted by that eagle until now."
And when it was morning, Karīsh, the kinsman of king Mazdai, arose early (and) dressed, and put his left shoe on his right foot, and said to Mygdonia: "What is this action? Lo, the dream and the action!" Mygdonia saith to him: "This too is not unlucky, but good; from an unlucky thing something else good results." And he washed his hands, and went to salute king Mazdai.
But Mygdonia, the wife of Karīsh, arose early too (and) went to salute Judas the Apostle. And she found him sitting and conversing with the general and with a great multitude; and he said to them: "My children, the woman who yesterday received our Lord into her heart and soul, whose wife is she?" The general saith to him: "She is the wife of Karīsh, the kinsman of king Mazdai, and her husband is a hard man, and all that he biddeth the king (do), he humoureth him in; and he will not let her continue as she hath promised, because he telleth many fine stories about her to the king, and hath said that there is none like to her; and she too loveth him much, and these things which thou sayest unto them are alien from them." Judas saith: "If our Lord hath really risen in her soul, and she hath received the seed which was sown in her, she will neither make account of this life, nor be afraid of death j nor will Karīsh be able any more to do anything to her, nor to make her suffer, because He whom she hath received into her soul is greater than he, if she hath received (Him) once for all with perfect love."
And when Mygdonia heard these things, she saith to Judas: "Of a truth, my lord, through thy prayer I have received the living seed of the Word, and fruits which are like unto the seed I shall yield in my Lord Jesus." Judas saith: "These our souls, which are Thine, praise Thee, our Lord. These our spirits, which are Thy true possessions, praise Thee, my Lord. These our bodies, which Thou hast made worthy to be the dwelling-place of Thy Spirit, that is always to be glorified, praise Thee, my Lord." And the Apostle said to all those who were there: "Blessed are the pure, whose souls never upbraid them, because they have gained them and they are not in doubt regarding themselves. Blessed are the spirits of the pure, who have won the crown and gone up from the contest to what is given up unto them. Blessed are the bodies of the pure, which are worthy to become clean temples in which the Messiah shall dwell. Blessed are ye, pure, for unto you it is allowed to ask and to receive. Blessed are ye, pure, for ye are called judges. Blessed are ye, pure, for to you is granted power to forgive sins. Blessed are ye, pure, for ye have not destroyed what was delivered unto you, but ye take it up on high with you, rejoicing. Blessed are ye, meek, for God hath deemed you worthy to inherit the kingdom. Blessed are ye, meek, for it is ye who have conquered the evil (one). Blessed are ye, meek, for ye are the children of light. Blessed are ye, meek, for ye shall see the face of your Lord. Blessed are ye, temperate, for ye shall be contented and rejoice in those spiritual things which pass not away and are not dissolved, and the eaters of which hunger not. Blessed are ye, temperate, for ye are delivered from sin."
And when the Apostle had said these things, whilst the whole multitudes were listening to him, Mygdonia, the wife of Karīsh, the friend of king Mazdai, was greatly strengthened in purity and temperance and all meekness. And whilst they were solacing themselves the whole day with the praises and the majesty of the Lord, Karish, the friend of king Mazdai, came to dinner, and did not find his wife at home; and he began to ask all his servants about her, (saying,) " Whither is your mistress gone?" And one of them said to him: "She is gone to the strange man, and there she is." And when he heard these things from his servant, he was angry with his other servants that they had not informed him of what had happened. And he went (and) bathed and came back whilst it was still light, and was sitting and waiting for Mygdonia till she should come.
And when it was evening, she came, and he met her and said to her: "Where hast thou been till now?" And she said to him: "I went to the physician's house." He saith: "That strange conjuror is the physician." She saith to him: "Yea, he is the physician, and he is different from all (other) physicians, for all (other) physicians heal these bodies which shall be dissolved, but this physician healeth the bodies with the souls, which shall never more be dissolved." And when Karīsh, the kinsman of king Mazdai, heard these things, he was angry in his mind with Mygdonia and with the stranger, but he said nothing to her,—because he was afraid of her, for she was far superior to him in wealth, and also in her understanding,—but he went, (and) entered into the dining-room, and sat down to supper; and she went again into her ante-chamber. And he told his servants to call her to come out (and) sup with him; but she did not wish (it). And when he heard that she did not wish to come out, he went in to her and said to her: "Why wilt thou not come out to sup with me? And perhaps too thou dost not wish to sleep with me according to thy wont? Of this I am sorely afraid, especially as I have heard that that sorcerer and deceiver is most anxious about this, that a man should not be with his wife; a thing that nature enjoineth, and with which the gods too are pleased, he taketh away (from us)."
And when Karīsh had said these things to her, Mygdonia was silent, and he said again to her: "My sister and lady and beloved and wife, Mygdonia, be not led astray by idle and foolish words nor by deeds of witchcraft, which, I have heard, he does in the name of his god; for from the day that the world came into being, it hath never been heard that a man brought the dead to life; but this man, as I hear, maketh as if he brought the dead to life. And as to his not eating or drinking, do not suppose that it is for righteousness' sake that he neither eateth nor drinketh, but because he hath not got anything. For what shall he eat, who hath not even bread for the day? And that he weareth, (only) one (garment) is because he hath not another; and that he doth not take pay from any man is because he knows that he doth not in reality heal any man."
And when Karīsh had said these things to Mygdonia, she was as silent as a stone, and was praying, and asking when it would be morning, and when she could see the Apostle of God. And he left her and went (and) supped in sorrowful mood. And when he was thinking that, lo, he would sleep with her according to his wont,— but she, at the moment when he went out from her, kneeled down, and was praying and saying: "My Lord, and my God, and my Life-giver, the Messiah, do Thou give me strength to overcome the daring of Karish, and do Thou grant me that I may preserve the purity in which Thou takest delight, and by which I shall find eternal life;" and when she had prayed, she covered her face and lay down—Karīsh, as soon as he had supped, came and stood over her, and took off his clothes. And she perceived him, and saith to him: "There is no place for thee beside me, because my Lord Jesus, with whom I am united, is better than thou, and He is always beside me." And Karīsh laughed and said to her: "Thou mockest well that sorcerer, and laughest well at him for saying, 'Ye cannot live before God unless ye be pure.' " And when he had spoken thus, he dared to lie down beside her, but she did not endure (it), but cried out at him bitterly and said: " Help, Thou new God, who through a strange man art come to India! Help, Lord Jesus! Forsake me not, because I take refuge with Thee; for as I have heard that Thou seekest those who know Thee not, lo, now that I am seeking. Thee and have heard tell of Thee and have believed in Thee, come to my help, and deliver me from the insolence of Karīsh, and let not his impurity prevail over me, and let him not have a place beside me." And she arose, and tied his hands, and fled from beside him, and laid hold of the curtain which covered the door of the chamber and wrapped herself (therein), and went out (and) went to her nurse, and slept beside her for that night.
But Karīsh was in sorrow all that night, and was beating his hands against one another, and was wishing to go during the night (and) inform king Mazdai of the violence that had been done him. And he was thinking and saying: "If I go in the great distress which I feel, who will give me admittance to king Mazdai? For I know that, if fate had not ruined me, and hurled me down from my pride and haughtiness and greatness into contempt and abasement, and separated my beloved Mygdonia from me, (even) to king Mazdai, had he been standing at this hour at my door, I would not have gone out and given an answer. But I will wait till morning; and I know that, whatever I say to king Mazdai, he will humour me therein. And I will tell him of the sorcery of the stranger, how he useth violence and casteth down the exalted into an abyss; for I am not grieved at being cut off from intercourse with Mygdonia, but I am sorry for Mygdonia herself, that her greatness hath been degraded, and her freedom brought low, and her high spirit humbled, and that a woman, whom none of her own servants ever saw in any evil tempers, runneth naked out of her chamber, and perchance she is gone out into the street through the influence of the sorcery of the stranger; but I know not whither she is gone, for there was nothing to be seen with her." And when he had said these things, he began to weep and to say: "Woe is to me for thy sake, my true wife, of whom I am now deprived! Woe is to me for thy sake, my beloved and my lover, who wast more to me than my whole kindred! And neither son nor daughter have I from thee, with whom I might rest contented. A whole year thou hast not completed with me, and an (evil) eye hath taken thee from me. Would that the might of death had taken thee by force from me, and I should (still) have counted myself with kings and princes and nobles,—and not this strange man, who is perhaps a slave and a fugitive from his owners, and hath come hither because of my ill luck! I shall never have rest, and never be stopped, until I destroy him and chastise him and avenge myself upon him. To-night I will not appear before king Mazdai; but if he.doth not humour me, and doth not chastise that stranger, I will tell him about the general Sîfûra too, that he hath been the cause of destruction to this (woman); for, lo, he sitteth in his house, and many go in and out unto him, and he teacheth them the new doctrine of purity, and teacheth and saith that a man cannot live, unless he separateth himself from all that belongeth to him, and becometh an ascetic and a wandering mendicant like unto himself, and lo, he wisheth to make companions for himself."
And whilst Karīsh was meditating these things, it became morning. And he rose early (and) dressed and put on his shoes; but he put on sorry garments, and his countenance was gloomy, and he was very sad; and he went in to salute king Mazdai. And when king Mazdai saw him, he said to him: "What is the matter, that thou art come to me in this wretched plight? And why is thy aspect sad, and thy countenance changed?" Karīsh saith to him: "King Mazdai, I have a new fact to tell thee, and a new calamity, which Sîfûr hath brought to India. A Hebrew, a conjuror, is sitting in his house, and never goeth out from beside him; and many go in to him, and he teacheth them the new God and giveth them new laws, which have never been heard of by us; and he saith: 'Ye cannot be children of this everlasting life, which I teach, unless ye sever yourselves, a man from his wife, and a woman from her husband.' Now it chanced that my wretched and miserable wife went to see him, and heard his words and believed them; and she arose by night and fled from beside me, she who could not bear to be away from me for a single hour and could not exist without me. But send (and) fetch Sîfûr and the conjuror who lays snares for him, and chastise them; and if not, all our countrymen will be destroyed by his words."
And when Mazdai heard these things from his kinsman Karīsh, he said to him: "Be not grieved and vexed. I will send and fetch him, and chastise him, and thou shalt get back thy wife; for if I avenge others who cannot avenge themselves, thee, lo, especially (must I avenge)." And he commanded that they should summon Sîfûr the general (to come) to him; and they went to his house and found him sitting on the right hand of Judas, the Apostle of God, and Mygdonia was sitting at his feet, with a great multitude, and they were listening to him. Those who went after Sîfûr the general answered and say to him: "Dost thou sit and listen to vain words, whilst king Mazdai in his wrath is seeking to destroy thee, because of this sorcerer and seducer, whom thou hast brought into thy house?" And when Sîfûr the general heard these things, he was grieved, not because the king was angered with him, but because the king had heard regarding him that he was acquainted with Judas the Apostle. And Sîfûr said to Judas: "I am grieved on thy account, for I told thee a day agone that that woman was the wife of Karīsh, the kinsman of king Mazdai, and that he would not let her do what she promised; and whatever he saith to the king, he humoureth him therein." Judas saith to Sîfûr: "Be not afraid, but believe in Jesus, who pleadeth for both me and thee, and for all those who take refuge with Him and come to His place of assembly." And when Sîfûr the general heard these things, he put on his dress and went to king Mazdai.
And Judas was asking Mygdonia, what was the reason that her husband was angry with her, and meditated these things against them. She saith to him: "Because I did not give myself to corruption with him; for in the evening he wished to make me yield, and to subject me to that which he is wont to do; but He to whom I have committed myself delivered me from his hands, and I fled naked from beside him, and slept with my nurse, and I know not what has come to him that he plots these things against you." The Apostle saith to her: "These things, my daughter, harm us not; but believe in Jesus, and He will restrain from thee the lust of Karīsh, and He will deliver thee from corruption and wantonness, and He will be to thee a guide in the path of danger, and a conductor to His and His Father's kingdom, and He will bring thee into everlasting life, and will give thee a sovereignty that passeth not away and changeth not."
And when Sîfûr stood before king Mazdai, Mazdai asked him and said to him: "What is his story, and whence is he, and what doth he teach, the sorcerer who plotteth against thee?" Sîfûr saith to him: "Dost thou perchance not know, my lord, that I and all my friends were in great sorrow about my wife,—whom, as thou knowest, many held in honour,—and about my daughter, in comparison with whom I counted as nought all that I possess? And what calamity and what trial came upon them? And how they became a laughing-stock and an imprecation through the whole country? And I heard tell of this man, and went to him, and asked of him, and fetched him, and we came hither; and I saw wonderful miracles whilst I was coming with him on the road, and here too many saw and heard what the wild ass said, and what the demon declared concerning him. And he healed my wife and my daughter, and lo, they are well, and he asked for no reward except belief and purity, that they might be participators in what he is doing; and he saith, 'Fear one God, the Lord of all, and Jesus the Messiah, His Son, and ye shall live for ever and ever'; and he eateth nothing at all but bread and salt from evening to evening, and drinketh water; and he prayeth much, and whatever he asketh of God, He giveth him; and he enjoineth (us) too, (saying) that this his God is holy and good and benign and gentle and a giver of life, and (that) therefore those who believe in Him draw nigh unto Him in cleanness and purity and love."
And when king Mazdai heard these things from Sîfûr, he sent a number of soldiers from his presence to the house of Sîfûr the general} to fetch Judas Thomas and those whom they found with him. And when they went in, they found him sitting and teaching a great many people, and Mygdonia too was sitting at his feet. And they were afraid, when they saw the great number of people that surrounded him; and they went to tell king Mazdai, (saying): "We did not dare to say aught to him, because a great many people were with him, and Mygdonia too was sitting at his feet and hearing his words." And when Mazdai and Karīsh heard these things, Karīsh sprang up from before king Mazdai, and took with him a number of soldiers, and said: " I will go and fetch him and also Mygdonia, whose senses he hath taken away." And he came to the house of Sîfûr the general in haste, and came and found Judas sitting and teaching. And when he went in, he saw Judas, but he did not find Mygdonia there, for she had gone home, because she knew that they would tell her husband about her that she was there. And Karīsh said to Judas: "Get up, wretch and corrupter and enemy! But what can thy witchcraft do to me? For I will make thy sorceries recoil upon thy own head." And when he had spoken thus to him, Judas looked upon him and said to him: "Thy threats shall recoil upon thee, for me thou canst not hurt at all, because my Lord Jesus the Messiah, with whom I take refuge, is greater than thou and thy king and all thy forces." And Karīsh took the turban of one of his servants, and threw it round the Apostle's neck, and said: "Drag him off; let me see if Jesus will deliver him from my hands." And they were dragging him away until (they came) to king Mazdai.
And when Judas stood before king Mazdai, he said to him: "Tell me what is thy story, by whose power thou doest these works?" And Judas was silent and gave him no reply. And king Mazdai commanded the soldiers, and they struck him a hundred and fifty lashes;a and he gave orders that they should convey him bound to prison; and they bound him and carried him off. And when he was gone and had entered into the prison, Mazdai and Karīsh were planning how they might kill him, because the whole people were worshipping him as God, and they took pains to say (everywhere), "He hath reviled the king, and he is a conjuror"
But Judas, when he went to prison, was glad and rejoicing, saying: "I thank thee, my Lord Jesus the Messiah, that Thou hast deemed me worthy not only to believe in Thee, but also to bear many things for Thy sake." And he said: "I thank Thee, my Lord, that Thou hast deemed me worthy of these things. I thank Thee, my Lord, that Thy providence hath been over me, and that Thou hast deemed me worthy to bear many evils for Thy sake. I thank thee, my Lord, that for Thy sake, I have been a recluse and an ascetic and a pauper and a wandering mendicant. Let me then receive of the blessing of the poor, and of the rest of the weary, and of the blessing of those whom men hate and persecute and revile and say of them odious words. Lo, for Thy sake I am hated and shunned by many; for Thy sake they say of me I know not what."
And whilst he was praying, all those who were in the prison saw that he was praying and begged of him to pray for them too. And when he had prayed and sat down, Judas began to chant this hymn.
The Hymn of Judas Thomas the Apostle in the country of the Indians.
"WHEN I was a little child, and dwelling in my kingdom, in my father's house, and was content with the wealth and the luxuries of my nourishers, from the East our home my parents equipped me (and) sent me forth; and of the wealth of our treasury they took abundantly, (and) tied up for me a load large and (yet) light, which I myself could carry—gold of Beth-‛Ellāyē, and silver of Gazak the great, and rubies of India, and agates from Beth-Kāshān; and they furnished me with the adamant, which can crush iron. And they took off from me the glittering robe, which in their affection they had made for me, and the purple toga, which was measured (and) woven to my stature. And they made a compact with me, and wrote it in my heart, that it might not be forgotten: 'If thou goest down into Egypt, and bringest the one pearl, which is in the midst of the sea around the loud-breathing serpent, thou shalt put on thy glittering robe and thy toga, with which (thou art) contented, and with thy brother, who is next to us in authority, thou shalt be heir in our kingdom.' I quitted the East (and) went down, there being with me two guardians, for the way was dangerous and difficult, and I was very young to travel it. I passed through the borders of Maishan, the meeting-place of the merchants of the East, and I reached the land of Babel, and I entered the walls of Sarbug. I went down into Egypt, and my companions parted from me. I went straight to the serpent, I dwelt around his abode, (waiting) till he should slumber and sleep, and I could take my pearl from him. And when I was single and was alone (and) become strange to my family, one of my race, a free-born man, an Oriental, I saw there, a youth fair and loveable, the son of oil-sellers; and he came and attached himself to me, and I made him my intimate friend, an associate with whom I shared my merchandise. I warned him against the Egyptians, and against consorting with the unclean; and I dressed in their dress, that they might not hold me in abhorrence, because I was come from abroad in order to take the pearl, and arouse the serpent against me. But in some way or other they found out that I was not their countryman, and they dealt with me treacherously, and gave me their food to eat. I forgot that I was a son of kings, and I served their king; and I forgot the pearl, for which my parents had sent me, and because of the burden of their oppressions I lay in a deep sleep. But all these things that befell me my parents perceived, and were grieved for me; and a proclamation was made in our kingdom, that every one should come to our gate (i.e., palace or residence), kings and princes of Parthia, and all the nobles of the East. And they wove a plan on my behalf, that I might not be left in Egypt; and they wrote to me a letter, and every noble signed his name to it:'From thy father, the king of kings, and thy mother, the mistress of the East, and from thy brother, our second (in authority), to thee our son, who art in Egypt, greeting! Up and arise from thy sleep, and listen to the words of our letter! Call to mind that thou art a son of kings! See the slavery,—whom thou servest! Remember the pearl, for which thou wast sent to Egypt! Think of thy robe, and remember thy splendid toga, which thou shalt wear and (with which) thou shalt be adorned, when thy name hath been read out in the list of the valiant, and with thy brother, our viceroy, thou shalt be in our kingdom.' My letter is a letter, which the king sealed with his own right hand, (to keep it) from the wicked ones, the children of Babel, and from the savage-demons of Sarbug. It flew in the likeness of an eagle, the king of all birds; it flew and alighted beside me, and became all speech. At its voice and the sound of its rustling, I started and arose from my sleep. I took it up and kissed it, and I began (and), read it; and according to what was traced on my heart were the words of my letter written, I remembered that I was a son of royal parents, and my noble birth asserted its nature. I remembered the pearl, for which I had been sent to Egypt, and I began to charm him, the terrible loud-breathing serpent. I hushed him to sleep and lulled him into slumber, for my father's name I named over him, and the name of our second (in power), and of my mother, the queen of the East; and I snatched away the pearl, and turned to go back to my father's house. And their filthy and unclean dress I stripped off, and left it in their country; and I took my way straight to come to the light of our home the East. And my letter, my awakener, I found before me on the road; and as with its voice it had awakened me, (so) too with its light it was leading me. It, that dwelt in the palace, gave light before me with its form, and with its voice and its guidance it also encouraged me to speed, and with its love it drew me on. I went forth (and) passed by Sarbug; I left Babel on my left hand; and I came to the great Maishān, to the haven of merchants, which sitteth on the shore of the sea. And my bright robe, which I had stripped off, and the toga that was wrapped with it, from Rāmthā and Reken (?) my parents had sent thither by the hand of their treasurers, who in their truth could be trusted therewith. And because I remembered not its fashion,—for in my childhood I had left it, in my father's house,—on a sudden, when I (received) it. the garment seemed to me to become like a mirror of myself. I saw it all in all, and I too received all in it, for we were two in distinction and yet again one in one likeness. And the treasurers too, who brought it to me, I saw in like manner to be two (and yet) one likeness, for one sign of the king was written on them (both), of the hands of him who restored to me through them my trust and my wealth, my decorated robe, which was adorned with glorious colours, with gold and beryls and rubies and agates and sardonyxes, varied in colour. And it was skilfully worked in its home on high, and with diamond clasps were all its seams fastened; and the image of the king of kings was embroidered and depicted in full all over it; and like the stone of the sapphire too its hues were varied. And I saw also that all over it the instincts of knowledge were working, and I saw too that it was preparing to speak. I heard the sound of its tones, which it uttered with its....., (saying): 'I am the active in deeds, whom they reared for him before my father; and I perceived myself, that my stature grew according to his labours.' And in its kingly movements it poured itself entirely over me, and on the hand of its givers it hastened that I might take it. And love urged me too to run to meet it and receive it; and I stretched forth and took it. With the beauty of its colours I adorned myself, and I wrapped myself wholly in my toga of brilliant hues. I clothed myself with it, and went up to the gate of salutation and prostration; I bowed my head and worshipped the majesty of my father who sent me,—for I had done his commandments, and he too had done what he promised,—and at the gate of his retainers I mingled with his princes, for he rejoiced in me and received me, and I was with him in his kingdom, and with the voice of..... all his servants praise him. And he promised that to the gate too of the king of kings with him I should go, and with my offering and my pearl with him should present myself to our king."
The hymn of Judas Thomas the Apostle, which he spake in the prison, is ended.
The Song of praise of Thomas the Apostle.
"TO be glorified are Thou, Lord of all, self-existent, unutterable, who art hidden in the brightness of Thy glory from all created beings.
"To be praised art Thou, the Son, the first-born of life, who art from the exalted Father and the Word of life.
"To be glorified art Thou, the one Father, who portray est Thyself with wisdom in all creatures and in all worlds.
"To be praised art Thou, the Son of light, the Wisdom and the Power and the Knowledge, who art in all worlds.
"To be glorified art Thou, the Father exalted, who didst rise (like the sun) from Thy secrecy into manifestation by means of all Thy Prophets.
"To be praised art Thou, Son of mercy, by whom all things were fulfilled in wisdom and in silence.
"To be glorified art Thou, the Father supreme, born of Thy First-born in the silence and tranquillity of meditation.
"To be praised art Thou, the Son adored, who didst rise (as the sun) from the Father, with His aspect, in peace and in glory.
"To be glorified art Thou, the good Father, who didst reveal the mystery of Thy First-born to the Prophets by the Spirit of holiness.
"To be praised art Thou, the proved Son, who didst reveal the glory of the Father to Thy Apostles in all nations.
"To be glorified art Thou, the Father serene, who didst hallow Thy majesty for ever in Thy First-born; the Giver of life to Thy creation.
"To be praised art Thou, the comely Son, who didst rise (like the sun) from the splendour of the Father, and didst deliver our souls by Thy innocent blood.
"To be glorified art Thou, Father omnipotent, who dwellest in Thy glorious light, and art shrouded in Thy glory, and manifested to all in Thy grace.
"To be praised art Thou, the perfect Son, who art sown in the living earth, and wast before the world with Thy holy Father.
"To be glorified art Thou, the Feeder of all, who art in all worlds, on high and in the deep, and there is no place that is void of Thee.
"To be praised art Thou, the Son, the adored Fruit, who didst rise (like the sun) upon all in mercy, and didst put on our humanity, and whom our adversary slew;
"To be glorified art Thou, the infinite Father, who didst make Thy angels of the overflowings of Thy Spirit and Thy ministers Thy flaming fire.
"To be praised, art Thou, the Son of light, who art borne on the Spirit, and shrouded in the light of the Father, on holy clouds.
"To be glorified art Thou, the Father giving life to all, who didst assemble the worlds for Thy glory by the hand of Thy dear (Son), that they might make praise to ascend unto Thee.
" To be praised art Thou Son of life, of whose gift the Father giveth in abundance to the holy, and through it they set out and arrive in the path of peace.
"To be glorified art Thou, the Father giving life to all, who hast revealed the mysteries of Thy Son by the Spirit to His saints, in tranquillity and rest.
"To be praised art Thou, the Son, the Fruit of the Father, who hidest Thy chosen ones under Thy wings, and hast fulfilled the will of Thy Father, and redeemed Thy dear ones.
"To be glorified art Thou, the good Father, giving life to all creatures by the hand of Thy dear (Son), in mercy and in grace, through His death by crucifixion.
"To be praised art Thou, the first-born Son, feeding created beings with Thy body, and blotting out our sins with the sign of Thy wounds and with the sprinkling of Thy blood upon us.
"To be glorified art Thou, the good Father, who dwellest in the pure heart, in the mind of Thy worshippers, and art hidden from all in Thy aspect, and revealed to us in Thy Messiah.
"To be praised art Thou, the Son, the Word, proclaiming Thy coming in stillness, who didst put on our humanity and deliver us by Thy living and innocent blood.
"To be glorified art Thou, the living Father, who didst give (new) life to our deadness, for we had erred from Thy way and were dead and perished, but Thy mercy was upon us.
"To be praised art Thou, the beloved Son, who didst give (new) life to our deadness, and didst turn back our I going astray, and wast to us a medicine of life by Thy life-giving body and by the sprinkling of Thy living blood.
"To be glorified art Thou, the Father exalted by all mouths and by all tongues, who hast been reconciled to us by Thy Messiah, and whom we have tasted through Thy Fruit and have become children of Thy peace.
"To be praised art Thou, the Son, the Peace-maker, who hast healed our wounds, and persuaded our hardness (of heart), and collected our wandering, and trained us in Thy truth, and we have known through Thee Thy Father.
"To be glorified art Thou, the Father omnipotent, who hast sent to us Thy living and life-giving Fruit; and He reconciled by the blood of His Cross Thy mercy with Thy creatures.
"To be praised art Thou, the Son, the Word of light, who didst rise (like the sun) from on high and satisfy us with the knowledge of Thee, and didst cleanse our impurity, and give (new) life to our deadness by Thy sign, the Cross of light.
"To be glorified art Thou, the Father of all praises, and to be exalted is Thy great Name in all worlds, for Thou hast not reckoned against us our sins, but hast given us life through Thy Messiah, who is the Life of Thy will.
"To be praised art Thou, the Son, the Voice conceived of knowledge, our holy Priest, who hast made atonement for us by Thy pure and holy offering, and hast poured out Thy living blood on behalf of sinners.
"To be glorified art Thou, the Father exalted, who art hidden from all worlds, and art revealed according to Thy will to all Thy worshippers.
"To be praised art Thou, the Son of life, accomplishing the will of Thy Father; who hast reconciled Thy creatures, so that they worship in Thee Him who sent Thee and are become partakers of Thy mysteries.
"To be glorified art Thou, the Father exalted, by every knee, which shall bow to Thee, both in Heaven and on earth, through Thy dear (Son).
"To be praised art Thou, the adored Son of perfect mercy, through whom there has come peace and hope for the creatures, that they may know the Creator.
"To be glorified art Thou, the Father giving life to all, the riches of whose mercy are never exhausted by the abundance of Thy gifts, but at all times Thou hast a need of giving unto us.
"To be praised art Thou, the Son, the Fruit; for Thou art the Gate of light and the Way of truth, and Thou hast made us run in thy footsteps, that we may arrive at the house of Thy exalted Father.
"To be glorified art Thou, the Father benign, who hast given us peace by the hand of our Life-giver, and hast revealed unto us Thy glorious, and holy mysteries by the hearing of Thy doctrine.
"To be praised art Thou, the only (-begotten) Son of the Father, whose mercy hath been upon us, and Thou hast signed us with Thy living and life-giving Cross.
"All mouths and all tongues glorify the Father and worship the Son and praise Thy holy Spirit, the worlds and the creatures which are hidden and which are manifest.
"Thy Angels glorify Thee on high through Thy Messiah, who became in Sheol peace and hope to the dead, who came to life and were raised.
"We beg of Thee, our Lord and our Life-giver, (the accomplishment) of all that Thou hast said and promised. Fulfil with us Thy grace, and raise us up to the place of Thy peace; for Thou art our Life-giver, Thou art our Paraclete, Thou art the medicine of our life, Thou art our sign of victory.
"Blessed are we, Lord, who have known Thee. Blessed are we, who have believed in Thee. Blessed are we through Thy wounds and Thy blood, (suffered and shed) on our behalf. Blessed are we, for Thou art our great hope. Blessed are we, for Thou art our God, and for ever and ever, Amen."
And Karīsh, the husband of Mygdonia, went to his house, rejoicing greatly, because he thought in his mind that henceforth his wife would be with him as formerly, before she heard the word of Judas and believed in our Lord Jesus the Messiah, the Son of God. And when Karīsh went, he found his wife sitting, and her looks were downcast," and her clothes rent, and she was like a mad woman, because of Judas. He saith to her: "My lady and sister Mygdonia, what is this wicked folly that hath taken possession of thee? And why hast thou done these things? I am Karīsh, the husband of thy youth, and I am he who from the gods and by the law hath power over thee. Why hast thou now acted like a mad woman? And why art thou become a laughing-stock through this whole country? But from, this moment dismiss the thought of that wizard from thy mind, for I am about to take away the sight of him from before thine eyes, that thou mayest see him no more." And when she had heard these things from Karīsh her husband, she was again sorely grieved and afflicted. And he said again to her: "What crime, pr'ythee, hast thou committed against the gods, that they have let thee come to this great misery? And what sin hast thou wrought before them that they have brought thee to this degradation and ridicule? I beg of thee, Mygdonia, torture not my soul by the sight of thee, and pain not my heart by thy care. I am Karīsh, the husband of thy youth, and I am thy true husband, whom the whole country honoureth and whom they fear. What I shall do henceforth, I know not, nor how I shall conduct myself, nor what plan I shall devise. Shall I remember in my heart thy beauty, and be silent? Or shall I think of thy chaste conduct, and say nothing? Who is there, from whom they (try to) take away a goodly and fair treasure, and he letteth go his hold of it? Am I able to bear (the loss of) thy winsome beauties, which are with me at all times? Thy sweet fragrance, lo, is in my nostrils; and thy fair colour, lo, is before my eyes; my soul, which they (are trying to) take away from me; my bright eye, with which I saw, and which they are plucking out and taking away from me; my fair body, of which I was proud, and which they are ill-using and taking away from me; my right arm, which they are cutting off from me; my beauty, which is destroyed; my comfort, through which they are distressing me; my joy, which is turned into sorrow; my rest, which is become an affliction to me; my life, which is changed into death; my light, which is dyed with darkness. The members of my great house shall not see me (again), for in this affliction I have had no help (from them). My noble friends shall not see me (again), who have not saved me from this affliction. I will no longer worship the gods of the East, who have brought me to these miseries, nor will I pray before them, nor sacrifice to them again, nor offer to them an offering, because I am deprived of this my true union. For what (prayer) should I again pray to them? Or what should I beg of them, or ask of them to give me, who have deprived me of that which was dearer to me than everything which I possessed in the world, and with which I was contented? For I have more wealth than I can use, and possessions, the amount of which I cannot reckon. A prince too I have been made, and I have been named the king's f deputy; and many fear me, and many are under myhand. Would that some one would take away from me all these glories and my great wealth, and give me one hour of thy past years, Mygdonia! Would that some one would blind one of my eyes, and that thy eyes would look upon me as they were wont! Would that some one would cut off my right arm, and that I might embrace thee with my left arm!"
Whilst Karīsh was saying these things and weeping, Mygdonia was sitting like one stone-deaf, and looked not at him, but upon the ground, and was silent. And he came near to her again, and said to her: "My daughter and my beloved, Mygdonia, remember that thou didst please me above all the women of India, and that I chose thee when I might have taken many who were of higher rank than thou. But indeed I lie not, Mygdonia; no by God, there is not for me another (woman) in all India like to thee. "What beauty, and what ornament, and what elegance, and what noble qualities am I losing! "Woe to me and to the world, for I shall never hear thee speak again! Although he hath reviled (me), I beg of thee, lift up thine eyes and look upon me, for I am far better than that wizard, and am handsomer than he, and I have wealth and honour, and every one knoweth that no one hath a lineage like to mine. And thou art more to me than my kindred and than all that I have; and lo, they are taking thee away from me!"
And when Karīsh had said these things, Mygdonia saith to him: "Karīsh, He whom I love is more than all that thou possessest and all that thou hast; for all that thou hast is of the earth and remaineth on the earth; but He whom I love is in Heaven, and He will take me up to Heaven unto Himself. For thy wealth passeth away, and thy beauty becomes marred, and thy robes become old and decay and perish, and thou (art left) alone with thy trespasses and thy sins. If thou art not delivered from them, they will cleave unto thee. Remind me not of thy former doings with me, which I pray and beg of my Lord to blot out for me. Remind me not of thy filthy and unclean pleasures and thy fleshly deeds, from which I pray that I may be rescued by the love of my Lord. I have forgotten all thy practices, and thy familiarities and thy doings are at an end with thyself; but my Lord and my Saviour, Jesus, abideth alone for ever, with those souls which have taken refuge with Him. He with whom I have taken refuge, and in whom I have believed, will save me and deliver me from all thy deeds of shame, which I used to do with thee, when I did not believe."
And when Karīsh heard these things, he went and lay down to sleep, being grieved. And he said to her: "Reflect and consider (this) in thy mind to-day, the whole night. If thou wilt be with me as thou wast, before thou sawest this wizard, I will humour thee in all that thou wishest. And if thou wishest, because of the love that thou hast had for him, I will lead him forth (and) convey him away, and he shall go to another country, and I will not cause thee any distress, for I know that thou cleavest unto him. And this did not begin with thee, but the like of this thing hath befallen many women; but at last they have bethought themselves, and discerned what hath befallen them, and come to themselves, and have been saved from insult and mockery. Let not, then, these things, which I have said unto thee, seem to thee as nothing, and let them not pass away as external (or foreign) to thee; and make me not a mockery and a laughing-stock and a proverb in India."
And when he had said these things to her, he went (and) slept. But Mygdonia took twenty zūzē, and went, without any one perceiving her, to the prison, to give it to the keepers of the prisoners, that they might let her in to Judas. And as she was going, Judas met her coming to her; and she saw him and was afraid, for she thought that it was one of the nobles, because of the great light which was coming before him; and she said: "Woe to thee, feeble soul that art perishing! I shall never again see Judas, the Apostle of Jesus, the living God, because I have not yet received the sign (of baptism from him." And she fled, and went into another street, and saith: "It is better for me that others, (who are) poor, should take me, for I can persuade them (to let me go), and that this great man should not take me, who will not accept a bribe from me."
And whilst Mygdonia was meditating these things, Judas came and entered in behind her. And she was afraid, and fell down from terror; and he stood over her, and said to her: "Be not afraid, Mygdonia; Jesus the Messiah will not forsake thee, and thy Lord will not forsake thee, to whom thou hast committed thy soul; the Gracious will not forsake thee, whose mercy is great; the Benignant will not forsake thee for His kindness' sake; the Good will not forsake thee for His goodness' sake; the Great will not forsake thee for His greatness' sake. Rise from the ground, above which thou once wast (raised). Look upon the light of thy Lord, for He will not let those that love Him walk in darkness. Behold the Companion of His servants, to whom He is a light in darkness. Behold the Help of His servants, to whom He is a helper in afflictions."
And Mygdonia arose, and was looking at him and saying to him: "Whither wast thou going, my lord? And who let thee out of prison to see the sun?" Judas saith to her: "Our Lord Jesus the Messiah is stronger than all powers and kings and rulers; He opened the doors and lulled the keepers to sleep." Mygdonia saith to him: "Give me the sign of Jesus the Messiah, and let me receive His gift from thy hands, before thou departest from the world." And she took him, and went and entered into her house, and awakened her nurse, and saith to her: "My mother and nurse Narkia, all thy deeds of help unto me, and thy kindnesses from my childhood until now, thou hast done unto me in vain, and my fleeting favour I bestow upon thee for them; but do me this favour which (lasts) for ever, and thou shalt be rewarded by Him who gives everything unto His, and fortune cannot deprive them (thereof)." Narkia says to her: "What wantest thou, my daughter Mygdonia? And what comfort canst thou have? For all the former honours, (which) thou didst promise to do unto me, the strange man doth not let thee (do), and thou hast made me a reproach in this country. Now, pr'ythee, what dost thou want to do anew unto me?" She saith to her: "Be with me a sharer in the everlasting life, and let me receive from thee the perfect education. Fetch secretly for me a loaf of bread, and bring out for me a mingled draught of wine, and have pity upon me a freeborn woman." Narkia saith to her: "I will fetch thee bread in plenty and many flagons of wine, and I will do thy pleasure (for thee)." Mygdonia saith to her nurse Narkia: "Many flagons are of no use to me, but a mingled draught in a cup, and one whole loaf, and a little oil, even if (it be) in a lamp, bring unto me."
And when Narkia had brought (them), Mygdonia uncovered her head, and was standing before the holy Apostle. And he took the oil, and cast (it) on her head, and said: "Holy oil, which wast given to us for unction, and hidden mystery of the Cross, which is seen through it—Thou, the straightener of crooked limbs, Thou, our Lord Jesus, life and health and remission of sins,—let Thy power come and abide upon this oil, and let Thy holiness dwell in it." And he cast (it) upon the head of Mygdonia, and said: "Heal her of her old wounds, and wash away from her her sores, and strengthen her weakness." And when he had cast the oil on her head, he told her nurse to anoint her, and to put a cloth round her loins; and he fetched the basin of their conduit. And Judas went up (and) stood over it, and baptized Mygdonia in the name of the Father and the Son and the Spirit of holiness. And when she had come out and put on her clothes, he fetched and brake the Eucharist and (filled) the cup, and let Mygdonia partake of the table of the Messiah and of the cup of the Son of God. And he said to her: "Now then thou hast received the sign, and gained to thyself thy life for ever and ever." And a voice was heard from Heaven, which said, a Yea, Amen and Amen." And when Narkia heard this voice, she was amazed, and she too begged of the Apostle that she also might receive the sign; and he gave (it) to her and said: "May the grace of Jesus be with thee as with the rest of thy companions." And he went to be shut up in prison, and found the doors open and the watchmen asleep.
And Judas said: "Who is like unto Thee, O God, who dost not withhold Thy love and mercy from man? Who is like unto Thee in mercy and grace, save Thy Father, who hath delivered His universe from misery and error? Love that hath conquered desire; truth that hath destroyed falsehood; Thou fair (One) in whom nothing odious is seen; Thou humble (One), who hast cast down pride; Thou living (One), who hast destroyed death; Thou tranquil (One), who hast put an end to toil;—glory to the Only (-begotten), who (is) of the Father! Glory to the mercy which was sent by mercy! Glory to Thy mercy which is upon us!" And when he had said these things, the watchmen awoke, and found all the doors open, but the prisoners asleep; and they said: "We forgot these doors and did not close them; had this been (done) by an adversary, not a man would have remained here."
And Karīsh went early in the morning to Mygdonia and to her nurse, and found her and her nurse praying and saying: "NewGod, who hast come hither through a strange man; holy God, who art hidden from the whole race of the Indians; God, who hast shown us Thy glory through Thy Apostle Thomas; God, of whom we have heard tell and have believed in Thee; God, to whom, because we perceived that there was life in Thee, we have run that Thou mightest give us life; God, who, because of Thy mercy and Thy grace, didst reach down to our littleness; God; who sought us when we did not know Thee; God, who sittest on high, and nothing that is in the depth is concealed from Thee;—do Thou, Lord, keep off from us the hot anger of Karīsh; do Thou stop his lying mouth; and do Thou cast him beneath the feet of Thy believers."
And when Karīsh heard these things, he saith to Mygdonia: "Well hast thou called me evil and hot and odious and bitter, for had I not humoured thee; this wretchedness and bitterness would not have come about me, and thou wouldst not be invoking against me the witchcraft of that (man). But what thought hast thou then conceived, Mygdonia? And what dost thou wish me to do for thee? Believe me, Mygdonia, there is no good in that wizard, and he cannot do anything that he promiseth to any one. But I will show thee before thy eyes all that I say unto thee, if thou wilt be persuaded by me and listen to my words, and be with me as thou wast with me." And he drew near again to her, and was begging of her and saying to her: "I shall feel no distress, if thou wilt be persuaded by me. Remember, my sister, thy wedding-day, and the first day on which thou didst accept me (as thy husband), and tell me now in truth, who is dearer to thee, I at that time or Jesus at this time." Mygdonia saith to him: "Karīsh, that time required its due, and is gone, and this time requireth its due. That was the time of the beginning; this is the time of the end. That was the time of the temporal life, which passeth away; this is the time of the life everlasting. That was the time of transitory joy; this is the time of the eternal joy, which passeth not away. That was the time of day and night; this is the time of day without night. That marriage-feast thou seest, how it has passed away and is gone; but this marriage-feast shall never pass away. That was a marriage-feast of corruption; this is a marriage-feast of life everlasting. Those were groomsmen and bridesmaids who pass away; these are groomsmen and bridesmaids who abide for ever. That (union) was founded upon the earth, where there is an unceasing press; this is founded upon the bridge of fire, upon which is sprinkled grace. That was a bridal-chamber which was taken down; this is a bridal-chamber which remaineth for ever. That was a bed which was covered with goodly clothes that decay; this is a bed which is covered with love and faith and truth. Thou art a bridegroom who passeth away and is changed; Jesus is the true bridegroom who endureth for ever, and never dieth, and is never subject to corruption. That marriage-gift was money and clothes, which decay and pass away; this marriage-gift is living words, which never pass away."
And when Karīsh had heard these things, he went (and) told them to king Mazdai. And king Mazdai said: "Let us fetch (and) destroy him." Karīsh his friend saith to him: "Have patience with him a little, and bring him out (of prison), and speak to him, and frighten him; perhaps he will go and persuade Mygdonia to be with me as she was."
And king Mazdai sent and fetched Judas Thomas, the Apostle of the Most High. And all the prisoners were grieved because Judas the Apostle had departed from them, and were looking for him and saying: "The pleasure which we had they have taken away from us." And king Mazdai said to Judas: "Why teachest thou a doctrine which gods and men abhor, and in which there is nothing pleasing?" Judas saith to him: "What do I teach that is bad?" Mazdai saith to him: "What thou sayest, that men cannot live unto God, unless they keep themselves purely to the God whom thou preachest." Judas saith to him: "Verily thus I say, and I lie not in what I say. Pr'ythee, can thy servants stand before thee in mean garb, or when soiled or dirty? Thou, therefore, who art an earthly king, and perishest with the earth, requirest of thy servants things fair and clean; as to my King, how sayest thou that I speak ill (in saying) that His servants should serve Him with holiness and purity and temperance, and should be without care and without concern, and should be free from the heavy burden of sons and daughters, and from the great care of wealth, and from the trouble and empty pride of riches? For thou hast willed that those who serve thee and obey thee should conduct themselves as thou dost; and if one of them transgresseth one of thy commandments, he receiveth chastisement from thee. How much more does it behove us, who believe in the name of this God of mine, to serve Him in purity and in holiness and in temperance and in chastity and in modesty, and that all these fleshly (lusts) should be strange to us, adultery and theft and drunkenness and lavishness and the service of the belly and deeds of shame and odious actions?" And when king Mazdai had heard these things, he said to Judas: "Lo, I let thee loose; go (and) persuade Mygdonia, the wife of Karīsh, not to part from him." Judas saith to him: "If thou wishest to do aught unto me, delay not; for, if she hath really received what she hath heard, neither iron nor fire, nor anything else that is worse than these, will do aught unto her or sever Him who hath taken possession of her soul." King Mazdai saith to Judas: "I have heard that wizards can dissolve charms, and that the sting of a viper can be healed by an antidote, which is got from another creature that is worse than the viper. Now therefore, if thou choosest, thou art able to dissolve these former charms of thine, and to make peace and concord between the husband and his wife; and (in so doing) thou wilt have pity upon thyself, for thou art not yet sated of thy life. And know that, if thou dost not persuade her, I will destroy thee out of this life, which is dear to all men." Judas saith to him: "This life is but a loan, and this time passeth away and is changed; but the life which I teach never passeth away and is never changed. This beauty and youth, which is now apparent (in me), will not be mine after a little." King Mazdai saith to him: "I advised thee what was for thy advantage, but thou knowest better than I."
And when Judas Thomas had gone out from before king Mazdai, Karīsh came to him and said to him: "I ask of thee—I have never done any wrong to thee, nor to any (other) man, nor to the gods—why hast thou brought this calamity upon me? And why hast thou brought this desolation into my house? And what profit accrueth to thee from this? Bid me, and I will supply it to thee without labour. And why dost thou do mischief to me, when thou canst not escape from my hands? For know that, if thou dost not persuade her (to return to me), I will destroy thee, and her too I will destroy out of this life, and finally I will destroy myself out of the world. And if, as thou sayest, there be life and death, and condemnation and acquittal, and judgement and recompense, there I will stand with thee in judgement; and if thy God, who teacheth thee, be just, and taketh vengeance justly, I shall be recompensed, as I have done thee no wrong, but thou hast afflicted me, and I have not sinned against thee, but thou hast sinned against me. But even here I can take revenge upon thee, and do unto thee all that thou hast done unto me. Hearken to me therefore, and come with me to my house, and speak to Mygdonia, and persuade her to be with me as she was before she saw thy face."
And Judas went with him laughing, and said to him: "If men loved God as they love their fellows, all that they asked of Him He would give them, and there would be nothing which would not obey them." And when he had said these things, Judas entered into the house of Karīsh, and found Mygdonia sitting, and Narkia standing before her; and her hands were placed on her cheeks, and she was saying to her nurse: "Would that the days passed swiftly over me, my mother, and that all the hours were one, that I might go forth from this world, and go (and) see that Beautiful (One), of whom I have heard tell, that Living (One) and Giver of life to those who believe in Him, where there is neither night nor day, and no darkness but light, and neither good nor bad, nor rich nor poor, nor male nor female, nor slaves nor freemen, nor any who are proud and uplifted over those who are humble."
And whilst she was saying these things, Judas came in; and she sprang upright (and) prostrated herself to him. Karīsh saith to him: "See, she feareth thee and loveth thee, and whatever thou sayest to her, she will gratify thee (therein)." Judas saith to her: "My daughter Mygdonia, consent unto what thy brother saith unto thee." Mygdonia saith to him:
"Thou art unable to name the deed, and how canst thou persuade me to do it? For I have heard thee say: 'This temporal life is (but) a loan, and this rest is (but) temporary, and these possessions abide not.' And again thou didst say: 'Whosoever hateth this life, shall go (and) receive life everlasting; and whosoever hateth this light of day and night, shall go (and) receive the light in which there is no night.' And again thou didst say: 'Whosoever forsaketh these earthly possessions, shall go (and) find possessions that abide for ever;' and other things (similar to these). Because thou art afraid, thou sayest these things to me (now). Who is there that doth a thing and exulteth in it, and turneth round (and) renounceth it? And who is there that buildeth a tower, and overturneth (and) rooteth it up from its foundations? And who is there that diggeth a well in a parched place, and throweth in stones and filleth it up? And who is there that findeth a goodly treasure, and doth not make use of it?" And when Karīsh, the kinsman of king Mazdai, heard these things, he said: "I am not like to you, and I will not be in haste to destroy you; but thee I will bind, because I have power over thee, and I will not let thee go to this wizard and converse with him. And if thou yieldest, (good and well); and if not, I know what I will do."
And Judas went out from the house of Karīsh, and went to the house of Sîfûr the general, and was dwelling there. And Sîfûr said to Judas, " Prepare for thyself an apartment, and be teaching in it;" and he did as he said to him. And Sîfûr the general said to him: "I and my daughter and my wife will henceforth live purely, in one mind and in one love; and we beg that we may receive the sign (of baptism) from thy hands, and may become true servants unto our Lord, and may be reckoned among the number of His flock and His sheep." Judas saith: "I am meditating what to say, and am afraid; and I know what I know, (but) I am not able to utter it."
And he began to speak of baptism, and said: "This is the baptism of the remission of sins; this is the bringer forth of new men; this is the restorer of understandings, and the mingler of soul and body, and the establisher of the new man in the Trinity, and which becometh a participation in the remission of sins. Glory to thee, (thou) hidden power of baptism! Glory to thee, (thou) hidden power, that dost communicate with us in baptism! Glory to thee, (thou) power that art visible in baptism! Glory to you, (ye) new creatures, who are renewed through baptism, who draw nigh to it in love!" And when he had said these things, he cast oil upon their heads and said: "Glory to thee, (thou) beloved Fruit! Glory to thee, (thou) name of the Messiah! Glory to thee, (thou) hidden power that dwellest in the Messiah!" And he spake, and they brought a large vat, and he baptized them in the name of the Father and the Son and the Spirit of holiness.
And when they were baptized and had put on their clothes, he brought bread and wine, and placed it on the table, and began to bless it, and said: "Living bread, the eaters of which die not! Bread, that fillest hungry souls with thy blessing! Thou that art worthy to receive the gift and to be for the remission of sins, that those who eat thee may not die! We name the name of the Father over thee; we name the name of the Son over thee; we name the name of the Spirit over thee, the exalted name that is hidden from all." And he said: "In Thy name, Jesus, may the power of the blessing and the thanksgiving come and abide upon this bread, that all the souls, which take of it, may be renewed, and their sins may be forgiven them." And he brake and gave to Sîfûr and to his wife and to his daughter.
And king Mazdai, when he had dismissed Judas Thomas, went to his house to sup. And he was telling his wife what had happened to his kinsman Karīsh, and said to her: "See, my sister, what hath befallen that afflicted (man). Thou knowest, my sister Tertia, that a man hath no one like his wife, on whom he relieth. Nowit happened that Mygdonia went to see the sorcerer of whom she had heard tell and of what he was doing, and he bewitched her, and hath parted her from her husband, I know not (how); and he knoweth not what to do. And I wished to destroy him, but he would not let me. But do thou go, and advise her to hearken to her husband, and do not thou listen to the vain words of that (man)."
And in the morning Tertia arose and went to the house of Karīsh, her husband's kinsman, and found Mygdonia sitting on the ground, with sackcloth on and ashes cast upon her, and begging of her Lord that He would forgive her her former sins, and that she might be delivered from the world speedily. And when Tertia came in to her, she saith to Mygdonia: "My sister, and my beloved and close friend, what is this folly that hath taken possession of thee? And why art thou become like to a mad woman? Be mindful of thyself, be mindful of thy family; and bestow a thought on thy numerous kindred, and have pity on thy true husband Karīsh, and do not anything which doth not befit thy free birth."
Mygdonia saith to Tertia: "Thou hast not heard the tidings of the new life, and hast not tasted the words of the preacher of life, and art not freed from the troubles of corruption. Thou hast not seen the everlasting life, and lo, thou standest in the temporal life. Thou hast not become sensible of the true wedlock, and thou art afflicted by the wedlock of corruption. Thou art clothed with garments that decay, and thou dost not long for the garments of eternity. Thou art proud of this beauty of thine which is corruptible, and thou carest not about the loathsomeness of thy soul. Lo, thou are proud of a number of slaves, and thine own soul from slavery thou hast not set free. Thou art proud of the pomp of many (attendants), and thou art not delivered from the judgement of death."
And when Tertia had heard these things from Mygdonia, she went in haste to the house of Sîfûr the general, that she might see the new Apostle who had come thither. And when she came in to him, he began to say to her: "What art thou come to see? A wanderer, despised and wretched above all men, without possessions or wealth? But he hath a possession which kings and princes cannot take away from him, and which is incorruptible and cannot be plundered, — Jesus the Messiah, the Life-giver of all mankind, the Son of the Living God, who giveth life unto all those who believe and come to His refuge, and become of the number of His sheep."
And when Tertia heard these things from him, she saith to him: "I too would become a sharer and a handmaiden in this life which thou teachest, and I too would become a servant to this God whom thou preachest, and I would receive from Him this life which thou promisest, which He giveth to those who come to His place of assembly."
Judas saith to her: "The treasury of the heavenly King is open, and every one who is worthy taketh and findeth rest; and when he hath found rest, he becometh a king. But at first a man cannot come near Him, when he is unclean and when his works are evil; for He knoweth what is in the heart and in the imagination, and no man can deceive Him. Thee too, therefore, if thou really believest in Him, He will make worthy of His holy mysteries; and He will exalt thee, and enrich thee, and renew thy mind, and make thee an heiress in His kingdom."
And when Tertia had heard these things, she went home rejoicing, and found Mazdai her husband expecting her; and he had not dined. And he said to her: "Why doth thy coming in from the street seem more pleasing to me today than on any other day? And why dost thou come on foot,—a thing that is not proper for women like thee to do?" Tertia saith to Mazdai: "I owe thee a debt of thanks that thou didst send me to Mygdonia. I went, and have heard of the new life, and have seen the Apostle of the new God; and I believe that he is the Apostle of God, who giveth life to every one who believeth in Him and doth His will. It is my duty that I too should recompense thee for the kindness which thou hast done me; and I will give thee a good counsel, so that thou too shalt become a king and a prince in Heaven, if thou wilt be persuaded by me and do what I say unto thee. I beseech thee to fear the God who hath come hither by means of this stranger, and to keep thyself purely unto God; because this royalty of thine will pass away, and this rest of thine will be changed into trouble. But come, go to that man, and believe in him, and thou shalt live for ever."
And when he heard these things from his wife Tertia, he smote his face with his hands, and rent his clothes, and said: "May the soul of Karīsh have no rest, who hath brought this sorrow upon my soul! May he have no hope, who hath cut off my hope!" And he went out sore troubled, and found his kinsman Karīsh in the street, and said to him: "Why hast thou taken me as thy companion unto Sheol? Why hast thou defrauded me, profiting thyself naught? Why hast thou injured me, doing thyself no good? Why hast thou killed me, not coming thyself to life? Why hast thou done a wickedness unto me, when thou wast not in equity? Why didst thou not let me destroy that wizard before he could corrupt my wife by his sorceries?" And he was upbraiding Karīsh. Karīsh saith to Mazdai: "What is this that hath happened?" Mazdai saith to Karīsh: "He hath bewitched Tertia also."
And they two went to the house of Sîfûr the general, and found Judas sitting and teaching. And all the people sprang up and stood, but Judas did not stand up before them. And king Mazdai knew that it was he who was sitting; and he seized a seat, and turned it over, and took it by the two legs, and beat him on the head and smote him. And he seized him and delivered him to his attendants, and said to them: "Drag (him) off, that I may sit and hear him publicly." And they were dragging Judas and going to the place where Mazdai used to give judgement.
And when he came to the place, he was standing, whilst the attendants of Mazdai held him. And Vizān, the son of king Mazdai, came and said to the attendants: "Give him to me, that I may talk with him until the king cometh;" and they gave him to him. And he took Judas, and went within to (the place) where the king used to sit and judge. Vizān saith to him: "Thou knowest that I am the son of king Mazdai, and that I have liberty to say to the king all that I wish; and that, if I tell the king, he will let thee live, and if I tell him, he will kill thee. Now tell me, who is thy God? And by whose power dost thou hold fast and glory (in it)? And if it be witchcraft, teach it to me, and I will speak to the king, and he will let thee go."
Judas saith to Vizān: "Thou art the son of Mazdai, this king who passeth away; and I am the servant of Jesus, the king who abideth for ever. Thou hast power to speak to thy father, and to preserve alive those whom thou pleasest in this short life, in which men abide not, even when thou hast given it to them; and both thou and thy father are mortal. And I beg of my Lord and beseech of Him on behalf of men, and he giveth them the new life, which lasteth for ever. Thou gloriest in men and in slaves, and in riches and garments and attendants, and in concubines, and in meats which pass
away, and in the bed of uncleanness; and I glory in poverty and asceticism and contempt, and in fasting and prayer and great thanksgiving, and in the communion of the brethren and of the Spirit of holiness, and in the intercourse of the brethren, who are worthy before God to live in everlasting life. Thou takest refuge with a man like unto thee, who cannot even deliver his own soul from judgement and from death; and I take refuge with Him, who is the Condemner and the Absolver and the Great, and who is the Judge of all men. Thou and he with whom thou takest refuge are today and tomorrow, and after a time ye are not; and I take refuge with Him who is for ever, and who knoweth all times and seasons. Thou too, therefore, my son; if thou wishest to become the servant of this God whom I serve, canst become His quickly. And thou art seen to be His servant by these things which I mention unto thee,—by purity, the chief of all good qualities, and the great beginning, and the returning to a better state, and the communion of this God whom I preach; and by cleanness and by temperance, and by love and by faith and by hope in Him, and by simplicity of pure life." And the youth Vizān was persuaded through our Lord, and was seeking some way by which he might rescue Judas.
And whilst he was considering, the king came. And the attendants came and took Thomas, and led him out; and Vizān too went out with him, and was standing beside him. And the king took his seat, and sent (and) had Judas brought in, with his hands bound behind him. And when he stood before him, the king said to him:"Tell me, who art thou, and by whose power dost thou these things?" Judas saith to him: "I am a man like to thee, and I do these things by the power of Jesus the Messiah, the Son of God." Mazdai saith to him: "Speak truly, ere I destroy thee." Judas saith to him: "Thou hast not power over me, as thou thinkest, and thou canst not make me suffer." And when Judas had said these things, king Mazdai was enraged, and gave orders to heat two plates of iron and to make him stand upon them barefooted. And when they had made him sit down, they drew off and took away his shoes, and he was laughing and saying: "Far better is thy wisdom, Jesus, than all the wisdoms of all men. Do Thou take counsel against them; and let Thy loving-kindness make preparation against the anger of these (men)." And they brought the plates (glowing) like fire, and laid hold of Judas to make him step upon them; and suddenly much water rose out of the earth, and the plates were immersed in it, and the men let him go and fled.
And when the king saw the abundance of water, he said to Judas: "Ask of thy God, and He will deliver us from this death by the flood, and we shall not die thus." And Judas prayed and said: "Our Lord Jesus, I ask of thee, bind this nature (or element) and confine it to one place. Thou hast distributed it to various places, and hast given many wondrous signs through Thy servant and Thy Apostle Judas. Thou that makest my soul long that I too may receive Thy splendour; Giver of the reward of all my labours; Thou that lettest my soul be at rest with its own nature, without any intercourse of the harmful (one); Thou that art the cause of my life at all times; do Thou make this flood cease, that it may not rear itself proudly and destroy; for there are (some) of these who are standing by, who shall believe in Thee and live." And when Judas had prayed, there was quiet; and by little and little those waters were swallowed up and disappeared, but the place became as if it had been dried up (by drought).
And when king Mazdai saw (this), he said: "Drag (him) off to prison, till we can consider what we shall do with him." And Judas went to be imprisoned, and the whole people were coming after him; and Vizān, the son of king Mazdai, was coming at the right hand of Judas, and Sîfûr the general at his left hand. And when Judas had entered the prison, he permitted Sîfûr and Vizān, and the wife of Sîfûr and his daughter, to sit down, because they too had gone in with him, that they might hear the word of life, for they knew that king Mazdai would destroy him because of his great anger.
And Thomas began to say: "Thou deliverer of my soul from the slavery of many, because I gave myself to be sold unto one, now, lo, I am glad and rejoice, because I know that the times and the seasons, and the years and the months and the days, are at an end, and I shall come and receive Thee, my giver of rest. Lo; I shall be delivered from (the things) of to-day and of to-morrow, and it is for to-day that I care. Lo, I shall give up hope, and receive truth. Lo, I shall escape from the sorrow and the gladness of every day, and put on joy alone. Lo, I shall be without care and without sorrow and without distress, and shall dwell in rest for ever. Lo, I shall be set free from slavery, and shall go to the liberty unto which I am called. Lo, I have waited upon times and seasons, and (now) I am raised above times and seasons. Lo, I shall receive my pay from a Paymaster, who doth not enter into a reckoning but giveth (freely), because His wealth sufficeth for all His gifts. Lo, I shall take off, and I shall put on and not take off any more. Lo, I shall lie down to sleep, and I shall arise and not lie down to sleep any more. Lo, I shall die, and I shall live and not die any more. Lo, they shall rejoice and look on me, because I shall go and be united with their joy, and they shall place flowers in their garlands. Lo, I shall be made a king in Thy kingdom, Jesus, for from hence have I hoped for it. (Lo,) the wicked shall be put to shame, who thought to subdue me by their powers. Lo, the rebellious shall be destroyed before me, for I have risen above them. Lo, I shall have the peace, unto which the great shall be assembled."
And whilst Judas was saying these things, all those who were there were listening, and were thinking that his departure from the world would be at that moment.
And again Judas said: "Believe in the Healer of all pains, hidden and manifest, and the Giver of life to those souls which ask help of Him; this, the freeborn and King's son, who became a slave and poor; this, the healer of His creation, and the sick because of His servants; this, the purifier of those who believe in Him, and the despised and insulted by those who did not hear Him; this, (who) setteth free His possessions from slavery and from corruption and from subjection and from loss, and is made subject to and insulted by His slaves; this, the Father of (Heaven) above, and the Lord of all creatures, and the Judge of the world; this, who came from on high, and became visible through the Virgin Mary, and was called the son of Joseph the carpenter; this, the littleness of whose body we have seen with our eyes, and whose majesty we have received through faith; this, whose holy body we have felt with our hands, and whose sad aspect we have seen with our eyes, and whose Divine form on the mount we were not able to see by ourselves alone; this, who was called an impostor, and who is the True, that deceiveth not, and the payer of the tax and the head-money for us and for Himself; this, of whom the enemy, when he saw Him, was afraid, and trembled; and asked Him who He was and what was said of Him, and He did not make known to him the truth, because there is no truth in him; this, (who;) though He was the Lord of the world and of its pleasures and of its wealth and of all its delights, put them away from Him, and admonished those who hear Him and believe in Him not to make use of these (things)."
And when he had finished saying these things, he stood up to pray, and spake thus: "Our Father, who (art) in Heaven, hallowed be Thy name; Thy kingdom come; and Thy will be (done) on earth as in Heaven; and give us the constant bread of the day; and forgive us our debts and our sins, that we too may forgive our debtors; and bring us not into temptation, but deliver us from the evil (one). My Lord and my God, and my hope and my confidence, and my teacher and my comforter, Thou didst teach us to pray thus. Lo, Thy prayer I am praying, and Thy will I am accomplishing. Be Thou with me until the end; Thou, who from my youth hast sown life in me, and hast guarded me from corruption; Thou, who hast brought me to the poverty of the world, and hast prepared me for Thy true wealth; Thou, who hast made me know that I am Thine, and I have not come near to woman, that what is desired by Thee might not be found with stain. My mouth sufficeth not to praise Thee, nor my understanding to glorify Thy goodness which (is) upon me; Thou who, when I was wishing to acquire and become rich, didst show me by Thy vision that harm cometh to many from wealth and from possessions, and I believed Thy vision, and abode in lasting poverty, until Thou, the true wealth, didst manifest Thyself unto me, and didst fill with Thy true wealth those who are worthy of Thee, and didst deliver them from need and from care and from avarice. Lo, then, I have fulfilled Thy will and accomplished Thy work. I have been poor and needy, and a stranger and a slave, and despised and a prisoner, and hungry and thirsty, and naked and barefooted and weary for Thy sake. Let not my trust fail, nor my hope which (is) in Thee be put to shame. Let not my labours be in vain and let not my toils be found fruitless. Let not my fastings and my urgent prayers perish, and let not my works which (are) in Thee be changed. Let not the enemy snatch away Thy wheat-seed from Thy land, and let not his tares be found in it; for Thy land cannot receive his tares, and they cannot fall into the garners of Thy husbandman."
And again he was saying: "I have planted Thy vine in the land; may it cast out roots downwards, and may its tendrils twine upwards, and may its fruits be seen in the land, and may those, who are worthy of Thee and whom Thou hast acquired, delight in them. Thy silver, which Thou gavest me, I have cast down upon Thy table try it, and give it to me with its usury, as Thou hast promised. With Thy talent I have gained ten; let them be added to what was mine, as Thou hast promised. To my debtors I have remitted the talent; let not that which I have remitted, be demanded at my hand. To the supper I have been invited and have come quickly, and have excused myself from the field and the plough and the wife; let me not "be cast out from it, and let me not eat of it by reason of adjurations. To the wedding-feast I have been invited, and I have put on white garments; may I be worthy of it, and may my hands and feet not be bound, nor I be put out into outer darkness. My lamp is bright with His light; let its Lord keep it until He leaves the banquet-room and I receive it; (and) may I not see it sputter by reason of its oil. Let my eyes receive Thee, and let my heart rejoice that I have fulfilled Thy will and accomplished Thy commandments. Let me be like to the wise and God-fearing servant, who with prudent diligence neglecteth nothing. I have wearied myself with watching the whole night to protect my house from robbers, that it might not be broken into. My loins are girded with truth, and my sandals are bound on my feet; their thongs may I not see loosened. I have put my hand to my ploughshare, and have not looked behind me, that my furrows might not be crooked. My fields are white and are already fit for reaping; may I receive my reward. The garment that weareth out I have worn out, and the work that bringeth unto rest I have accomplished. I have kept my first watch, and second and third; may I receive Thy Face, and worship before Thy holy beauty. I have pulled down my barns and destroyed them on earth; may I take of Thy treasure that faileth not. I have dried up the running spring that was in me; may I lie down by Thy living spring and rest beside it. The bound, whom Thou didst deliver to me, I have slain; the unbound, who is in me, do Thou set free, and let not my soul be kept back from its trust. The internal I have made external, and the external internal; let Thy will be fulfilled in all my members. I have not turned back, and I have not stretched forward; let me not be a wonder and a sign. The dead I have not brought to life, and the living I have not put to death, and the deficient I have (not) filled up; let us receive the Crown of victory, the Ruler of both worlds. Scorn have I received on earth; a recompense do Thou make me in Heaven. The powers shall not perceive me, nor the rulers take counsel against me; the tax-gatherers shall not see me, nor the collectors of tribute oppress me. The low shall not mock at me, and the wicked at the brave and the humble; nor shall the slave and the mean and the great, who exalteth himself, dare to stand before me, because of Thy victorious strength, O Jesus, which surroundeth me; for they flee and hide themselves from it, because they are not able to behold it; for with treachery and in silence do they fall upon those who obey them. The portion of my children, lo, crieth out and shineth, and no man is hidden from them, because it is the fragrance of their nature. "Wicked men are separated (from them); their fruit-tree is bitterness; I will make it pass away to their place in silence, and I will come unto thee. Let joy and peace support me, and I shall stand before Thy glory; and let not the slanderer look upon me, but let his eyes be blinded by Thy light, in which I dwell, and let his lying mouth be closed, for he hath naught against me."
And again he began to say to those who were with him in prison: "Believe, my children, in this God whom I proclaim. Believe in Jesus the Messiah, whom I preach. Believe in the Life-giver and Helper of His servants. Believe in the Giver of life to those who toil at His work; in Him, in whom, lo, my soul now rejoiceth, for the time is come that I may go and receive Him. Believe in this fair (One), whose beauty inciteth me to say concerning Him what He is, though I am unable to say it fully. For Thou, my Lord, art the Feeder of t my poverty, and the Supplier of my want, and the Dispenser of my need. Be Thou with me to the end, that I may come and receive Thee."
And the youth Vizān, the son of king Mazdai, was asking of him and saying to him: "I beg of thee, holy man, Apostle of God, permit me to go, and I will entreat the keepers of the prisoners, and they will grant me that thou mayest go with me to my house, and thou shalt give me the sign of life, and I too shall become a servant of this new God whom thou preachest; because in all these things which thou sayest I was walking in my youth, until my father Mazdai constrained me and gave me Manashar (as) a wife. For I am twenty-one years old today, and lo, it is seven years since I was united in marriage to a woman; for before I took a wife, I knew no other woman, and by my father I was counted as good for naught. And I have not yet had son or daughter by the woman whom he gave to me, and my wife hath lived with me in chastity during these years. And today, if she were well, and had seen thee or heard thy word, I should be at rest and she would live and would receive everlasting life; for she is in great affliction, lo, a long time, through disease. I will therefore entreat the keepers of the prisoners, if thou wilt promise me to go with me to my house, for I live alone in a house by myself, and wilt heal the feeble who is sick." And when Judas, the Apostle of the Most High, heard these things, the Apostle saith to Vizān: "My son, if thou believest, thou shalt see the wonders of our God, how He bringeth to life and hath compassion upon His servants."
And whilst they were speaking, Tertia and Mygdonia and Narkia her nurse were standing at the door of the prison; and they gave 360 silver zūzē to the keepers of the prisoners, and they let them in to Judas. And they entered and saw Judas and Sîfûr and Vizān, and the wife and daughter of Sîfûr, and all the prisoners, sitting and listening to Judas. And they three stood before him, and he said to them: "Who let you come to us? And who opened to you the gate that was closed in your faces?" Tertia saith to him: "Didst thou not open the door for us and say to us, 'Come to the prison, that we may go and take our brethren who are there, and then our Lord will show His glory (in dealing) with us?' And when we came to the door (of the prison), thou didst disappear from us, and we heard the sound of the door which was shut in our faces. And we gave (money) to their keepers, and they let us in; and lo, we stand (here) and beg of thee that thou wouldst do what we wish, that we might let thee escape, until the wrath of king Mazdai cool towards thee." Judas saith to Tertia: "Tell us first how ye were shut up." Tertia saith to him: "Thou thyself hast never quitted us, save for a moment, and dost thou not know how we were shut up? But if thou wishest to hear, hear. King Mazdai sent and had me Tertia brought to him, and said to me: 'That conjuror hath not yet got power over thee, because I have heard that he bewitcheth with oil and water and bread and wine, and he hath not yet bewitched thee. But harken unto me, then, (and hear) what I say unto thee, that I will not torture thee until I destroy thee; for I know, that as long as he hath not given to thee water and oil and bread and wine, he hath not yet got full power over thee.' And I said to him: 'Whatever thou wilt, do unto me. Over my body thou hast power to do all that thou wilt; but my soul I will not destroy with thee.' And when he had heard these things from me, he shut me up in a dark room beneath his dining-room. And his kinsman Karīsh too brought both Mygdonia and Narkia, and shut them up with me. And light did not depart from us, and thou thyself didst bring us out, and lo, we stand before thee. But give us the sign, and let the hope of Mazdai be cut off from me, who is plotting these things against me."
And when Judas, the Apostle of our Lord, had heard these things which she said, he saith: "To Thee be glory, Jesus, manifold in form I To Thee be glory, who showest Thyself like to our poor humanity! To Thee be glory, our Strengthener and Encourager and Reprover and Gladdener, who standest by us in all our afflictions, and strengthenest our weakness, and encouragest our fear!" And when he had said these things, the prisoners were encouraged, and the keepers said: "Blow out the lamps, that they may not slanderously accuse us before king Mazdai." And they blew out all the lamps, and went (and) slept. But Judas said to our Lord: "Thine now is the speed (to help us), Jesus our Illuminator, for lo, the children of darkness have made us sit in their darkness; but do Thou, our Lord, enlighten us with the light of Thy nature." And instantly the whole prison was bright as by day; and all those who were shut up there were asleep, and only those who I believed in our Lord were awake.
And Judas said to Vizān: "Go before us, and prepare for us what is needful for our service." Vizān saith to him: "Who will open for us the doors of the prison? For lo, they have closed them all, and the keepers are asleep." Judas saith to him: "Believe in Jesus, and doubt not, and thou shalt go and find the doors open and turned on their hinges." And when he had gone out, he went before them, and all (the rest) of them were coming after Judas. And when they had gone half-way, Manashar, the wife of Vizān, met them, coming to the prison. And she knew him and saith to him: "My brother Vizān?" And he saith to her: "Yea, and thou my sister Manashar?" She saith to him: "Yea." He saith to her: "Whither goest thou at this time alone? And how wast thou able to arise from the bed?" She saith to him: "This youth laid his hand upon me, and I was healed. And I saw in my dream, that I should go to the stranger, where he is imprisoned, that I might be quite healed." Vizān saith to her: "Where is the youth, who was with thee?" And she saith to him: "Dost thou not see him? For lo, he is holding my right hand and supporting me."
And whilst they were talking, Judas came, with Sîfûr and his wife and daughter, and with Mygdonia and Tertia and Narkia, and they came and entered into the house of Vizān. And when Manashar, the wife of Vizān, saw him, she bowed down and worshipped him, and saith to him: "Art thou come, my healer from sore disease? Thou art he whom I saw in my dream, who didst give me this youth, that he might bring me unto thee to the prison; and thy kindness did not suffer thee (to permit) that I should become weary, but thou thyself art come to me." And when she had said these things, she turned round (to look) behind her, and the youth was not (there). And she saith to Thomas: "I am not able to walk alone, and the youth, whom thou didst give me, is not (here)." Judas saith to her:
"Jesus then will be a Supporter unto thee." And she was running and coming before them. And when they entered into the house of Vizān, the son of king Mazdai, the time was night, and our Lord was giving them light in abundance.
And Judas began to pray and to speak thus: "Companion and Help of the feeble; Hope and Confidence of the poor; Refuge and Rest of the weary; Voice that came from on high, comforting the hearts of Thy believers; Resort and Haven of those that go forth into the region of darkness; Physician without fee, (who) wast crucified among men for many, and for whom no man was crucified; Thou didst descend into Sheol with mighty power, and the dead saw Thee and became alive, and the lord of death was not able to bear (it); and Thou didst ascend with great glory, and didst take up with Thee all who sought refuge with Thee, and didst tread for them the path (leading) up on high, and in Thy footsteps all Thy redeemed followed; and Thou didst bring them into Thy fold, and mingle them with Thy sheep. Son of perfect mercy, who wast sent to us with power by the Father, whom His servants praise; Son, who wast sent by the supreme and perfect Father-hood; Lord of possessions that cannot be defiled; wealthy (One), who hast filled Thy creation with the treasure of Thy wealth; needy (One), who bore poverty and fasted forty days; Satisfier of our thirsty souls with Thy blessing; be Thou, Lord, with Vizān and with Tertia and with Manashar, and gather them into Thy fold, and mingle them with Thy number, and be to them a guide (when they are) in the path of error. Be to them a healer in the place of sickness; be to them a strengthener in the weary place; make them pure in the unclean place; and make them clean of corruption in the place of the enemy. Be a physician for their bodies, and give life to their souls, and make them holy shrines and temples, and may the holy Spirit dwell in them."
And when he had prayed thus, he said to Mygdonia: "My daughter, strip thy sisters." And she stripped them, and put girdles on them, and brought them near to him. And Vizān came near first. And Judas took oil, and glorified (God) over it, and said: "Fair Fruit, that art worthy to be glowing with the word of holiness, that men may put Thee on and conquer through Thee their enemies, when they have been cleansed from their former works,—yea, Lord, come, abide upon this oil, as Thou didst abide upon the tree, and they who crucified Thee were not able to bear Thy word. Let Thy gift come, which Thou didst breathe upon Thine enemies and they went backward and fell upon their faces, and let it abide upon this oil, over which we name Thy name." And he cast it upon the head of Vizān, and then upon the heads of these (others), and said: "In Thy name, Jesus the Messiah, let it be to these persons for the remission of offences and sins, and for the destruction of the enemy, and for the healing of their souls and bodies," And he commanded Mygdonia to anoint them, and he himself anointed Vizān. And after he had anointed them, he made them go down into the water in the name of the Father and the Son and the Spirit of holiness, And after they had been baptized and were come up, he brought bread and the mingled cup, and spake a blessing over it and said: "Thy holy Body, which was crucified for our sake, we eat, and Thy life-giving Blood, which was shed for our sake, we drink. Let Thy Body be to us for life, and Thy Blood for the remission of sins. For the gall which Thou drankest for us, let the bitterness of our enemy be taken away from us. And for Thy drinking vinegar for our sake, let our weakness be strengthened. And (for) the spit which thou didst receive for us, let us receive Thy perfect life. And because Thou didst receive the crown of thorns for us, let us receive from Thee the crown that withereth not. And because Thou wast wrapped in a linen cloth for us, let us be girt with Thy mighty strength, which cannot be overcome. And because Thou wast buried in a new sepulchre for our mortality, let us too receive intercourse with Thee in Heaven. And as Thou didst arise, let us be raised, and let us stand before Thee at the Judgement of truth." And he brake the Eucharist, and gave to Vizān and Tertia, and to Manashar and Sîfûr and Mygdonia, and to the wife and daughter of Sîfûr, and said: "Let this Eucharist be to you for life and rest and joy and health, and for the healing of your souls and of your bodies." And they said, "Amen"; and a voice was heard saying to them, "Yea and Amen." And when they heard this voice, they fell on their faces. And again the voice was heard saying: "Be not afraid, but only believe."
And Judas went (back) to be imprisoned, and likewise Tertia and Mygdonia and Narkia, these too went (back) to be imprisoned. And Judas said to them: "My daughters and sisters in our Lord, and my companions, and handmaidens of Jesus the Messiah, listen unto me on this the last day that I shall deliver my word unto you, for I shall never speak with you again in this world. For I shall be lifted up to our Lord Jesus the Messiah; to Him who sold me; to Him who humbled His lofty soul to my littleness, and hath brought me to His greatness which passeth not away, and hath deemed me worthy of being a servant of Him in verity and in truth. And lo, I rejoice that the time is fulfilled and the day come that I may go and receive my reward from my Lord. For my Pay-master is just, and He knoweth how, I ought to be recompensed. For He is not wicked nor envious, but His gifts abound; and He doth not count and give, for He is confident that His wealth will not fail. Listen, my daughters. I am not Jesus, but I am the servant of Jesus. I am not the Messiah, but I am one who ministereth before Him. I am not the Son of God, but I pray and beg that I may be deemed worthy of God. But do ye, my daughters, abide in the faith of Jesus the Messiah, and look for the hope of the Son of God. And be not weary, my daughters, in persecution, and be not in doubt because ye see me treated ignominiously, and imprisoned too, and dying, because I am fulfilling the will of my Lord. For if I were to pray that I should not die, ye know that I am able (to do so); but this which is seen (by us) is not death, but a release from the world. For this reason I receive it gladly; and for this reason I am delivered, that I may go and receive Him who is comely, Him whom I love, Him who is beloved. For much have I toiled in His service, and I have completed (my task) because of His grace, which hath supported me and hath not forsaken me. Let not therefore the enemy enter into you by treachery, and let him not agitate your minds with doubt. Let not that perfidious disturber find an opportunity (of assailing you), because He, whom ye have received, and in whom ye have believed, is stronger than he. Look for His coming, for He will come and receive you, that is (to say), ye shall go and see Him."
And when Judas had finished speaking to them, they entered into the dark house. And Judas said: "Our Life-giver and Bearer of many things for our sake, let these doors be as they were, and let them be sealed with their seals." And he left them and went himself too to be imprisoned; and they were grieved and were weeping, because they knew that king Mazdai would kill him.
The Consummation of Judas Thomas.
AND when he had gone in to be imprisoned, he found the keepers quarrelling and saying: "What wrong have we done to this sorcerer, that he hath opened the doors by the art of his charms, and hath wished to let all these prisoners escape? But let us go and make (it) known to king Mazdai, and let us tell him also about his wife and his son, who come to him." And whilst the chief (keeper) of the prisoners was saying a these things, Judas was silent and listening. And they rose early in the morning, and went to king Mazdai, and say to him: "Our lord the king, either let this sorcerer go, or imprison him in another place, for we are unable to guard him; because twice thy good fortune hath guarded the prisoners, otherwise they would all have escaped; for we shut the doors and we find them open. And both thy wife and thy son, with the rest of the people, never leave him." And when king Mazdai heard these things, he went to look at the seals which he had placed upon the doors; and he found the seals as they were. And he said to the keepers: "Why do ye tell lies, for lo, the seals of the houses are as they were sealed? And how say ye (that) Tertia and Mygdonia come to him to the prison?" The keepers say: "We have told thee the truth."
And king Mazdai went (and) sat in (the hall of) judgement, and sent and fetched Judas, and stripped him and put a girdle round his loins; and they made him stand before Mazdai. And Mazdai said to him: "Art thou a slave or a free man?" Judas saith to him: "I am a slave, but thou hast no power whatever over me." Mazdai saith to him: "And how didst thou run away (and) come to this country?" Judas saith to him: "I came hither that I might give life to many by the word, and by thy hands I shall quit the world." Mazdai saith to him: "Who is thy master? And what is his name? And of what country art thou?"Judas saith to him: "My Master is thy Master and (the Master) of the whole world, and the Lord of Heaven and of earth." Mazdai saith to him: "What is his name?" Judas saith to him: "Thou art not able to hear His true name now at this time, but the name that is given to Him is Jesus the Messiah." Mazdai saith to him: "I have not been in haste to destroy thee, but have had patience with thee; and thou hast added to thy deeds, and thy sorceries are spoken of through the whole country. But I will do unto thee (so) that they shall accompany thee and go along with thee, and that our country shall be relieved of them." Judas saith to him: "These sorceries, which thou sayest shall accompany me, shall never fail from this place."
And when he had said these things, Mazdai was considering, how he should give orders concerning him, that he might die, because he was afraid of the great multitude which was there; for many believed in our Lord, even (some) of the king's nobles. And Mazdai took Judas and went without the city, and there came with him a few soldiers with weapons; and people were thinking that Mazdai was wishing to learn (something) from him, and they were standing and looking at him. And when they had gone about half a mile, he delivered him to (some) of the soldiers who were with him and to one of the princes, and said to them: "Go up on this mountain (and) stab him." And he turned to come (back) to the city.
And people were running after Judas to rescue him; but the soldiers were going on his right hand and on his left and were holding spears, and that one of the princes was holding him by his hand and supporting him. And Judas said: "O the hidden mysteries, which even to the (hour of) departure (from this world) are fulfilled in me! O the riches of the grace of Him, who doth not let us feel the sufferings of the body! How they surround me with weapons, and fight with me even unto death! But to One I am given up, for lo, one chief leadeth me and holdeth me by my hand, in order that he may deliver me to One, whom I look for that I may receive Him; and our Lord, because He is of One, suffered (blows) at the hand of one."
And when he had ascended the mountain, the place where they were about to stab Judas, he said to those who were holding him: "Harken unto me now at least, when I am on the point of departing from the world, and let not the eyes of your hearts be blinded, nor your ears be deafened, that ye too should not hear. Believe in this God whom I preach, and walk not in your hardness of heart, but walk in all the virtues that beseem the freedom and the glory of men and the life that is with God." Judas saith to Vizān: "Son of the earthly king Mazdai, and servant of Jesus the Messiah, permit the attendants to do the will of their king Mazdai; I will go (and) pray." And Vizān spake to the soldiers, and they let Judas go. And Judas went and was praying and saying thus:—
"My Lord and my God, and my Hope and my Saviour; and my Guide and Conductor in all the lands which I have traversed in Thy name, be Thou with all Thy servants, and do Thou guide me too that I may come unto Thee; for unto Thee I have committed my soul, and no man shall take it from Thy hands. Let not my sins | hinder me. Lo, Lord, I fulfilled Thy will and became a slave, for the sake of this freedom which I am receiving! today. Do Thou, Lord Jesus, give (it) to me and fulfil it with me; for I am in no doubt whatever regarding Thy truth and Thy love, but for the sake of these who are standing (by) that they may hear, I speak before Thee."
And when Judas had prayed thus, he said to the soldiers: "Come, fulfil the will of him who sent you." And the soldiers came (and) struck him all together, and he fell down and died. And the brethren were weeping all together. And they brought goodly garments and many linen cloths, and buried Judas in the sepulchre! in which the ancient kings were buried.
And Sîfûr and Vizān would not go down to the city, but were sitting there the whole day, and they passed the night there also. And Judas appeared unto them and said to them: "I am not here. Why are ye sitting and watching me?" I have ascended unto my Lord, and have received what I was looking for and hoping for. But rise and go down hence, for yet a little while and ye too shall be gathered unto me." And Mazdai and his kinsman Karīsh brought Mygdonia and Tertia, and afflicted them much, but they would not yield to their wish. And Judas appeared to them and said to them: "Forget not, my daughters, Jesus our Light, the Holy and the Living (One), and He will soon prepare for you your rest and your help." And when king Mazdai and his kinsman Karish saw that they would not be persuaded by them, they left them alone to walk according to their own will. And all the brethren who were there were assembling together, and praying and offering the (Eucharistic) offering and breaking (bread), because Judas had made Sîfûr a priest and Vizān a deacon, on the mountain, when he was going to die. And our Lord was helping them with His love and was increasing His faith by their means.
And it happened after a long time that one of the sons of king Mazdai had a devil, and no man was able to bind him, because he was very violent. And king Mazdai thought in his mind and said: "I will go (and) open the grave of Judas, and take one of the bones of the Apostle of God, and will hang it upon my son, and he will be healed." And Judas appeared to him in a vision, and said to him: "Thou didst not believe in one living; wilt thou believe in one who, lo, is dead? But fear not. My Lord the Messiah will have mercy upon thee because of His clemency." And he did not find his bones, for one of the brethren had taken them away secretly and conveyed them to the West. And king Mazdai took (some) of the dust of that spot where the bones of the Apostle had lain, and hung it upon his son, and said: I believe in Thee, my Lord Jesus; now that he hath left me, who always troubleth men that they may not see the light." And when he had hung (it) upon his son and had believed, he was healed; and he was united with the brethren. And king Mazdai was bowing his head beneath the hand of the priest Sîfûr, and was entreating and begging of all the brethren that they would pray for him, that he might find mercy with them before our Lord Jesus the Messiah in His kingdom, which is for ever and ever. Amen.
Here end the Acts of Judas Thomas, the Apostle of our Lord Jesus the Messiah, who suffered martyrdom in the land of India by the hands of king Mazdai. Glory to the Father and to the Son and to the Spirit of holiness, now and at all times and for ever and ever. Amen.
[All footnotes and biblical references have reluctantly been omitted apart from these. Note that a complete reprint of this book with all notes, page divisions and Syriac text can be bought online by visiting Gorgias Press, (and search on Wright)]
1. b See.. Clark's Ante-Nicene Christian Library, vol. xvi., p.389.
2. b Perhaps a reference to the Gospel of Thomas the Israelite, ch. vi-viii of Tischendorf's Greek text; see my Contributions to the Apocryphal Literature of the New Testament, p.8.
3. a In pseudo-Abdias (Fabricius, p. 705), Mygdonia and Charisius; Tischendorf, p.235, Mugdoni/a and Xari/sioj.
This text was transcribed by Colin Tunnicliffe, UK, 2004. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: syriac_misc.htm
B.H.Cowper, Syriac Miscellanies (1861)
B.H.Cowper, Syriac Miscellanies (1861).
Extracts relating to the First and Second General Councils, and various other quotations, theological, historical and classical.
SYRIAC MISCELLANIES;
OR
EXTRACTS
RELATING TO THE
FIRST AND SECOND GENERAL COUNCILS,
AND VARIOUS OTHER QUOTATIONS,
THEOLOGICAL, HISTORICAL, & CLASSICAL.
TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH FROM MSS. IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM
AND IMPERIAL LIBRARY OF PARIS.
WITH NOTES
by
B. H. COWPER.
[x]
WILLIAMS AND NORGATE,
14, HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDON;
AND
20, SOUTH FREDERICK STREET, EDINBURGH.
---------
MDCCCLXI.
HERTFORD:
PRINTED BY STEPHEN AUSTIN,
FORE STREET.
PREFACE.
THE following pages owe their appearance to no public desire to investigate the Syriac Literature deposited in the British Museum. England has produced some of the most successful explorers and discoverers of Syriac Manuscripts, and has at this moment a most precious collection of such MSS., which is unequalled by any other in Europe. But, unhappily, there is little curiosity among the general or even the literary public to know anything about the matter. When Robert Huntington made his collections in the 17th century, he was held in honour and rewarded with a Bishopric. When Claudius Rich procured his invaluable collection it was purchased by the nation; and such modern names as Buchanan and Lee, are none the less remembered for their zeal in this department. Dr. Cureton we all pronounce illustrious in connection with this literature; he has been forward in promoting measures for procuring MSS., painstaking in their arrangement, diligent in their examination, and both accurate and learned as an editor. Dr. Etheridge also has |iv rendered good service to the cause as a compiler and translator. A few others have done something worth honourable mention, among whom is Mr. Payne Smith, the editor and translator of Cyril on Luke, and the translator of the third part of John of Ephesus' Church History. But beyond this, little has been done among us, and the deficiencies in this department are many and grievous. The MSS. in the British Museum have not been efficiently catalogued, and their full contents can only be known by wearisome personal inspection. We have no complete lexicon of the language; and only two or three Syriac English Grammars. There is very little general knowledge of even the old Peshito version, the most ancient, as to the New Testament, and still less acquaintance with other works. The immense collection in the British Museum has been stigmatized as a mass of Monophysitism, and thus depreciated by opprobrious epithets. And yet there is in some minds, happily an increasing number, a desire to know more of these things. This laudable curiosity ought to be gratified, and doubtless it will be eventually found that the MSS. in question are an important supplement to our knowledge on many subjects. The information and extracts they contain as to the Fathers, Creeds, Councils, and Church History, are considerable. In addition to versions of much that we already possess, there are many fragments and entire treatises hitherto unknown. This is true both of known and otherwise unknown authors. |v
The following miscellaneous matters owe their appearance to the request of the SYRO-EGYPTIAN SOCIETY, whose members feel a praiseworthy interest in this matter. They requested me to publish a few things in English in order to show what might be obtained from the Syriac MSS. with which I am acquainted. I cheerfully comply with this wish, and have thrown together, with a few supplementary observations, some of the extracts which I have made. These have been designedly few and brief. It would have been easier to select some one treatise, but perhaps not so well for the purpose intended. Hence there will here be found a diversity of quotations on a variety of subjects. Some of them I had already published, but I have thoroughly revised the translation of them and omitted many of the notes. Some of them are of little value, and yet all have peculiar features. Those on the first Nicene Council are the fullest, and to illustrate them I have added a remarkable Greek list of the Bishops who attended that Council, and a fragment of one in Coptic. I have also given a version of the Nicene Canons for comparison with the copies in Greek and Latin, and as this version, like the list of members, is from the oldest MS. of them yet known, it cannot fail to be interesting. From the same document I have copied a list of those who attended at the Council of Constantinople in A.D. 381, and a few other matters. These lists are important in reference to the names of Bishops and of places, |vi as well as for the student of ancient geography. The fragments from Greek authors are obscure, and include some names with which I am otherwise unacquainted. Their chief interest arises from the fact that they clearly form part of some document of the nature of an apology, and are, therefore, in all probability, very ancient. It is well known that the apologists of the second and third centuries defended Christianity by copious citations from Pagan writers, and this is constructed on the same plan, as the conclusion shows. The extracts from Diocles may not be free from interpolation, but they claim to represent the first historian of Rome, a historian from whom, Plutarch tells us, Fabius Pictor drew largely. As to the extracts from Christian authors, they are merely specimens of thousands contained in the MSS., and yet present some points of interest. The matters drawn from the old Syriac Chronicle may furnish the student of history with a few facts, and among them the list of the first successors of Mahomet is peculiarly interesting. This MS. belongs to the th century, and is evidently a compilation from the Chronicle ascribed to Hippolytus, that of Eusebius, and others. The notice of two martyrologies is simply intended to show that at a very early period the legends of superstition were not confined to the Western world.
If any readers are disappointed with the selection I have made I shall regret it. But it must be borne in mind that my object has been somewhat peculiar, and |vii that this work is meant to meet the wishes of those who may take the trouble to investigate it. Yet even on such a text a large biographical, geographical, and chronological commentary might be written.
The version is for the most part very literal, and I have aimed rather to give the sense of the originals than to produce what is called a readable book. There are places where I may have missed the meaning, either because of the obscurity of the construction or the defects of our lexicons, which do not contain all the words.
I must express my thanks to the Council of the SYRO-EGYPTIAN SOCIETY for their kindness in promoting a publication for which they are well aware there can be no remunerative demand, and of which only a small number of copies have been printed. I have cheerfully done my part, and hope they will find in it at least a few things which will gratify them.
B. H. COWPER.
CONTENTS.
PREFACE
COUNCIL OF NICEA:
Extracts from the Codex Syriacus, No 38, in the Imperial Library at Paris
1
Extracts from the Syriac MSS No 14,528, etc, in the British Museum
5
Nicene Catalogue of Fathers and Cities, by Theodorus Lector
25
Fragments of a Coptic List of the same
31
COUNCIL OF CONSTANTINOPLE: Extract from the MS No 14,528
34
THE COUNCILS OF ANTIOCH, ANCYRA, etc
40
FRAGMENTS OF GREEK AUTHORS
43
DIOCLES ON THE ORIGIN OF ROME, etc
48
FRAGMENTS OF CHRISTIAN AUTHORS
53
MISCELLANEOUS CHRONOLOGICAL ITEMS from the Syriac MS No 14,643
75
Notice of early Councils from the same
88
Ancient List of Mahomet and his Successors from the same
92
NOTICE OF TWO MARTYROLOGIES from No, 14,644
93
OBSERVATIONS
99
SYRIAN MISCELLANIES.
=========
THE COUNCIL OF NICEA.
EXTRACTS FROM THE CODEX SYRIACUS 38 IN THE IMPERIAL
LIBRARY AT PARIS. P. 249, ETC, WRITTEN ABOUT A.D. 795.
Again:1 Of the great and holy and oecumenical Synod of 318 holy Fathers, which was held at Nicea, the metropolis of Bithynia, in the year 636 of the reckoning of the Greeks, from Seleucus Nicator, king of Syria, which is the reckoning of the Edessenes; in the consulship of the illustrious Paulinus and Julianus: in the month Haziran, on the 19th thereof, the 13th before the calends of July, in the 20th year of the lover of Christ, the great Constantine, the faithful king, who, when these fathers had first assembled at Ancyra of Galatia, called them thence to Nicea, by his epistle to them, which is this:
Epistle of Constantine the King to the Synod of 318 Bishops.
"That there is nothing more honourable in my sight than the fear of God, I believe is manifest to every man. Now, because the Synod of Bishops at Ancyra, of Galatia, consented at first that it should be, it now seems on many accounts that it would be well for a Synod to assemble2 at Nicea, a city of Bithynia, both because the Bishops of Italy and the rest of the countries of Europe are coming, and also because of the excellent temperature of the air, and also because I shall be |2 present as a spectator and participator of what is done. Wherefore I signify to you, my beloved brethren, that I earnestly wish all of yon to assemble at this city which is named, that is at Nicea. Let every one of you therefore, considering that which is best,3 as I before said, be diligent without any delay speedily to come, that he may be present in his own person as a spectator of what is done. God keep you, my beloved brethren."
When, therefore, at once, on this command, these Fathers speedily assembled at Nicea, on the day before named, they determined and drew up, all of them in common, with the Holy Spirit that was in them, a definition and confession of faith, that which is put beneath.
Definition of Faith.
"We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, maker of all things which are visible, and of those which are invisible: And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, who was the only One begotten of the Father. Now he is of the substance of the Father, God of God, Light of Light, very God of very God; and he was begotten, not made; equal in substance to the Father; by whose hands everything was, both those which are in heaven and those which are in earth; who for us men, and for our salvation, came down, and became incarnate, and became man, and suffered, and arose the third day, and ascended to heaven, and cometh to judge the living and the dead:
"And in the Holy Ghost.
"As to those who say there was a time when he was not, and that before he was begotten he was not, and that he was of things which were not, or say that he was of another substance or of another essence, or who think the Son of God changeable or mutable, these the holy Catholic and Apostolic Church anathematizes." |3
This is the faith which the Fathers drew up----first, indeed, against Arius, who blasphemed, and said that the Son of God was a creature; but afterwards also against all heresies, that is of Sabellius and Photinus; and against the heresies of Paul of Samosata, and of Manes, and of Valentinus, and of Marcion; and against every heresy whatever which sprang up against the Catholic Church; these the 318 Fathers condemned when they were assembled together at Nicea.
Now they also drew up these sentences:
"Now we anathematize also those who say, like Paul of Samosata, that before Mary the Son of God was not, but took his beginning from his generation in the flesh; and that he who was of Mary was one, but the Word of God another, and deny the Son that he was the Word of God, who was eternally with the Father; by whose hands all things were, and without him nothing was; who for us became man, when he became incarnate of Mary the Virgin.
"And we, moreover, anathematize those also who say that there are three Gods, and deny that the Word, that is, the Son of God, is God."
Because of these things, those heresies which were before named were anathematized, and also the wicked madness of the Arians. Concerning the Faith therefore, thus did it seem good to all the 318 holy Bishops who were assembled together at the Sacerdotal Synod, those that is, whose names, and cities, and provinces, many of them, are these, which are written below.4 But of a few of them the names were not written. For those were zealous who wrote; and also those servants of God, the bishops, zealous for the faith, of the Orientals especially, made it a care to receive the names; and they especially were required to sign, because in the west there was not as with them disputation concerning heresies, or concerning the division and disagreement about the Passover. For they did not say as Sabellius, "one person, with |4 three names, the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost," but as it is in the definition of the Holy Synod at Nicea, which is above set down, "that the Father is one truly, and the only Son is one truly, and that the Holy Ghost is one truly," And it was also just and correct with them concerning the Passover. Therefore all of them were not found at the subscribing. Now those Bishops subscribed the orthodox faith thus, "Such a one, Bishop of such a city, and of such a province; so I believe as before written." Concerning the faith, then, all the holy Synod thus decided and wrote; and thus all of them subscribed and affirmed the definition which is before put down.
Now, concerning rules and canons ecclesiastical, these things seemed good, and pleased all who were assembled in the Sacerdotal Synod, before, and with, and in the presence of the lover of God, the great and faithful King Constantine, who not only brought to one mind the Bishops before written, and many others whose names are not written hitherto, since he sought and designed peace for the people of the Christians, but also since he was present at their holy assembly, and at the same time spake and heard, and declared those things which were befitting and best for the holy and universal Church of Christ. Since, therefore, when the matter was investigated, in order that all under heaven might celebrate the holy feast of the Passover, unanimously and at once, without contention, there were found three parts of the world which, with unanimity, and without variance, observed it, together with the Romans and Alexandrians; but one part only, that of the east, was found which was in uncertainty, and continued in strifeand confusion always; thus it seemed well pleasing to them, "that all questioning and strife being removed from the midst, thus also shall our brethren in the east observe the feast of the Passover as do the Romans and Alexandrians, and all others besides, in order |5 that on one day, with consent and agreement of voice, all Christians may offer praises and prayers." Therefore concerning this also all those subscribed who in the east had been divided with one another, and they ended and abolished strife. Now when this also was set right and came to a conclusion, while all the great and holy Synod was assembled, it determined and drew up those things which are written below.5
Ecclesiastical canons of the great Synod of Nicea, XX.
[The canons follow, after which the following intimations are given].
Here end the twenty ecclesiastical canons which were determined by the great and holy Synod of Nicea of 318 Bishops.
Again: twenty-four canons which were drawn up at Ancyra, a city of Galatia, by the Synod which assembled there. These canons were prior to those which were constituted at Nicea, but those of Nicea are written first, because of the authority of the great and holy Synod which was at Nicea. Now the names of the Bishops who were assembled at the Synod at Ancyra are these.
[The list of names at Ancyra here follows].6
EXTRACTS FROM THE SYRIAC MS. NO. 14528 IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. WRITTEN A.D. 501.
Epistle of Constantine the King summoning the Bishops from Ancyra to Nicea.
That there is nothing more honourable in my sight than the fear of God, is, I believe, manifest to every man. Now because the Synod of Bishops at Ancyra of Galatia consented formerly that it should be, it hath seemed to us on many accounts that it would be well for a Synod to assemble at Nicea, |6 a city of Bithynia, both because of the Bishops who from Italy and the rest of the countries of Europe are coming, and because of the excellent temperature of the air, and because I shall be present as a spectator and participator of those things which are done. Wherefore I signify to you, my beloved brethren, that all of you promptly assemble at the city which was named, that is at Nicea. Let every one of you therefore, regarding that which is best, as I before said, be diligent, without delay in anything, speedily to come, that he may be in his Own person present as a spectator of those things which are done by the same.
God keep yon my beloved brethren.7
Letter of the same Constantine against the Arians.
Constantine the King to the Bishops and nations everywhere. Inasmuch as Arius imitates the evil and the wicked, it is right that, like them, he should be rebuked and rejected. As therefore Porphyry, who was an enemy of the fear of God, and wrote wicked and unlawful writings against the religion of Christians, found the reward which befitted him, that he might be a reproach to all generations after, because he fully and insatiably used base fame; so that on this account his writings were righteously destroyed; thus also now it seems good that Arius and the holders of his opinion should all be called Porphyrians, that he may be named by the name of those whose evil ways he imitates: And not only this, but also that all the writings of Arius, wherever they be found, shall be delivered to be burned with fire, in order that not only his wicked and evil doctrine may be destroyed, but also that the memory of himself and of his doctrine may be blotted out, that there may not by any means remain to him remembrance in the world. Now this also I ordain, that if any one shall be found secreting any writing composed by Arius, and shall |7 not forthwith deliver up and burn it with fire, his punishment shall be death; for as soon as he is caught in this he shall suffer capital punishment by beheading without delay.
A confession of faith which was made at Nicea, a city of Bithynia, in the consulate of Paulinus and Julianus, in the year 373 of the reckoning of the Antiochians, after Antiochus, and in the year 636 of the reckoning of the Macedonians, after Alexander, in the month Haziran, on the 19th of it, and on the 13th of the reckoning of the Romans, which is called the calends of June, July.
I believe in one God the Father Almighty, maker of all things, visible and invisible; And in one Lord Jesus Christ the Son of God, who was begotten of the Father, only begotten. Now he is of the substance of the Father: God of God, Light of Light, very God of very God; who was begotten and not made; of the same substance as the Father, by whose hand all things were made which are in heaven and in earth; who for us men, and for our salvation, came down and became incarnate, and was made man, and suffered, and rose the third day, and ascended to heaven, and cometh to judge the living and the dead; And in the Holy Ghost. Now those who say that once he was not, and that he was not before he was begotten, or that he was from nothing, or say that he was of another substance or essence, or think the Son of God changeable or mutable, these the Catholic and Apostolic Church anathematizes.
Confession of Faith of 150 Bishops who were at Constantinople.
I believe in one God the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth, of all tilings visible and invisible: And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the only Son of God, who was begotten |8 of the Father, before all worlds, very God of very God, who was begotten and not made; of the same essence as the Father; by whose hands everything was made; who for us men, and for our salvation, came down, and became incarnate of the Holy Ghost, and of Mary the Virgin, and became man, and was crucified for us, in the days of Pontius Pilate; and suffered, and was buried, and rose the third day according as the Scriptures say; and ascended to heaven, and sitteth at the right hand of his Father; and cometh again in glory to judge the living and the dead; of whose kingdom there is no end: And in the Holy Ghost, the Lord and Lifegiver, who proceedeth from the Father; who with the Father and the Son, is to be worshipped and glorified; who spake by the prophets: And in one Holy, Apostolic, and Catholic Church: And I confess one baptism for the remission of sins: And I hope for the resurrection of the dead, and the life of the world to come.
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS.
Of Italy, Three.
Hosius, Bishop of Corduba, a city of Italy.8 Thus I believe as is above written.
Vito and Vicentius, presbyters of Rome, for our bishop (papa) we subscribe, for we thus believe as is above written.
Of Egypt, Eleven.
Alexander of Alexandria. Secundus of Ptolemais.
Alpocration of Alphocranum. Dorotheus of Pelusium.
Adamantius of Canon. Gaius of Thmuis.
Arbetion of Barathu. Antiochus of Memphis.
Philip of Panephysus. Tiberius of Tauthatis.9
Potamon of Heraclea.
Of Thebais, Three.
Atthas of Ascedia. Volusianus of Lycon.
Tyrannus of Arsinoë. |9
Of Upper Lybya, Five.
Daces of Berenice. Secundus of Teuchilibya.10
Zopyrus of Barce. Titus of Paraetonium.
Serapion of Antipurgos.
Of Palestine, Nineteen.
Macarius of Jerusalem. Paul of Maximianopolis.
Germanus of Samaria. Januarius of Jericho.
Marinus of Sebastena. Heliodorus of Zabulon.
Gajanus of Sebaste.11 Aetius of Lydda.
Eusebius of Caesarea. Silvanus of Azotus.
Sabinus of Gadara. Patrophilus of Beishan.
Longinus of Ascalon. Asclepias of Gaza.
Peter of Nicopolis. Peter of Aila.
Macrinus of Jamnia. Antiochus of Capitolias.
Maximus of Eleutheropolis.
Of Phoenicia, Ten.
Zeno of Tyre. Philocles of Paneas.
Aeneas of Accho. Gregory of Berytus.
Magnus of Damascus. Marinus of Thadmor.
Theodoras of Sidon. Anatolius of Emesa.
Hellanicus of Tripolis. Badonius of Alaso.12
Of Coele Syria, Twenty-two.
Eustathius of Antioch. Zoilus of Gabala.
Zenobius of Seleucia. Bassus of Zeugma.
Theodotus of Laodicea. Gerontius of Larissa.
Ulpius of Apamea. Manicius of Hamath.
Bassianus of Raphanea. Eustathius of Aresthan.13
Philoxenus of Mabug. Paul of Neocaesarea.
Solomon of Germanicia. Siricius of Cyrrhus.
Papirius of Samosata. Seleucus, Chorepiscopus.
Archelaus of Doliche. Peter of Gindara.
Euphrantion of Balanea. Pegasius of Harba-Kedem.14
Palladius, Chorepiscopus. Bassonius of Gabala. |10
Of Arabia, Six.
Nicomachus of Bostra. Severus of Sodoma.
Cyrnon of Philadelphia. Sopater of Barathena.
Gennadius of Esbonta.15 Severus of Dionysias.
Of Mesopotamia, Five.
Ethilhas of Edessa.16 Mareas of Birtha.
Jacob of Nisibis.17 John of Persia.18
Antiochus of Resaina.
Of Cilicia, Eleven.
Theodoras of Tarsus. Paulinus of Adana.
Amphion of Epiphaneia. Macedonius of Mopsuestia.
Narcissus of Neronias. Taracondamantus of Aegae.
Moses of Castabala. Hesychius of Alexandria Minor.
Nicetas of Flavias. Narcissus of Irenopolis.
Eudaemon, Chorepiscopus.
Of Cappadocia, Ten.
Leontius of Caesarea. Gorgonius, Chorepiscopus.
Eupsychius of Tyana. Stephen, Chorepiscopus.
Erythrius of Colonia. Eudrames, Chorepiscopus.
Timothy of Cybistra. Doron, Chorepiscopus.19
Helpidius of Comana. Theophanes, Chorepiscopus.
Of Armenia Minor, Two.
Eulalius of Sebaste. Euhethius of Satala.
Of Armenia Major, Five.
Aristacius of Armenia.20 Helpidius of Comana.
Acrites of Diospontum. Heraclius of Zela.
Eutychianus of Amasea.
Of Pontus Polemicus, Three.
Longinus of Neocaesarea. Stratophilus of Pityus.
Domnus of Trapezus.
Of Paphlagonia, Three.
Philadelphus of Pompeiopolis. Eupsychius of Amastris.
Petronius of Junopolis. |11
Of Galatia, Five.
Marcellus of Ancyra.21 Gorgonius of Ciaena.
Dicasius of Tyana. Philadelphus of Juliopolis.
Arcathius of Gadmeausa.
Of Asia, Six.
Theonas of Corycus. Eutychius of Smyrna.
Menophantes of Ephesus. Mithras of Hypaepa.
Eudion of Ilium.22 Macrinus of Julium.23
Of Hellespont, One.
Paul of Anaea.
Of Lydia, Nine.
Artemidorus of Sardes. Florentius of Ancyra Ferrea.
Sares of Thyatira. Antiochus of Aurelianopolis.
Etoemasius of Philadelphia. Marcus of Standum.24
Pollio of Baris. Antiochus of Hierocaesarea.
Agogius of Tripolis.
Of Phrygia, Eight.
Nunechius of Laodicea. Athenodorus of Dorylaeum.
Flaccus of Sanis. Paul of Apamea.
Procopius of Synnada. Eugenius of Eucarpia.
Pisticius of Azani. Flaccus of Hierapolis.
Of Pisidia, Ten.
Eulalius of Iconium. Tarsicius of Apamea.
Telemachus of Adrianopolis. Patricius of Ampelada.
Hesychius of Neapolis. Polycarpus of Metropolis.
Eutychius of Seleucia. Academius of Papha.
Uranicus of Limen. Heraclius of Baris.
Of Lycia, One.
Eudemus of Patara.
Of Pamphylia, Seven.
Callicles of Perga. Contianus of Seleucia.
Eurasius of Termessus. Patricius of Maximianopolis.
Zeuxes of Verabon.25 Aphrodisias of Magidon.
Domnus of Aspendum. |12
Of the Islands, Four.
Euphrosynus of Rhodes. Strategius of Lemnos.
Meliphron of Coos. Alitodorus of Corcyra.
Of Caria, Five.
Eusebius of Antioch. Letodorus of Cibyra.
Ammonius of Aphrodisias. Eusebius of Miletus.
Eugenes of Apollonias.
Of Isauria, Seventeen.
Stephen of Barata. Cyrillus of Thaumanada.
Athenaeus of Coracesium. Theodoras of Vasada.
Hedesius of Claudiopolis. Anatolius, Chorepiscopus.
Agapius of Seleucia. Paul of Laranda.
Silvanus of Isauropolis. Conatus, Chorepiscopus.
Postus of Panaemon. Tiberius of Lystra.
Antoninus of Antioch. Aquila, Chorepiscopus.
Nestor of Syedra. Eusebius of the Parochia of Isauropolis.26
Hesychius, Chorepiscopus.
Of Cyprus, Two.
Cyrillus of Paphos. Gelasius of Salamis.
Of Bithynia, Eleven.
Eusebius of Nicomedia. Georgius of Aprusas.
Theognis of Nicea. Euhethius of Adrianopolis.
Maris of Chalcedon. Theophanes, Chorepiscopus.
Cyrillus of Cium. Rufus of Caesarea.
Hesychius of Prusa. Eulalius, Chorepiscopus.
Gorgonius of Apollonias.
Of Europe, One.
Phaedrus of Heraclea.
Of Dacia, Two.
Protogenes of Serdica. Marcus of Calabria.
Of Moesia, One.
Festus of Marcianopolis.
Of Carthage, One.
Cecilianus of Carthage. |13
Of Macedonia, One.
Alexander of Thessalonica.
Of Dardania, Two.
Dacus of Macedonia. Budiaeus of Trobon.27
Of Achaia, Three.
Pistus of Athens. Strateges of Ephestia.
Marsyas of Euboea.
Of Thessaly, One.
Claudianus of Thessaly.
Of Pannonia, One.
Domnus of Pannonia.
Of Gallia, One.
Nicasius of Divio.28
Of Gothia, One.
Theophilus of Gothia.
Of Bosphorus, One.
Cadmus of Bosphorus.
The names of the Bishops and of their cities end, which are in all 220, because the names of the western Bishops were not written.
Ecclesiastical Canons of the great and holy Synod of 318 Bishops, which assembled at Nicea, a city of Bithynia, and determined those things which are written below.
1. Of those who mutilate or cut off their members.
If a man suffers amputation by surgeons, in consequence of disease, or is mutilated by barbarians, let him remain among the clergy. But if, when he is well, a man mutilates himself of his own accord, let him cease from his ministry if he is among the clergy, and henceforth let not him that is such be presented for ordination. And as this is manifestly spoken of those who deceitfully and wilfully dare to cut off their members, so if there be any who are mutilated by barbarians or |14 by their masters, but are otherwise, as to their conduct, found worthy of ordination to the priesthood, these the canon allows to enter the clergy.
2. Of those of the Heathen, who at their Baptism come to ordination for the Priesthood.
Since many things take place against the ecclesiastical canon, either of necessity or through haste, so that men newly come to the faith from the life of the heathen, and after they have been hearers a little time, come at once to the spiritual baptism, and at their baptism are presented for ordination to the episcopate or eldership, it is decided that henceforth no such thing shall be, because a certain time is required of a hearer, and much proof after his baptism, and this the blessed Apostle clearly shows, "Let his discipleship not be recent, lest being lifted up, he fall into condemnation and the snare of Satan." Now if in any of those who hurriedly after their baptism, forthwith have received ordination, as time passes before him, spiritual sin should be discovered, and he be convicted by two or three witnesses, let him be expelled from the clergy; and whoever contrary to this, dares to act against this great Synod, let him be deposed from the priesthood.
3. Of Female Visitors.29
As to female visitors, the great Synod altogether decides that neither with a bishop, nor with an elder, nor with a deacon, nor with any one who is of the clergy, is it lawful that there should be a female visitor, but only a sister or an aunt, or one of such persons as are far from suspicion.
4. Of those in the Provinces who come to the Episcopate.
If possible, he who becomes a Bishop, ought to be constituted by all the Bishops of the province. But if this |15 cannot be, either because of necessity or that the way is long, it is required by all means that three be gathered together, and the rest consenting with them in opinion and by writing, the ordination may take place, but the confirmation of what is done shall be conceded in every province to the metropolitan.
5. Of those things which take place in a Prohibition.
As to what happens in a prohibition from the clergy, or from the rank of the laity, by the bishops in any one of the provinces, this opinion according to the canon [is to be held], that those who are ejected by some shall not be received by others; but let enquiry be made, whether through strife, or through contention, or through a similar cause in the Bishop himself, they are prohibited from the communion of the Church. But that the proof which is needed may be an acceptable matter, it seems good to us, that in every province, its Synod should assemble twice in a year, in order that when all the Bishops of the province are convened together, such questions may be tried, and so those who are clearly known to have disobeyed the Bishop may be prohibited by all the Bishops, until it appear either to the Bishop himself, or to the Synod, that they should show them mercy. Now let these synods be one before the fast of forty (days), that all contention being removed, the offering 30 may be purely presented to God; and the other in the time of Tisri (autumn).
6. Of the Primacy which belongs to distinguished Cities.
Let the ancient customs be retained in Egypt, and in Libya, and in Pentapolis, that the Bishop of Alexandria should have authority over all these: because to him of Rome also, this is customary. And so also in Antioch, and in the other provinces, let the primacy be maintained in the churches. Now let this be everywhere known, that if a man, |16 without the consent or permission of the Metropolitan, shall become a Bishop, the great Synod determines that he shall not be a Bishop. But if to an election, which is common to all,31 when it is orderly and according to the ecclesiastical canon, two or three, out of their contentiousness, shall be opposed, let the opinion of the majority obtain and be established.
7. Of the Bishop of Elia, that is Jerusalem.
Because the custom obtains, and ancient tradition, that the Bishop of Jerusalem should be honoured; while there is to him the rank of his honour, let there be also maintained for the Metropolitan his distinction.
8. Of those who are called Cathari.
Of those who sometimes call themselves Cathari, but who come to the Apostolical and Catholic Church, it seemed good to the great and holy Synod, that as they receive ordination, so they should abide in the clergy. But, before all things, it behoves that they confess in writing, that they consent to and observe the laws of the Catholic and Apostolical Church; now that is, that they commune with those who live in second marriage, and those who have denied in persecution, those to whom also a time is determined and limited when they shall be received; and who adhere in all things to what is defined in the Catholic and Apostolic Church. When, therefore, only they are found in a city or in villages with their bishops, and there are not in the city or town other clergy of the orthodox, having received ordination, let them remain in their character. But if in a place in which there is a bishop or presbyter of the Catholic Church, some of them come, it is evident that the Bishop of the Catholic Church retains the authority of his episcopate, but he that among the Cathari is called a Bishop, shall retain the honour of presbyter; now |17 that is, except it seem good to the Bishop of the Catholic Church that he cease to retain the name of the honour of the episcopate. But if this pleases him not, let him bestow on him the place of Chorepiscopus or of presbyter, that he may appear to be among the clergy, that there be not two bishops in a city.
9. On those who come to the Eldership untried.
If, perchance, untried persons become presbyters, or those who, when their conduct is enquired into, confess wherein they have sinned, and when they have confessed, any act in opposition to the canons and lay hands on them, such the canon doth not receive, because the Catholic Church requires unblameableness in everything.
10. On those who deny in persecutions, and afterwards come to be Clergy.
Those who come to be clergy, of such as before denied in persecution, whether known, or because they were not examined and known of those who promoted them, this prejudices the ecclesiastical canon in nothing. When they are known, by all means let them be expelled from their degrees.
11. Of those who deny and are in the rank of Laymen.
As to those who deny without constraint, or without confiscation of their goods, or without peril, or any other oppression, as happened in the tyranny of Licinius; it seemed good to the Synod, that, even if unworthy of compassion, kindness should be shown to them. Therefore all those who perfectly repent, shall spend three years among the hearers, if they are baptized, and seven years with the penitent; but let them commune two years with the people in prayer at the time of the offering, without offering.32 |18
12. Of those that renounce the World and again embrace the World.
Now those who have been called by grace, and showed their first zeal, and laid aside their girdles,33 but afterwards return to their former vomit, so that some of them give gold and arrange by means of gifts to take their service again; let these repent ten years, after spending three years in the rank beneath that of hearers. Now, with regard to all these, it behoves us to examine the disposition and kind of repentance; and those who in fear, and tears, and patience, and good deeds, exhibit a conversion in deed and not in appearance, when they have fulfilled the period appointed for being lower than hearers, rightly participate in the prayer of the Eucharist, and the Bishop has authority to devise some kindness towards them. But those who receive it with indifference, and think the form of merely entering the church sufficient to them for conversion, let them by all means fulfil the time appointed.
13. Of those who in the time of their death request Communion.
As to those who depart from the world, let the ancient and canonical law be now also retained, that if a man depart from the world he should not be deprived of that provision which it is needful for him to receive; but if, after it is decided respecting him that he is dying, and he is admitted to communion, and receives the Eucharist, he again returns to health and continues in life, let him be only among those who are partakers in the prayer of the Eucharist. But generally, whoever departs from the world, and requests to communicate in the holy mysteries, let the Bishop give him the Eucharist, with much discrimination having made inquiry.
14. On Hearers who deny.
As to hearers who deny (those who are called Catechumens), |19 it pleases the great and holy Synod that they shall be three years with those who come not to the instruction (who are called Acroatae), and shall afterwards pray with the hearers, according to their former rank.
15. That a Priest ought not to change from place to place.
Because of the many disorders and contentions which take place, it is decided that this custom shall be utterly abolished, which is contrary to the canon, if it be in any place found, so that neither bishop, nor presbyter, nor deacon, shall change from city to city. Now, if after this determination of the great and holy Synod, any shall dare and allow himself to practice such conduct, let his arrangements by all means be nullified, and him be restored to the church where he has been bishop, or presbyter, or deacon.
16. Of Clergy who do not continue in Churches in which they were.
Those who, exposing themselves to danger, and not setting the fear of God before their eyes, and not acknowledging the ecclesiastical canon, remove from their churches, whether elders or deacons, or such as are in any way inscribed in one of the orders of the clergy, these ought by no means to be admitted into another church, but let all influence come upon them to return to their places; but if they are obstinate and stay, let them be restrained from the communion of the church. And if any one shall dare to take a person who belongs to another, and bring him to ordination in his church, when the Bishop from whom he has removed does not consent, such ordination shall be void.
17. On Clergymen who receive Interest.
Whereas many who are in one of the orders of the clergy, while they run after profit and base gains, forget the divine |20 Scripture, which says, "He giveth not his money for usury," and when they lend exact so much per cent.; the holy Synod adjudges that, if after this determination any man shall be found to take interest, or in any way whatever shall use this practice, and demand a portion, or devises anything else for base gain, he shall be expelled from the clergy, and be alienated from his ministry.
18. On the precedency of Presbyters,
It hath been made known to the great and holy Synod, that in divers places and cities the deacons give the Eucharist to the presbyters, when neither canon nor custom sanctions that such as have no authority to offer the Eucharist should give the body of Christ to those who offer it; and this also has been made known, that some of the deacons receive the Eucharist even before the bishops: let all these things therefore be removed, and let the deacons abide in their proper stations, knowing that they are the ministers of the bishop, and beneath the elders. Let them therefore receive "the Eucharist in order after the presbyters, either the bishop or a presbyter giving it to them. Moreover, it is not conceded to deacons to sit among the presbyters, because it is contrary to order and the canons. Now if any one will not be obedient to what is determined, let him be removed from his ministry.
19. Of those who come to the Church from the Heresy of Paul the Samosatene.
With regard to those who have been of the heresy of Paul, and afterwards take refuge in the Catholic Church, we lay down a rule that by all means they should be baptised again: but if any of them in time past were in the clergy, if they are found to be without rebuke and without blame, let them |21 be baptised again, and receive ordination from some bishop of the Catholic Church: but if, when inquiry is made respecting them, they appear to be unfit, let them be expelled from their places; so also with regard to deaconesses, and all those who are in the ministry,34 let this order be observed: but deaconesses we admonish that, because they are (such) in appearance, and have not received ordination, they will be altogether reckoned with the daughters of the world.
20. On Kneeling.
Because there are men who on the first in the week and on the days of Pentecost bow the knee: in order that everything may be worthily and uniformly observed in every province, it hath seemed good to the holy Synod that all of us should offer prayer to God, standing.
Fragments from No. 14526, fol. 38.
Again, a history of these Synods. Now the Synod of Nicea was assembled in the days of Constantine the Great; and its chiefs were Alexander, Archbishop of Alexandria; and in the place of the papa of Rome, Vinto and Vicentius, presbyters of Rome.....
Again: now the Synod of Nicea was assembled because of the affairs of wicked Arius, who alienated the Son from the nature of the Father; and in that he was begotten of the Father, they called him "made," and a "creature," and (said) that he was not of the same nature as the Father.
It may not be uninteresting to append here a translation of a Creed, professing to be by Athanasius, from a Syriac MS. in the British Museum, No. 12,106, which was written |22 A.D.562. The volume contains, among other things, the treatise of Timothy of Alexandria "against the Council of Chalcedon," which includes a large number of extracts from the Fathers. The Creed bears evident marks of a Monophysite origin. I am not aware of its existence elsewhere.63
Creed of the blessed Athanasius, head of the bishops (Archbishop) of Alexandria, upon the divine incarnation of God the Word, which consents 64 to that of the Holy Synod which was in Nice.
We confess the Son of God, who before the worlds was eternally begotten; who in the end of the worlds was (born) of Mary in the flesh for cur redemption, as the divine Apostle teacheth, saying, "Now when the fulness of the time was come, God sent his son who was (born) of a woman," and he was Son of God and God in the Spirit, but Son of Man in the flesh. The one Son was not two natures, one which is to be worshipped, and another not to be worshipped, but one nature of God the Word, who became incarnate, and is with his flesh, to be worshipped with one worship: nor are there two Sons, one who is the Son of the true God and to be worshipped, but the other from Mary, the Son of Man, and not to be worshipped, being Son of God by grace as men also are: but he who was of God, and God, as I said, is at once Son of God and God; and he was not another who was also born of Mary in the flesh in the last days. As also the angel said to Mary mother of God, when she asked, "How shall this be, for I know not a man?"----"The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee, and the power of the Highest shall overshadow thee, and therefore that Holy One who shall be born of thee shall be called the Son of God." He therefore that |23 was born of the Virgin Mary was by nature Son of God and the true God, and not by grace and communication. In the flesh alone, he that was of Mary was Son of Man, but in the Spirit he was both Son of God and God, who bore our sufferings, as it is written, "Christ suffered for us in the flesh;" and again, "For he that spared not his own Son, but gave him up for us all." For he continued impassible and immutable in the divinity, as it is said by the prophet, "I am God and I change not," who died our death in the flesh for our sins, that he might remove death by death for us, as the Apostle saith, "Death is swallowed up in victory. O Death, where is thy victory? O Grave, where is thy sting?" And again, "Christ died for our sins according to the Scriptures." Now he continued incomprehensible and immortal in death, in the divinity, according to the impassible power of the Father, as Peter saith, "It was not possible that he should be holden of death." And he ascended to heaven and sitteth at the right hand of the Father, according to his flesh (viz.), that of the Word, which went up from earth, as was said by David, "The Lord said unto my Lord, Sit thou on my right hand," which is affirmed of our Lord both by him and by the Apostles. Now in the Divinity he is infinite, and every place is limited by him. With the Father, who is eternal, he is a son of eternity (= eternal), according to the paternal power which is ineffable, according to the teacher Paul, "Christ the power of God, and Christ the wisdom of God." And he coineth, being Son of God and God as is confessed, that he may judge the living and the dead, as the Apostle saith, "Who shall judge the hidden things of darkness, and reveal the thoughts of the hearts: and he shall render glory and contempt to every man as becometh him."
Now if a man teach other than these things from the divine Scriptures, saying that the Son of God is one, and the Son of Man who was of Mary is another who was made a son |24 by grace as we are, so that there are two Sons, one by nature Son of God, who was of God, and one by grace, the Son of Man who was of Mary; or if a man say that the flesh of our Lord is from above, and not of the Virgin Mary; or that the Divinity partook of the flesh, or was confounded or commuted with it; or that the Divinity of the Son was passible; or that the flesh of our Lord is not to be worshipped, inasmuch as it is that of the Son of Man, and is not to be worshipped as being the flesh of our Lord and our God: such a one the Holy and Catholic church anathematizes, since the divine Apostle enjoins it, saying, "If a man preach to you other than ye have received, let him be anathema."
From the same MS. we obtain the Nicene Creed in the following form:----
Confession of Faith of the great and holy Synod of 318 blessed Fathers at Nice.
We believe in one God the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earth, and of all things visible and invisible:
And in one Lord Jesus Christ the Son of God, who was begotten of the Father, the only begotten. Now he is of the Substance of the Father; God of God; Light of Light; very God of very God; who was begotten and not made; of the same substance as the Father; by whom all things were made which are in heaven and which are on earth; who for us men and for our redemption, came down and became incarnate, and became man, and suffered, and rose the third day: and he ascended to heaven, and shall come to judge the living and the dead:
And in the Holy Ghost.
Now those who say that once be was not, and that he was not before he was begotten, or that he was from nothing, or say that he was of another substance or essence, or that the |25 Son of God was mutable or changeable; these the Catholic and Apostolic Church anathematizes.
This which is one and alone mas constituted against the Arians.
I shall insert here a version of two lists of Nicene Fathers. The first was originally printed by Zoega, and reprinted by Pitra in the Spicilegium Solesmense as part of a document which contains much in common with the extracts above given from the Paris MS. The second list is ascribed to Theodorus Lector, and has been only once printed in the original Greek by Morelli in his Bibliotheca MS., Graeca et Latina; Bassano, 1802. I owe my acquaintance with this list to the most severe of my critics in the Christian Remembrancer. However, fas est et ab hoste doceri, and I have translated both it and Dom Pitra's Coptic list for comparison with my own. Let it be observed, moreover, that Theodorus Lector, to whom the Greek list is ascribed, is referred by Cave to A.D. 520, or about 20 years later than the Syriac Catalogue was written down in the manuscript from which it has been copied.
The list of Theodorus is preceded by a short notice, as follows:----
"I think it instructive to put down here also the names of the Bishops who assembled at Nicea, as far as I could find them; and of what province and city each was; and the time in which they met."
The list then follows.
GREEK LIST OF THEODORUS.
Spain, One.35
Hosius, Bishop of Corduba, so I believe, as it is written.
Rome, Two.
Vito and Vicentius, presbyters. |26
Egypt, Eleven.
Of Alexandria, Alexander. Of Ptolemais, Secundus.
Harpocration, Alphocranon. Of Pelusium, Dorotheas.
Zeno, Adamantius.36 Of Thmuis, Caius.
Of Pharbaethus, Arbetion. Of Memphis, Antilogus.
Of Panyphis, Philippus. Of Tauthité, Tiberius.
Of Heracleos, Potamon.
Thebais, Four.
Attheas of Scete. Lisianus of Lycae.
Tyrannus of Antinous. Paphnutius.
Upper Libya, Four.
Daces of Berenicé. Sarapion of Antipurgos.
Zopyrus of Barcé. Secundus of Tauché.37
Lower Libya, One.
Titus of Patronium.
Palestine, Nineteen.
Macarius of Jerusalem. Paulus of Maximianopolis.
Germanus of Neapolis. Januarius of Jericho.
Marianus of Sebastenus. Heliodorus of Zabula.
Gainus of Sebaste. Aëtius of Lydda.
Eusebius of Caesarea. Silvanus of Azotus.
Sabinus of Gadara. Patrophilus of Scythopolis.
Longinus of Ascalon. Asclepius of Gaza.
Petrus of Nicopolis. Petrus of Aïla.
Marianus of Jamnia. Antipatros of Capitolias.
Maximus of Eleutheropolis.
Phoenicia, Eight.
Zeno of Tyre. Hellanicus of Tripolis.
Aeneas of Ptolemais. Philocalus of Paneas.
Magnus of Damascus. Gregorius of Berytus.
Theodorus of Sidon. Anatolius of Emesa. |27
Coele-Syria, Twenty-one
Eustathius of Seleucia. Bassus of Zeuma.
Theodotus of Laodicea. Gerontius of Larissa.
Alphius of Apamea. Manicius of Epiphania.
Basianus of Raphanea. Eustathius of Arethusa.
Philoxenus of Hierapolis. Paulus of Neocaesarea.
Salamanes of Germanicia. Syricius of Cyprus.
Piperius of Samosata. Seleucus, Chorepiscopus.
Archelaus of Doliche. Petrus of Gindara.
Euphration of Balanea. Pegasius of Armocadama.
Phaladus, Chorepiscopus. Bassones of Tabulé.
Zoilus of Gabala.
Arabia, Twelve.
Nicomacus of Bostra. Dionysius of Mesopotamia.
Cyrion of Philadelphia. Aithalas of Edessa.
Gennadius of Jebunda.
Jacobus of Nisibis. Severus of Sodoma.
Antiochus of Resiina. Sopater of Beritaneus.
Maraias of Macedonopolis. Severus of Dionysias.
Joannes of Persia.
Cilicia, Ten.
Amphion of Epiphanea. Paulinus of Adana.
Narcissus of Neronias. Macedonius of Mopsuestia.
Moses of Castabala. Tarcodemantus of Aegea.
Nicetas of Phleias. Hesychius of Alexandria Minor.
Eudaimon, Chorepiscopus. Narcissus of Irenopolis.
Cappadocia, Eight.
Leontius of Caesarea. Elpidius of Comana.
Eutychius of Tyana. Gorgonius, Chorepiscopus.
Erothrius of Colonia. Eudromius, Chorepiscopus.
Timotheus of Cybistra. Theophanes.
Armenia Minor, Two.
Eulalius of Sebastia. Euethius of Satala.
Armenia Magna, One. Arustaces. |28
Crete, Four.
... of Diospontum. Elpidius of Comana.
Eutychius of Amasea. Heraclius of Zola.
Pontus Polemoniacus, Three.
Longianus of Neocaesarea. Stratophilus of Pityunta.
Domnus of Trapezunta.
Paphlagené, Three.
Philadelphus of Pompeiopolis. Eutychius of Amastris.
Petronius of Junopolis.
Galatia, Five.
Marcellus of Ancyra. Gorgonius of Cinae.
Dicasius of Tarbia. Philadelphus of Julipolis.
Erichthius of Damaba.
Asia Seven,
Theonas of Cyzicum. Mithres of Hypyrpa.
Menophantus of Ephesus. Marianus of Troas.
Orion of Ilium. Paulus of Anora.
Eutychius of Smyrna.
Lydia, Nine.
Artemidorus of Sardis. Florentius of Ancyra Ferrea.
Seras of Thyatira. Antiochus of Hidron-Caesarea.38
Etoemasius of Philadelphia. Antiochus of Aurelianopolis.
Pollio of Baris. Marcus of Standon.
Agogius of Tripolis.
Phrygia, Fifteen.
Nunechius of Laodicea. Eutychius of Seleucia.
Flaccus of Sanada. Araunius of Limena.
Pistus of Azana. Tarsicus of Apamia.
Athenodorus of Dorylleum. Patricias of Amblada.
Paulus of Apamia. Polycarpus of Metropolis.
Eugenius of Eucarpia. Academius of Papae.
Flacus of Hierapolis. Heracleus of Baris.
Hesychius of Neapolis.
Lycia, Two.
Nicolaus of Myra of Lycia. Eudemus of Patara. |29
Pamphylia, Seven.
Callicles of Perga. Cyntianus of Seleucia.
Euresius of Termissus. Patricius of Mazimianopolis.
Zeuxius of Syarma. Aphrodisius of Magyda.
Domnus of Aspendum.
Islands, Four.
Euphrosynus of Rhodus. Strategius of Lemnus.
Meliphron of Cous. Alitodorus of Cercyra.
Caria, Five.
Eusebius of Antiochia. Letodorus of Cibyra.
Ammonius of Aphrodisias. Eusebius of Miletus.
Eugenius of Appolonias.
Isauria, Seventeen.
Stephanus of Carata. Cyrillus of Oumandra.
Athenaeus of Gorpissus. Theodoras of Ou-Andala.
Edesius of Claudiopolis. Anatolius, Chorepiscopus.
Agapius of Seleucia. Paulus of Laranda.
Silvanus of Metropolis. Cyntus, Chorepiscopus.
Faustus of Panemitichus. Tiberius of Alistra.
Antonius of Antioch. Acylas, Chorepiscopus.
Nestor of Syedra. Eusebius of Paroechia.
Hesychius, Chorepiscopus.
Cyprus, Two.
Cyrillus of Paphus. Gelasius of Salaminé.
Bythinia, Nine.
Eusebius of Nicomedia. Gorgonius of Apollonias.
Theognius of Nicaea. Georgius of Prusias.
Maris of Chalcedon. Euethius of Adriana.
Cyrillus of Cyum. Theophanes, Chorepiscopus.
Hesychius of Prusa.
Europa, One.
Pederos of Heraclia.
Dacia, Two.
Protogenes of Sardica. Marcus of Calabria. |30
Mysia, One.
Pistus of Marcianopolis.
Africa, One.
Caecilianus of Carthage.
Macedonia, One.
Alexander of Thessalonica.
Dardania, One.
Dacus.
Achaia, Two.
Pistus of Athenae. Barsos.39
Byotia, One.
Strategius of Hyphestia.
Thessalia One.
Claudianus of Larissa.
Dardania.
Budius of Stobae.
Pannonia, One.
Domnus.
Gallia, One.
Nicasius Duia.
Gotthia, One.
Theophilus.
Bosphorus, One.
Cadmus.
At the end of the Greek list we read:----
"We have been able to find the names of so many, but of the others we have thus far not found them. And the time of the Synod, as we find in the Annotations, was the consulship of Paulinus and Julianus, on the 20th of the month of May; and this was the 636th year from Alexander King of Macedonia's 19th year. The business of the Synod, then, was accomplished, and it should be known that after the Synod the King set out to the Eastern parts." |31
COPTIC LIST.
Spain, One.
Hosius of the city of Corduba, I believe as above written.
Becon and Ionocentus,40 presbyters. We subscribe for our Bishop, who is of Rome; he believes as above written.
Alexander, Archbishop.
Thebais, Fifteen.
Athas of Scethia. Arbetion of Pharboethus.
Adamantus of Coeis. Antiochus of Memphis.
Tiberius of Thmuis. Petrus of Hnes.
Gaius of Panyos. Tyranus of Antinou.
Potamon of Heracleus Throis. Plusianus of Siout.
Dorotheus of Pelusium. Dios of Tkou.
Apoc....... prao.... Arpocrator of Alphocranon.
Philippus of Panephyson.
Libya, Upper and Lower, Six.
Sarapion of Antipurgos. Zopyrus of Bacé.
Dios of Paratonion. Secountus of Ptolmais.
Segentus of Teuchira. Takes of Berenice.
Palestine, Nineteen.
............. Paulus of Maximianopolis.
............. Januarius of Hiericho.
............. Aëtius of Dintia.
....... of Sebasté. Sabinus of Azotus.
Eusebius of Caesarea. Patrophilus of Scythopolis.
Sabinus of Cadara. Asclepas of Gaza.
Longinus of Ascalon. Petrus of Ialon.
Petrus of Nicopolis. Antochus of Gapetulius.
Macrinus of Jamnia. |32
Phoenicia, Twelve.
Zeno of Tyre. Marinus of Palmyron.
Ananias of Ptolmais. Thadoneus of Lazos.
Magnus of Damascus. Anatolius of Emetsa.
Theodorus of Sidon. Philocalus of Panias.
Ellaticus of Tripolis. Synodorus of Antaratos.
Gregorius of Betus. Ballaus of Thersea.
Syria, Superior, Fourteen.
Eustathius of Antochia. Archelaus of Perioche.
Zenobius of Seleucia. Euphrantion of Daneon.
Theodotus of Laodicia. Soilus of Gabalon.
Alphius of Apamia. Phalatus, Chorepiscopus.
Philoxenus of Hierapolis. Bassus of Seucmates.
Salamias of Cermanicus. Sabianus of Heraphantes.
Perperius of Samusata. Cerontius of Larissa.
Syria, Inferior, Nine.
Eustathius of Arethusa. Pigasius of Abogatana.
Paulus of Neocaesarea. Balanus of Carboula.
Siricus of Cyprus. Manicius of Epimia.
Seleucius, Chorepiscopus. Eliconos of Abalas.
Petrus of Cytalu.
Arabia, Six.
Nichomacus of Bostra.............
Cyrion of Philadelphia....... (Bata)neus.
Gennadius....... Dion.........
Mesopotamia, Five.
Ethalas of Edessa. Mereas of Macedonopolis.
Jacobus of Sirinus Joannes Persinus.
Antiochus of Risiané.
Cilicia, Eleven.
Theodorus of Tarsus. Mouses of Cataballa.
Amphion of Epiphania. Nicetes of Flavianus.
Narcissus of Erotanus. Eudumon, Chorepiscopus. |33
Paulinus of Adana...........
Macedo...... Narcissus... en... polis.
Cappadocia, Eight.
Leontius of Caesarea. Stephanus, Chorepiscopus.
Eutychianus of Teana. Rodon, Chorepiscopus.
Erithrius of Collania. Gorgonius, Chorepiscopus.
Timotheus of Comana. Paulus of Spania.
Armenia Major, Four.
Eularius of Sebastia. Eucromius, Chorepiscopus.
Euetheius of Sadola. Theophanes, Chorepiscopus.
Armenia Alter, Two.
Arirteus of Armenia. Arices of Armenia.
Pontus, Three.
Eutychianus of Amasia. Heraclius of Sela.
Eurerius of Comana.
Pontus Polemoniacus, Three.
Longinus of Neocaesaria. Stratolius of Piteous.
Domnus of Trapezunta.
Pamphlogonia, Two.41
Philadelphius of Pompeiopolis. Eutychius of Amastria.
Galatia, Five.
Pancharius of Ancyra. Corconius of Cinae.
Dicasius of Tauias. Philadelphius of Heliopolis.
Erechthius of Tmausont.
Asia, Six.
Theonas of Cysicus. Eutychius of Smyrna.
Theophantus of Ephesus. Methres of Iemptsa.
Orion of Eli.... Macarius of Elion.
Lydia, Eight.
Artemetorus of Sardis. Acogius of Tripolis,
Sarapas of Thyadira. Brontius of Ancyra.
Ebdomasius of Philadelphia. Antochus of Aulilianopolis.
Pollio of Baris. Marcus of Tanton. |34
Phrygia, Seven.
Nunechius of Laodicea. Athenasotorus of Merineus.
Flaccus of Synanta...........
Procopius of Sanata...........
Pistus of Ozana.
Pisidia, Twelve.
......... of Iconium. Patricius of Alateus.
Telemachus of Atrianopolis. Agathumius of Amordiané.
Hesychius of Neapolis. Polycarpus of Metropolis.
Eutychius of Sicion. Acatemius of Pampa.
Ouranius of Limena. Heraclius of Beresia.
Taracius of Apamia. Theodoras of Ousin.
Lycia, Two.
Adon of Lycia. Eudemus of Patara.
Pamphylia, Seven.
Reliqua desunt.
COUNCIL OF CONSTANTINOPLE.42
Extract on Synod of Constantinople from MS., No. 14528.
"Four Canons of the Synod of Constantinople. In the 9th year of the government of Eucherius and Evagrius, in the month Ab, of the year 429 of the reckoning of the Antiochians.
"The Bishops which, by the grace of God, met in Constantinople from various provinces at the summons of the lover of God, Theodosius, determined.
"These definitions were made of the 150 Bishops who met in Constantinople, at the xeirotonia of Nectarius, the Bishop."
The 4 Canons follow, and then the list of subscribers.
"And subscribed:----Nectarius, Bishop of Constantinople." |35
Of Egypt, Two.
Timothy of Alexandria. Dorotheus of Oxyrhyncus.
Of Palestine, Eight.
Cyril of Jerusalem.
Galasius of Caesarea [Mansi Thalassius. Gelasius].
Macarius of Jericho [Mansi, Macer].
Dionysius of Diospolis [Lydda].
Saturnilus of Sebastia [Samaria].
Rufus of Beishan [Scythopolis. Mansi Nicopolis].
Auxentius of Ascalon.
Alianus of Jamnia [Jabne].
Of Phoenicia, Nine.
Zeno of Tyre.
Paul of Sidon.
Nectabus of Accho [Mansi, Ptolemais].
Philip of Damascus.
Barchus of Panydos [Paneas; Caesarea-Philippi; Mansi, Pancadus].
Timothy of Berytus.
Basilides of Biblos [Byblos].
Mucimus of Arada [Aradus].
Alexander of Arca [Arce].
Of Coele Syria, Fourteen.
Meletius of Antioch.
Pelagius of Laodicea.
Acacius of Haleb [Aleppo, Mansi, Beraea].
John of Apamea.
Binus of Seleucia [Mansi, Bizus].
Eusebius of Hamath [Mansi, Epiphanea].
Marcianus of Seleucobolis [Seleucobelus. Mansi, Seleucopolis].
Patrophilus of Shizar [Mansi, Larissa].
Severus of Paltos [Boldo? Mansi. Patra]. |36
Flavian and Helpid, Presbyters of Antioch.
Eusebius of Kenneshrin [Sobo. Mansi, Chalcidensis].
Domnianus of Gabbala.
Basilianus of Eaphanon.
Of Arabia, Five.
Agapius of Bozrah [Mansi, Agapius Bagadius].
Helpidius of Dionysiados [Dionysias].
Uranius of Adrados.
Chilon of Constantinos.
Severus of Neaspolis.
Of Osrhoene, Three.
Eulogius of Urhi [Edessa].
Vitus of Haran [Carrae].
Abraham of Batnon [Batne].
Of Mesopotamia, Three.
Mara of Amid [Mareas].
Bathi of Tela.
Jobina of Amarios.
Of Auguste Euphratia, Five.
Theodotus of Mabug [Mansi, Hierapolis].
Antiochus of Samosat.
Isidorus of Cyrus [Mansi, Suriensis, etc].
Jovinus of Paran.
Mares of Dalic [Doliche].
Of Cilicia, Eight.
Diodorus of Tarsus.
Corycus of Adana.
Hysichius of Epiphania.
Germanus of Corcos [Corycus].
Aeres of Zopyrus [Zephyrium].
Philomosus of Pompeiopolis.
Olympius of Mompseste [Mopsuestia].
Theophilus of Alexandria by Olympius, a presbyter. |37
Of Cappadocia, Six.
Elladius of Caesarea.
Gregorius of Nysa.
Etherius of Tyana.
Bosphorus of Colonia.
Olympius of Parnassus.
Gregorius of Anzianzi [Nazianzum].
Of Armenia the Little, Two.
Eutherius of Melitene [Malatia].
Eutherius of Arabissus.
Of Isauria, Eleven 65.
Symposius of Seleucia.
Montius of Claudiopolis by Paul, a Presbyter.
Philotheus of Irenopolis.
Hypsistes of Philadelphia.
Musonius of Calendaris.
Marianus of Dalisanda.
Theodosius of Antioch.
Artemius of Titiopolis.
Neon of Selinuntos [Selinus].
Montanus of Diocaesarea.
Eusebius of Olbius.
Of Cyprus, Four.
Helios of Paphos [Mansi, Julius].
Theoporphus of Triminthuntis [Trimethunton. Mansi, Theophilus].
Tychon of Tmessus [Tamassus].
Menemius of Citius [Citium].
Of Pamphylia, Ten.
Tryaeus of Egnon [Mansi, Troilus: Lagania].
Gaius of Lerba [Lyrba].
Longinus of Columbarsus [Colybrasus].
Theodulus of Corcasus [Coracesion]. |38
Hysychius of Catana.
Teuxianas of Ceson [Mansi, Cassa].
Midos of Panemus.
Heraclidus of Teichon.
Theodulus of Seilon [Sylloeum?]
Pamenius of Ariasus.
Of Lycaonia, Thirteen.
Amphilochius of Iconium.
Cyril of Eumenadon [Mansi, Manada or Omonada].
Aristophanes of Sopatra [Sabatra].
Paulus of Lystra.
Ainazus of Corinon [Mansi, Inzus].
Darius of Mistra [Misthia].
Leontius of Parton [Barate].
Theodosius of Hydé.
Eustratius of Canon [Canna?]
Daphnos of Derbé.
Eugenius of Prusalon [Passala?].
Elurius of Isaura.
Severus of Amblada.
Of Pisidia, Twenty-four.
Optimus of Antioch.
Theuristius of Adrianopolis.
Attilus of Parastion.
Ananius of Adadon.
Postus of Limenon [Almenia].
Joninus of Salagason [Sagalassus].
Callinicus of Pomnadon [Pomanda?]
Eustathius of Metropolis.
Patricius of Perason [Baris].
Lycius of Neaspolis.
Lolianus of Sozopolis by Simplicius, a Presbyter.
Tyraeus, a presbyter of Amorion.
Euxenos a Presbyter of Apamea. |39
Helladius a Presbyter of Cynaeon.
Theosebius of Philomenon [Philomela?] by Basa a Presbyter.
Titiaeus of Myron.
Pionius of Comatos.
Eudemius of Patara.
Patricius of Eunoanadon [Mansi, Oenoanda].
Lupicianus of Dimoron [Mansi, Lymira].
Macedon of Casandon [Mansi, Xanthon].
Romanus of Pesalidos.
Hermaeus of Bubonan [Pappa, or Bubod of Lycia, Mansi Bubute, all doubtful].
Tyantinus of Araxus [Mansi, Theantimus, Araxa].
Of Phrygia Salutaria, Two.
Vitus of Prymnasus [Primnessus].
Euxenianus of Eucarpius.
Of Phrygia, Pacatiana, Two.
Nectarius of Aphias [Apia].
Theodoras of Eumenius. by Propatoros [Mansi, Profuturus], a Presbyter.
Of Caria, Two.
Eudocius of Aphrodisiados.
Leontius of Citharon [Mansi, Cibyra].
Of Bithynia, Five.
Euphronius of Nicomedia.
Dorotheus of Nicea.
Olympius of Neocaesarea.
Theodulus of Chalcedon.
Eustathius of Prusas.
Of Pontus Amasea, One.
Pansophius of Hiboron [Mansi, Iberorum, of the Iberi].
Of Elysia, One.
Martyrius of Marcianopolis.
Of Scythia, Three.
Ternatius of Tomaeon. |40
Etherius of Carsadisus [Mansi, Chersonnesus].
Sebastianus of Anchialon.
Of Spain, One.
Agrius of Hemimonton [Mansi, Immomonton, etc.]
Of Pont us Polemicus, One.
Atrabius by Aquilimus, a Lector [Mansi, Atarbius by Cylus].
Which are in all 135, and 11 who signed by others.
The list contains 146 names of subscribers.
COUNCILS OF ANTIOCH, ANCYRA, ETC.
The following items are not without interest. The creed of Antioch is not from the same manuscript as the lists of subscribers at Ancyra, Caesarea, Gangra, Laodicea, and Antioch, which are from No. 14,528, and are printed here for comparison with the Nicene Catalogue of Fathers:
Confession of Faith of the first Council of Antioch, A.D. 251.
Confession of Faith of the Synod which assembled at Antioch in the days of Gallienus the king, the heads of which were Dionysius of Rome and Dionysius of Alexandria; there was also at it Gregory the miracle-worker.
"We believe that our Lord Jesus Christ, who was of God and the Father, who was begotten before the worlds of the Spirit, but in the end of days, was born of a virgin in the flesh, is one compound person of heavenly Deity and human flesh; and also in this, that he is man, wholly God and wholly man; wholly God and with a body, but not in this, that the flesh is God; and wholly man, and with man, and with Deity, but not in this, that the Deity is man. So also wholly to be worshipped, and with the body; but not in this, that the body is to be worshipped: wholly to be worshipped, and with the Deity, but not in this, that the Deity is to be |41 worshipped; wholly increate and with a body, but not in this, that the body is increate; wholly made and with the Deity, but not in this, that the Deity is made; wholly co-essential with God, and with the body, but not in this, that the body is co-essential with God, as not in this, that God is co-essential with man, though with Deity in the flesh He is co-essential with us. For also when we say that He being in the Spirit is a partaker of the nature of God, we say not that He in the spirit is a partaker of the nature of man. And again, when we declare Him in the flesh a partaker of the nature of man, we declare him not in the flesh a partaker of the nature of God. For as in the spirit he is not con-natural with us; because he is herein co-essential with God: so in the flesh he is not con-natural with God, because he is partaker of our nature. Now these things we correct and approve, not the dividing of one person indivisible, but the unconfused peculiar confession of the flesh and of the Deity." 43
BISHOPS WHO WERE ASSEMBLED AT THE SYNOD OF ANCYRA.
Vitalius of Antioch of Syria.
Marcellus of Ancyra, Galatia.*
Agricolas of Caesarea, Cappadocia.
Lupus of Tarsus of Cilicia.
Basilius of Amas grmn Major (i. e. Amasea, of Armenia Major).
Philadelphus of Loliopolis of Galatia.* (Loliopolis is called Juliopolis in the Nicene List.)
Eusiteles of Nicomedia of Bithynia.
Heraclius of Zela of Armenia Major.*
Peter of Iconium.
Nunechius of Laodicea of Phrygia.*
Sergianus of Antioch of Pisidia.
Epidaurus of Perga of Pamphylia.
Narcissus of Neronias.*
* Names with an asterisk are also in the Nicene list. |42
THOSE WHO WERE AT CAESAREA (i.e. Neocaesarea, as it is called afterwards.)
Vitalitis of Antioch. Longinus.*
Sanctus. Germanus.*
Lupus of Tarsus. Heraclius of Zela.*
Valentinus. Gerontius.*
Leontius.* Amphion.*
Narcissus of Neronias.* Stephanus.*
Basilius of Amasea. Saadus.
Dicasius.* Salaminius.
Gregorius.* Erythraeus.*
Alphius (comp. Ulpius.)* Leontius.*
THOSE WHO WERE AT GANGRA.
Eusebius.* Eulalius.*
Aelianus. Hypatius.
Eugenius.* Bassus.*
Olympius. Proaeresius.
Bithynicus. Eugenius.*
Gregorius.* Heraclius.*
Philetus. Basilius.
Pappus.
THOSE WHO WERE AT LAODICEA.44 (The commencement of this list is lost.)
Of Palestine. Magnus of Damascus* of Phoenicia.
Moses of Castabala* of Cilicia.
Manicius of Hamath of Syria.* Aeneas of Accho of Phoenicia.*
Patricius.
Aetherius. Anatolius of Emesa* of Phoenicia.
Jacob of Nisibis of Syria.*
Agapius of Seleucia* of Isauria. Macedon of Mopsuestia* of Cilicia. |43
Peter of Gindara of Syria.* Of Phoenicia.
Corion (66) of Philadelphia.* Of Palestine.
Theodotus,* Of Arabia.
(Theodotus?) Of Mesopotamia.
Of various provinces: Of Cilicia.
Of Coele Syria. Of Isauria.
THOSE WHO WERE AT ANTIOCH.
Eusebius. (67)* Hesychius.*
Theodorus. Manicius.*
Theodoras.* Theodotus.*
Nicetas.* Musaeus.
Macedonius.* Mucianus.
Anatolius.* Magnus.*
Taracondamantus.* Agapius.*
Aetherius.* Archelaus.*
Alphaeus (comp. Ulpius). Bassus.*
Mauricius. Siricius.*
FRAGMENT: CONTAINING EXTRACTS FROM GREEK AUTHORS. 14618, fol. 25 b. etc.45
Statement of Philosophers concerning the soul.
Plato says:
"The life of the soul consists in the actions of the soul when they are kept from wrong, so that nothing should attach to them which can slay it (the life): for, except it slayeth itself, there is nothing that can slay it, because it is elevated and above the body, and is among spiritual things; neither can that death which ruleth the body see it, for it is conceived by it."
Theophrastus says:
"Very powerful is the soul, and weakness approaches it |44 not, except by its voluntary carelessness, and except it be willing, nor are its treasures exhausted when its riches fail; nor is its life consumed, nor do its times fail, for it is not transitory, nor dissoluble, and it is exalted above the earth, and not very far from heaven."
Mendarus (i.e. Menander) says:
"Whenever the soul is free, honour is from it, and it hateth those properties which impede it. The tongue sufficeth not to open and give room to the utterances of its pure fountains of the words of its wisdom, for it giveth and lacketh not, and enricheth and groweth not poor, and maketh wise the ignorant, and magnifieth the small: and the more it giveth of its own it goes on increasing, and becomes richer and greater."
Critus (Crito? ) says:
"The soul in everything is famous; and after its cursory life, the death of the body is far from it, and approacheth it not, because it considereth and seeketh what is above death, and death cannot come unto it, and therefore they are in pain when separated from one another for a time."
Timachus (?) says:
"He that settleth his mind, that to nothing will he be persuaded, even if many wise, and writers, and scientific, and doctors, set themselves to persuade him, he is not persuaded, because he is persuaded of this only----that he will not be persuaded by man; and as for them they become children unto him. He also becomes unto them a stranger. Because of its imperfect utterance, and not because it is not persuasive does wisdom perish to itself; for it perishes from him, and he doth not perish from it."
Theocrides (Theocritus?) says:
Very beautiful is this, that when man is grand in his body, and holy in his person, he should have to come to the labour of discipline and of learning, that his mind may become unoccupied with odious thoughts, which hinder and disturb |45 instruction. And their words become illustrious when they spring from them as pleasant drink from a fountain which is not troubled. For the desire of woman and the lust of wealth are the treasures of want to fools and the stores of sins to adulterers."
Eusalus (?) says:
"Men who know that they are mortal, to (supply) the need of food, are compelled to labour for gold, which has an appearance of yellow, and also causes its owners to possess its colour in the time of their death, and they leave it here, and it cannot enter Hades with them."
Alexander the King:
"He had taken captive the daughters of Darius. Now they were of surpassing beauty; and when it was told him of them, he would not even consent to see them, saying:----
" 'It is odious in warlike men to be set on fire by women whom they have taken captive; for as fire burns him that touches it, so beauty inflames its beholders with lust.'
"Now this man's action agreed with our precept, that he who sees a woman and lusts after her, has committed adultery with her in his heart. For even if he is restrained from the commission of adultery, and shall be delivered from the guilt, he cannot be free from having desired her in his mind. Now the end of the study of all those whom we mention, was their stability in the nights of their patience (?). Let us see, therefore, how they magnified the soul by their words----these famous ones in wisdom----when they said it was superior to death, and were anxious that a man should not neglect the life of the soul, and were wishful that we should abandon the uncertain hindrances of this world, and they taught that we should not be negligent of comely behaviour.
"Let us, therefore, consider that the race of man is of few days and of little joy; that all their quiet and all their happiness is for a short time and a few days, and their flower as |46 the grass which flourishes, and as the herb of the field which fadeth away. Therefore the true and special care of men----that is, if they are willing----is to regard what is above, and not upon the earth, where Christ sitteth at the right hand of God. Let us, therefore, have our thought above; for, as when we rely upon what is beautiful in appearance, so shall our conversation be in this world; and let us fix our mind in heaven, wherein is our true place, and wherein is the upper Jerusalem, as the renowned of the men of our race have written, who are blessed of God."
End. The discourse of the Philosophers. Glory to the Trinity. Amen.46
Pindarus says:
"I wonder at the race of men, who, when they abhor odious things in words, run after them in deeds; and when they love things beautiful, flee from them as from things hateful; and it is not known how we may look on examples (?) and not resemble them; for they love what they hate and hate what they love; and that odious things are regarded as beautiful by those who hate them, and beautiful things as odious things by those who do them not.
Aristippus says:
"We greatly love victory in words without deeds, and this is condemnation and not victory, for who can give victory to him that is fallen? and that showeth the back in battle? or who can withhold victory from the warrior who dies upon his horse in the fight? For not by words is the victory, as the poor is not rich by words but by wealth."
Cartus (Critus?) says:
"Whatever a man loves, to himself the profit is great, even if there is loss, and what he loveth not, to himself there is loss, even if there is abundance. Now who can proceed among troubled thoughts? for the disturbed fluctuate, and |47 the pure mind can direct its gaze to the haven of rest in which the shattered ships repose."
End. The Precept of Plato to his disciple.
For what is difficult in thy sight, O Caria, thee, my son, I command, that even when thou sleepest thou shouldst not cease from enquiring.
The disciple says:
"And how shall this be, for when I sleep I am like one dead; how shall I enquire when I sleep?"
The master says:
"Give thy soul good and temperate habits in its acting, and concentrate (?) it by enquiry and its communion with knowledge, and occupy it with noble thoughts, and exercise (?) it in the understanding of the word of wisdom; and thou shalt not cause it to cease from thinking of the beautiful, and thou shalt cause it to run again after fair enquiry, and urge it to be full of the discoveries of wisdom, so that when thou fallest to rest, thy understanding may be occupied (?) in the good works of waking, and in thy sleep the sweet odour shall exhale within thy understanding, and thy tongue (?) shall utter a voice from the voice of the meditation of thy waking, so that thou shalt know how great is its power of investigation, that even when the body sinks, good habits prevail above it. Arouse thy senses, and say to thyself, that if thou wilt do what I say to thee, thou shalt not be like them that sleep: for from the oblivion which enters by sleep, behold thy heart is free through the noble thoughts of thy waking; and thou art not like the dead, in that thou art not without the motion of thoughts, and thou art different (?) from wakers, because if thou dost not move, there is no action, and that which thy heart devises in thy sleep thou canst not do.
"Faith is that thou affirm what is when thou hearest of it, before thou see it.
"God is, what is not changed, and is always. |48
"Love is affection unsatisfied, and in trials is free in that which is loved, and in prosperity burns with that which is desired.
"Righteousness is the beauty which a man shows to his yokefellow.
"Equity is the mind which awards his own to every man, and as to itself so to every man uses discretion."
End.
DIOCLES.----No. 12152.47
The writing of Diocles the wise.
"Now there was after the division of tongues in the days of Peleg, a certain man of the sons of Japhet, and he was called Ag'ur (Agenor). This man went up from the east and came and dwelt on the sea shore, and built a city and called the name of it Ge'ur, which, in the Syrian tongue, is called Tyre. And he had three sons, Syrus his first born, Cylicus his second, and Punicus his third. Now Geur, their father, reigned in Tyre 13 years, and when he died he divided the land for his sons, and gave to Punicus, Phœnicia, and to Cylicus, he gave Cilicia, and to Syrus he gave Syria.
"And in the time of Punicus was Heracles, a wise man, and a mighty man of strength, for he was a mighty man (or giant). He was amusing himself upon the sea-shore of Tyre, and saw a certain shepherd's dog which had caught a shellfish of the sea, called Conchylium, and was eating it, and the mouth of the dog was dyed with the blood of the shellfish. And Heracles called to him the shepherd of the flock and told him about the dog, and the shepherd at once brought wool and wiped the mouth of the dog with it. And the shepherd made for himself of the wool a wreath and put it on his head. And when the sun shone upon it Heracles saw the |49 wreath of wool that it was very splendid, and was astonished at its beauty, and he took the wreath from the shepherd.
"And another day Heracles took the shepherd and the dog, and went to the sea shore, and the dog saw a certain shellfish as he went along, and the dog ran and caught it, and Heracles snatched the shellfish from his mouth, and sent the shepherd to go to his flock. And Heracles walked all day upon the sea shore, and as soon as one of these shellfish came out of the sea, he ran and caught it quickly, and he collected 30 of them, and boiled them over the fire, and dyed white wool with their blood. And he gave it to a certain woman and she made him a robe of it, and he took and brought the garment to Punicus, King of Tyre, and when he saw it he marvelled at its beauty, and commanded that no other man should wear it, except the King alone. Moreover, he gave to Heracles authority to command for him, and wrote that he was the Father of the Kingdom. And this Heracles taught the dyeing of all beautiful colours, and showed and taught men how pearls go up from the sea.
In those days there was a man in the west country and his name was Romias, and he was a mighty man of strength; and in his days there was in the province of Cilicia a certain virgin beautiful of countenance, and she was made a priestess in the temple of Mars (Ares) the God. And when Romias beheld her, he longed for her, and went in unto her, and she conceived by him: and when she perceived that she had conceived by him she was in great fear, and kept herself, lest the priests of Ares the God should be enraged with her and slay her. And when she produced twins, their father took them and gave them to a certain woman, and she reared them. And when the children grew up and became men, their father gave them names, to the one Romlaus and to the other Romus, and they built the city of Rome and [ruled] it, and all their subjects they called Romans, after the name of their |50 father: and for this cause are the sons of Rome called Romans. And they built the Capitol, which is interpreted Head of the City, and it was one of the wonders of the whole earth. And they brought a great image, which was in Hylas, and went up and set it on the top of the Capitol, and it was a great wonder, the like of which was not in the earth. And they built the great demosion which is in Athens, and the Philosophers call it the demosion of Wisdom.
And there happened a quarrel between the two brothers, and Armelaus arose and slew Romus, his brother; and at once the city began to quake. And when the sons of Rome saw that their city quaked, they feared with great fear, and all its inhabitants sought to flee from it. And when Romulus saw that the sons of Rome were in commotion, he entered the temple of the goddess Pythonia, asking her to reveal to him why the city trembled; and she replied, "Because thou didst murder thy brother the city trembles and laments, for he built it with thee, and it will not cease quaking till it sees thy brother sit with thee on the throne of the kingdom, and command, and write, and summon with thee as before." And when this saying was heard in all the city, they met to stone Romlaus with stones, because he slew his brother. And he fled from them and went up to Athens; and when Punitus, the philosopher, heard it, he came and heard the words of Romlaus, and he promised him that if he would write Athens free, that the King of the Romans had no authority over it, he would go to Rome and pacify the sons of the city and their forces. And he confirmed this covenant which he made with him. And Punitus went to Rome, and talked with them, and said to them, "If ye receive your king in peace, this trembling will at once cease from your city, and it will quake no more; but if ye will not receive him, all your city will be destroyed." And at once the sons of Rome all met, and went up after their king to Athens, and when they arrived and came |51 and reached Rome all the city went out to meet him. And they answered and said to him, "If thou knowest that at thy entering our city the quaking will cease from it, come, enter with pomp and glory, and sit on the throne of thy kingdom; but if the trembling does not cease from us, thou shalt not enter." Now he promised them that the quaking should cease from the city. And this philosopher made an image of gold, like his brother, and set it with him upon the throne of his kingdom, and bade them that everything should be done and written as from the mouth of both of them. And they did so, and at once the trembling ceased from their city, and this quaking ceased by the wisdom of this man, and its inhabitants were at peace with their king. Hence the Romans took for a custom to write and command, "We say," "We command." And from that time Athens received its freedom, that the king had no authority over it, to do in it anything by force.
And this Romulus introduced equestrian representations (?) of pleasure, and he introduced gladiators (?) (martios), and he first introduced Veneti and Prasii, because he was afraid of the sons [of the Romans that] they might kill him as he had killed his brother. He first set up two men who were hostile to one another, one from the Veneti and one from the Prasii, and said, 'If the Veneti conspire against me, the Prasii will inform me: and if the Prasii conspire against me, the Veneti will let me know.' He [therefore set] two men before [an assembly] of the city as for pleasure, and clothed one in the Venetian clothing of the sea (i.e. blue) and the other in clothing of Prasian (i.e. green) like the grass of the earth. And he said if the one clothed in Venetian (blue) conquers, the sea will be quiet and the barbarians will not enter and get authority in the islands of the sea, because those who dwell in the sea gain the victory and those who dwell on the dry land are conquered. But if he that is clothed in Prasian (green) conquers, those who dwell in the dry land conquer and defeat |52 those who dwell in the water. And as soon as these two men come together to fight one with another, those who dwelt in the sea prayed that the Venetian might conquer; and those who dwelt on the land, that the Prasian might conquer. And from that time till now there have been these two factions of the kingdom of the Romans, the Venetian and the Prasian.
And Armelaus instituted the Brumalia, because he was a man fond of teaching, and fond of amusement, and fond of youth. And he commanded that, in the days of winter, men should invite one another, and many meeting together with one, and eating and drinking, should take their pleasure. And he ordered that every one of the letters of the alphabet should go in one after another, and every one of them should be invited on its day. And they called them Brumalia, which is interpreted in the Greek tongue, 'let us eat and drink what is others' (a)llotriofa&goi) that is 'for nothing' (gratis).
"And [he instituted the] rank of nobility at Rome: and gave the free born great honour of position and authority, that they might command and be obeyed. And he appointed that there should be heralds in the kingdom of the Romans, ----that is, that there should be ministers in the palace. And he sent to Athens and brought thence Gelasus, and Lathrus, the Philosophers, and he made for them an organ, that they might be amused with sweet sounds. And Armelaus instituted the stadium, and commanded that when the sons of Rome fought at the Capitol, children should be let down by a rope from the top of the Capitol, sitting upon a wheel, and holding out a crown for the kingdom (? to the victor, or a kingly crown), as came down to Nimrod the mighty man a crown, and that the kings should give gifts to these children when they returned and went up. Moreover, he appointed that the Romans should receive spoils (capta), in order that they might be supported all winter; and that in summer they might go forth to war against their enemies. |53
And he appointed and instituted augurs to convey and bring the response to (of) the Molosii from the hosts. Now the day on which the Romans go forth to war, they call Mars (Martius) which signifies victory. And [Armelaus] made and established at Rome great wonders, and various undertakings, and fair laws, and righteous ordinances. There was not among all the Romans a man who excelled in all knowledge and wisdom like him, or that more honoured those who have understanding. Therefore he was rich in his intellect, so that by its appearance and speech he would discern the evil from the good, and the false from the true........
EXTRACTS FROM CHRISTIAN AUTHORS.
IGNATIUS.----14533, fol. 33.48
Now Ignatius, who was in truth God-clad (Theophorus) and Martyr, who saw mysteries unutterable, that is to say by any other man, as also he signifies and says of himself, and apprehended with a humble mind.
"For I also, not by this that I am bound, can understand heavenly things, and angelic positions, and the ranks of principalities, visible and invisible: therefore, behold, I am a disciple."
When he wrote to those in Magnesia, he said thus:
"For the divine prophets lived in Jesus Christ. Therefore, also, they were persecuted, for by his grace they were inspired, that they might be persuaded who were not persuaded that there is one God who revealed himself through Jesus Christ his son."
And after a little:----
"How can we live apart from him, whom also the prophets being his disciples in the Spirit, expected as a teacher? And, |54 therefore, he whom they righteously expected, when he came, raised them from the dead."
"Thou seest that they, who like the prophets, lived in Jesus Christ, that is in righteousness (were) pious doers, through the descent of our Redeemer to Sheol were profited, many of whose bodies arose and appeared for the confirmation only of the power of Him that descended to the lowest places of the earth as I said, and it was not the reward of the resurrection which is promised to all together in the day of righteous recompense."
And after other things:
"For on this account, also, was he preached to the dead also, that they might be judged, indeed, in the flesh as men, but live in God in the spirit. For not to the righteous but to sinners especially, and to those who went down in transgression was the Gospel preached, that they might judge themselves, pronouncing sentence upon their own soul humanly, and judging the flesh, and by the words of repentance subjugating and delivering their soul from the divine judgment, because, also, it is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living God. In order that they might be judged, indeed, in the flesh as men; now this is as a man when he spares his soul, will judge himself: but they shall live in God in the Spirit."
Of the same, from the Epistle to Anastasia, a Deaconness, of which the beginning is:"Because thou walkest in the way of righteousness.
"Then, that we should suppose that those who arose then at the time of our Redeemer's crucifixion, remained until this day, the saying of the Gospel does not permit, indicating plainly that they went to the Holy city, and appeared unto many. For this, that they appeared, showeth plainly an appearance for a certain time, for the belief, as we said, of the power of our Redeemer who broke the gates of brass and the |55 invincible bars of iron, of those which are beneath the earth. When, therefore, they had showed themselves who arose, again they laid down the bodies, and returned to their places, awaiting that resurrection which is common, and expected by every man."
BARDESANES.----14,658.49
Names of the Molossi (Signs of the Zodiac) according to Bardesanes.
1 The Lamb 7 The Balance.
2 The Bull. 8 The Scorpion.
3 The two Images. 9 The Great Image.
4 The Crab. 10 The Goat,
5 The Lion. 11 The Bucket.
6 The Ear of Corn. 12 The Fishes.
HIPPOLYTUS.50
Of Hippolytus, Bishop and Martyr, from the Discourse upon the Resurrection to Mammea, the Queen: she was the mother of Alexander, who was at that time Emperor of the Romans.
"The origin of the heresy of the Nicolaitans. Now this was Nicolas, one of those deacons who were chosen at the beginning, as he makes known in the Acts. This man first introduced this way, being moved by a strange spirit, saying that there had been a resurrection to him, for he thought this, that the resurrection was that we should believe in Christ, and be washed, but he denied a resurrection of the flesh. Since from him many took occasion, heresies they set up, but especially arose from them those who are called Gnostics, of whom were Hymenaeus and Philetus, concerning whom the Apostle wrote, saying: 'They say that the resurrection has already happened, and overthrow the faith of many.' " |56
And after a little:
"Now, when there was great commotion, and abundance of dissensions at Corinth, at that time the Apostle was himself troubled, being anxious to return an answer to those who brought in false knowledge, and called in question the resurrection of the flesh; or to those who introduced the practice of the law, and wished to exclude the grace which is in Christ, which abounded among the Gentiles. And again, 'because we have the treasure in an earthen vessel, that the greatness of the power may be of God, and not from us.' "
And again:
"Now, what is our mortal flesh but those vessels before named, wherein, while the treasure of incorruptibility is deposited, it also makes incorruptible [ones for] the body, when (there is) faith in Christ, whom God raised from the dead when he became the first fruits of all, the flesh of our resurrection."
CLEMENS ROMANUS.51
For holy Clement, Bishop of Rome, and a disciple of the Apostles, teacheth in the Epistle to the Corinthians thus:
"Who is among you therefore that is strong? Who is compassionate and full of love, let him say, 'If because of me there is disturbance, and contention, and schism, I will go whither ye wish, and I will do what is commanded of many, only let the flock of Christ have peace with the elders who preside over it.'
"[If, therefore, Paul is compassionate, and is a possessor of love, since on his account only there is disturbance, let him do what is commanded of many, according to the determination of this man and elder; and let him cease from this, that he should be chief, even if they be unwilling who adhere to him.] |57
Of holy Clement, chief of the Bishops, (Archbishop) of Rome, and martyr, concerning whom, says Eusebius, in the third of the Ecclesiastical Histories, that he was after Anacletus, who was after Linus, who was Bishop there. Now Linus was Bishop of Rome after Peter, chief of the Apostles.
From the second Epistle to the Corinthians, of which the beginning is---- "My brethren, thus it behoveth us to think of Christ Jesus as of God, as of the Judge of the living and the dead.
"And let no man of you say that this flesh is not to be judged and not to rise. Know ye wherein ye are redeemed, wherein ye live, if it is not while ye are in this flesh? Therefore it behoveth you, that as the temple of God ye should guard the flesh. For as while ye are in the flesh ye were called, also in the body shall ye come. If Christ is the Lord, who redeemed us, who was at first indeed Spirit, but became flesh, and so called us, so we also in this flesh shall receive a reward."
CLEMENS ALEXANDRINUS.52
What heresy is. Of Clemens Stromateus, The end of the eighth book.
"Heresy is a turning aside in doctrine, or, according to some, a turning aside in many doctrines, which adheres to one after another, and restrains those which seem to tend to this, that one may live well. Doctrine, indeed, is a certain rational apprehension, but apprehension is a habit and consent of the mind. Not only the ephectics (sceptics), but every man of doctrine, is wont to make some reserve, either through weakness of mind, or through the obscurity of the fact, or through the equal force of arguments."
ORIGEN.----12154, fol. 33 b.53
Another Scholium, by Origen.
"It is necessary to enquire why the Psalms are 150. |58 Because the number 50 is sacerdotal in the number of days And this is known from Pentecost, which is very famous, showing a cessation of labours, and rest and joy. And, therefore, we are commanded in these days not to fast nor to kneel. For of this it was a type and shadow also in the law again, that at that time the people of the sons of Israel kept a festival. Moreover, in the years of what is called the Jubilee among the Hebrews, this number of 50 was very great and excellent, wherein they had seven times seven, and wherein was a freedom of servants and remission of debts, and rest of the land from tillage, and the restoration of lands and fields and houses and other things, which had happened to be sold by their owners through some worldly want. The holy Gospel also makes known a remission of fifty, and a like number in the number to this and resembling it; now I mean 500, for not for nothing was remission given of 50 pence and of 500. Thus, therefore, God's praises, which were for the rebuke of enemies and the reception of grace, which is to the helpers of God, it behoves thee to hold, not in one number of fifty but three, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Now the holding of one number of fifty and of seven times seven, as we read, and a week of weeks, and also the beginning, which is after perfect weeks, is the number of eight, which showeth truly the new rest after the end of the world and the resurrection."
End.
DIONYSIUS ALEXANDRINUS.54
As holy Dionysius, Bishop of Alexandria, commanded in an epistle to Novatus, for since he said, "Not by my will are men divided," he wrote to him thus:
"If, as thou sayest, thou hast not come to this by thy own will, show that thou removest of thy own accord, for it |59 behoves thee to bear everything for this, that the Church of God should not be divided. And this martyrdom, that a man will not divide the church, is not less honour to him than that a man will not worship idols; but, as I say, it is even greater than that, for he is a martyr for himself. But now if thou persuadest and constrainest thy brethren to come to unanimity, thy victory is greater than thy sin, and that sin is not to be condemned, but this victory to be praised. But if thou canst not persuade them, deliver thy own soul."
[Therefore by all means it behoveth Paul to cease from this, that he should be chief, that the Church of God may not be rent because of him; and should restrain those who follow him, that they may not be schismatic, because it is a greater evil than any evil for the church to be divided].
JOHN OF JERUSALEM.55
Of holy John, Bishop of Jerusalem, in whose days was found the body of Stephen the Martyr.
"Now those who say that when he was scourged with whips, he was not in pain, or that when he was crucified he did not suffer, while the nails were fastened in him, as heretics we anathematise. Now we acknowledge that he truly suffered for our sins, and that his body was buried when it was without the soul, and that he arose truly from the dead the third day, and after the resurrection ate and drank together with his disciples truly and not in appearance only, and that he ascended to heaven, and is about to come at the end of the world, to judge the living and the dead; and that he will raise all the race of men from the dead, who will have the same nature of bodies, wherein when they died they were buried: but it is manifest that [they will be] incorruptible, as his own body was when he rose from the dead." |60
METHODIUS.56
Of holy Methodius.
For a resurrection is spoken of that which falls and rises again, and not of that which falleth not.68
EUSTATHIUS.57
From the Epistle, "a multitude of ranks."
For Eustathius, who was the pious pastor of Antioch, in the discourse against Photinus, that is to say Murinus, when he had before showed, that the Person of the Word is one, and his nature another, taught that the nature appears in three persons, to which your investigation before alleged adheres, which would leave the nature in a mere appellation, because he says that this is manifest in others, and that the beautiful Word of the Father is his Sister in part.
Of holy Eustathius, Bishop of Antioch, from the discourse against Photinus, that is to say Murinus.
"The name of God, therefore, if it be indeed intelligible, is of a person. When we say three persons, by all means also, they say, there are three Gods. Now because it shows that there is a nature, when from its own something above nature has been taken; as of a man indeed laughter, of a dog barking, but they are called properties of natures, exhibiting the natures. We do not say three Gods, because we do not say three natures."
And again:
"For one is the Person indeed, but the nature another. If, therefore, the person had been God, when we say three persons, by all means we say there are three Gods. Now, since we say that the nature of the person is one, of necessity we say that there is only one God." |61
JUSTIN MARTYR,----ADD. MSS., 14,609.58
Justin, one of the anthors who were in the days of Augustus, and Tiberius and Gaius, wrote in his third discourse.
That Mary, the Galilean, who was the mother of Christ who was crucified in Jerusalem, had not been with a husband, And Joseph did not repudiate her, but Joseph continued in holiness without a wife, he and his five sons by a former wife; and Mary continued without a husband.
THEODORUS.59
Theodoras wrote to Pilate, the governor, "Who is the man, that reproach falls upon him before thee, that he should be crucified by the sons of Palestine? If they righteously desire to do this, why dost thou not assent to their righteousness? But if they seek to do this unrighteously, why hast thou transgressed the law, and commanded what is far from righteousness?" Pilate sent to him, "Because he had done signs, I was unwilling to crucify him; but his accusers said he called himself king, and was a deceiver."
JOSEPHUS.60
Josephus says that Agrippa, the king, being clothed in a robe adorned with silver, also saw a vision in the theatre of Caesarea. When the people saw his clothes flashing, they said to him, "Hitherto as a man we have reverenced thee, henceforth thou art above the nature of mortals!" And he saw an angel which stood above him and smote him unto death.
GEORGE, AN ARABIAN BISHOP.61
From the Reply to the nine questions of Jesus Habishi (the recluse), a Presbyter of the town of Banab.
Chap. 1. Of a man who was called the wise Persian (or |62 Persian philosopher), who also wrote a book of epistles upon various matters. Who this wise Persian was; that is, what his honour or degree in ecclesiastical order was, or what his name or place of abode, we cannot confidently say, for he does not show us these things, or one of them in any place of his book which he wrote, nor elsewhere have we yet found it written, nor do we learn these things from any one who knows them particularly. However, as it seems to me and every lover of truth, we ought not to say and utter, as it happens, what we are not certainly persuaded of, and can give scarcely any proofs of. Now that he was a man of penetrating genius, and that the sacerdotal writings (Scriptures) were read and honoured by him as much as possible, his work shows. Moreover, that he was a coenobite and reckoned with the church clergy, may be known from his expressions. That he was a coenobite he shows in the epistle entitled a "Demonstration of the Sons of the Covenant," for thus were coenobites called then, as well as monks. Herein he writes thus: "Therefore this counsel is fair, and just, and good, which I give myself and you my beloved, that we monks receive not women, and virgins who have no husbands, for those who love holiness, it is right and just and comely, that even if it be by constraint, a man should be alone, and so it becometh him to abide; as it is written by Jeremiah, the prophet, that it is well for a man to bear thy yoke in his youth, and sit alone and be silent, because he taketh thy yoke upon him. For so my beloved, it becomes him that bears the yoke of Christ, to keep his yoke in purity." This shows that the man was a coenobite, who was called the wise Persian. That he was ranked with the clergy of the church, as I imagine those things show which are written in the beginning of the Epistle or Demonstration which is inscribed, "Concerning the strife and divisions which occur in divers places, because of glorying and haughtiness, and concerning |63 struggles about the headship," where we have it thus: "Let us all receive reason when we meet, that we may write this epistle to all our brethren the sons of the church in divers places: we the Bishops, and presbyters and deacons, and all the church of God, with all its offspring in divers places with us: to our dear and beloved brethren the Bishops, presbyters, and deacons, with all the offspring of the church that is with you, and all the people of God in Salec (Seleucia) and Ctesiphon, and in divers places, in our Lord, our God, and our Life Giver, who by his Christ hath quickened us and brought us to himself, great peace!" Behold he hereby shows that he was reckoned with the clergy, as we said.
But where was he? In the city of Nisibis, as is said by some, or in another part of those provinces, he has not at all shown us. But what thy brotherhood has written, that some say he was a disciple of the blessed Mar Ephraim, is false, for the form of his teaching is not like holy Mar Ephraim: nor does the difference of the times of their teaching permit us to say this, for he that is called the wise Persian was famous as a teacher in the year 648 of the Greeks, of Alexander, as he calls them. Moreover, in the year 655 and 656 of the Greeks; for he wrote in the epistle entitled "Demonstration of Death and the Last Times," thus: "These twenty-two discourses I wrote upon the twenty-two letters. I wrote the ten former in the year 648 of the kingdom of Alexander, son of Philip, the Macedonian, as is written at their close; and the twelve latter I wrote in the year 655, of the kingdom of the Greeks and Romans, which is the kingdom of Alexander, and in the year 35 of Shabor, king of Persia." Again, in the epistle entitled "Demonstration upon the Cluster," he says thus: "I wrote thee this epistle, my beloved, in the month Ab, of the year 656 of the kingdom of Alexander, son of Philip, the Macedonian, and in the year 36 of Shabor, the Persian king, who made the persecution in the year 5, when the churches |64 were overthrown; in the year there was a great destruction of martyrs in the east country, after I wrote thee these twenty-two heads (chapters), which I composed upon the letters one after another."
The year 648, in which he says he wrote and finished the ten former discourses, was the twelfth year after the Holy Synod at the city of Nicea, that is the first year after the pious decease of the faithful King Constantine. For the holy Synod at Nicea, met, as church histories show, in the year 636 of the Greeks, and in the twentieth year in part of Constantine's own reign. Constantine reigned in all thirty-one years: when, therefore, we deduct 636 years from 648, there remain twelve years as we said. When again we subtract the twenty years when the Synod met at Nicea, we have eleven remaining: which is one year before the writer finished the ten former discourses. If, therefore, it was the twelfth year after the Synod at Nicea, and one year after the decease of Constantine the King, when this Persian writer wrote and finished these first discourses, it is clear that it was before the year 648: that is, in the years of the life of King Constantine he wrote these discourses. This is also to be known from hence: the twelve latter discourses, which he wrote afterwards, he made after seven other years, for he wrote as we above set down, thus: I wrote these twenty-two discourses upon the twenty-two letters. I wrote the ten first in the year 648 of the Kingdom of Alexander, son of Philip of Macedon, as is written at their conclusion; and the twelve last I wrote in the year 655 of the kingdom of the Greeks and Romans, which is the kingdom of Alexander. When, therefore, we deduct 648 years from 655 years, seven years remain as we said; and when we add to these seven, one year in which he made the discourse upon the Cluster, the year 656 as he says, there become eight years, in which he made the thirteen last discourses. Altogether, from |65 the Synod of Nicea to the year 656, are 20 years. So that the times in which this Persian author wrote we find as far as possible by his book, before which, and especially before the year 648, we never find that Mar Ephraim taught or wrote, so that we should say he was before this Persian writer, and that he was his teacher or instructor.
Moreover, the times in which the blessed Mar Ephraim was famous as a writer, may be found from hence: for Theodorit, of Cyrus, wrote in chapter 31, of Book 2, of his Church history, when he speaks of Shabor the king, and the host of the Persians, that they came and made war against Nisibis, thus, "Then the admirable Ephraim was a wise writer, and was illustrious among the Syrians. The blessed Jacob, Bishop of the city, sought from him, that he would go up to the wall and see the barbarians, and cast upon them arrows and curses." Now this war happened in the time of Constantius the son of Constantine, a little before the end of the life of Constantius, as also is to be proved by the histories of the same from Chapter 29 of Book IV., when he speaks of the time of Valens the King. At that time were famous, Ephraim, the illustrious, in Urhi, and Didymus, in Alexandria, who wrote against the doctrines contrary to the truth. Now this period was near the end, in part of the life of Valens, as is to be seen by the histories. Therefore passing over what intervenes because of the length of the account, we find by comparison as far as possible, that it was nearly 50 years from the former period in which this Persian author wrote the 12 first discourses, to the time when the blessed Mar Ephraim wrote against the doctrines, that is after the Persians took Nisibis, and he left it and came to Urhi. In this way we assume that the Persian author wrote the ten first discourses in the eight years before the decease of the faithful King Constantine, When we take these eight years, and add twenty-five years which Constantius reigned, and three of |66 Julian and Jovinian, with fourteen from King Valens, they amount to fifty years as we said.
How long each of the Kings named reigned, is known thus: Socrates wrote in Chapter 40, Book I., of his Ecclesiastical History, thus: "Constantine the King lived sixty-five years, of which he reigned thirty-one years." The same, from Chapter 45, Book II.: "Constantius lived forty-five years, of which he reigned twenty-eight; three along with his father, and after his father's death twenty-five years." The same, from Chapter 16, Book III.: "Julian, therefore, in his fourth consulship, which he shared with Sallust, in the 20th of the month Thamuz, died in the land of the Persians, as I said above." Now this year was the third in a part of his reign. The same from Chapter 20, Book III., speaking of Jovinian the King: "In the place, therefore, above named, in the season of winter, he fell ill of a disease of his loins and died, in his own consulship and that of Varonianus his son, in the 17th of the month Shabet, when he had reigned seven months, and lived thirty-three years. Now there is in this third book, a period of three years and two months. The same from Chapter 35, Book IV., speaking of Valens the King, "He lived fifty years, having reigned with his brother Valeutinian thirteen years, and three years after his death." Since, then, there is a space of fifty years from the instruction of doctrine by the Persian author, to the time of the teaching of doctrine by the blessed Mar Ephraim, how can one say that the Persian author was the disciple of Mar Ephraim? It does not appear that this is true, as the examination which we have made above shows. And even if, at some part of the time, holy Mar Ephraim was contemporary with the Persian writer, probably Mar Ephraim was a youth in life and doctrine, and the Persian writer sufficiently advanced in years. Therefore, of him that is called the wise Persian we know not either his name or rank or place of abode; but yet |67 he was a coenobite, who was ranked with the Clergy of the Church, and he was not the disciple of the blessed Mar Ephraim. Thus in brief.
Chap. 2. On this that the Persian writer saith, that on the accomplishment of 6000 years this world will come to an end. As to what thy fraternity wrote, that the Persian writer says, that when 6000 years are fulfilled the end of the world will take place, I wish thee to know that many other Christians since the coming of Christ have held this opinion, as their language shows. Omitting these, on account of their number, let us come to a few of them for the confirmation of our saying. Bardesan, therefore, an ancient man, and famous in the knowledge of things, in a certain dissertation made by him on the conjunctions of the luminaries of heaven one with another, says thus: "two circuits of Cronos are 60 years," etc.
Holy Hippolytus also, bishop and martyr, wrote thus in the discourse upon the prophet Daniel: "For the first coming of our Lord in the flesh at Bethlehem was in the days of Augustus, in the year of the world 5500, and he suffered in the year 33 after his nativity," etc.
To this we shall add holy Mar Jacob, the teacher, who expresses the same opinion, in the sixth of the discourses made by him upon "the six days, writing thus," etc.
Similarly, also, the Persian writer, for he says in the Essay upon Love, as thy fraternity also wrote, thus: "Be not grieved, my beloved, at the word which I write unto thee," etc.
Chap. 3. On what the Persian writer saith, that when men die, the spiritual soul [literally: natural or psychical soul] is hidden within the body, etc.
In the Essay upon the Cluster, he says: "Noah lived till the 58th year of the life of Abraham, and that he was in Ur of the Chaldees, and there died and was buried." He says also that Shem lived till the 52nd year of the life of Jacob. |68 Know, therefore, oh lover of instruction, that according to the tradition of the Scriptures of the Jews, this writer makes all his calculations, and not according to the exposition of the LXX., nor according to the tradition of the Samaritans, aa also thou didst write before; but thou after the tradition to which the version of the LXX. adheres and consents, and especially in the account of the years of the Patriarchs, because wise authors testify that it is rather true than the others. From Adam to the Deluge thou holdest 2242 years, and from the Deluge to Abraham 943 years, and from Adam to Abraham 3185. From Abraham to the Exodus of Israel from Egypt 515 years, and from the Exodus to the commencement of building the Temple 480 years, as is written in the book of Kings [1 Kings, vi. 1]. From the commencement of building the Temple to its burning by Nebuchadnezzar 441 years, and from the burning of the Temple to the commencement of the years of the Greeks 280 years. The total from Adam to the commencement of the years of the Greeks were 4901 years; and from Adam to this year 1025 of the Greeks [A.D. 714] there are 5926 years, being 74 years short of 6000.
Now, not to leave unanswered the question, Why Noah did not admonish those of his time not to worship the image of Cainan, the son of Arphaxad? nor Shem those of his generation not to serve idols? We answer it briefly. Because of the liberty and domestic authority which God conceded to the race of men,----which, if it would, sinned; and, if it would, was righteous. It was on this account also, in the 100 years before the Flood, when they saw Noah planting and cutting down cedars, and making an ark as for deliverance, that they repented not and returned from their evil at that time, but were eating and drinking, taking wives and giving to husbands, till the Flood came and destroyed them all, according to the word of the Lord. Again, after the Flood, neither that Cainan. who, as has been said, was a great and wicked sorcerer, and |69 was therefore deified; nor all those in the times of Noah and of Shem were persuaded to refrain from their evil, if, indeed, they were warned by them. For they say well, that in the days of Serug men began to make images and to worship idols. If this is true, neither Noah nor his son Shem attained to that period which reaches from the Deluge to the time of Serug. It is known that, according to the version of the LXX., if the 130 years of Cainan are taken, there are 794. Now Noah lived after the Flood 330 years, 444 (464?) years less than 794. Shem lived after the Deluge 50 (300?) years, being 494 years less than the 794 years to Serug.
Chap. 4. On the reception of heretics.
Chap. 5. On Gregory, the bishop, who taught the Armenians.
O lover of learning, Gregory, who taught the Armenians, as may be known from the words of the history about him, was by race a Roman, who came while he was a youth to the country of Armenia, either because of the persecution which Diocletian raised against the Christians, or for some other reason which we know not. And when he was educated in Armenia, and learned its letters and its tongue, his name spread and was famous, until he was of the attendants and domestics of King Tiridates, who then reigned over the provinces of Armenia, and this while he held his Christianity, and was not known except by a few, through whom it was made known to the King Tiridates. And he called Gregory to him, and asked him, and learned of him that it was so. And he used towards him blandishments and threatenings and various tortures, that he might be turned from his Christianity, and he would not. At last he took and cast him into a certain pit which was full of deadly reptiles and corruption (?) After he had been thirteen years in the pit, as his history says, but we, if yon please, will put three years only, the King went out for pleasure and the hunting of wild beasts, when God suddenly sent an evil spirit upon him, and |70 he was mad and went out of his mind and gnawed his own flesh. And he remembered the holy man, through the solicitude of his wife, and sent and brought him up out of the pit, and he prayed over him and he was healed. When this took place, by command of the King and the solicitude of the holy man, the provinces of Armenia came to Christianity. Then, because on all accounts bishops were needed, the King called some of his honourable men and committed to them Gregory, and sent them to Leontius, bishop and metropolitan of Caesarea, a city in Cappadocia, that he might appoint Gregory bishop. He having received the men, and done what they desired, dismissed them in peace and joy. Therefore, when the holy man had authority in the provinces of Armenia, he built churches and convents with the order of the King and the zeal of his nobles. And he appointed and set in them presbyters and deacons, giving them also laws and rules as seemed good to him. Afterwards, when the holy Synod met at Nicea, he also went up to the Synod, with holy Leontius, who made him Bishop. This is the simple and summary history of Gregory, the instructor of the Armenians.
Now we think it needful for the further confirmation of our account, to set down a few words from the history of this man, to this effect. When Diocletian held the government of the Romans, Tiridates was holding the government of the Parthians and Armenians. Tiridates was informed that in his palace there was a certain man whose name was Gregory, who feared not his gods, but was of the religion of the Christians. Having summoned him, he thought by many blandishments to move him.
And a little after, then the king began to say to him, "Thou earnest unto us a stranger and without a country, and thou hast been thought worthy by us of honour and great glory. How now darest thou reverence a God whom I do not venerate?" |71
And much further on: "Now the blessed one remained in the pit of noisome reptiles wherein he fell, thirteen years, being preserved from the noxious reptiles by the grace of God."
And further on: "And the king commanded his host to be assembled, that he might go out hunting. When this was done, and the chariots were yoked, and he went up to sit upon the chariot of his kingdom, the wrath of God was sent upon him, and an evil spirit smote him, and he was thrown from his chariot upon his face to the ground, and began to be mad, and to bite and devour his flesh with his teeth."
And further on: "Now the holy Gregory bent his knees upon the ground, and prayed to Almighty God to give health to the king. And behold, a voice from heaven was heard by him, saying, 'Gregory, be strong and manly, for I am with thee to the end. Thou shalt build to me churches, and shalt erect to me a house for the dwelling of my saints, and lift up their horn. And for this that thou hast prayed before me, lo, I have heard thee, and lo, I grant thee the request thou hast asked of me.' And when this was said to the saint, he turned to the king and touched his hands and his feet, and restored him to the stable nature of men by the power of our Lord Jesus Christ."
And again after other things: "Now when the king heard he rejoiced and glorified God; and commanded that those who were famous, and the elders, among the satraps and nobles, should assemble, and go with blessed Gregory to the country of Cappadocia, to the city of Caesarea, that the blessed one might forthwith receive the sacerdotal degree, and return to the land of Armenia. And after they went and entered Caesarea, they appeared before the blessed Leontius, the bishop there, and when these things were told him, he made Gregory a bishop, having assembled and brought to him the bishops who were under his hands." |72
So much, in brief, from the long history of Gregory, we have here set down.
Now that he was one of the 318 bishops at the Synod of Nicea, is known by the Acts of the Synod, wherein it is written also of Leontius, of Caesarea, of Cappadocia, that he was convened at the Synod. Holy Gregory Theologus also attests this of Leontius, for in the discourse upon the funeral of his father, he says, "That when the great Leontius passed through Arianzi to go to Nicea against the madness of Arius, he taught his father, and baptized him and made him a Christian."
Since these things are said of Gregory the Armenian, the time is also known wherein he was. Moreover, this also is known as we think, that he was not one of the three holy Gregories, we mean Gregory the miracle-worker (Thaumaturgus), the bishop of Nysa and the Divine (Theologus). His time was more recent than the Thaumaturgus, but older than of the other two. Thus, Gregory Thaumaturgus, who was bishop of Neocaesarea, a city in the country of Pontus, was famous in the time of King Aurelian, and was one of the bishops that met in the city of Antioch against Paul of Samosata; and Eusebius shows this, saying in Chapter 27 of Book VII., of his Church History; "The pastors who were in other churches, assembled from every place, because of this wolf, the destroyer of the flock of Christ. And all of them were assembled and met in the city of Antioch. Among these were especially celebrated, Firmilian of Caesarea, of Cappadocia, Gregory and Theodorus (Athenodorus?) who were brothers and pastors of the Churches of Pontus: and Helenus of the Church of Tarsus; and Nicomas of Iconium; and Hymenaeus of the Church of Jerusalem; Theotecnus of Caesarea of Palestine; Maximus, who gloriously conducted the brethren at Bostra; and many others whom no man could number." |73
From chapter 28: "When Gallienus had stood in the government fifteen years, Claudius arose one year. After him Aurelian received the kingdom, in whose days met many bishops at a Synod at Antioch, and the strange doctrine of Paul, who was chief of that evil heresy, was made known and contemned by every man expressly."
Now from Aurelian the king, and the Synod which expelled Paul the Samosatene, to the faithful King Constantine and the Synod at Nicea, were fifty-five years. Thus, Aurelian reigned six years; Taticus (Tacitus), six months; Probus, six years; Corus (Carus) and his sons, two years; Dioclesian, twenty years; Constantine to the Synod at Nicea, twenty years; all which years collected are nearly fifty-five as we said. So also from the Synod at Nicea to the holy Synod of 150, which met at Constantinople in the days of the great king Theodosius (at which was that godly pair, we mean Gregory, bishop of Nysa, and Gregory Theologus, the bishop of Sasima and of Nazianzum) there are again fifty-five years. Thus: We take eleven years of Constantine the Conqueror, after the Synod of Nicea; twenty-five years of Constantine and Constantius, and Constans his sons; two years of Julian; one year of Jovinian; fourteen years of Valentinian and Valens with Gratian; one year of Gratian and Valentinian the Little; all which collected are 55 years, as we said.
It is known therefore most clearly that this Gregory, the Armenian, was different from the other three named, as also we said above.
As to the last thing thou saidst, that if Gregory was faithful, what is this opinion which he taught the Armenians, not to put water with the wine in the cup of the Eucharist. Know that it was in his power to order them who were under his hands not to put water in the wine: whether he was faithful or not faithful, for ordering them to put water in the wine or not to put it, does not prove him faithful or unfaithful; for |74 even now there are many unfaithful who put water in the wine of the Eucharistic cup. But further, Gregory did not command them by no means not to put water in the wine; or that no one should receive the Eucharist but at the holy festival of the resurrection except elders and deacons and the bishop (babus); or that they should not make pictures in the churches, even if they report these things of him. But even if Gregory gave them this law as they say, they ought to consider that their Gregory is not greater and better than the holy Apostles, who delivered in almost all the churches under heaven to put water with the wine in the cup of the mysteries: Peter and Paul at Antioch and Rome and their provinces; Paul and John at Ephesus and Byzantia and their jurisdictions; Luke and Mark at Alexandria and Egypt and the places round about them; and of these the tradition was borne, and flowed and came to all other churches of Christians to this day.
There are therefore four seats of Patriarchs which attest the putting of water in the wine in the cup at the Eucharist; but for them there is not even one witness, except a custom which obtains among them. And since an Armenian asked thee where it is written that thou mayest prove to him from the Gospel that there was water in the cup which our Lord gave to his disciples, or that we ought to put water in the cup, let him be also asked to show from the Gospel that there was no water in the cup, or that we ought not to put water in the cup of the mysteries. But perhaps he says, it is written in the Gospel that our Lord said to his disciples, "Verily, verily, I say unto you, I will not drink again of this product of the vine until I drink it anew with you in the kingdom of God." And by this, that he says "product of the vine," it is known that the cup was living wine, and not wine mingled with water. But let him return and hear. What then, in the kingdom of God. that is the period after his resurrection, when our |75 Redeemer ate and drank of his own free will with his disciples to verify his resurrection, when he tarried with them forty days, where is it written he and his disciples drank unmingled wine whenever they ate and drank? And who is so foolish as to say this, but he that says that the cup which our Lord took, and gave thanks and blessed upon it, and his disciples drank of it, had no water in it but only wine? But if a man would refute this perverse opinion as he ought, and those other matters of theirs which I put down above, there would be need of many words and a special treatise. But we, leaving this for the present, will come to another chapter of thy inquiries.
Chap. 6. On Simeon, who took the Lord in his arms.
Chap. 7. On covering the head in prayer.
Chap. 8. On newly baptised children.
Chap. 9. On nocturnal temptations.
CHRONOLOGICAL ITEMS.62
No. 14643. ADD. MSS.
Kings of the Assyrians: Belus, 62; Ninus, 52; Shemiram, wife of Ninus, 42 years. From the 40th year of the reign of Ninus, in Asia, to the 20th year of Sardanapalus, we reckon 1196 years.
Abraham was born in the 43rd year of the reign of Ninus.
Joseph was in Egypt 80 years.
The Hebrews served in Egypt 144 years.
Kings of Babel:
Pul; Adrashach, Assyrians.
Tiglath Pileser, Assyrian.
Shalmanezer, Assyrian.
Sennacherib, Assyrian.
Merodach Baladan, Chaldee.
Nebuchadnezzar, Chaldee.
Almorodach, Chaldee.
Belatshatzar, Chaldee.
Darius, Mede.
Darius, son of Shurus.|76
In the first year of the 50th Olympiad the kingdom of the Persians began.
Judah was taken captive and the temple burned by Nebuchadnezzar in the second year of the 47th Olympiad. The sum of all the years of the Kings of Israel is 485.
Beginning of the twenty-seven Persians: Cambyses first reigned over Egypt 6 years. From him to Darius, 114. The Persians, 114. Of the Babylonians and Medes, first Cyrus, 30. Cambyses, 8. The Magians, 7 months. Darius, 36 years. Xerxes, 20. Titicnus, 7. Artachshcsheth, 41. Xerxes, 2 months. Sarginus, 7 months. Arisolthus, 19 years. Artachshesheth, 40 years. Artachshcsheth Uchomo, 26 years. Perses, son of Uch(omo), 4 years. Darius, son of Ershach, 6 years. Alexander of Macedon, 5 years. The sum of all these years is 225 and 11 months. They began in the 45th and ended in the 153rd Olympiad.
The Kings of Ptolemais and of Alexandria and of Egypt.
In the 114th Olympiad Alexander of Macedon died at Babel, and the government of Alexander and the Egyptians was divided. The first king was Ptolemy, the son of Arnoba. Ptolemy, son of Lagos, 40 years. Ptolemy Euergetes, 17 years. Ptolemy Philadelphus, 38. Ptolemy Philopator, 24. Ptolemy Euergetes, 35. Ptolemy Phiscon, 29. Ptolemy Soter, 14 years and 6 months. Ptolemy, who was Alexander, 17. Ptolemy Philadelphus, 8. Ptolemy Dionysius, 30. Cleopatra. 22. In all 296 years and 6 months, from the 114th Olympiad to the 187th.
The kingdom of Syria and Babel and Asia.
In the 13th year of Alexander of Macedon, and Ptolemy son of Arnoba, Seleucus reigned over Asia, Babylon, and Syria. Seleucus Nicator was the first, 32. Antiochus Soter, 19. Antiochus the god, 15. Seleucus Callinicus. 21. Seleucus Ceraunus, 3. Antiochus the Great, 36. Seleucus Philometor, 12. Antiochus Epiphanes, 11. Antiochus Eupator, |77 1 year and 2 months. Demetrius Soter, 2. Alexander, 2, 8 months. Demetrius and Drometer, 3. Antiochus Sidetes, 9. Demetrius, 4. Antiochus Agrippa, 12. Antiochus Cyzik, 18. Philippida 2. In all 219 years and 10 months. From the 117th Olympiad to the 171st.
The Hebrews say that Cambyses was called Nebuchadnezzar the nd, and that Judith was in his days.
In the 16th of Darius, son of Vastasp, in whose days the Captivity returned, the building of the temple was accomplished in Jerusalem.
Chief men of the Jews after the Captivity:
Josiah, son of Josedek, priest with Zerubbabel.
Joiachim, son of Jeshua.
Elisha, son of Joiachim.
Jodoa, son of Neshib.
Johanan, son of Jodoa.
Odias, son of Johanan. In his days Alexander built Alexandria, and came to Jerusalem and worshipped the Lord.
Jonias, son of Iddo and Eliezer. In whose days the Scriptures were translated by seventy wise men of the Hebrews.
Honia, son of Simeon, brother of Eliezer. In the days of that Simeon, was Jeshua, son of Simeon, called the son of Sirach. In the days of Honia, Antiochus Leo persecuted the Jews.
Eliezer, son of Mathitho.
Mathitho and his son. Juda Maccabi, 3 years.
Jonathan, 2 years.
Simeon, 8 years.
John, son of Hyrcanus, 35.
Aristobulus, after 470 years, united the crown with the chief priesthood, 1 year.
Antigonus Jani, who is Alexander, 20 years.
Saleca 9. Whose wife Alexandria, after his death, gave up the kingdom and priesthood to Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, her |78 sons, 34 years: And there was a dissension between them and Antipater, an Idumean, came to help Hyrcanus, and overcame Aristobulus: And when Aristobulus died, his son Alexander arose and warred with Hyrcanus and Antipater, until Herod, the son of Antipater arose, 37 years after the death of his father, and he overcame Alexander and reigned in his stead. Herod begat four sons, Heraclius (Archelaus) and Antipater, who was called Herod, Herod the tetrarch, and Philip; and after the death of Herod, Archelaus, his son, reigned 9 years, and afterwards the kingdom was divided into a tetrarchy.
I find that when Inacus reigned first in Argos, Jacob was chief of the Hebrews.
Abraham, who was of the race of the Chaldees, was in the days of Shemiram.
Moses was after then, but before those whom the Greeks call Ancients, as Homer, and Hesiod, and much before Heracles, Musaeus, and Linus, Carion, Arcos, and Dioscurus, Asclepius, Dionysius, and all the sons of the gods, and Hermes and Apollos, and the other gods of the Greeks and their mysteries and services. Also before the doings of Zeus which are related by the Greeks, who say that all the records are more recent than Cecrops, and Inachus who reigned first in Attica, before whom Moses lived 350 years. From the second of Darius, when the Temple was rebuilt, to the fifteenth of Tiberius, when our Lord came and began his preaching, there were 548 years. From the second of Darius to the first Olympiad, there are 256 years or 64 Olympiads. The first Olympiad was in the time of Isaiah and his fellows. From the 45th of Cecrops to the sack of Ilion, were 330 years; and from the eightieth of Moses and the Exodus to Labaron and Samson, who lived at the fall of Ilion, we have the same number. Moses was, therefore, without doubt, in the days of Cecrops, who first ruled in Athens; and the Olive |79 appeared in the Acropolis in his days, and the name of Athena was given to the city. They say of Cecrops that he first found out the name of Dios, and made an image of Athene, and first established sacrifices which were not yet found among the Greeks, with other wonderful things.
The flood in Deucalion's time was after Cecrops, so was the conflagration in Phaëthon's days.
And the building of Dardania, by Dardanus, who is first mentioned by Homer, and the rape of Cyra, daughter of Zeus, and the mysteries of Demeter, the inscription of the altar which was in Eleusinia, the service of Triptolemus, the rape of Europa by Zeus, King of Troas, from whom Ganymede was carried away by the gods, in whose days was Tantalus, and Tityus, and Apollo sprung from Zeus and Leta. The coming of Camus to Thebes, and the birth of Dionysus was 200 years later than Cecrops. After these were Linus and Zythus and Apion, Musaeus, Europus, Minos, Prusas, Asclepias, Dioscurus, and Heracles, after whom was the sack of Ilium. Much later than this was Homer, and after him were Thaïes, Solon, and the rest of the seven wise men. After these was Pythagoras, the first named a philosopher; and after him Socrates, from whom the systems of the philosophers began.
Ninus and Shemiram first reigned in Athur. This Ninus, son of Belus, held all Asia to beyond the Hindui. From Abraham, who was in their times, to the great Flood, we calculate 1081 years, according to the Hebrew Scripture; and from the Flood to Adam, the first man, 2242. From Ninus and Shemiram to the fifteenth of Tiberius we reckon 2046 as the number of years from Abraham to Tiberius. From the fifteenth of Tiberius to the twenty-fourth of Constantine there were 300 years. From Abraham to the twentieth of Constantine there were 2344: from Adam to Abraham, 3323, and in all 5667. In Hebrew there are 86 |80 Jubilees of 50 years or 4300. From Adam to our Lord's Ascension there were 5522. From Adam to Alexander 5180, and from Alexander to the birth of Christ 310, and to his Ascension 342.
Of the strong kingdoms which were in all the earth. The first king who received a crown from God was named Sichon. Hamathus and the chief of the giants who held the kingdom of Sichon, 17 years. And those who followed, kings and giants, who held the kingdom, were 12, and they held it 140 years. After the giants, the Babylonians took the kingdom, their head, Anger Baladan, with six kings who followed him, and they held the kingdom 177 years.
After the Babylonians, the Arabs took the kingdom, and Sichon was their chief, with fifteen kings after him, and they governed 528 years. After the Arabians, the sons of Phars (Persians) took the kingdom, and their head was Hudarschachar, with thirteen kings after him, and they governed 490 years. After the Persians, the Babylonians took the government a second time, with Tiros their head, and twenty-four kings after him, and they governed 731 years. After the Babylonians, the sons of Athur (Assyrians) and Ninevites governed, with Esthatir, their head, and eighteen kings after him, who ruled 462 years. After the Assyrians and Ninevites, the Babylonians took the government the third time. The Medes and Persians ruled with Esharathchon their head, and 13 kings after him, who governed 330 years. After the Medes and Persians, the second time, the Macedonians ruled, with Alexander their head, and ten kings after him, who governed 143 years. After the Greeks, the Romans ruled, with Augustus their head, and thirty-two kings after him to the nineteenth year of Constantine, and they ruled 335 years and four months.
From the eighth of Nero and the Martyrdom of Paul and Peter to the thirty-second of Constantine, are 272 years: and |81 from Adam to the eighth of Nero, 5556 years. From Adam to the birth of Christ 5490, and from Christ to Constantine, 341.
Jerusalem was taken in the second of Vespasian, on the eighth of Elul. When Nebuchadnezzar took it, it had been built 1480 years and six months. It was first built by a Canaanite, who was called in the language of his fathers Melchizedec. David expelled the Canaanites, and settled his own people in it. After 477 years and six months, the Babylonians wasted it. From David to the overthrow by Titus were 1179 years. Neither its antiquity (2177 years) nor its wealth, nor its universal renown, nor its great glory sufficed to prevent its destruction.
In the year 309 of the era of Alexander of Macedon did our Redeemer appear in the world, and he was in the world thirty-three years, according to the evidence of the true books of the Archives of Edessa, which err in nothing, and which make everything known to us truly.
Ninus reigned 52 years; in his forty-second year he built the city of Ninus, in the land of Athur; the Hebrews call it Nineveh. Shemiram, wife of Ninus, reigned over the Athurians, 42 years, and many stories are related of her. She held Asia, and set up hills because of a flood, and built Babel.
When Abraham was 75 years old he received the promise. To Abraham, first of the prophets, the Word of God appeared in the form of a man, and foretold the calling of the Gentiles. Carus and Belus, the sons of Inachus, built a city at the fort of Antioch, on the river Orontes, in the 160th year of promise. All the years of the sojourning of the Hebrews in Egypt were 415.
In the year 380 of the promise, Cosanthus (? Xanthus) built Tripolis.
Moses was 35 years old when Cecrops reigned in Attica, and hence to the sack of Ilium were 375 years. |82
Eupolemus wrote of Moses, "He was a wise man, who taught the Jews letters and laws. The Phoenicians received them of the Jews, and the Greeks of the Phoenicians. In the year 420 of the promise... Corinth was built, before called Eupora (Ephyre). The temple of Bedlus was built by Eririchthon, son of Cecrops, Epaphus, son of Zeus, son of Olympia [Io] built (Memphis?) when he reigned over Egypt the second time. Cadmon was built by Carmanus son of Semele. Dardanus built Dardania.
In the 5 Books of Moses are recorded the transactions of 3730 years, according to the translation of the LXX.
In the time of Joshua, Dionysius went out against the Hindui to war, and built the city of Nysa, on the river Hindus. Tyre was built 240 years before the Temple of Jerusalem, as Josephus writes in his third book [Antiq. viii. 3.] Of Carchedon (Carthage) Philistus says it was built by Carchedus and Azor, Syrians, at this time.
Shalmanezer first took captive the Israelites. He took ten tribes from Samaria, to Chaldea, and sent Assyrians to keep the land, and since they were zealous to keep the law of the Jews, they were called Samaritans, which is interpreted Keepers. The Latins were called Romans, and Romulus was their first king, and he built Rome. Numa Pompilius reigned there 43 years. He built the Capitol from the foundation, and gave money of wood, leather, and earthenware, instead of gold, silver, etc., as now. Glaucus, of Chios, discovered the welding (adherence) of iron. Tullus Hostilius was king of the Romans 33 years. He first used purple and a sceptre. His house was consumed with lightning, and he was burned with it and died.
The preceding extracts from No. 14643, are not consecutive in the MS. Those which follow are a rendering of the |83 conclusion of the volume from p. 92. They are in three sections.
1. Part of the Chronicle.
2. A notice of Synods.
3. The reigns of Mahomet and his successors.
EXTRACTS FROM CHRONICLE.
Chosroes went up the first time in the year 851 (= 540 A.D.)
In the year 853, Chosroes went up the second time.
In the year 830, Mandar went up the first time.
In the year 865, in Haziran (June), Mandar died.
In the year 843, a Hindoo came in Conon (December-January).
In the year 855, the first plague happened.
In the year 855, an earthquake and the swallowing up of cities.
In the year 881, Mandar made war, and God helped Mandar and doomed Cabus.
In the year 848, died Mar John Bar Carsus, on the 9th of Shabet, the rd.
In his time also was Mar Jacob, the doctor, who died in 830.
In the year 876, died Theodosius, patriarch of Alexandria, on Tammuz the 22nd, in the 13th.
Mar Athanasius was ordained 915, and died 942.
In 684, died Mar Ephraim, the doctor, the 18th of the month Haziran.
In 673, Nisibis was taken from the Romans by the Persians.
In 746, died Mar Rabulas, of Edessa, a Bishop.
In 730, Mar Simeon ascended the pillar, and in 770 he died on the nd of Elul.
In 871, Chosroes and his host went up to Antioch and laid |84 siege to it and took it, and led away its inhabitants captive, and laid waste many cities, and took many captives, and went down to his country and built a city for the captives he had taken from Antioch, and called its name Antiochosrun.
And again, in the year 884, Chosroes and his host went up again and besieged Dara, and sent Mazal Drahman, his satrap, and he went up to Antioch and burned Hemus (---- Hems or Emesa) and the house of Mar Julian, and went to Seleucia, and besieged it, and went to Apamea, which was surrendered to his will and burned, and he took its inhabitants captive and departed; and when he went down to his lord he laid siege to Dara, and took its inhabitants captive, and emptied it, and he put in it of his own people the Persians.
In the year 902, in the 9th (month), Chosrun went up to the land of the Romans when he was a youth, and he was received with great honour, and the Romans brought him down and set him upon his throne.
In the year 910, in the nd (month), Domitian persecuted the faithful.
In the year 814 (914) in the th (month), in the month Ab, on the 23rd of it, the Romans slew Mauricius and his sons.
In the year 915, in the th (month), Dara was besieged the second time.
In the year 920, the 10th month, there was much snow in every place, and a severe frost, until the whole Euphrates was frozen in the night of Epiphany, and sheets of ice remained in it six days, and no boats traversed it, and many fishes died, and olive trees withered in every place.
In the same year Merida was taken; and in the same year Rosaina was taken in summer (?)
In the year 921, were taken Urhi, and Haran, and Callinicum, and Carcusium, and every place besides which remained on the east to the Euphrates: And in the winter the |85 Euphrates became the boundary; and in the th of Ab, of that year, Shahruroz crossed over to Zenobia and took it, for that city was the first taken on the west of the Euphrates.
In the year 922, the Persians entered Hamez, and found there much Oriental people, and sent them every man to his place: and in that year, in summer, the Persians and Romans warred at Mar Thomas of Hamez.
In the year 924, the Persians entered Darmsuk.
In the year 925, Jerusalem was taken.
In the year 929, Beth Damian was annexed.
In the year 930 were annexed those from the parts of Canon and of Augin: and in Haziran of this year, Alexandria was taken.
In the year 940 (? 930) the Persians went out from Alexandria, and all the cities of Syria, in the month of Haziran, by the ordinance of God and not by the power of man.
In the year 934, they entered Asclepia, Crete, and the other islands, and the religious of Keneshro were taken, and there were slain of them about twenty men.
In the year 934, the Persians entered Rhodes, and took the commander there, and took down the captives to Persia.
In that year Heraclius, the king, went forth from his throne, and led a great army, and went down to Persia, and laid waste the land, and took many captives.
In the year 938, on the 10th of Elul, the sun and moon were darkened.
In the year 934 (? 938) in Shebet, died Chosroes, who conquered all the earth and reigned 40 years, and Shirui, his son, reigned after him seven months, and he died that year at its end, and his son reigned after him, and his name was Ardashir (Ardishir, D'Herb. i. 245.)
In the year 940 in Haziran, in the night was a great earthquake, and in Tammuz of that year, Heraclius, king of the Romans, and Shahruroz, the Patrician of the Persians, met |86 in Coelesyria, at a place in the north whose name is Arabissus Tripotamus (? ), and there they built a church and called the name of it Irene, and talked there one with another in peace, and consented that the Euphrates should be the border between them, and so made peace one with another.
In the year 945, Indiction the th, in the th of Shebet, at 9 o'clock in the evening, there was a battle between the Romans and the Teians of Mahomet, of Palestine, from the east to Gaza 12 miles, and the Romans fled and left Patricius, son of Jordan, (or the Patrician, Bar Jordan), and the Teians slew him; and there were slain there about 4000 poor souls (heads) of Palestine, Christians, Jews, and Samaritans: and the Teians wasted all the country.
In the year 947, Indiction the 9th, the Teians went forth into all Syria, and went down to the country of the Persians and conquered it; and the Teians went up to the rock of Merida, and they slew many monks in Kedar and in Banathu, and there died the blessed Simeon, janitor of Kedar, brother of Thomas the elder.
In the year 343, Simeon Cephas laid the foundations of the Church of Antioch.
In the year 344, Stephen the Martyr was stoned of the Jews, in Jerusalem: and from that year Paul began to preach.
In the year 375, Nero slew Paul and Peter at Rome.
In the year 376, Jerusalem was wasted by Vespasian, and by Titus, his son; and in that war Josephus, the historian, was slain (?)
In the year 383, there was a mortality at Rome, so that there died 1000 men.
In the year 420, Mar John, the Evangelist, died.
In the year 415, there was a great persecution of the Christians by Trajan, the wicked king, and Simeon, son of Cleophas, bishop of Jerusalem, nobly suffered martyrdom. |87
In the year 419, Trajan made Armenia a province, and in the same year Ignatius, who was a disciple of John the Evangelist, suffered martyrdom in Antioch.
In the year 448, Marcion and Manetes, heretics in Phrygia, were famous.
In the year 479, Bardesanes, who promulgated the doctrine of Valentinus, was famous.
In the year 543, Sergius and Bacchus suffered martyrdom.
In the year (560? ) persecution arose against the Christians, through Valentinus (Valentinian), an Arian king.
In the year (563? ) Shabor, king of the Persians, wasted the Syrians, and Cappadocia; and in the same year the barbarians crossed over the river Danube and devastated the islands.
In the year 503, arose Paul of Samosata.
In the year 573, arose the deceiver Manes.
In the year 583, Aurelian the king made a persecution, and God smote him in battle, and he died.
In the year 611, there was an overthrow of churches by Diocletian, the wicked, and Peter, bishop of Alexandria, suffered martyrdom.
In the year 619, reigned Constantine the Victor.
In the year 620, Constantine removed the throne from Rome to Constantinople. In the 26th year Constantine conferred liberty upon the Christians, and honoured and enlarged the Churches of Christ.
In the year 636, there was an assembly of 318 bishops.
In the year 648, the great Constantine died.
In the year 670, Mar Ephraim, the doctor, began to be renowned.
In the year 714, Amid was taken on the 24th of Canon the first.
In the year 720, Dara was built.
In the year 724, Armenia rebelled, and Anastasius the |88 king, sent an army and subdued it, and the king uttered coin of 40 denarii (? ), and of 20, and of 10, and of 5.
In the year 730, the bishops of Theodora the queen, were persecuted by Justin everywhere.
In the year 735, Edessa was enclosed.
In the year 740, Zurac took up a great army of Persians to the Roman state, and fought with the Romans at the river Euphrates, and a multitude of the Romans were drowned in the Euphrates.
NOTICE OF COUNCILS.
At what time Synods have met, and in the days of what Kings.
In the year 427, in the days of Hadrian, the king, Sabellius arose against the Church, 117 years after the birth of Christ, and said that there was one Person in the Trinity, and that the body and blood which we receive from the altar is the Trinity. And forty-three Bishops met at Ancyra, of Galatia, and excommunicated him from the Church.
And in the year 530, in the days of Severus, the king, arose Paul of Samosata against the Church. He was Bishop of Antioch, and he called the Son of God righteous, as one of the ancient righteous who had been in the world. And this was 220 years from the birth of Christ. And all the Bishops assembled at Antioch, Dionysius of Rome, and Dionysius of Alpharno (i.e. Alexandria), and Gregory Thaumaturgus, and excommunicated him from the Church.
And in the year 640, in the days of Julian, the impious king, arose Eustathius against the Church, 330 years after the birth of Christ. And there assembled the Sons of the Covenant, who ate not flesh and took not wines, with the Sons of the Covenant who ate flesh and took wines; and there was a division in the Church, and seventy Bishops met in the city |89 of Gangra, and they read in the sacred Scriptures, and decided and said thus: "That after God had set apart for Aaron, the priest, the right shoulder and the jaw and the (appurtenances?) until Eli, the priest, the priests of Israel ate flesh, and no man was stumbled by them, because they ate it in rectitude and propriety, as God commanded by the prophets; and when the sons of Eli came and snatched the flesh from the people, Paul comes and decides it not (to be) for impurity but for gluttony, and says, 'I will never eat flesh, that I cause not my brother to stumble.' "
That of 318, met at Nicea, in the days of Constantine, the first Christian king, in the year 636, on the 19th of Haziran, in the 13th. In this was the overthrow of wicked Arius. From the birth of Christ, it was 326. Its heads were, Silvester at Rome, and Alexander the Great, of Alexandria, and Eustathius of Antioch, and Macarius of Jerusalem. There was there also the great Athanasius, who was a deacon, who ministered as a true son to holy Alexander. There was there also Eusebius of Cardabus (? Hosius of Corduba), who also in that of Saddica (Sardica) was found, with Eustathius of Ludion (?) Ethilhas of Urhi, Jacob of Nisibis, Antiochus of Resaina, Eusebius of Caesarea of Palestine, Eusebius of Nicomedia.
That of 150, met in the days of the great king Theodosius at Constantinople, in the year 691, in the month Ab (the 10th?). Herein was the overthrow of wicked Macedonius of Constantinople, from the birth of Christ 380 years, and from the (Council) of Nicea 55 years. Its chiefs were Timothy of Alexandria, and Meletus of Antioch, and Cyril of Jerusalem. And Nectarius came into the place of Macedonius. There were there also Gregory, the speaker of divine things, (Theologus) of Anzianzi (Nazianzum), and Gregory of Nysa, brother of Basil, and Anphilochius of Iconium, and Diodorus of Tarsus, Gelasius of Caesarea of Palestine, Rufus of Beishan, and Acac |90 of Haleb, Eulog of Urhi, Abrahan of Batnan, Mara of Amid, Betho of Tela, Helladius of Caesarea of Cappadocia, and Eutherius of Tryna (Tyana).
The first of Ephesus of 220, in the 13th consulate of Theodosius the Little, and the rd of Valentinus, in the year 740; 50 years from the preceding, and from the birth of Christ 430. Herein was the condemnation of Nestorius, on the 28th of Haziran. Its principals were, Cyril of Alexandria, and Celestinus of Rome, by means of those who were sent from him; Theodotus of Ancyra of Galatia, Syenasus of Dioscuria, Acac of Melitene, Valerianus of Macalla (?), Menas of Ephesus itself, and Jubilianus of Jerusalem.
The second of Ephesus, in the days of Theodosius the Little, in the year 760, and 450 from the birth of Christ, 19 years after the previous one, met through Flavianus of Constantinople, and Eusebius of Dorylaeum, on account of Eutyches, a chief monk. And they insisted to the wicked Eutyches that the body of our Lord was a partaker of our nature, and he confessed this which before he did not confess. They also urged him to confess that there are two natures in Christ, and because he would not confess this Flavian and the rest made his deposition. This cause forced King Theodosius to assemble the second Synod in Ephesus. Now its leaders were, Dioscurus of Alexandria, and Jubilianus of Jerusalem, and Stephen of Ephesus, and Eustathras of Bostra, and Amphilochius of Saida, and others; and when that was read before them which was done in the imperial city, they found that Flavian required Eutyches to confess the two natures, and they made the deposition of Flavian and of Eusebius. Afterwards they deposed Domius of Antioch, Renius of Tyre, Hiba of Urhi, Celenius of Bibulus, Theodoritus of Cyrus, Daniel of Haran, Spirion of Tela, Mari, a Persian, and others, who were in number 35. Eutyches presented a document, in which was the creed of the 318, and the God-clad fathers |91 anathematised all who had accused him in these things at Constantinople. They received him by this which deceived them as men, that wicked matter of ungodly heresy which was in his soul: for it is written that man sees into the eyes, and the Lord sees into the heart.
That of Chalcedon met in the days of Marcion, the king. There were 665 there, and it was three years after the preceding, and 453 years from the birth of Christ. It met in the year 763, and its chiefs were Leo of Rome, Anatolius of Constantinople, Maximus of Antioch, Jubilius of Jerusalem, Aninicus (?) of Saida, Hiba of Urhi, Theodoritus of Cyrus, Eusebius of Dorliaeus, Basil of Seleucia, in Isauria, Seleucus of Amasea, who, after they were found to be with Flavian, at Constantinople, in the deposition of Eutyches, when they saw that Flavian was condemned, returned and drew up a document at the second Council of Ephesus, and anathematized that opinion, and were there received. And, again, afterwards, they came to the Council of Chalcedon, when they saw that everything was done in opposition to this second Synod cf Ephesus; and at its dissolution, again they returned to their vomit as before, and went back to whatever they did in the second Synod of Ephesus, saying that they did them not willingly, but by compulsion. Now this was the opinion which they set up in Constantinople at the deposition of Eutyches, requiring us to confess two natures in Christ, which was anathematized in the second Synod of Ephesus. When they met in Chalcedon after they had deposed the holy and great confessor Dioscurus, they were asked by the principals and the senators who were with them to make a confession of faith. But they cried out and said, "It is not lawful for us to do this, and we do not venture, and dare not, for there is a canon which forbids us to do this." And after they had said this many times, and the chiefs did not persuade them, they were forcibly persuaded by the |92 chiefs, and they removed all their excommunications, for they anathematized themselves 35 times, saying that there were not two natures in Christ, but unity was in it.
End.
MAHOMET AND HIS SUCCESSORS.
Memorial of the life of Mahomet, (prophet) of God.
After he entered his city, and three months before he entered. From his first year, and how long every king, who after him ruled over the Mahagroye, lived, after they became kings, and how long there was faction among them: three months before Mahomed came.
And Mahomed lived ten years.
And Abubecr, son of Abucohapha, two years and six months.
And Omar, son of Katab, ten years and three months.
And Othman, son of Aphan, twelve years.
And a sedition after Othman, five years and four months.
And Mohawiya, son of Abusaiphan, nineteen years and two months.
And Yezid, son of Mohawiya, three years and eight months.
And a sedition after Yezid, nine months.
And Merwan, son of Hakem, nine months.
And Ebed l'Melek, son of Merwan, twenty-one years and one month.
Walid, son of Ebed l'Melek, nine years and one month.
And Soliman, son of Ebed l'Melek, two years and nine months.
And Omar, son of Ebed l'Aziz, two years and five months.
And Yezid, son of Ebed l'Melek, four years, one month, and two days.
We reckon all these years at 104, five months and two days. |93
PORTIONS OF TWO MARTYROLOGIES.
ADD. MSS. 14644.
The following extracts are from a curious volume of great antiquity, the contents of which are indicated below, on page 97. I gave a further account of the volume in a paper on the Acts of Addi in the Journal of Sacred Literature for Oct., 1858.
The first extract respecting Sophia and her three daughters savours of a Christian allegory, and may have been originally such.
The second on Sharbel relates, beyond question, to a historical personage: its conclusion is, however, fictitious enough to satisfy the most ardent lover of ancient legends.
Martyrdom of Sophia and of her three daughters, Helpis, Pistis, and Agape, in the city of Rome.
By the grace of God, the Gospel is disseminated in all the earth under heaven, by Jesus Christ the Redeemer of all the sons of men; that we should every man believe in God Almighty, and in Jesus Christ the only Son, and in the living and Holy Spirit, and that every man should abandon the worship of idols, and vain error, and should receive help to their souls, and the baptism of expiation for the remission of sins. When this word of life was preached by the Apostles, and by all the preachers, all parts ran with joy to baptism, and in faith the feet of the Apostles were kissed; for they were great and noble teachers of truth, and through them all of us came to the way of truth.
Now there was a certain woman of the great family of the house of Sallust, and her name was Sophia. She entered the city of Rome with her three daughters, fair virgins, and they hoped to receive the seal of Christ our Redeemer. And her daughters had grown up in wisdom and the Grace of God. Now their mother greatly rejoiced and praised God, because |94 the wisdom of God was found in the mind of her daughters: and she prayed the Lord to send help to his handmaids. And since these virgins were strong in the fear of God, and continued in fasting and prayer and vigils, they were acknowledged in the mind of every man; and in the years of youth they exhibited the conduct of martyrs and of apostles.
They went, therefore, according to their custom, on the first day of the week to pray in the house of God. And suddenly Satan moved the heart of Antiochus, one of the heads of the city, and he stood before Herodianus the king, and said to him, 'A certain woman and her three daughters, who came we know not whence, teach the women every day that they should worship one God and his Son Jesus Christ, and we are ourselves become strangers to our wives, for they do not come to meat, nor to drink, nor do they remove from these virgins, and so are they alienated (?) that even the praise of the gods is blotted out of the land.' And when Herodian the king heard this, he sent guards (?) after them, who took them and brought them to the palace of the king. And the believing virgins of Christ, with their mother, came with joy, and took each other by the hand, and when they arrived at the door of the king's palace, there were crosses imprinted on all their breasts. Now the virgins were fair, so that none of the spectators could look at their faces except as at the sun's rays, which are seen afar off and in a glass. The grace of God, moreover, was shed upon these virgins."
Their examination and martyrdom follows, and the story ends with the succeeding manifest imitation of the account of the death of Herod, given by Josephus.
"Now Herodian, the wicked king, died of many torments, for his bowels fell in the house (?), his flesh perished from his bones, his teeth dropped from his jaws, his arms were severed from his shoulders, the filth came from his mouth, everything in his whole body corrupted, and he cried with a loud voice, |95 and said, 'Lord God, who didst help the three virgin sisters and their mother, take my soul from me, for I know that what I endure is because of these three souls.' And when he had said this, he shrieked with a loud voice, and was rent in twain, and his flesh was scattered about, and his bones were not found: And all this happened unto him by prophecy."
End of the martyrdom of the three noble virgins and their mother, the faithful Sophia.
Memorials of Sharbel, who had been a priest of idols, and was converted to the profession of Christianity in Christ.
"In the 15th year of the Emperor Trajan Caesar, and in the rd year of the reign of Abgar, the seventh king, which was the year 419 of the kingdom of Alexander, king of the Greeks, and in the priesthood of Sharbel and of Barsamia, Trajan Caesar commanded the governors of the provinces of his dominions to multiply sacrifices and offerings in all the cities under their jurisdiction. Those who did not sacrifice were to be taken and subjected to scourgings, and tortures, and bitter affliction, and all kinds of torments, and afterwards to suffer capital punishment by the sword. And when the command arrived at the fort (or castle) of Adasa of the Parthians, there was held a great feast, on the eighth of Nisan, and the third day in the week, and the whole city assembled," etc.
After a long narrative of what ensued, the following curious statement occurs:----
"And when the executioners had entered the city, the brethren and young man ran and stole the bodies of both of them, and deposited them in the sepulchre of the father of 'Abshalmo, the Bishop, on the th of Elul, on a Friday.
These memorials were written on paper by me, Marinus |96 and Anatolius, notaries, and put in the archives of the city where the records (chartae) of the kings are laid up.
Now this Barsamia, the bishop, was the teacher of Sharbel, the priest. He was in the days of Binus (Fabianus) Bishop of Rome, in whose days all the manhood of Rome was collected together, and they cried to the governor of the city and said to him, "There are many strangers in the city, and they cause the prostration and the burdening of everything. We therefore request thee to order them to depart out of the city." And when he had given orders that they should remove from the city, the strangers assembled, and said to the governor, "We ask of thee, my Lord, also to give orders that the bones of our dead should be taken away with us." And he ordered them to take the bones of the dead and to go forth. And all the strangers gathered together in order to take the bones of Simeon Cephas and of Paul, the apostles; and the men of Rome said unto them, "We make you no grant of the bones of the apostles." And the strangers said to them, "Learn and observe, that Simeon Cephas was of Bethsaida, of Galilee, and Paul the apostle was of Tarsus. a city of Cilicia." And when the men of Rome perceived that the matter was so, permission was accorded. And when they raised them and removed them from their places, in that same hour there was a great earthquake, and the edifices of the city came to fall, and it was near its overthrow. And when the mon of Rome saw, they returned and besought the strangers to remain in the city, and that their bones should be restored to their places. And when the bones of the apostles were returned to their places, there was a calm, and the tremblings ceased, and the winds were still, and the air was clear, and all the city was glad. So when the Jews and the heathens saw this, they ran and fell at the feet of Fabian, the bishop of their city; the Jews crying out, "We confess Christ whom we crucified, that he is the son of the |97 living God, He of whom the prophets spake in their mysteries." And the heathens also cried and said to him, "We renounce images and statues wherein is no profit, and we believe in Jesus the King, the Son of God, who came, and who will come again; and would that there were no other doctrines in Rome or in all Italy!" These also denied their doctrine as the heathen (Jews?) denied, and confessed the doctrine of the apostles which was preached in the Church.
End of the memorials of the famous Sharbel.
CONTENTS OF ADD. MS., NO. 14644, FOL. 92 b. and 93 a.
We have finished in this writing the histories of select martyrdoms (or testimonies): That of King Abgar, and the doctrine of Addi the apostle, and the Finding of the Cross, and the Finding of the Cross the second time, and the martyrdom of the blessed Cyricus, the Bishop, and the doctrine of Simeon Cephas, and the doctrine of the apostles, the history of Mar Abraham Cydonius, and the triumph of the blessed Mar Sabas (or the old man) Julian, and the martyrdom of Sophia and her three daughters, Pistis, Elpis, and Agape, and the martyrdom of Jacob Maphasco (or the mutilated), and the martyrdom of Sharbel, and the memorials of Mar Cosmas and of Mar Damian, his brother, true physicians (?), and the history of a man of God. They are fourteen in number.
|99
OBSERVATIONS.
=======
[The figures refer to the number of the Note.]
1. 1 When a volume contains a number of articles, it is customary for the second and subsequent to commence with the word again. It will be observed that the Council of Nicea is called a Synod of 318, although it is subsequently admitted that so many did not subscribe the Acts. The reckoning of the Greeks here alluded to is the well-known era of the Seleucidae commonly regarded as commencing B.C. 311. The Syrian Chronicle from which extracts are given in these pages says that it commenced B.C. 310. It will be noticed that the same reckoning is here called that of the Edessenes, and it is elsewhere termed that of Alexander. The date here assigned to the Council is June 19th, the same as that given by the more ancient document quoted at p. 7. It is well known that the date here assigned to the Council, so far as the day of the month is concerned, agrees with some, and differs from others of the ancient authorities. The statement that the fathers assembled in the first instance at Ancyra of Galatia, appears to rest solely on the authority of this manuscript and the one quoted at p. 7. Supposing it to be true, it seems to intimate that the questions brought before the Nicene Council, had already come before a Synod at Ancyra. That it was the well-known Synod of Ancyra held about A.D. 314, seems very improbable, and we must infer, that the reference is to a Synod of which no other traces have been brought to light, and one which preceded by a very short time, the one held at Nicea.
2. 2 The expression "for a Synod to assemble" is in the original literally, "that it should assemble," or "that there should be an assembly." As it regards the genuineness of the letter ascribed to Constantine, a few words may not be out of place. The reviewer of the "Analecta Nicaena" in the Christian Remembrancer, objected to |100 this document, although it has been accepted by the learned Dom Pitra in the Spicilegium Solesmense, and by the writer of the article in Herzog's Real Encyclopadie on the Nicene Council, as well as by others. It is well-known that Eusebius in his life of Constantine, (lib. iii. cap. 6) states that the Emperor summoned the Bishops, or to use his own words, "convoked an oecumenical Synod, summoning the Bishops by respectful letters to make haste from every place." Eusebius goes on to say that the Emperor promised and arranged for the transport of the Bishops, etc. The letter of Constantine is also mentioned by other writers; but as far as I can ascertain, no such document was discovered until I met with a copy in the British Museum. Since then I have found a second, and a third at Paris. The copies differ but very slightly. I have, however, printed here both the one from Paris, and the first I met with in London. And now, to return to the question of genuineness, I will only repeat the statements I made to my reviewer in my reply to his censures:----Allow me to extract from my private notes the heads of argument upon which I relied. Individually some of them may be weak, but taken together I fancy that they will at least prove that I no more write before I think, than before I read. 1. The Letter is not inconsistent with the account given of it by Eusebius. 2. It contains some things which he says were in it, and which it would appear he quoted from it. 3. Its main statements accord with historical facts so far as we can ascertain. 4. It was undeniably written in Greek, as is proved by peculiar Greek idioms which occur in it, and by the statement made at the end of the book, of the contents generally. 5. It was certainly extant in the th century, as it must have existed before it was translated (A.D. 501). 6. It concludes with a formula which Constantine employed in like cases. 7. All the documents associated with it are genuine. 8. No motive can be assigned for its forgery. 9. Another copy of it exists with the same title in a separate and most ancient manuscript. 10. Others were more likely to let it fall into oblivion than the Syrians to forge it. 11. A forger would have made it include all that Eusebius says of the summons to the Council. 12. Some of the difficulties suggested by it are a presumption in its favour, because a forger would have avoided anything calculated to provoke enquiry, if not suspicion. So much for its genuineness. But I do not regard the title of this letter as having formed part of the original document, and I suppose this general circular was accompanied by others, varied according to circumstances, and relating to transport, provision, find such details. |101
As this question of a second Synod at Ancyra, out of which the Nicene Council appears to have been developed, is one of historical importance, I will add a few other remarks. In his second apology against the Arians, Athanasius quotes a letter by Julius of Rome in which these words occur, "The Bishops who came together at the great Synod at Nicea (not without the counsel of God), agreed that the business of a former Synod should be tested at another." In reference to which as an "old custom" M. de Broglie, in his L'Eglise et L'Empire Romain, (vol. ii. p. 428), asks whether the writer "refers to a special decree of the Nicene Fathers, which we have lost, or simply to the conduct which they had tacitly authorized by their example in submitting Arius to a new judgment when he had already been condemned at Alexandria?" My own idea is that the allusion may be to the Ancyrene Synod of the Syriac documents. In any case, time will probably show their true meaning.
As to whether the Pope must take part in calling a general Council, it will be seen that Constantine's letter makes no allusion to him specifically. He does say, as I understand it, that "the Bishops of Italy and the other countries of Europe are coming," but this gives no more prominence to the Bishop of Rome, than to the Bishop of any other place, and the absence of such distinction will be accounted for by every man in his own way.
3. 3 This expression is not very transparent. The participle signifies to consider, have regard to, and is so used in Rom. iv. 19; Phil. iii. 17, etc. The word rendered "best" usually denotes "excellent, or more excellent;" and the whole clause, as I take it, means that each of the Bishops is to have regard to what is good, and devise what shall be profitable.
4. 4 Doubtless the names were appended to the original document, but they are omitted in the Paris copy.
5. 5 The decisions contained in the preceding extracts are partly contained in the Spicilegium Solesmense, in Coptic (vol. i.) The last of them relating to the Passover or Easter has been also recently printed in the fourth volume of the same work. I printed an account of this Paris fragment with some extracts in the Journal of Sacred, Literature, for January, 1860, in which I remarked as follows:----It serves to confirm some, and to throw fresh light upon others, of the notices of this celebrated and venerable assembly. True, it gives us few new facts and raises one or two difficult |102 ques tions; but it is of importance on several accounts. In the first place it is, as we before said, a consecutive narrative, in which the various decisions of the Council seem to follow each other in the order in which they were adopted. Supposing this to be the case, we have here the nearest approach to a Libellus Synodicus, or minutes of the Council, which, so far as we know, has yet been discovered. A curious question suggested by the document used for the Analecta Nicaena is here again raised, namely, what can be meant by the Bishops being first assembled at Ancyra, and summoned thence to Nicea by the letter of Constantine? Are these the only existing traces of an unrecorded Synod at Ancyra? We must leave to others the resolution of this difficulty. It would appear, moreover, that the attendant Bishops twice subscribed, once to the Confession of Faith, and once to the decree concerning the observance of Easter. The account given of the absence of the names of so many of the western Bishops is worthy of notice, although not absolutely new. On several important points, as to the date of the Council, the number of the canons, etc., the document agrees with the best attested records.
6. 6 The Ancyrene list here given varies considerably from that given below from the older manuscript.
7. 7"God keep you, my beloved brethren," appears to have been the usual formula with which Constantine concluded his epistles.
8. 8 Corduba was in Spain and not in Italy, a pardonable error of the scribe. The cities and towns were not always in the provinces to which they were assigned. The Syrian names of places are often written in imitation of the Greek genitive case. As far as I could I have written them in the nominative.
9. 9 Tauthatis may be for Tauthas or Tauthis. I have been unable to identify it.
10. 10 Teuchilibya probably for Teuchira of Libya. Except it be Tauche, and Libya then belongs to the following line.
11. 11 Sebaste, Sebastena, and Samaria, all appear to be the same, in which case we have three Bishops for one city,
12. 12 Alaso, i.e. Alasea, Lazo, or Lasa, called Callirhoe by the Greeks. Jerome places it on the border of the Canaanites towards Sidon.
13. 13 Aresthan, now Restan or Rostan; the Greek Arethusa on the Orontes. |103
14. 14 Harba-Kedem. Not identified. See Robinson's Palestine, i. 134.
15. 15 Esbonta, Heshbon. A Greek plural form.
16. 16 Ethilhas of Edessa or Urhi. Socrates (i. 6) cites Alexander of Alexandria calling Ethilhas one of the Arian apostates.
17. 17 Some of the original works of Jacob appear to be now in the British Museum, in Syriac.
18. 18 John, as a Persian bishop, could be scarcely under the jurisdiction of the Roman See.
19. 19 Doron, or perhaps Rhodon, as in the Latin.
20. 20 Aristacius or Aristaces is said by the Armenians to have been the son of Gregory the Illuminator, the apostle of Armenia.
21. 21 Marcellus of Ancyra. The Latin lists give Macarius and Pancarius, but the Greek agrees with the Syriac.
22. 22 Eudion, or perhaps Orion, as in the Greek, etc.
23. 23 Julium or Julia. The Greek has Marianus of Troas. Did the Romans call Troas, Julia, to distinguish it from Ilium?
24. 24 Standum has not been identified.
25. 25 Verabon and the Greek Syarma are alike obscure.
26. 26 The Parochia of Isauropolis. Strabo (568) alludes to old and new Isauropolis. Which was the Parochia? I suppose the new city.
27. 27 Trobon may be Ternobus or Trinabus in Moesia. The Greek omits the name.
28. 28 Divio, i.e. Dijon. I am not sure of this, and the Greek does not assist me.
29. 29 Female visitors. The Syriac is one word, and merely denotes persons staying or lodging in the house.
30. 30 Offering, i.e. the Eucharist. I have sometimes so translated the word, but the Syrians said "offering."
31. 31 An election common to all, means an open or public election.
32. 32 The penitent was permitted to attend at the Eucharistic service, but not to partake of the elements. |104
33. 33 Girdles represented military service, and were laid aside by those who left that service.
34. 34 Ministry here seems to include all kinds of service in the church, whether of those who were ordained or of those who were not.
35. 35 This Greek list will help to explain and confirm the Syriac, which it more closely resembles than any other.
36. 38 The second and third Egyptian names are written as here printed, without distinguishing the person from the place.
37. 37 Tauché, or Tauche of Lower Libya. The numerals are not in the Greek.
38. 38 Hidron-Caesarea, i.e. Hieron or Hiero-Caesarea.
39. 39 Barsos, or Barsos of Baeotia. (See note 37).
40. 40 Becon and Ionocentus. I have followed the uncouth spelling of many of the Coptic names.
41. 41 Two. The Coptic text says three, but only gives two.
42. 42 The following extract is given mainly because of its interest to the student of ancient geography, although it is interesting for other reasons. The allusions to the lists in Mansi's great work will show that we have here many new readings, and it deserves attention as the most ancient catalogue of this council extant. It will be observed that both here and at page 7 we have the date given according to the reckoning of the Antiochians, and as that era commenced B.C. 48, the Council of Constantinople is correctly placed in A.D. 381. In the following list, the words in brackets, without references to Mansi, usually consist of my own inquiries and suggestions. It will be observed that the Syriac list often gives the Oriental names of places, but not always. Thus we have Beishan, Accho, Haleb, Hamath, and Shizar, for Scythopolis, Ptolemais, Chalybon, Epipbaneia, and Larissa. But we also have Diospolis, etc., in the Greek forms. Some of the places I have failed to identify, and the discussion of them here would occupy too much space.
43. 43 I find that the preceding confession is already known. The three lists which follow differ in several respects from other extant copies. In the first, Loliopolis is an error for Juliopolis.
44. 44 The Laodicean list is otherwise unknown, but is unhappily |105 imperfect. The Paris MS. already quoted embodies most of it, however, in the list for Antioch, which I here give as I there find it.
Taracondimantus.
Bassus.
Eustathius.
Musaeus (Moses?)
Manicius.
Macedonius.
Agapius.
Theodorus.
Theodosius.
Theodotus.
Alphaeus.
Agapius.
Archelaus.
Petrus.
Eusebius.
Anatolius.
Jacob.
Conon.
Narcissus.
Antiochus.
Paulus.
Siricius.
Alexander.
Mucianus.
Patricius.
Etherius.
Petrus.
Magnus.
From the provinces.
Of Upper Syria.
Of Phoenicia.
Of Palestine.
Of Mesopotamia.
Of Arabia.
Of Cilicia.
Of Isauria.
The repetition of names in this list is sufficient to prove it compounded of two or more lists. The presence of Jacob of Nisibis, at Laodicea, shows that the council was held prior to 348-9, when he died, if we may rely upon the Syriac Chronicle, from which I print some extracts.
45. 45 These extracts are written in a very obscure style, and are evidently taken from some apology or defence of Christianity, the writer of which embodied them in his treatise. What apology it was I cannot say. Neither have I traced the extracts to their sources. Indeed some of the names of the authors are quite unknown to me.
46. 46 This inscription seems quite out of place, but I give it as it stands.
47. 47 Respecting the passage from Diocles, I made the following remark in the article of the Journal of Sacred Literature already referred to:----"At pp. 201----205 of his work, Dr. de Lagarde publishes an extract from a certain Diocles, respecting whom he gives no further information. This Diocles appears to have been Diocles of Peparethus, an ancient Greek historian, to whom, according to Plutarch in his life of Romulus, Fabius Pictor was largely indebted, |106 and who was the first historian of the foundation of the Roman state. The only other reference to Diocles which we remember is in Festus Pompeius. The substance of what is given as from Diocles, may be found in the Paschal Chronicle, the Chronicle of John Malela and others, who will be found mentioned in the edition of the Chronicon Paschale, published at Paris in 1698, at p. 503, note 1. As it appears in the Analecta Syrica the passage is imperfect, and in some places very obscure."
48. 48 These extracts from Ignatius have been overlooked by the learned Canon Cureton in his Corpus Ignatianum. In the article quoted in the preceding note I made some observations upon them, which I will here repeat, as they sufficiently describe their character:----" They are taken from a volume of Extracts from the Fathers on sundry points of Christian Doctrine. Some of them are already known, and the whole appears to be interspersed with the observations of the compiler. The passages are five in number, three of them being already known, and two new. 1. A short extract from the epistle to the Trallians, section the th. 2. One from the epistle to the Magnesians, section the th. 8. Another from the same epistle, section the 9th. 4. This we have been unable to trace, but it relates to the statements contained in 1 Peter, iv. 6. 5. This is described as from an epistle to Anastasia, a deaconness. Doubtless some spurious Ignatian document, of which this is the only trace which has been discovered. We think it best to give this passage as it stands in the Syriac, in order that our leaders may judge for themselves."
As to the Anastasian fragment, I observed:----Probably no one will plead for the genuineness of this passage, and for ought we know it may be found elsewhere under some other name than that of Ignatius; but it cannot be denied that it is deserving of attention both on its own account, and for the honourable name it bears. Who Anastasia was is of course unknown. The form of the name, taken in connexion with the subject of the quotation, would suggest the possibility that it is the invention of the writer. This, however, is not conclusive, because the name is one which occurs in ancient church history. It is moreover a curious fact that Suidas records a correspondence between Chrysogonus a confessor, and Anastasia a martyr, of the fourth century. This correspondence consists of four letters, of which the first and third are ascribed to Anastasia, and the second and fourth to Chrysogonus; but they contain nothing like the passage given above. |107
49. 49 The signs of the Zodiac here given as according to Bardesanes, are probably the same as were current among the Chaldean philosophers, and in Assyria in the second century.
50. 50 This extract is curious for two reasons. It professes to explain the peculiar doctrine of the Nicolaitans, who, it will be remarked are usually charged with immorality of which nothing is said here. It also explains the much debated clause on the statue of Hippolytus, in which allusion is made to a work of his to Severina. This extract enables us to say that Severina was the mother of Severus, and that she not only listened to the teaching of Origen, but of Hippolytus. Whether Mammea was a Christian, may be considered as probable, but is still uncertain.
51. 51 Clemens Romanus is not often quoted from in the Syrian manuscripts, and the accompanying extracts have eluded the vigilance of the editor of the Corpus Ignatianum.
52. 52 This is the only extract from Clemens Alexandrinus I have yet discovered among the Nitrian manuscripts. The circumstance is one for which I cannot account.
53. 53 Origen also, as far as I can ascertain, is represented by a single extract in the Syrian manuscripts. The passage is fanciful and uninstructive, but I give it as nearly as I can.
54. 54 The letter of Dionysius of Alexandria is given, I find, by Eusebius, but I print it for comparison with his copy; and to show the use made of it, I have, as in some other cases, added a portion of the context in which it stands. Dionysius died in or about. A.D. 264.
55. 55 John of Jerusalem, died about A.D. 416. It was in his time that the pretended discovery of St. Stephen's relics took place, as stated in the inscription of the extract.
56. 56 This short sentence from Methodius is merely given because identical with an expression of Tertullian's referred to in the foot note, Methodius is supposed to have died early in the th century as a martyr. Fragments of his work in defence of the resurrection are extant.
57. 57 Eustathius of Antioch was at the Council of Nicea, and strongly opposed Arius. The extracts are remarkable for saying that Photinus was the same as Murinus. Certainly one is a translation of the other. There is extant a document bearing the name of Murinus of |108 whom nothing is known. Photinus was the contemporary of Eustathius.
58. 58 I have found no such passage in Justin, as the one here fathered upon him.
59. 59 Theodorus is probably a fictitious person, except the name be a mistake for Tiberius, who was at one time believed to have corresponded with Pilate about Jesus Christ.
60. 60 This passage in the original is closely connected with the two preceding, and is well known.
61. 61 George, it seems, lived in the earlier part of the th century, and appears to have been a Bishop among the Arabs. He addresses the treatise from which the extracts are taken, to a friend who resided at Banab or Banabe, which was in Mesopotamia, near the Euphrates (see Ptolemy v. 18). This treatise has been printed by Dr. de Lagarde, and is taken from a volume containing more by the same writer (Add. MSS. 12154. See also 12144, 12165). The style is prolix, but the author says some things at least in which the Chronological student will be interested. His notices of "the wise Persian," whom I take to be Jacob of Nisibis, are by no means unimportant; and his account of Gregory the Armenian is positively valuable, so absolutely have his followers encumbered his history with fables. I have merely given the headings of the last four chapters. For the Mar Jacob alluded to on p. 67, see also p. 83.
62. 62 The manuscript from which these items are taken is of the th century. It contains much that is in Eusebius, but also many things neither in his Chronicle nor in any other with which I am acquainted. In the quotations I have followed the spelling of the original as to proper names generally. It would require a commentary to explain and illustrate all the peculiarities and difficulties of this curious document. The chronology is of course the one which dates from B.C. 311, or, as the writer says 310 before Christ. To facilitate the use of it, I will first give the Syriac names of the months, which have the same number of days as the Roman.
January....Canon the latter.
February...Shebat.
March...... Adar.
April........Nisan.
May.........Eyar.
June........Haziran.
JuIy.........Tammuz.
August.....Ab.
September..Elul.
October.....Tishri the former.
November..Tishri the latter.
December...Canon the former. |109
According to the Syrians the year commences with Tishri the former, or October.
In the miscellaneous items, from p. 75 to 88, there are inaccurate calculations, and other errors and obscurities, but some of these are of small importance. Belus is regarded as the first king of Assyria and Sardanapalus as the last. To this latter a place is assigned at least 820 years B.C., and Abraham is made contemporary with Ninus. It will be observed that under the head of Kings of Babel, we commence with Pul and Adrashach; who this Adrashach was is not clear, but he and Pul are the first of five Assyrians, followed by four Chaldeans, a Mede, and Darius, son of Shurus (?) The first year of the 50th Olympiad was 580 B.C., and the second year of the 47th was 591. The list of Persian kings from Cambyses to Alexander is curious, but somewhat incorrect. Titicnus (i.e. Artabanus, I suppose), is put down for seven months, and the actual sum of years is then 236 and 11 months. Arisolthus should be Darius Kothus; Artaxerxes Ochus is transformed into Artachshesheth Uchomo, or the Black; Perses takes the place of Arses; and Darius Codomanus is termed the son of Ershach. The reference to the Olympiads is also wrong.
In the next list, we find Arnoba for Zenobia, and the sum of the years is 274 and six months, although we require as many as are stated, neither is the order of the monarchs always the same as we find elsewhere. The list of Syrian kings also requires examination. It will be seen (p. 77) that Judith is regarded as having lived under Cambyses, here identified with the Nebuchadnezzar of that book.
Without tracing all the details, I will refer to a few. Cecrops found out the name of Dios (Zeus), merely invented it, according to the well-known fable. Some of the Greek classical names are considerably altered, as Camus for Cadmus, and Bedlus for Belus. The reference to Sihon as a king of the Arabians instead of the Amorites is curious, but some of the details in this account are obscure.
At p. 81, the Alexandrian era is made to commence B.C. 309, although 310 is elsewhere given, and 311 generally assumed as the correct reckoning. The Archives of Edessa, here alluded to, were very famous; but, if we may judge from the extracts stamped with their authority, not always to be trusted. We here get an intimation that Carus (i.e. Cres) and Belus were the sons of Inachus. The Tripolis erected by Xanthus is the Triopa Lesbum of Eusebius. For Carmanus, on p. 82, I should read Cadmanus or Cadmus.
At p. 83, Chosroes is regularly termed Chosrun in the MS. Cabas is the Greek Cabades. There are some dates here which |110 require a word of explanation. Thus the year 848, the 9th of Shebat, the third, should be A.D. 537, February 9, Indiction the third. There is, however, an error, either in the year 848, for 837, or in the Indiction. The next instance, AD. 565, July the 22nd, Indiction 13, is correct. On p. 84, the date 802, the 9th, should be the 9th Indiction; 910, the nd, should be the nd Indiction; 904, the th, should be the th Indiction; 915, the th, should be the th Indiction; and 920 should be the 10th Indiction, and not the 10th month. I need scarcely add that the Indictions were periods of fifteen years each, and it will be observed that the word is itself found in the MS. as copied on p. 86. On this page it will be seen that Arabissus has applied to it an epithet which I have written Tripotamus, but I am by no means certain of its true meaning. The chronicler supplies here a record of painful interest. He states that on February th, A.D. 634, a battle was fought near Gaza, between the Teian (Arab) followers of Mahomet and the Romans, in which the Saracens were victorious. This would seem to have been the first or nearly the first victory gained by the Mohammedans in Palestine, soon however to be followed by the conquest of the country. The next entry records their invasion and successes in Syria, and with this the series of events terminates. Those which follow appear to be merely omissions from the preceding pages.
If the reader will turn back to p. 84, he will find reference to Antiochosrum, for which he may refer to Procopius on the Persian Wars, bk. ii. chap. 14. Mazal Drahraan is in the MSS. written as one word. Hemus may stand for Emesa, but I am not sure that Imma, near Antioch, is not meant. In the year 902 Domitian persecuted, etc., ought of course to be Chosrun. There are a few names of places in the succeeding pages which I have failed to identify; nor do I remember to have met with the name of Zurac, the Persian general referred to on p. 88.
In the notice of several Councils there is very little to detain us. Yet I cannot say why Alexandria is called Alpharno (p. 88), and Antioch Ludion (p. 89) except by sheer neglect. Hiba (p.90) is the well known Ibas of Edessa; Aninicus of Saida seems to stand for Arnphilochius of Sida in Pamphylia, rather than for Damian of Sidon, both of whom were at the Council. Eusebius of Dorliaeus is Eusebius of Dorylaeum.
The account of Mahomet and his successors is a precious little chapter of history. The name of Mahomet is written both with a final t and a final d as in the text. In the title of this piece a word, which I believe to have been "prophet," has been erased, and has |111 been supplied in brackets. The term Mahagroye occurs elsewhere, as at the close of the Paris MS. from which the first extracts in this volume are taken: "Epistle of the blessed patriarch (Athanasius, A.D. 684) to the effect that a Christian should not eat of the sacrifices of the Mahagroye who now rule." It seems applied to the followers of Mahomet as such, from the same root as Hegira (flight); and I understand it to mean "fugitives" or "wanderers." The period included in this table is 104 years, one month (not five months), and two days.
The short extracts from two martyrologies are specimens of a large class. It will be seen that they are like all legends of a similar character. Yet there is one in the volume from which I have taken these (a MS. of the sixth century) of extreme interest. I may refer to the journal and article mentioned at p. 93, for a notice of it, and here I will only say that I speak of the acts of Addi, and that I concluded the article in question with this note. After referring to Eusebius, History lib. i. 12, and ii. 1, I remark: ----"On examining those portions of Eusebius which are here referred to, several curious facts are at once elicited by comparing them with the fragments before us. In the first place, both relate to the same series of events, of which the former part is related by Eusebius, and the latter by the Syriac fragment. Secondly, both profess to emanate from the public archives of Edessa. Thirdly, both Eusebius and the Syriac speak of a certain Abdos, son of Abdos (Abdu bar Abdu). Fourthly, both of them speak of the preaching and miracles of the evangelist, and of his success. All these (and others might be pointed out) suggest that we have here a portion of the very document from which Eusebius derived his information. This appears to be an almost necessary inference; but on this very account it encourages the suspicion that the statements made by Eusebius are not all true. He found them in his record, and supposed them to be of some antiquity; but if he had read on to the end, or reflected, he would have seen that the composition was quite a recent one. Mention is made in it of Zephyrinus of Rome, who died about A.D. 202, and of Serapion of Antioch, who lived till after A.D. 210. Besides, it is added that the account was written after all the events it records----that is, of course, after the last of them. It therefore would seem, to be most probable, and almost certain, that the document was composed at or about the middle of the third century. If this be the case, Eusebius's authentic contemporary narrative was not written at Edessa till at most three-quarters of a century before the date at which his own work ends. The whole |112 question is curious, and by no means without interest and importance, especially if it appear that we have here stumbled upon one of the original sources of a remarkable chapter in the Father of Ecclesiastical History. The Greek and Latin writers after Eusebius, who refer to the subject, need not be considered, as they merely borrow from him."
__________________________
STEPHEN AUSTIN, PRINTER, HERTFORD.
[The following footnotes have been given numbers and moved to the end]
63. * Except a part of it, in No. 14,533, among the same MSS.
64. + Or, who consented.
65. * Order, Mansi, 1, 3, 2, 4, 11, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 9.
66. + Called Cymon in Nicene list.
67. ++ A distinct declaration of assent to the decisions of the Council follows this name, and a similar one comes after that of Theodorus.
68. * Cf. Tertullian, De Resur. 18.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2003. All material on this page is in the public domain - copying is encouraged.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Texts from Mount Sinai: preface to the online edition
Texts from Mount Sinai: preface to the online edition
During the 1890s, a series of apocryphal or fictional texts from Mount Sinai were edited, translated into English and published as a series, Studia Sinaitica. The editor was Margaret Dunlop Gibson (1843-1920), who with Agnes Lewis had uncovered these texts.
The texts are fictional narratives of the lives of apostles and saints. Frequently more than one version exists, in one language or another. Studia Sinaitica 5 contains the following material in English, as well as editions of the texts:
Anaphora Pilati: from the Syriac text, with passages from the Arabic
Recognitions of Clement: from the Arabic text of the Mt. Sinai Ms.
Recognitions of Clement: from the Arabic text of the British Library Ms.
Martyrdom of Clement: from the Arabic
Preaching of Peter: from the Arabic
Martyrdom of James the son of Alphaeus: from the Arabic
Preaching of Simon son of Cleophas: from the Arabic
Martyrdom of Simon son of Cleophas: from the Arabic
At the moment, only one of the Arabic epitomes of the Recognitions of Clement has been placed online: it is hoped to add more. The text was scanned and corrected by Renardo68, who sent it to me, and then proofed against the printed text by myself. Errors are of course my responsibility.
Roger Pearse
25th February 2003
Bibliography
Margaret Dunlop GIBSON, Apocrypha Sinaitica, Studia Sinaitica 5. London: C.J.Clay / Cambridge University Press (1896). xx, 66, 81 p., 1: 4 facsim. (incl. front.); 26cm.
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Recognitions of Clement: Introduction to the Sinai epitome
Studia Sinaitica 5 (1896) pp. xiv-xvii.
INTRODUCTION: THE RECOGNITIONS OF CLEMENT (Sinai Epitome)
The Recognitions of the Roman Clement are too well known in their Latin as well as in their English dress to need any introduction to the scholar. They have been extant hitherto only in the Latin translation of Rufinus of Aquileia, who died A.D. 4101. It was first published by Sichardus (Basle, 1526) and since then by Cotelier (Apostolic Fathers, Paris, 1672), and by Gersdorf (Leipzig, 1838). A Syriac translation was also |xv published by de Lagarde in 1861, from two MSS. in the British Museum, the older of which was written at Edessa, A.D. 411. The Greek original used by Rufinus was prefaced by a letter from Clement to James the Lord's brother, bishop of Jerusalem, which Rufinus left out, believing it to be of a later date.
The Arabic text given in this volume is contained in the MS. No. 508 of the Sinai Catalogue, and is, compared to Rufinus's Latin text, a very short narrative. It omits almost wholly the discourses of Peter and his discussions with Simon and others. It would therefore be out of place here to do more than allude to the question of the priority of the Recognitions or of the Clementine Homilies to one another, a question which has been debated with so much acumen by A. Schliemann, Hilgenfeld, Uhlhorn, Ritschl, Lehmann, Lipsius and others. Suffice it to say that through the labours of Uhlhorn, Hilgenfeld and Ritschl, it is now pretty generally acknowledged that, as Lehmann suggested, the three first books of the Recognitions are the original document from which the Homilies were composed, and that Books iv.-x. of the Recognitions were afterwards added from the Homilies (Lehmann, Die Clementinischen Schriften, p. 21).
As to the date of the text and its origin, we have internal evidence only to rely upon, though it is evident from the date of the Syriac MS. Add. 12,150 in the British Museum that it cannot be later than the fourth Century. Hilgenfeld has pointed out that Matthidia was the name of the sister of Trajan, mother-in-law of Hadrian; and that the name Faustina was borne by the wife of Antoninus Pius, as well as by her daughter, the wife of Marcus Aurelius. The busts of these two ladies may be seen in the British Museum. This suggests a date between A.D. 150 and 170. The Recognitions, or a document closely allied to them, are quoted by Origen, Philocalia, c. XXIII., Commentary on Genesis 21, which was written A.D. 231.
[... Greek quotation from Origen...] |xvi
Then follows a long quotation, evidently from the Greek text translated by Rufinus, Book x. a.10, 11, 12-23. It is given full by Robinson, The Philocalia of Origen, Cambridge, l893.
All writers on the subject seem to agree that Syria is the place of the origin of these documents, and that the author was a Jewish-Christian, who held doctrines distinctly Ebionistic. This Arabic text does not go so deeply into questions of dogma as the Latin or even the Syriac texts; yet even here we have the superstitious reverence attached to water both in baptism and ablutions; also the refusal of baptized Christians to eat with unbaptized Christians; insomuch that Peter is represented as continuing in the same narrow frame of mind for which his brother-Apostle found it necessary to rebuke him (Galatians ii. 11-14.). The Arabic text is, however, free from the outrageously heathenish idea that Faustinian's face was changed by Simon Magus to look like his own; and the still more heathenish idea that an Apostle could be guilty of a pious fraud by turning the metamorphosis to account.
A. Schliemann has also pointed out that the hierarchical ideas in the Recognitions point to a Jewish Ebionistic origin. Peter appoints a bishop off-hand, and also presbyters and deacons, the former of whom are of the mystical number twelve. It deserves to be noticed, however, that this Arabic text does not take its actors to Rome, but seems to imply that they remained in Syria; and it therefore does not attribute to Peter any breach of the covenant made with Paul (Gal. ii. 9). Nor does it contain any mention of James the bishop of Jerusalem, to whom the Greek text used by Rufinus was addressed.
It is quite possible that this Arabic text is an epitome by some Arab Christian monk who was more fascinated by the interest of the narrative than anxious to edify his brethren by translating the discourses. If so, we must grant that he has shewn considerable literary skill, and has fully appreciated the |xvii dramatic side of his documents. As to the story itself, there is nothing absolutely impossible in it. Communication between Rome and Athens was comparatively frequent in the days of the Empire; and if mere tent-makers like Priscilla and Aquila could have interests in several cities and countries, there is nothing unlikely in a noble Roman lady taking her children to Athens for their education and her own convenience. The only circumstance that in my humble judgment seems somewhat improbable, is that Faustinian should have been for several days in the Island of Aradus, and have time to carry on a philosophical discussion with Peter's young followers: and yet that he and his wife should have needed Peter's intervention to recognize one another.
[Margaret Dunlop GIBSON]
[Note: the remainder of the introduction, dealing with another epitome of this work, in British Library Ms. Add. 9965, also translated in Studia Sinaitica, is omitted.]
1. Rufinus states in the preface to his work that he undertook it at the request of Sylvia (the Pilgrim to Mount Sinai).
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Recognitions of Clement: Sinai Epitome
Studia Sinaitica 5 (1896) pp. 15-28
RECOGNITIONS OF CLEMENT: Sinai Epitome (Arabic)
(From a MS. in the Convent at Mount Sinai. No. 508)
In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, one God. The Christ is God, my strength, my help, and my hope. This is the tale of [how] Clement recognized his parents and his brothers by means of Peter the Apostle, chief of the Apostles, blessed in the faith; and this is the teaching of the above-mentioned Saint Peter, while he was at Tripolis.
"It is necessary that love to God should be greater than that to parents and children, for He is the cause of all; and it is difficult for us to know what God is, but we are sure that He is God. And do not think that ye are believers, when ye are without baptism, because by it the figure of grace is found in the water, recognizing those who are baptized in the name of the Blessed Trinity, who saves from future punishment; and therefore hasten to the water, for it alone is able to quench that fire. And when he said that, he dismissed the crowd." And when I Clement had completed three months with him, he commanded me to fast for three days, and then we went to fountains of water on the sea-shore, and he baptized me there and with me Maroones, the man who had entertained us. Then he appointed him bishop of Tripolis, and twelve Presbyters, with deacons. Then he left the people of Tripolis, and went out to Antioch in Syria.
And the cause of my meeting him was this. While I was in the city of Rome, in my youthful years, I had carried chastity and righteousness to a great length, as also the recollection of death, and meditation about the soul, whether it is |16 mortal or immortal, and about this world, whether it had a beginning or not, and whether it will perish or not. And whilst I thought on these things, I did not cease frequenting the place of philosophers and wise men, and I did not find anything more from the Porch than a deceitful and vain thing, and I thought I would go to Egypt to those magicians [who foretell] about the dead, and while I thought about this, look, news was spread about in the empire of Tiberius concerning a man in the land of Judaea who was preaching the eternal kingdom of God and who confirmed that by many mighty deeds. And when this was so, behold, Barnabas came to Rome preaching the Christ, and the wise men were mocking him. And meanwhile I knew in him a righteous purpose; and I adopted his evidence, and I forsook like dogs those who do not accept the word of salvation; and I took Barnabas, and I entertained him at my house, and I heard Speech from him; and when they were going out to the land of Judea, I went out with him, and in fifteen days we came to Caesarea; and I heard that Peter was in it, and that he intended [to have] a contest with Simon the next day; and when I went to his dwelling, Barnabas brought me in to him. And Peter received me with much affection, and he was very glad of what I had done to benefit Barnabas in Rome, and he confirmed my vocation, and commanded me to come to him, as he intended to travel to Rome; and when I promised him this, I asked him about the soul and about the world, and he made clear to me briefly by examination the folly that enters into people by means of sin, and that is what overclouds the minds of people like smoke. And he explained to me the coming of the Christ, and the resurrection to life. And in the morning, behold, Zacchaeus came saying that Simon had postponed the contest for seven days. Peter completed his teaching of us about the science of the world, according to what the Holy Spirit gave him. And after this we went to Tripolis, to the place in which I was baptized, and from thence Peter sent Niceta and Aquila with others to Laodicea, and told them to wait for him at the door of the city. |17 But I and he went to Antaradus, and I thanked him for taking me with him as his follower, and he said to me: "If I send thee to a place to buy for us what is necessary, wilt thou die?" And I answered and said to him: "Thou art to me instead of my father and my mother, and my brothers; thou hast been the cause of my knowing the truth; and thou hast made me equal to great people. Wilt thou therefore put me in the place of service?" And Peter answered joking and said to me: "Dost thou think that thou hast never been a servant? And who will watch over my undressing and dressing? and who will prepare for me the many dishes that are necessary to the cooks, and this in the greatness of skill which is designed for luxurious people for the gratification of desire which is a great satisfaction, and I am clothed by it with abundance; and do not imagine that thou shalt know anything of this if thou art with me, for I do not get anything but the smallest bit of bread, and some oil with a little pulse; and all my wardrobe is these rags which thou lockest upon, and I need nothing else, for my mind looks on the good things that are eternal, and does not turn to what is contemptible. And I am surprised at thee, for thou art a man brought up in the enjoyment of the world, and thou hast despised all this, and thou art contented with things in moderation. But I and my brother Andrew were brought up in orphanage and poverty and misery, and we were accustomed to toil and that we should bear fatigue. For this reason I will endure from thee toil and Service to thyself." And when I heard this from him I shuddered at it, and took an example on hearing this from a man whom the world cannot equal, and my eye wept. And when he saw me crying, he said to me: "Why are thine eyes weeping?" And I answered him, saying: "In what have I sinned against thee, that thou causest me to hear this speech?"
And Peter said: "If I did wrong in saying I would serve thee, thou didst a greater wrong at the first when thou didst not see that, and there is no equality in this, yet it is fitting that I should do this to thee."
"But thou, O Apostle from God, Saviour of our souls, it is |18 not fitting that thou shouldst do this." And Peter answered and said: "Behold, I would have accepted thy opinion, if it were not that our Lord, who came for the salvation of the world, to whom alone be honour, bore Service, that He might persuade us not to be ashamed to serve our brethren. And He washed my feet and hands, saying, Thus do to thy brethren." And I Clement said to him, "I thought I should conquer thee in Speech, and I was a fool, but I thank God who has put thee in the place of parents.' And Peter said to me: "Hast thou any kinsfolk?" And I said to him, "There are noble men in my family nearly related to Caesar the Emperor. And he, the husband of my mother, possesses dignity, and by her we are three boys, twins before me, as my father told me, and I do not even know them, nor my mother, except by a faint recollection; and after them my mother gave birth to me, and her name was Matthidia, and my father's name was Faustinian and my brothers, Faustus and Faustinianus. And when I was in my fifth year, my mother saw a vision in her sleep, as my father related to me afterwards, that if the woman did not take her children immediately and go out of Rome and travel for ten years, she would perish, both she and they. But my father, when he heard this, carried them into a ship, with provisions, secretly, with many servants, and sent them to travel to Athens, and he kept me only with him in order to console me, being overwhelmed with grief thereat. And when a year had passed after that, my father sent to Athens goods and money, in order that he might know their state; and the messengers went, and did not return. And in the third year he sent others for that [purpose], and they departed, and came in the fourth year to tell that they had not found the lads, nor their mother, and that these had never got to Athens at all; and they did not find a trace of them. And when my father heard this, he sorrowed with a great sorrow, and he was in much perplexity, but he neither knew how to find [them] nor where to weep for them. And he went to the shore of the sea, and I with him, and he began to ask the sailors from every place where ships had been wrecked for four years past, if any of them had seen a |19 drowned woman with her boys; and he did not fall in with the certainty of the matter, for no one can explore the expanse of the ocean. Thereupon he made me his heir in Rome, and appointed guardians over me; and I that day was twelve years old, and he went from Rome in a ship, and departed to places to look for them. And now I have not heard news of him, nor [seen] writing, and [do not know if he is alive or dead, whilst I think that he must have died, and now today it is twenty years since he separated from me." And when Peter heard this, his eyes wept from pity, and he said to those believers that were with him: "One gains experience by what this man's father hath suffered. It shews concerning believers who are not vain heathen, who suffer here without reward in the last day, that those of the believers who are tried here endure suffering for the forsaking of their sins by means of it." And when Peter said this, one of those present answered before all, and besought Peter, saying, Behold, tomorrow our journey will be to the Island of Aradus in the sea that thou mayest see it. And there are there great pillars of winewood, and the sight of them is wonderful." And Peter allowed us to go, and said to us: "When ye arrive, do not go all of you together to the wonderful place, that no misfortune befall you." And we went, and came to the island, and we got down out of the ship where the pillars were, and every one of us began to turn to some of the marvels that were there. But whilst Peter went to the pillars, behold, a woman sitting outside the gates asking alms. And when Peter saw her, he said to her: "O woman, what is defective in thy limbs, that thou hast submitted to this humiliation of begging, and thou dost not increase what God has given thee by the work of thy hands, so that thou couldst even give bread to me from day to day?' And the woman sighed, and said: "O would that I had hands able for Service and work. but they are in the form hands, yet they are dead, even when I bite them with my teeth." And Peter answered and said: "And what is the cause that obliges thee to do this?" And the woman said: "The cause of it is only weakness; if I had boldness or strength, I would |20 have thrown away my life from a mountain, or in the deep, and I would have had rest from the sorrows and the cares with which my people reproach me.' Said Peter: "And are those who kill themselves saved from punishment, or do they suffer more of it in Gehenna with the souls who did thus to kill them?' And the woman said, "O would I were sure that in Gehenna there are living souls, that I might go there and see my loved ones, even if I were in torment." And Peter said: "And what is it that grieves thee, O woman, tell me; and if I knew perhaps I could cure thee, and convince thee that in Gehenna there are living souls, and give thee skill that thou shouldst not long (to go) with them to drowning, or to anything else, and that thou mayest go out of the body without torment." And she was glad at the promise, and she began to relate to him, saying: "I am a woman who was possessed of dignity, and a nobleman wedded me, a man of position, related to Caesar the Emperor. And I had twin sons by him, and I had another son besides them, and after that the brother of my husband fell in love with me, and I persuaded him to live in chastity, and I did not tell my husband of his wicked desire 1 towards me. And I resolved that I would not consent to him, nor defile the couch of my husband, besides exciting enmity between them, and that would be a reproach to me before all my people, and I resolved on going out of the city with my son for a short time till this bad wind should cease and vengeance should pass from me, and I left my other son with his father that he might be comforted by him, and I dreamt in a dream as if I saw a vision in the night saying to me: "O woman, go out with thy children from here until a time that I will shew thee thy return, and if not, thou shalt perish with thy husband and children." And therefore I did [it], and when I told this to my husband he shuddered at that, then he rose, and carried me into a ship with my boys, and many servants, and much goods, and sent us to Athens, and while we travelled on the sea, the winds arose against us, and the waves came over us, and we were engulfed in the night, and every one who was |21 with us was drowned and I, miserable being, was thrown with a wave to the side of a rock, and I was inveigled by it (into) a hope of finding my boys alive. On that account, I did not throw myself to the depths and go to rest, and this, by my life, would have been case then, when I was overwhelmed with grief. And when the dawn approached I began to turn and grope for my drowned sons, and I mourn and bewail them with tears, whilst I did not see one of them nor their drowned bodies; and when the people of the place saw me, they pitied me and covered me. Then they sought for my boys in the depths, and did not find them. And there came to me women comforting me, and they were reminded of the misfortunes and the griefs they had suffered like to what had befallen me, and that was a thing that increases my grief because there were no other misfortunes but [such as] mine with which they consoled me. And they invited me to go to them (two) and I went to a poor woman when she invited me to go to page her, and she said to me, "I had a husband, who died by drowning in the sea, and left me that day, being of my own age, and since then I have known no man, though many invited me to wedlock, and I preferred chastity and piety towards my husband. Come, we will go into one life and one household, and I lived with her that she might keep her affection for her husband. And after that I had a pain in my hand, and the woman my house-companion had a paralytic stroke there in the house, and since then for some time I sit here begging alms for myself and for my friend. And now I have explained to thee my affair and my story, and fulfil now thy promise to me, that thou mayest give me the cure, by means of which it will be possible for me to hasten from this world with my friend." And when the woman said this, Peter fell the more into thought, and he was then standing, and I Clement came up to Peter, and said to him, "O good Teacher, where hast thou been, for I have been seeking thee for some time. What dost thou command us to do?" And he said, "Go forward and wait for me in the ship." And I did as he commanded me. And he renewed the questioning of the woman, and said to her, "Tell me about thy |22 family, and thy city, and thy children, and their names, and I will give thee the medicine." And the woman did not wish to tell him about that, and she began to tell him untruthfully, that she might get the medicine. And she said to him, "I am a woman of Ephesus, and my husband was from Sicily," and she changed the names of her boys; and Peter saw that she was trustworthy, and said to her, "I had been thinking, that thou wouldst have had a good fortune of joy this day, because I thought that thou were a woman whose affairs I know." And the woman adjured him, saying: "I ask you to tell me what thou knowest, for I do not think that among women there is one more wretched than I." And Peter began to relate to her truly, and said, "There is with me a lad my follower, in search of the certain knowledge of God, and he is from Rome; besides, he told me about a father whom he had, and twin brothers, and he believed that his mother, as his father had told him, saw in a vision that she should go out of Rome with her sons that she might not perish with her husband, and she went out, and he does not know what became of her, and that his father went in search of her, and news of him failed also, and he does not know what became of him." And when Peter said this, the woman fell in a faint, and Peter came forward, and took her hand, and said to her: "Have confidence, and trust me, and tell me truly what thou hast to do with that." As she recovered from the faint, and wiped her face, she said: "Where is this lad whom thou didst tell me of?" And Peter said: "Tell thou me first thy affair, and I will shew thee him." And she said: "I am the mother of this boy." Said Peter, "What is his name?" She said: "Clement is his name." And Peter said: "He is the youth who is present, and I commanded him to wait for me in the ship." And she fell down and did homage to him. And she said: "Hasten first to the ship, that thou mayest show me my only son, for when I see him, I have seen my boys who were drowned here." And Peter said to her: "I will do this to thee, but when thou seest him, be silent until thou comest down from the Island." And the woman said, "I will do so." And Peter took her by |23 the hand, and brought her near to the ship. And when I saw him holding a woman by the hand, I smiled, then I honoured him for that, and I began to lead the woman, and when I caught her hand, she cried with a loud voice, weeping and embracing me, and she began to kiss me. And I, because I did not know the thing, thought she was insane, or bewitched, and I pushed her from me. And Peter said, "Why, my son, dost thou push thy mother from thee?" And when I heard this from him, that she was my mother, my heart was troubled, and my eyes wept, and I threw myself towards her and my heart warmed to her, page n and weeping overcame me for joy and pity, and I kissed her; and all the people who were there came near us, hurrying to see the beggar woman, how she had recognised her son. And when we wished to go out from the Island, my mother said to me: "O my beloved son, it is my duty to say good-bye to the woman who received me, and besides, she is a paralysed woman, bed-ridden in the house." And when Peter heard [this], he marvelled at the sense of the woman, and he commanded that the paralysed woman should be carried on a couch, and they brought her to him. And when they came near, Peter said, the people listening, "If I am an apostle of Christ, let these people now believe, that God is the only one, Creator of all, and the restoration of this woman is complete." And when Peter said this, the woman rose whole, and did obeisance to Peter, and asked him about these things. And he convinced her, and she knew the certainty of the thing; and when all the people heard they wondered with a great wonder and Peter made them a Speech about religion and about the last day. He said: "Whosoever wishes to hear: the certainty about God for the salvation of his soul, let him travel to Antioch, as I have resolved to stay there for three months; and more obligatory than absence for the merchandise of the gains of the world [is] the search for the salvation of Souls, and the gain of the other [world]." And after the speech of Peter to the people, I gave a thousand drachmas to the woman whom Peter had cured, and entrusted them to an honest man, and recompensed the women who all had known my mother; and we travelled to Antaradus with Peter, and my |24 mother and the rest; and when we arrived at the house, my mother asked me, saying, "How is thy father, O my son?" and I said to her, "From the time when he went out in search of thee no trace was known of him"; and when she heard that she sighed and grieved. And after a day we went out to Laodicea, and when we came near to it, behold, before the gates disciples of Peter, Niceta and Aquila, and they met us and took us to the house; and when Peter saw the place suitable, he was pleased to stay there ten days, and Niceta and Aquila asked me, saying, "Who is this woman?" and I said to them: "This is my mother, whom God permitted me to know by the forethought of my lord Peter"; and when I said this, Peter explained to them the certainty of the thing, how it was, according as I had related it about my mother, according as he heard from her, and he it was who had led us to a knowledge of each other. And when Peter said this, they marvelled much when they heard Peter about the woman and her recollection of her sons Faustus and Faustinianus, and they were astonished at the tale. And they said," Do we see? Is this a vision or the truth? If we are not be-witched it is true." And they beat upon their faces, and they said, "We are Faustus and Faustinianus, and our hearts were straitened when thou didst begin the tale, and we held firm till we should hear the end of the tale, because many of the things are like one another. And this by my life is our mother, and this is our brother.' And when they said this, they embraced me with much weeping, and they kissed me, and they went in to our mother, and found her asleep. And Peter said to them, "Do not wake her, lest an emotion of joy overcome her suddenly, and her soul grow small within her." And when our mother awoke, Peter began to say to her, "I will instruct thee, O woman, about our religion, and our faith in God; we believe in one God, Creator of all this visible world, and we keep His commands, and sanctify and honour [our] parents; and we live a pure life, and have no communion with the heathen in meat or in drink, unless they are baptized in the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost. And if there is a father or mother or wife or son or brother unbaptized, we |25 do not trust him and do not be grieved if thy son is bound by this unless thou becomest like him.' And when she heard this, she said, "And what is necessary, that I should not be baptized today, and that I should not come to this, because my soul has hated false gods, because they inspire the reverse of chastity, on account of which I fled from Rome with my sons Faustus and Faustinian?" And when our mother said this, my brothers Niceta and Aquila did not wait, but they [were] overjoyed and they embraced her and kissed her. And the woman said, "What is this thing?" Said Peter, "0 woman, keep thy presence of mind. These are thy sons Faustus and Faustinianus, whom thou didst think were drowned in the sea, how are they here before thee? 'The sea swallowed them in the middle of the night, and how is the one called Niceta, and the other Aquila?" "Let them tell us now that we and thou may know.1 And when Peter said this, the woman fell in a faint from joy, and we restored her with great labour, and when she sat up, she said to us, "I beg of you, my beloved sons, tell me what happened to you in that night." And my brother Niceta said, "I relate to thee, O my mother, that in that night when our ship was wrecked they carried us into the boat, to make merchandise of us, and they rowed with us to the land, and came with us to Caesarea, and they tormented us there with hunger, and beating, in order that we should not say anything that did not suit them. And they changed our names, and sold us to a Jewess, whose name was Justa, and she bought us and educated us, and when we came to years of discretion, we acquired a sure faith in God, and we began disputing and conversing that the godlessness of all the heathen might be reproved; and we learnt the sayings of philosophy, that by this we might examine vain philosophies and reasonings. And we associated with a man, a wizard, whose name was Simon, and we had much affection for him, and he nearly led us astray. And it came to us that there was a prophet in the land of Judaea, and everyone who believed in him would live without sorrow or death, and we thought it was Simon; and after that we met a disciple of our master Peter, whose name was Zacchaeus, and he exhorted us much and |26 hurried us from the wizard, and conducted us to Peter, and he led us to the knowledge of the truth. And we seek from God that he would count thee worthy to welcome thee to the grace to which we have come, that we may be filled with grace towards one another. This is the reason why thou didst think that we were drowned that night, and we also thought that thou hadst perished in the sea.' And when Niceta said this, our mother ran to Peter and said, "I ask and beg of thee that thou wouldst baptize me, that I may not be deprived one day of intercourse with my children." And we begged this of him; and he commanded her to fast for three days, then after that he baptized her in the sea, in presence of her children, and we took food with her, and we rejoiced at this in the glory of God and the teaching of Peter, and in the knowledge we had got of our mother; and we learnt that chastity is the cause of salvation to the nations; and after that day Peter took us to the harbour, and we washed there, and prayed. And behold, an old man sitting there looking towards us, and observing our prayer closely, and after we had prayed, he approached us to reprove us and to say that everything happens by fortune, and that invocation and prayer are useless; and we remained three days to persuade him to change his opinion of this thing. And thereupon, during our discourse to him, we were calling him "O Father"; and he was calling us, "O my sons." And this was a providence from God, because by it we began to know this word; and Aquila said to me and to Niceta, "Why do you call this stranger Father?" And my brother said to me, "Do not complain of this," and we continued in our talk to him, and he in that opinion of his, and he said: "Although the discourse has convinced me, yet I think of my wife, whose star and whose fortune was in vice, and she fled from wickedness on account of the disgrace, and she was drowned in the sea." And I Clement said to him, "And how dost thou know that the woman when she fled did not marry one of the slaves, and that she died?" "I know certainly, that she did not marry, because she was chaste, and after her death, my brother related to me how she loved him at first and he, in fidelity towards me and his continence |27 in his chastity, did not wish to defile my bed. And she, poor creature, in her fear of me and of disgrace, used an artifice, and she is not to be blamed, for this was fated against her, and she feigned that she had seen a vision and she said to me that: "if I remain here, I shall perish with my sons." And when I heard that from her, verily, through my desire for her safety and [that of] her sons, I sent her, and I kept with me a third son whom I had, as she asserted that she saw in her dreams." And when I heard this from him, I said, "Perhaps this is my father," and my eye wept. And when my brothers Sprung forward, wishing to embrace him, Peter prevented them, and said to them, ' Be silent till it pleases me.' And Peter answered and said to the old man,' What is the name of thy son, the youngest boy?' And the old man said: "His name is Clement." And Peter answered him and said, "If I shew thee today thy chaste wife with her three sons, wilt thou believe that a chaste mind is able to conquer animal emotions, and that my discourse which I made to thee about God is the truth?" And the old man said, "Just as what thou hast promised me cannot be, so there cannot be (anything) without fate." Said Peter, "I call those present to witness that this day I present to thee thy wife with her three sons alive in her chastity. And the proof of this is my knowing the certainty of the thing better than thee. And I tell thee all that she related, in order that thou mayest know and all these may know all this." And when Peter said this he began to relate, saying, "This man whom ye see, my brethren, in his ragged raiment, he is of the people of Rome, of a great lineage, and noble dignity, akin to Cesar, and his name is Faustinianus; and he married a noble woman, and her name is Matthidia; and he had three sons by her, two of them twins, and the third younger than they, whose name is Clement, and this is he, and these are the others, the one Aquila, and the other Niceta, and their names at first were, one Faustus, and the other Faustinianus. And when Peter said this, and named them by their names, the old man was bewildered, and fainted, and his sons fell upon him kissing him and weeping, supposing that he was dead. And the |28 people were bewildered by this marvel, and Peter commanded us to lean off from the old man, and he took him by the hand, and raised him, and he related to the people all the misfortunes that had befallen him, and the reason that they happened. And when our mother learned this, she came hurrying, crying and saying: "Where is my husband and lord Faustinianus, who has been miserable on account of me for a long time, seeking me in every city?" And while she was crying thus, the old man sprang hastily towards her with tears, and they embraced one another. And after all this Peter sent away the crowd of people, and commanded them to come the next day and hear the story. And behold, a man of the nobles came with his wife and children to ask us to go to his house, and Peter did not accept that from him.
And thereupon, behold, [there was] a daughter of the man [who had been] struck by a devil who had possessed her for twenty years, and on that account she was bound with chains, imprisoned in a house; the house was opened suddenly, and the chains were broken, and the devil came out from her; and the girl came and did obeisance to Peter, and said: "O lord, I have come to thee today on account of my salvation, and do not grieve me nor my father." And Peter asked them about the girl, and her parents were bewildered when they saw the chains fallen from her, and her request to Peter. And Peter had pity on her, and commanded us to go to his house. And on the morrow our father came to us, and did all that Peter commanded him; and we turned the discourse so that there might be certainty in the controversy, and after very much speech in reproof of folly, Peter commanded our father not to dwell for any time on what is not necessary to God in religion, but that he should repent, for the end of life is near not only to old men, but also to young ones. And he exhorted the old man with all the people for some days, then he baptized the old man in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, to whom be glory and praise for ever and ever, Amen.
O [thou] who readest, pray for him who wrote it.
The Lord remember thee in mercy, Amen, and all believers.
[Footnote numbered and placed at the end]
1. lit. "desire of wickedness"
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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The Legend of Hilaria (1913). Preface to the online edition
The Legend of Hilaria (1913). Preface to the online edition
As Christianity took hold in the Roman empire, it affected every area of life. In particular, folklore also began to take on a Christianised form, being remade into a new version acceptable to a culture in which Christianity was very fashionable. Everyone knew the gospel narratives, and looked to see God at work actively in their current lives, and hungered for accounts of Him doing so. Such expectations were not likely to be disappointed. Stories of miraculous activity promptly came into being.
It would be harsh and anachronistic to regard such stories as forgeries or fakes. Rather, these were the urban legends of their day, reflecting the hopes and aspirations (and fears!) of the society in which they arose. Small events became larger, and more decorated.
Finally, as the distance between history and hagiography became larger, under pressure from these expectations, the gap from hagiography to folkstory narrowed to vanishing point. Much older folk-stories were reworked as amusing or inspirational fiction. The legend of Hilaria is one of these. The basic story is ancient Egyptian -- the Story of Bent-Resh -- but has long since gone into the melting-pot of popular culture. What emerges may legitimately be called 'pious fiction' -- a much abused term, most properly applied to fictional literature for those who wish they saw more miracles than they do.
A series of versions of the story exist, and are translated here. None have any claim to historical reality, any more than the ballads of Robin Hood. But they have great value in helping us to understand the dreams and aspirations of the society that produced them and treasured them.
Note that according to G.P.Badger, The Nestorians and their rituals (1852), vol. 1, p.83, Karshuni is Arabic written with Syriac letters. This form of writing was characteristic of the monophysite Christians around Mosul.
Roger PEARSE
26th January 2004
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. v-viii. Preface
The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. v-viii. Preface
LEGENDS OF EASTERN SAINTS
CHIEFLY FROM SYRIAC SOURCES
EDITED AND PARTLY TRANSLATED
BY
A. J. WENSINCK
Vol. II
The Legend of Hilaria
---- With 3 facsimiles ----
LEYDEN
E. J. BRILL LTD.
1913
PRINTED BY E. J. BRILL, LEYDEN (HOLLAND).
PREFACE.
The existence of the story which is published in the following pages, may have been known in Europe since S. E. and J. S. Assemani published the catalogue of the Syriac Mss. preserved in the Vatican library (Bibl. apost. vatic. codd. mss. catalogus, III, p. 494). But it was only in 1879 that more details were made known by the appearance of Wüstenfeld's translation of the Alexandrian synaxary (Synaxarium das ist Heiligen-Kalender der Coptischen Christen, II, p. 252 et sequ.).
In 1887/1888 the Coptic text of the story appeared in the Proceedings of the Society for Biblical Archaeology, X, p. 194 et sequ., together with a translation of another redaction of the text of the Alexandrian synaxary, much longer than the one translated by Wüstenfeld (ib., p. 186). This edition and translation were made by Amélineau.
A new edition and translation of the enlarged Coptic text were published by Giron in his Légendes coptes, p. 44 et sequ.
The Arabic text of the Alexandrian synaxary has been edited by J. Forget (Corpus scriptorum christianorum orientalium, scriptores arabici, series tertia, tomus I et II). The text of Wüstenfeld's translation is to be found in tom. I, p. [Syriac] et sequ., that of Amélineau's translation in tom. I, p. [Syriac] et sequ. |vi
The Syriac and Karshuni texts are published for the first time in the present book.
The general features of the story, contained in the above mentioned versions, are as follows.
Hilaria, daughter of the Emperor Zeno, having a strong inclination towards monastic life, steals away from her father's palace and reaches the valley of Skete, where she lives henceforth in a cell or grotto, disguised as a man. Her sister, having been attacked by a severe illness, is sent by Zeno to the monks in order to be healed. This task is entrusted to Hilaria. After having recovered the girl is sent back to the Emperor, to whom she relates how a monk, a eunuch, kept her in his cell and healed her. Zeno, being disturbed by this fact, summons the monk to his residence. Here it appears that the so-called eunuch is Hilaria. She returns to the desert and only after her death it becomes more generally known that she was a woman: The monastery receives yearly large gifts from the Emperor.
These are the common features of the Coptic, Arabic, Aethiopic, Syriac and Karshuni versions of the legend. On the differences cf. the Introduction.
It was Dr. O. von Lemm, who recognised the prototype of this, apparently thoroughly Christian, story in the old-egyptian tale of Bent-resh (cf. Mélanges asiatiques tirés du Bulletin de l'académie impériale des sciences de St. Pétersbourg, Tome IX, p. 595-597). The translation of this tale, contained in the present book, has been taken from Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, III, 429-447. A French translation is to be found in Maspéro, Légendes populaires de l'Egypte ancienne, p. 183 et sequ. |vii
The translation of the Coptic text is based upon the above mentioned translations by Amélineau and Giron. Dr. von Lemm has revised and corrected it. I am greatly indebted to him for this kindness, as well as for many valuable data.
The Karshuni texts have been printed in Arabic characters for typographical reasons. In order to give an idea of the character of the Mss. I have added some facsimiles. ---- I have not deemed it necessary to translate the Aethiopic texts. They represent the same version as the short Arabic text.
I have to thank Professor K. Lake and Mr. M. G. van Neck for revising the English parts of this book.
I have to thank M. l'Abbé S. Grébaut who kindly lent me his photographs of the Parisian Aethiopic Mss. I have used.
My revered teacher Professor Snouck Hurgronje again read a proof of the whole book.
I beg that the Corrigenda be not overlooked, where also corrections to vol. I are to be found.
Leiden, November 1913. A. J. WENSINCK.
CONTENTS.
Introduction................ p. XI
Corrections in vols. I and II.......... p. XXXII
Translation of the Story of Bent-Resh....... p. 1
Translation of the Coptic text.......... p. 7
Translation of the long Arabic text........ p. 17
Translation of the short Arabic text........ p. 30
Translation of the Syriac text.......... p. 35
Translation of the short Karshuni text (V)...... p. 58
Translation of the long Karshuni text....... p. 63
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The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. xiii-xxxiv. Introduction
The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. xiii-xxxiv. Introduction
INTRODUCTION.
MANUSCRIPTS.
SYRIAC MANUSCRIPTS
A = Ms. Add. 14.649, British Museum (cf. Wright, Catalogue of the Syriac Mss. in the Brit. Mus. acquired since the year 1838, III, p. mo, n°. 25), fol. 162a.
B = Ms. Add. 14.735, British Museum (cf. Wright, I.e., III, p. 1121, n°. 10), fol. 136b.
C = Ms. Add. 12.172, British Museum (cf. Wright, I.e., III, p. 1118, n°. 4), fol. 38«.
D = Ms. Add. 14.650, British Museum (cf. Wright, I.e., III, p. 1107, n°. 20), fol. 206«.
E=Ms. Add. 14.641, British Museum (cf. Wright, I.e.; III, p. 1046/0, fol. 165*.
R = Ms. Rich 7190, British Museum (cf. Catal. Codd. Mss. Or. qui in Museo Britannico asservantur, Pars I [ed. Forshall], p. 83, n°. 81), fol. 353b.
These Mss. belong to the same family; only B has many deviations, which however do not modify the character of the story in any way.
KARSHUNI MANUSCRIPTS.
A = Ms. Sachau 43, Berlin, Royal Library (cf. Die Handschriftenverzeichnisse der Konigl. Bibliothek zu Berlin, Band XXIII, Verzeichniss der Syrischen Handschriften von E. Sachau, p. 746, n°. 4), fol. 26b. |xiv
B = Ms. Sachau 109, Berlin, Royal Library (cf. Sachau, I.e., p. 394, n°. 1), fol. 26b.
C = Ms. Sachau 7, Berlin, Royal Library (cf. Sachau, I.e., p. 381, n°. 10), fol. 66a.
D = Ms. Or. 4403, British Museum (cf. Margoliouth, Descriptive List of Syriac and Karshunic Manuscripts in the British Museum acquired since 1873, p. 32 et segu.), fol. 112b.
There is another Ms. at Jerusalem (cf. Chabot, Notice sur les manuscrits syriaques conservés dans la bibliothèque du patriarcat grec orthodoxe de Jerusalem, in Journal Asiatique, 96 série, tome 3, p. 111). The title of the story runs here: History of the Emperor Zenon. I have not been able to consult this Ms.
V = Ms. CCVI, Vatican Library (cf. S. E. et J. S. Assemani, Bibliothecae apost. vatic, codd. mss. cat., III, 494), fol. 110a-112b.
AETHIOPIC MANUSCRIPTS.
A = Cod. d'Abbadie 66, fol. 146. Cf. Catalogue raisonné de Mss. éthiopiens appartenant a Antoine d'Abbadie.
B = Cod. d'Abbadie 1, fol. 142-3. Cf. op. cit.
C = Ms. éthiopien 126, Bibliothèque Nationale, fol. 155-7. Cf. Zotenberg, Cat. des Mss. éthiopiens de la Bibl. Nat., p. 173.
D = Cod. Add. 16.218, British Museum, fol. 124. Cf. Catalogus Codd. Mss. Orr. qui in Mus. Britannico asservantur, Pars III, p. 45 et sequ.
There are many other Mss. of the Aethiopic Synaxary, but I have not been able to consult all of them. Moreover, those mentioned were sufficient for editing a |xv readable text of the legend. A comparison of A with B, C, D will show, that Guidi's statement concerning the months Sane, Hamle, Nahase of the Aethiopic synaxary 1), holds also good for this portion of Ter. A is a literal translation of the short Arabic text, which seems to have lost a few words still read by the Aethiopic translator. Unhappily A is only a fragment. After fol. 146 of the Ms. one or more folio's are wanting.
B, C, D, belong to one family of Mss. D is very carelessly written. A large part of the story is omitted on account of homoioteleuton, with the gutturals is dealt in a free manner. There are many scribal errors. It goes finally back to C or the prototype of C, as may be seen on page [Ethiopic], note (21-21), where both in C and D [] is followed by [] which gives no sense. The omitted words [] are in B only. ---- On the other hand D goes with B in some cases. But the exact relation between these Mss. cannot be established without comparing the numerous other Mss. of the Synaxary.
PROPER NAMES.
The heroine of the story is called Hilaria, [].
This name (i9lari/a) is, as Dr. von Lemm has pointed out, a translation of Bent-resh, which popular etymology has taken for "Daughter of Joy"; hence the Coptic translation i9lari/a, "Joy." During her abode with the monks she takes the name of Hilarios, []. The Syriac |xvi and Karshuni versions call her during the time of disguise [].
The name of her sister is not mentioned in any of the texts. Seymour de Ricci and E. Winstedt call her Anastasia on account of a passage in the Coptic story of the forty-nine old men of Skete. In their translation 2) this passage runs: "Et à cause de leur désir de ces saints, les filles des rois laissèrent leur gloire et leur palais; elles allèrent secrètement à Shiêt, la métropole des moines. Et ainsi elles accomplirent leur sainte vie dans les grands et saints déserts de Shiêt. Une d'elles fut Elaria, la fille du pieux roi Zenon, de bonne mémoire, avec Anastasia la servante de Dieu à qui écrivit le saint patriarche Sevêros" and so on.
I do not think that this place gives us the right to call Anastasia the sister of Hilaria. The history of this Anastasia is not only known in extract from this Coptic text, but also in extenso from two Syriac Mss.: British Museum, Add. 14. 649, fol. 99 et seqıı., and Bibliothèque Nationale, Cod. Syr. 234, fol. 399 et sequ., from the Alexandrian Synaxary, ed. Forget, I p. [...] et sequ. and. from the Aethiopic Synaxary (e. g. Br. Mus., Add. 16.218, fol. 127 v°). Here she is called a patrika or a princess, but there is not the slightest hint as to her being a daughter of Zeno. So we must maintain that the name of Hilaria's sister is unknown to us.
Her father is the Emperor Zeno who reigned in the last quarter of the Vth century A. D. (died 491). He is praised here as being orthodox, of course on account of |xvii his Henoticon, which was favourable for the Monophysites. Further it is said, that he led a pious life and equalled Constantine the Great in his love of Christ 3). In the Karshuni text 4) he is even compared to Abraham and the other patriarchs. History declares him cruel and voluptuous.
The name of his wife is not mentioned in the Coptic and Arabic texts and V. The Syriac version calls her Augusta, the Karshuni one Shams al-Munîra, "the shining sun". In reality she bore the name of Ariadne and is praised by the historians. History does not mention any daughters of Zeno.
On her journey towards the desert Hilaria reaches Alexandria (Rakote); the short Arabic text does not mention this place, but [], translated in the Aeth. Synaxary as "the land of Egypt"; the Karshuni text has [] what this means, I am not able to say. ----At Alexandria she finds a man who shows her the way to the monastery. According to the long Arabic text this man is a deacon, called Theodore; according to the short Arabic text he is an old monk, called Bamu, which seems to be a corruption of Pambo (see beneath).
The name of the monastery she reaches, is given in the Syriac and Karshuni texts as that of Aba Macarius, a well known place, which has retained its name till the present day 5). This Macarius is the famous founder of monasticism in the desert of Skete, who died in 390 A. D.6) |xviii A part of the desert is called after him [...]. 7). V calls this region Wadi Habib. This name is also well known 8). On the map of Evetts and Butler it lies between Cairo and the Nitrian desert; but I do not know whether this location is absolutely trustworthy.
The long Arabic text does not mention the monastery of Macarius; it says only that Hilaria passes by the church of Menas 9) and reaches the mountain of Shlhat (Skete), also called "The Balance of Hearts", where she is received by the abbot Bamfu (Pambo). There have been several monks of this name, as Amelineau has remarked; but this one is referred to another time in Eastern literature, viz. in the Alexandrian Synaxary on the th Abib (ed. Forget, II, p....). Here this is said about him: "On the montain of Shlhat was a presbyter whose name was Bamu; it is he who shrouded the corpse of the holy Allaria 10)". Then there is told how he was present at the death of the holy Kiros.
In the Coptic, long Arabic and Syriac versions of the story Hilaria is trusted to an old man, whose name is given in the first two as Aba Martyrios.
CHARACTER OF THE DIFFERENT VERSIONS.
I. COPTIC VERSION.
As the origin of the legend of Hilaria is to be sought in the old-egyptian story of Bent-resh (see above, p. VI), |xix it is a priori probable that of the Coptic, Arabic, Syriac and Karshuni versions, the first has preserved the original features better than the other ones. This is confirmed by a comparison of the texts. Of course the transition from a profane story to a legend, wholly inclosed in the horizon of solitaries, cannot be a gradual one.
In the Egyptian story the daughter of the king of Bakhtan leaves her country to marry the king of Egypt. Her younger sister, Bent-resh, is the heroine of the tale.
In the Coptic legend the eldest daughter leaves her country to become a nun. The nun is the heroine of the story and receives the (translated) name of the former heroine.
In the Coptic legend the eldest daughter of the king leaves her parents secretly, disguising her sex and effacing all traces which could betray her place of abode. This alteration serves to introduce two motifs which are not rare in Eastern legends:
1°. Women living in monasteries of monks disguised as men.
2°. Children being lost sight of by their parents and becoming united to them again.
We shall speak about these motifs later.
II. ARABIC-VERSIONS.
a. Nearest to the Coptic legend stands the long Arabic text. If we compare the texts, there can be no doubt about the fact that the latter is a rendering of the former, sometimes free, sometimes close. Of the Coptic text we have only the middle part, so we may complete |xx it safely from the Arabic one, which has been preserved wholly.
Here may follow the main traits of this version: King Zeno has no male offspring, but only two young daughters. The elder, Hilaria, becomes inclined to monastic life. Being in a church she beseeches God to give her an indication as to her further way. She receives unmistakable signs, she leaves Constantinople disguised and reaches Alexandria. In the church of St. Mark she meets a deacon Theodore, whom she invites to conduct her to the desert of Skete. He brings her into the presence of Aba Bamfu (Pambo), who gives her a cell. Theodore withdraws. She is invested with the holy habit. [According to the Coptic version God reveals to Aba Pambo after three years, that she is a woman. This is not in the Arabic text.] Hilaria remains beardless, whereupon the monks call her Hilarios the eunuch. On account of her ascetic practices her breasts wither and she becomes exempt from the usual illness of women.
Her younger sister has meanwhile become possessed by a demon. Her father writes to the monks of Skete and orders the governor of Alexandria to take the girl with the letter to Skete, where she is entrusted to her sister, who recognises her without being recognised herself. Hilaria kisses her, sleeps with her on the same bench and makes the demon leave her. The girl is sent back to Constantinople and tells her father how she has been cured by Hilarios the eunuch. Zeno conceives suspicions about the morality of the monk and summons him to the residence, under the pretext of being ill. Hilaria arrives with some other monks and is interrogated by the king about her way of healing the girl. She |xxi induces the king to swear by the Gospel not to betray the secret she will reveal to him. The king swears, she tells who she is. Three months afterwards she departs to Skete; the king sends yearly rich gifts to the desert. Hilaria lives still twelve years; she is buried in her male dress. Aba Pambo tells the brethren the story of her life. Her death is communicated to the king.
This text assumes that it was composed by the holy Aba Pambo; this is not probable, as a glance at the text will show. In the above cited story of saint Kiros in the Aethiopian Synaxary the same Bamu is related to have written the story of Kiros at divine command (l. c., p. 292, 294).
b. The short Arabic text is an abridgment of the Coptic, viz. long Arabic text. There are however some divergent points:
1°. Hilaria leaves the palace without having received a token from heaven in the church.
2°. The man whom Hilaria meets in Alexandria is called Amba Bamu, which is no doubt a corruption of Pambo. Here the rôle of Theodore is left out and Pambo takes his rôle as well.
3°. Hilaria reveals her secret to Bamû. In the Coptic text it is God who reveals it. In the long Arabic text this trait is altogether left out, but at the end of the story there is an allusion to it.
4°. Zeno does not send his sick daughter to the governor of Alexandria, but directly to Skete.
5°. Zeno summons Hilarios the eunuch to his residence, not, as the Coptic text has it, under the pretext of being ill, but pretending to be desirous to receive his blessing. |xxii
6°. In the scene of recognition Hilaria shows her parents bodily peculiarities, which were known to them 11).
The Aethiopic versions are simply a translation of the short Arabic text without material differences; there is only added a notice concerning the building of churches (cf. V) and the usual Salam.
III. THE SYRIAC VERSION.
This version has been enlarged and modified into the usual style of Syriac legends of saints. We shall see, that the author had not before him our Coptic text, but a type of text like the short Arabic one.
We have to swallow the usual exordium; it is very profitable for Believers to hear the great deeds of God at the hands of the saints. So it is a good work to transmit the records thereof by script. Now the author confesses that he is wholly unworthy of undertaking such a work; but as it is profitable for pious souls, he will not be silent (p.... and...).
The same exordium is to be found in text I) and parallel texts of the story of Archelides (vol. I, p....), in 25 of the Acta edited by Bedjan, in the Life of John of Telia (Het leven van Johannes van Tella, door H. G. Kleyn, p. 6, 7).
We do not find these formula's at the head of the old Acts of martyrs, which pretend to be protocols of trials and executions. Only when writing the lives of saints becomes a literary occupation, humble or would-be humble authors begin to use such a captatio benevolentiae; gradually it becomes a form to do so. Ephraim's Hymn |xxiii on Julian Saba has already such a beginning (ed. Lamy, III, 837, nd stanza):
"Whose words can be compared with the treasury of works and excellent deeds 12), which sleeps? He is silent, but his silence is too great for his preachers, and his shrine for his treasures. The treasure of our father is too great for my mouth."
But Ephraim does not use these phrases at the beginning of other hymns on saints and martyrs.
After the rather long introduction the story begins. Hilaria is born as the fruit of many prayers 13). This is a circumstance she has to share with other heroes of stories, e. g. Jacob Baradaeus 14), Archelides 15), Euphrosyne 16), Samuel in the Old Testament.
Hilaria is a fair child, another trait she has in common with other heroes and heroines, e. g. Archelides 17), Jacob Baradaeus 18), Onesima 19),
Like Archelides she enjoys a literary education and is captivated by the lives of holy persons, especially the monks of Skete, with whom she desires to live. Syriac literature mentions several cases of that sort. John of Telia 20) e. g. is struck by a place in the biography of Tekla, the disciple of St. Paul, and begins ascetic practices in his home, like Hilaria.
The Fathers of Skete enjoyed a high reputation throughout the Christian world, and paying them a visit and hearing their profitable discourses was an ideal of |xxiv many pious persons; Palladius dwelt amongst them and the account of his visit has become one of the most widely spread books in the East. People could not conceive how St. Ephraim had attained to such a spiritual height without having visited Skete; so his enlarged biography is supplemented with a narrative to that extent 21). Hilaria prepares her flight with the unconscious help of her waiting woman, whose visits she is able to delay more and more. We do not hear anything of a token from heaven, as in the long Arabic text. She walks from Alexandria to the desert alone, not accompanied by a man as in the long Arabic text. The Syriac author puts a prayer into her mouth which has a certain likeness with Archelides' prayer on his way to the monastery 22).
Archelides
Our Lord Jesus Christ, who willest not the death of the sinner, hear me this time. Open to me Thy gate full of mercy. Give me Thy helping hand and guide me on Thy way of Life. For my soul loveth Thee more than all visible things. Be Thou my guide where Thou wilt," that I may please Thee according to Thy will and praise and glorify Thee for ever.
Hilaria
Our Lord Jesus Christ, the life and salvation that hath dawned for us, thou who hast come to seek the forlorn and to bring back to the way of truth those who have gone astray. Thou who leadest Thy saints to the eternal way----turn to me, the lost one, for I seek Thee, my Lord; and lead me at Thy right hand to Thy way of life, for Thee alone my soul loveth. And direct my feet in the way |xxv of salvation and receive me into Thy good harbour. For Thou art my strong hope and in Thee I have confided from my youth, now and for ever.
The prior of the monastery asks her name. She answers: "I am John the eunuch, a slave freed by my master." In the older texts it is only after the monks have seen her remaining beardless, that they call her "the eunuch." The Syriac author does not say, like the older texts, that she ceased to be a woman as to the pa&qh of her body. It is clear that in the Syriac version she is considered as one who has been made a eunuch, in the Coptic and long Arabic texts the monks take her for a eunuch by nature. Such persons seem not to have been very rare in the East. In Matthew XIX, 12 they are called eunuchs from their mother's womb, in the Mishna 23)..... "eunuch of the sun". A similar expression occurs at the end of the Syriac text, where it is said that the monks who buried Hilaria, thought that she was beardless [Syriac]24 i. e. "like the rest of those persons who have no beard on the chin because of great heat". This "great heat" is an expression analogous to the Hebrew one, perhaps no longer understood. Dr. Preuss and Baron |xxvi Dr. von Oefele call attention in explanation of it, to the Egyptian myth of Seth being castrated by Horus (the sun).
Hilaria passes her farther life disguised as a man. This is also a common trait in Eastern legends. Marina resides with her father in a monastery of monks, disguised as one of them 25). Euphrosyne left her father's house and did the same thing 26). Anastasia, flying before Justinian, reached Skete and was henceforth known as a eunuch 27). During her abode in the monastery Hilaria is performing ascetic works 28), just like Archelides 29). Ten years after her flight another daughter is born to her parents. This is an alteration by the Syriac author. In the Coptic and Arabic texts king Zeno has already two daughters at the beginning of the story, in accordance with the Egyptian tale. Perhaps this alteration is due to the tendency of making it more probable, that Hilaria is afterwards not recognised by her younger sister.
The Syriac text, like the short Arabic one, has omitted the governor and the commander of Alexandria, who, according to the older texts, accompany the younger sister with an escort of soldiers to the monastery of Aba Macarius. But her escort consists of soldiers of the king and trustworthy persons, who do not take a royal letter to the monks, but simply give an oral account of the matter. |xxvii
Hilaria is not recognised by her younger sister, who stays with her five years; in the older texts only a week. Neither is she recognised afterwards by her father at Constantinople, but she makes herself known.
Here we have another motif of Eastern tales; the hero is separated from his relatives and after a long interval he meets them again, but one of the parties does not recognise the other at first. This motif has been made use of in the legend of Archelides, the story of John and Arcadius, Xenophon and Maria 30), John bar Malke 31), Euphrosyne 32), in the Old Testament in the story of Joseph and his brethren.
The end of the Syriac story is altogether an addition to the original legend. Here the ascetic predilections of the author again find expression: Hilaria is presumed by the other monks to be a relative of the king and more honour is shown her for that reason. She fears to become conceited and to lose the fruits of her good works. So she goes away secretly and passes the rest of her life in a grotto. We find the same trait in the legend of Onesima (Bedjan, Acta V, 419). On the day of her death she is visited by three monks, who witness her departure. A similar trait is in the story of Kiros (l. c.), where it is said that the priest Bamu travels through the desert in order to shroud the saint, and in the story of Anastasia (see above, p. xxvi note 3). ---- As the monks wash her corpse, they perceive her to be a woman. This we have also in the legend of Anastasia, where there is said that the disciple of Aba Daniel, who washes the corpse of |xxviii the saint, perceives her breasts "like two withered leaves." Nothing more is said about her relatives. She does not inform them of her departing from the monastery to a remote part of the desert. These saints do not care much about "worldly" relations. We have seen the same thing in the story of Archelides; Onesima wishes that her parents may die on the same day, in order to liberate herself from a possible marriage 33).
IV. THE KARSHUNI VERSIONS.
a. The Karshuni text V is only a very short abridgment of the Coptic legend. The character of the original has been preserved throughout. The following deviations are only to be noticed:
1°. In the Coptic text Zeno orders the monks to send Hilarios to Constantinople. Here he writes again to the Wali (of Alexandria) to carry out his order.
2°. In the scene of recognition at Constantinople Hilaria shows her mother some bodily peculiarities in order to ascertain her identity 34) (V). This trait is not in the long Arabic text.
3°. In the long Arabic text the story closes with the annunciation of Hilaria's death to Zeno. In V the last fact mentioned is Zeno's yearly sending of rich gifts which enable the monks to erect several buildings, e. g. the church of Abu Makar. Here it becomes manifest that the chief interest of the author of V lies in the history of Skete, which was a priori to be expected, as the MS., from which it is taken, is a history of Skete. |xxix
b. That the other Karshuni version has its origin in Syria, appears from the Syriac verses which are intermingled with the Arabic text and from some Syriacisms. The redaction is dependent on the Syriac one. The most important deviations may follow here. The long Syriac exordium has been left out. The narrator starts at once with his story, which has altogether got the character of a tale and is void of all historical probability. Zeno and his wife (here called Shams al-Munir, "the shining sun") are persons of the type of popular tales, always wearing a crown and surrounded by courtiers, but not objecting against a journey to the monks in order to ask their intervention with God for the sake of getting offspring. ---- Hilaria does not conceal from her governess the project of flying to the desert. She only does not tell her at what time she will depart in order to. enable the governess to swear that she does not know when her pupil has fled. According to the Syriac version Hilaria, like Archelides, is travelling to Alexandria on a ship. This way of travelling is not ascetic and romantic enough for our narrator: Hilaria walks all the way barefoot, through deserts, treading on thorns and thistles. She reaches Suk Misr and goes from there to the monastery of Abu Macarius, where she tells the prior that she has been manumitted by a king, whereas in the Syriac redaction it is a nobleman who has freed her.
In the Syriac version it is the governess who is astonished at Hilaria's having disappeared; she informs the king and the queen of the fact. Here, of course, this is not the case. The king and the queen, on visiting their daughter, do not find her and call for the trembling governess. |xxx
In the Syriac version the king sends messengers to search for Hilaria. Here he and the queen travel to the monastery of Abu Macarius and request the prior and the monks to pray for Hilaria's discovery, The colour of this scene is remarkably heightened by the addition that Hilaria herself is among the monks, praying for the contrary and that her prayer prevails over that of the threehundred.
In the Syriac version the king gets the worst suspicions against John the eunuch on hearing in what manner he has healed his daughter. But our narrator apparently does not find it suitable to utter such thoughts in connection with a monk. Here it is only Zeno's curiosity which induces him to summon John the eunuch to Constantinople.
AGE AND RELATIONSHIP OF THE VERSIONS.
The origin of the Hilaria-legend is to be sought in the old-egyptian tale of Bent-resh, as Dr. von Lemm has pointed out. According to Erman 35) this tale was composed as late as the Ptolemaic times, according to Maspéro 36) it dates from the time of the invasions of the Aethiopians.
The Coptic story cannot well have been composed before + 500 A. D., probably later, because there is a lack of historical truth about Zeno and his family in it.
The oldest Syriac Ms. dates, according to Wright, from the IXth century A. D.
At what time the Arabic speaking Syrian Christians |xxxi took up the legend and reproduced it in Arabic, is not to be said. The oldest Karshuni Ms. (Or. 4403, British Museum) dates, according to G. Margoliouth, from the XIIIth - XIVth century A. D.
The Alexandrian Synaxary, is according to Guidi, l.c., an outcome of the movement which, from the thirteenth century onwards, gave new life to the Church in Egypt. The Aethiopic translation of this Synaxary must have originated, according to the same scholar, in the fifteenth century.
The relationship between the different versions can be represented in the following way:
Old-egyptian | Coptic | ---------------------------------- | | | Long Arabic Karshuni V Short Arabic = Aethiopic | Syriac | Other Karshuni
I must however remark that I do not presume that there is a direct relation between any of these texts; the above stemma means only, that e. g. the Syriac version derives from a type of the legend like the short Arabic text. Whether this type was contained in an Arabic or in a Coptic text, it is impossible to make out. |xxxii
CORRECTIONS IN VOL. I.
In the Machrig (1913, n°. 2), Louis Cheikho, S. J., has published an Arabic text of the Legend of Archelides, which is the prototype of our Karshuni Ms. A and gives many good readings.
P. XIX. On account of the common features of the Legend of Archelides and that of Hilaria, and the fact that the latter has a Coptic source, I must alter my opinion, that Archelides is originally a Greek tale: I hold it now for a product of Coptic monks. The Coptic origin explains the form of the hero's name, which is not Greek, but sounds like a Greek one.
P. xvii. That the Karshuni versions go back to a Coptic source is not probable. Several critics have maintained a Syriac origin. I agree with them and have reproduced their arguments also in discussing the origin of the Karshuni version of the Hilaria-legend.
Professor Nöldeke and Professor Seybold sent me some corrections of the texts; Professor Schulthess gave his corrections in the Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen, 1912, Nr 6. I give here those corrections which seem to me evident.
[Textual corrections omitted]
[Footnotes renumbered and placed at the end]
1. 1) Journal of the Royal Asiatic society, 1911, p. 739 et sequ.
2. 1) Les quarante-neuf vieillards de Scété, texte copte inédit et traduction française par Seymour de Ricci et Erich O. Winstedt (Notices et extraits, Tome XXXIX).
3. 1) P. [] ult. et sequ.
4. 2) Henceforth by the Karshuni text the longer recension only is meant, with the exclusion of V.
5. 3) Cf. Evetts and Butler, The churches and monasteries of Egypt (Oxford, 1895), p. 194.
6. 4) His Syriac Acta in Bedjan, Acta Martt. V, 177 et sequ.
7. 1) Evetts and Butler, o. c., p.
8. 2) O. c., Index, II, s. v. Wadi Habib.
9. 3) cf. K. M. Kaufmann, Die Menasstadt und das Nationalheiligtum der altchristlichen Aegypter, I (Leipzig 1910).
10. 4) The same place is in the Aethiopian Synaxary, on the th Hamle (ed. Guidi, Patrol. Orient., VII, p. 290).
11. 1) cf. Vol. I, p. 12.
12. 1) Julian Saba.
13. 2) Sometimes she is simply called "the Fruit of Prayer."
14. 3) cf. H. G. Kleyn, Jacobus Baradaeus, p. 37 et sequ.
15. 4) cf. Vol. I, p....
16. 5) cf. Bedjan, Acta, V, 388.
17. 6) Vol. I, p......
18. 7) o. c., p. 38.
19. 8) Bedjan, Acta, V, 406.
20. 9) Kleyn, Het leven van J. v. T., p. 18.
21. 1) Roman edition of his Opera omnia, III, p. XLI.
22. 2) Vol. I, p....
23. 1) Jebam. VIII, 4. This place has been taken from a letter of Dr. J. Preuss in Berlin to Dr. von Lemm. Many letters on this subject have been kindly lent to me by the latter. Cf. also Tosephta, Berakot V. 14.
24. 2) p....
25. 1) Bedjan, Acta, I, 365 et sequ. I have not at my disposition Clugnet's edition.
26. 2) ib., V, 386.
27. 3) Br. Museum, cod. Add. 14. 649, fol. 99 et sequ. Paris, Cod. Syr. 234, fol. 339 et sequ.
28. 4) p.... infra et sequ.
29. 5) Vol. I, p....
30. 1) Acta Sanctorum, ed. Bolland., January 26. The Syriac text has not yet been published.
31. 2) Bedjan, Acta, I, 344 et sequ.
32. 3) ib., V, 386 et sequ.
33. 1) Bedjan, o. c., V, 406.
34. 2) cf. p. XXII, note I.
35. 1) Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache, 1883, p. 54 et sequ.
36. 2) Les contes populaires de l'Egypte ancienne 4, p. 184.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: hilaria_03_bent_resh.htm
The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. 1-6. The story of Bent-Resh
The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. 1-6. The story of Bent-Resh
THE STORY OF BENT-RESH.
The Story of Bent-Resh.
Lo 1), his majesty 2) was in Naharin according to his yearly custom, while the chiefs of every country came bowing down in peace, because of the fame of his majesty. From the marshes was their tribute; silver, gold, lapis lazuli, malachite and every sweet wood of God's-Land were upon their backs, each one leading his neighbour.
Then the chief of Bekhten caused his tribute to be brought, and he placed his eldest daughter in front thereof, praising his majesty, and craving life from him. Now, she was exceedingly beautiful to the heart of his majesty, beyond everything. Then they affixed her titulary as: "Great King's-Wife, Nefrure". When his majesty arrived in Egypt, she fulfilled all the functions of King's-wife. ---- When the year 23, the tenth month, the twenty-second day, came, while his majesty was in Thebes, the victorious, the mistress of cities, performing the pleasing ceremonies of his father, Amon-Re, Lord of Thebes, at his beautiful feast of Southern Opet (Luxor), his favorite seat, of the beginning (of the world), came one to say to his majesty: "A messenger of the chief of Bekhten has come, bearing many gifts for the King's-Wife". Then he was brought before his majesty together with his gifts. He said, praising his majesty: "Praise to thee, Sun of the nine Bows! Give |4 us life from thee". So spake he, smelling the earth before his majesty. He spake again before his majesty: "I come to thee, o King, my lord, on account of Bentresh, thy great sister of the King's-Wife, Nefrure. Sickness has penetrated into her limbs. May thy majesty send a wise man to see her".
Then said his majesty: "Bring to me the sacred scribes and the officials of the court". They were led to him immediately. Said his majesty: "Let one read to you, till you hear this thing. Then bring to me one experienced in his heart, who can write with his fingers from your midst". The king's-scribe, Thutemhab, came before his majesty, and his majesty commanded that he go to Bekhten together with this messenger.
The wise man arrived in Bekhten; he found Bentresh in the condition of one possessed of a spirit. He found her [unable] to contend with him.
The chief of Bekhten repeated in the presence of his majesty, saying: "O King, my lord, let his majesty command to have this god brought.....3).
[Then the wise man whom his majesty had sent, returned] to his majesty in the year 26, the ninth month, at the feast of Amon, while his majesty was in Thebes.
Then his majesty repeated (it) before Khonsu-in-Thebes-Beautiful-Rest, saying: "O my good lord, I repeat before thee concerning the daughter of the chief of Bekhten".Then they led Khonsu-in-Thebes-Beautiful-Rest to Khonsu-the-Plan-Maker, the great god, smiting the evil spirits. Then said his majesty before Khonsu-in-Thebes-Beautiful-Rest: "O thou good lord, if thou inclinest thy face to |5 Khonsu-the-Plan-Maker, the great god, smiting the evil spirits, he shall be conveyed to Bekhten". There was violent nodding. Then said his majesty: "Send thy protection with him, that I may cause his majesty to go to Bekhten, to save the daughter of the chief of Bekhten". Khonsu-in-Thebes-Beautiful-Rest nodded the head violently. Then he wrought the protection of Khonsu-the-Plan-Maker-in-Thebes, four times.
His majesty commanded to cause Khonsu-the-Plan-Maker-in-Thebes to proceed to a great ship, five transports, numerous chariots and horses of the west and the east.
This god arrived in Bekhten in a full year and five months. Then the chief of Bekhten came, with his soldiers and his nobles, before Khonsu-the-Plan-Maker. He threw himself upon his belly, saying: "Thou comest to us, thou art welcome with us, by command of the King Usermare-Setepnere (Ramses II)".
Then this god went to the place where Bentresh was. Then he wrought the protection of the daughter of the chief of Bekhten. She became well immediately.
Then said this spirit which was in her before Khonsu-the-Plan-Maker-in-Thebes: "Thou comest in peace, thou great god, smiting the barbarians. Thy city is Bekhten, thy servants are its people, I am thy servant, I will go to the place whence I came, to satisfy the heart concerning that, on account of which thou comest. (But) let thy majesty command to celebrate a feast-day with me and with the chief of Bekhten". Then this god nodded to his priest, saying: "Let the chief of Bekhten make a great offering before this spirit". While these things were happening, which Khonsu-the-Plan-Maker-in-Thebes wrought with the spirit, the chief of Bekhten |6 stood with his soldiers, and feared very greatly. Then he made a great offering before Khonsu-the-Plan-Maker-in-Thebes and the spirit; and the chief of Bekhten celebrated a feast-day [with] them. Then the spirit departed in peace to the place he desired, by command of Khonsu-the-Plan-Maker-in-Thebes, and the chief of Bekhten rejoiced very greatly, together with every man who was in Bekhten.
Then he took counsel with his heart, saying: "I will cause this god to remain with me in Bekhten; I will not permit that he return to Egypt". Then this god tarried three years and nine months in Bekhten.
Then the chief of Bekhten slept upon his bed, and he saw this god coming to him, to forsake his shrine; he was a hawk of gold, and he flew upward to Egypt. He (the chief) awoke in fright.
Then he said to the priest of Khonsu-the-Plan-Maker-in-Thebes: "This god, he is still with us; let him depart to Egypt; let his chariot depart to Egypt".
Then the chief of Bekhten caused this god to proceed to Egypt, and gave to him very many gifts of every good thing, very many soldiers and horses.
They arrived in peace at Thebes. Then came the city of Thebes, and the Plan-Maker-in-Thebes to the house of Khonsu-in-Thebes-Beautiful-Rest. He set the gift which the chief of Bekhten had given to him, of good things, before Khonsu-in-Thebes-Beautiful-Rest, (but) he gave not everything thereof into his house. Khonsu-the-Plan-Maker-in-Thebes arrived [at] his [plac]e in peace in the year 33, the second month, the ninth day, of King Usermare-Setepnere; that he might be given life like Re, forever.
[Footnotes renumbered and placed at the end]
1. 1) I have omitted the titles at the beginning of this story.
2. 2) Ramses II.
3. 1) Lacuna.
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SOURCE SECTION: hilaria_04_coptic.htm
The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. 7-16. The story of the two daughters of King Zeno: Coptic version
The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. 7-16. The story of the two daughters of King Zeno: Coptic version
THE STORY OF THE TWO DAUGHTERS OF KING ZENO.
TRANSLATION OF THE COPTIC TEXT.
The story of the two daughters of king Zeno.
[He knew not that she was a woman1)]. He gave her a cell near his own cell, to the south of the church. Together with a philosopher, named apa Martyrios, he visited her twice every day. And the words which the saint apa Pambô spake to her for the profit of her soul were translated into Greek by apa Martyrios; for this reason the girl learned the Egyptian language.
When she had dwelled there three years, the Lord revealed to Pambô, that she was a woman, but he knew not that she was the daughter of the king.
When he knew that she was a woman, he said to her secretly: "Let nobody know that thou art a woman, for it is not suitable for our manner of life that a woman dwell amongst us, lest anybody be hurt for our sake." Nine years later, when they saw the girl beardless amongst the brethren, they called her Hilarion the eunuch, for there were many men in such a condition. Her breasts were not like the breasts of other women, on account of her ascetic practices they were withered; and she 2) was not subjected to the illness of women, for God had ordained it in this way. |10
When she had passed nine years under these severe ascetic practices, and her parents had already ceased to think of her, a demon took possession of her younger sister in Constantinople. She was brought into the presence of the great ascetics of Byzantium, that they might pray for her; but God did not grant her recovery at their hands. The courtiers gave advice to the king and said: "May the king live for ever 3)! If it please thy majesty to accept our advice, thou shouldst send thy daughter to the ascetics of Shiit 4), who are great I in holiness 5), and we believe that God will grant her recovery on account of their prayers."
The king on hearing their advice rejoiced, for there was great sorrow in his house for the sake of the girl.
He prepared what was useful for his daughter and sent with her two eunuchs and two virgins and other servants for her service.
He wrote to Rakote 6) to the commander and to the governor to accompany her to Shiit. The king wrote [also] a letter to Shiit, asking for paper and ink to write with his own hand, lest haughty words should be put in the letter, such as are becoming to the royal rank. "The unworthy king Zeno, whom God hath given this honour above his merits, writeth to the saints, worthy of being loved, who pray for us in [the name of] the Lord, Hail. Above all, I worship your assembly in Christ, and if you hold me worthy enough, I shall kiss the dust of your sanctity's feet. But I inform you of what the Lord hath done me, on account of my |11 many sins. I had two daughters. I had no consolation except them. The eldest went from me, she is gone. Hath she died in the sea? Hath she become the prey of the wild beasts? (7 Hath she been captured by the Barbarians1)? God knoweth in what manner she died. A great sorrow struck me on her account, for I found not her corpse to bury her. (7 When I had consoled myself somewhat about her, saying: The will of the Lord be [accomplished] 7) ---- then another sorrow struck me, much more vehement than the first one: the other [daughter], who was my support, a demon took possession of her; we keep watch over her day and night. I have been advised to send her to your holiness. Now the end of this letter is truly, that God will not reject your prayer".
When the girl had arrived at Rakote, the commander and the governor went with her to Shiit; and when they came into the presence of the saint apa Pambô, they gave him the letter of the king and told him about the girl who was possessed by the demon. He called all the brethren together and read before them the letter of the king. But when they had begun to pray over her the demon took possession of her in the midst of the brethren, threw her on the ground and continued to torment her so that the commander and the governor wondered greatly.
As to the saint Hilaria, when she saw her lay sister, she recognised her: but the lay sister did not recognise her sister, the nun: and how could she recognise her? |12 For her colour had altered, the beauty of her body had withered, her eyes were sunken in, she was only bones and skin.
When she saw her sister, she was vehemently troubled, her bowels were disturbed about her sister, she threw herself at her sister's neck, weeping till the earth was soaked with her tears.
When the brethren saw her weeping, they said: "She hath compassion of heart with her". But when she had recovered a little from her illness, he 8) called an old ascetic and said to him: "Take the girl to thy cell and pray over her, till God granteth her recovery". But he said: "I have not attained such a degree of perfection as to be able to take a woman into my cell". But the philosopher Martyrios said to Pambô: "Trust her to Hilarion the eunuch, he is able to take a woman into his house". They trusted the girl to her sister, who took her into her house. When she saw the face of her sister, she was troubled, she threw herself on the ground and weeped vehemently: when she had recovered she kissed her mouth. Sometimes she slept with her on the same bench.
After seven days God granted her the recovery [of her sister]. She took her to the midst of the church and said: "On account of your prayers God hath granted recovery to the daughter of the king". The commander and the governor held a religious meeting and turned back and departed. As to the brethren they wrote to the king through his daughter: "The unworthy [persons] of the Nitrian mountain write to the triumphant king |13 Zeno. Above all we adore thy lofty majesty. May the Lord preserve thy empire without any scandal, like that of David and Solomon. Farewell, thou who providest for us and the whole church".
In this way they arrived at Constantinople. There was a great joy over the recovery of the king's daughter. The king made a feast for all weak and ill persons, he stood and served them and gave everyone with his own hand a goblet of spiced wine. On the next day he made a feast for all the courtiers. But when he asked his daughter about that which had passed to her, she said to him: "They entrusted me to an ascetic, named Hilarion; he hath prayed over me and God hath granted me recovery. (9 Great was his compassion with me 9). Sometimes he kissed my mouth, sometimes he slept with me on the same bench during the whole night".
When the king heard this, the matter troubled him; he said: "I never heard that monks would kiss women or sleep with them on the same bench; but I have heard that they hated them and would not condescend to speak with them at all. How is this now? I understand it not".
This thought troubled the king. He wrote a second letter to Shiit, in this way: "His victorious majesty Zeno, writeth to the pious fathers dwelling in Shiit. I am a debtor to your prayers and I cannot attain the measure of your honour, nor pay what I wish [to pay 10)]...... by your intermediary. So I wish that you accept my... and that you send me the brother |14 named Hilarion. There is an illness in the palace and I cannot......" [They called] Hilaria and said to her: 11) "Arrange thy matters, brother, for the king hath sent for thee".
Now the Blessed was much grieved. The brethren consoled her, saying: "Go and the Lord shall go with thee and thou shalt return in peace".
They sent with her two old brethren, hermits. So they went towards Constantinople to the king. When the king heard that they had arrived, he rejoiced greatly and ordered them to be brought to him.......................... ["Tell me the truth, that I] may purify myself from this transgression. But thou, spare no words!"
The holy Virgin meditated saying [to herself]: "I should like to conceal the matter; but lest the other monks be confounded on my account [I shall make known the matter] now that such foulness hath been conceived about these saints. She said to him: "Bring me the Gospels". He brought them her. She said to him: "Swear to me: I shall not [restrain thee] from going to my place". So he swore by the Gospel. She said to him: "I am Hilaria, thy daughter". The king, on hearing this, wondered and was perplexed; he could not speak for an hour. But at once he understood [the matter], hurried towards his daughter, embraced her, weeped on her neck, kissed her mouth like Joseph in his time, when he threw himself on Benjamin's neck and wept over him.
When Hilaria's mother and sister heard [the news], they screamed aloud. For women are naturally inclined to be perplexed. The king restrained them, |15 saying............... lest God bereave us of our two [daughters]. But, on the contrary, let us praise Him because we have found her back alive". Because the king had sworn it to her, he revealed not the matter to the other brethren who had accompanied her and kept her during three months with him in order to continue seeing his daughter's face daily.
He asked her how she had left his house, she told him how she wore her dress of a spatharios and how she had gone to Rakote and how she had gone to Shirt with the deacon.
Then they took leave and returned to their place. The king gave Shiit three thousand [measures of] corn, for the eucharist and for his daughter, with six hundred measures of oil and this hath been continued for the church of Shiit till this day.
After her arrival at Shiit she lived still twelve years. At last she fell into a severe illness and bore it with courage. She called the holy Pambô and conjured him thus: "When I shall have ceased living, thou shalt take care, because thou knowest my whole life, that this coat be not taken from me, but let me be buried with it".
When she had given up the ghost, he stood over her body and buried it in the coat, according to what she had said to him; when she had been buried, he sat down and spoke to the monks a divine word. He said to them: "Verily, a weak vessel hath put to shame this multitude of monks who are dwelling at Shiit: who hath shown such an endurance, when she dwelled struggling amongst men? Who hath shown such an endurance, bereaving herself of rest of the flesh, as she hath done?"
When the brethren heard her life, they were struck |16 with wonder and praised God, saying: "Therefore He hath granted her the grace of deceasing on the day of Mary, the holy mother of God 12), i.e. the 21st Touba".
They wrote to her father about her end. He and [Hilaria's] mother were highly grieved. Afterwards he consoled her 13) mother, saying: "If he who hath posterity in Sion and kindred in Jerusalem hath been called happy 14), verily how much happier are we, for we have posterity in the heavenly Jerusalem. Verily.....
[Footnotes renumbered and moved to the end]
1. 1) Not in Amélineau's text, but supplemented by Dr. von Lemm.
2. 2) According to a correction of the Coptic text by Dr. von Lemm.
3. 1) Cf. Daniel VI, 22; The Story of Ahiqar, éd. Conybearé, R. Harris, A. Smith Lewis, p. [], 12 paen.
4. 2) Skete.
5. 3) politei/a.
6. 4) Alexandria.
7. (1----1) Only in Coptic Ms. 1101 (Or. 6073), British Museum, according to Dr. von Lemm.
8. 1) Pambô.
9. (1----1) According to corrections of Dr. von Lemm.
10. 2) i.e. my debt.
11. 1) Giron, p. 61.
12. 1) qeoto&koj
13. 2) i.e. Hilaria's.
14. 3) Dr. von Lemm compares Is. XXXI, 9 b according to LXX.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2004. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: hilaria_05_longarabic.htm
The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. 17-29. The story of Hilaria: Long Arabic version
The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. 17-29. The story of Hilaria: Long Arabic version
THE STORY OF HILARIA.
TRANSLATION OF THE LONG ARABIC TEXT.
(Forget I, p. [] et sequ.)
The 21th day of the month of Tubih.
On this day Hilaria the daughter of king Zeno, departed this life. He had no male child, but only two virgin daughters. He gave them a careful education; in the first place he let them learn writing, as was becoming to the royal rank, and let them learn by heart the psalms so that they could read them throughout 1).
The name of the oldest daughter was Hilaria. She desired to remain a virgin; especially she felt inclined towards monastic life. But she shrank back from going to the monasteries of Byzantium because she knew that they would not receive her from fear before her father.
Then she took a manly resolution and determined what to do in order to enter the pure career of monastic life. One day the king went with his daughter to the cathedral at the time of the ministration of the holy sacrifice and the blessed Hilaria raised her eyes to heaven and said in her heart: "O Lord, if Thou esteemest me worthy of the pure calling and Thou wilt make my way to succeed, let me hear words from the scripture-lessons pointing to my aim and wish." When she entered the church she listened and heard firstly the great word of the apostle: "By faith Moses refused to be called the, son of Pharao's daughter; choosing rather to suffer affliction with the people of God, than to enjoy the |20 pleasures of sin for a season" 2). And also from the catholic epistle: "The wealth of this world is like grass and hay" 3); and from the Acts of the Apostles: "I have coveted no silver or gold or apparel. Yea, you yourselves know that these hands have ministered unto my necessities" 4); and also from the Psalter: "His joy is sweeter than gold and precious stones and honey and honey-comb" 5); and also from the Gospel: "Whosoever forsaketh not all that he hath, cannot be my disciple" 6); and from the sermon of the bishop after the Gospel: "Wherefore, O man, desirest thou what passeth away and what thou must leave behind. Know that the lusts of this world pass away. Therefore confide not in riches, for riches remain here and our sins precede us to the judgment-seat of the Lord." Then she praised God saying: "God hath given success to my course and smoothed my way." When they had received the blessing, she prepared herself for fleeing and God, the beneficent, showed her how to act. On the next morning she clad herself in the dress of a spatharios, girded herself with a girdle of Taif-leather, took a stick in her hand and went in the direction of the sea, where no one would notice her. She found a ship sailing to a town called Safîrâ. She said to the sailor: "I desire to be brought to the shore of Alexandria, for I have to transmit orders of the king." The sailor said: "We go not towards that place, o spatharios; but if the king wanteth it, we cannot thwart him." So they brought her to Alexandria; at that time she was twelve years old and a beautiful girl. |21 She entered the church of Anba Petros, the last of the martyrs, prayed and beseeched him to help her and went "to the church of the holy Mar Marcus and asked him to smooth her way. There she found a deacon, named Theodorus, and said to him: "Peace to thee, brother. I desire that thou travellest with me to the mountain of Shihat, for I wish to visit that place and will give thee thy wages; for I have left my country in order to pay this visit." The deacon said to her: "O spatharios, for a long time I have wished to go to that place, and perhaps it is God's will. But let us eat bread and depart to morrow morning." The blessed said to him: "Good." She took a dinar and gave it him, saying: "Buy for this dinar what we need." The deacon took the dinar and spent of it what they wanted.
The next morning they saddled beasts to ride on and went to the church of Abu Menas 7) where they passed the night. On the next morning they went to Shihât. When they had arrived, the holy Man Bamfu was consulted about them: "There is a spatharios who hath brought with him a deacon." He gave order to bring them to him. When they had entered, he clapped his hands, as is the custom of monks, and prayed. When they sat down he told them many profitable stories.
Then the blessed Hilaria addressed herself to the pure old man, saying: "I wish to be invested by thee with the monastic habit and to remain here." Father Bamfu answered and said: "My son, it is impossible for thee to remain here, for thou art accustomed to comfort and |22 bodily rest. But if thou desirest to become a monk, go to Anvatun because it is hidden 8) and in that place is a congregation of rich people who have embraced monastic life but live there without trouble, finding consolation. But we are far from Misr, at a distance of forty 9) days from the plain and the towns; nay, we are even in need of clothes. And thou canst not endure our meagre food and our hard life." The blessed Hilaria answered him saying: "Know, my father, that I have 10) come to this holy mountain with my whole heart and now thou repellest me, but the Lord shall call thee to account for my sake."
When the pure old Anba Bamfu heard this he wondered at the acuteness of the boy's answer. At once he cleared a place for her and the deacon where they could be lodged. But the deacon took the prayer 11) [of the prior] and returned to the town. Hilaria, the daughter of the king, said to the prior: "My Father, take this little sum from me and distribute it among the poor." He answered: "We need nothing of it, for the labour of our hands is sufficient for us. But if thou possessest something, I will give it the deacon in order to transmit it to the patriarch." Hilaria gave him all that she possessed and the golden stick and her girdle.
The deacon took leave of them and departed. Then Hilaria turned towards the holy Anba Bamfu and said: "My Father, I desire that thou investest me with the monastic habit." He explained [the precepts] to her, |23 examined her and taught her the ascetic practices, gave her a repaired mitre and a coat of hair. At once she would put them on; he prayed over them and invested her with them, without knowing her to be the daughter of the king. He gave her a cell near his own and visited her at all times. The Lord showed her his grace, so that she learned to speak the language of the Egyptian people. She was extremely ascetic and zealously fasting and praying. The monks wondered how the softness of her body suffered those harsh clothes. When she had stayed there nine years without getting a beard they called her Hilari the eunuch. On account of her frequent fasting and praying and ascetic practices her breasts withered and it ceased to be with her after the manner of women. After the lapse of so long a period her parents had despaired of seeing her again, but the Lord (blessed be His name) would show her and make her known to them. Her younger sister became possessed by a mean villainous demon. So her father the king sent her, escorted by soldiers and two masters, to many monasteries and dwellingplaces of ascetic old men, but the Lord gave her no healing at their hands because God planned Hilaria's glorification. So the courtiers gave advice to the king, saying: "May our Lord the king live for ever 12); know that in Wadi Habib there are pure holy monks. Send thy daughter to them and we believe that God will heal thy daughter on account of their pure prayers." When the king heard this he rejoiced greatly. He ordered two masters and two slave-girls and soldiers from his armies to accompany the girl and |24 wrote to the governor of Alexandria ordering him to send his daughter to the mountain of Shihât. He wrote also to the old men: "Thus writeth Zeno, the unworthy of the kingdom, whom God hath given this gift which he meriteth not, to the holy, pious, beloved Fathers, who strive to liberate themselves from the whole world, the ascetic, selfdenying monks in the holy mountain of Shïhât, called balance of hearts, Hail. In the first place I prostrate myself with my face before your holiness. Then I will inform you, my Fathers, of what the Lord hath done me on account of my many sins and trespasses. God had given me two daughters. One left me and I know nothing about her; so I was in great sorrow on her account. And while I had to suffer this great sorrow, there struck me another sorrow greater than the first one: the other daughter, whom I had expected to be my consolation and a compensation for her sister, a demon took possession of her and tormented her day and night so that I am near to saying that death is preferable for her to life. My courtiers have given me advice to send her to your holiness. And now my whole hope is upon you, that God will not reject your request and that she will be saved by your prayers."
When this message reached Alexandria, the emir with many soldiers went to accompany her. They reached the monastery, brought the letter of the king and gave it the holy Anba Bamfu. He assembled the brethren and read the letter before them. When they began to pray, the demon threw her down and continued to beat her among them, so that the emir and all who were with him wondered and said: "How can a demon do so among holy persons?" |25
When the holy Hilaria saw her younger sister, she recognised her and her heart was troubled on her account, her limbs ached and she wept over her. When the brethren saw her sick at heart for her sake, they were sorry. When prayer was finished Anba Bamfu called one of the brethren and said to him: "Take this girl with thee in thy cell and cease not to pray over her till God shall have restored her health." He said humbly: "I have not reached that degree of perfection, and I cannot be entrusted with this girl." Then Anbä Martyrios said: "Trust her to Hilari the eunuch 13)." So they trusted the girl to her sister. She began to pray, over her and to weep till she had soaked the earth, to embrace her and to kiss her face, to lie with her on one bench, while she held her to her bosom. After seven days the Lord healed her. The emir and the ka'id and the soldiers received with them the holy eucharist on Sunday and returned to Alexandria. As to the girl, God had given her grace and the villainous demon had left her; so the servants and slave-girls and soldiers took her and returned with her, rejoicing because the Lord had given success to their journey. The old men wrote a letter of explanation to king Zeno in the following terms: "The unworthy inhabitants of the mountain of Natrun write to their victorious lord Zeno, the pious. Above all we prostrate ourselves before thy venerable noble majesty. May the Lord preserve thy throne and confirm thy kingdom like that of David and Solomon and Hezekiah 14) and Uzziah and rule thy kingdom without trouble. Be safe in the Lord because of thy care for |26 the church of the Lord Christ, our God." When this letter reached the king he rejoiced greatly on account of his daughter's recovery. He arranged meals for the poor and spent much money. He said: "My daughter, what hath happened to thee at Shihât?" She answered: "My father, they entrusted me to a holy, ascetic monk, called Hilari the eunuch. It was he who prayed over me; then I was healed and the Lord gave me health; he was very benignant to me and many times he lay with me on the mat on the bench. But, my father, I hear that monks hate women and therefore inhabit the desert, because they will absolutely not speak with them. And how is this? I know it not."
When the king heard this from his daughter he wondered greatly and said: "This is not the custom of monks who expel demons; this is an innovation among the monks''. He wrote a second letter to Shihât in the following terms: "The victorious king Zeno ventureth to write to the pure, pious Fathers on the mount of Shihât. I am indebted to you on account of your bounty and benignity and your prayers and I cannot pay... 15) so I beg you to show me the favour of sending brother Hilarion, for I am sick at heart and I cannot undertake a sea voyage and accomplish this great distance because of the heavy.... 16). The fame of his holiness hath reached us and our confidence is in him; if he cometh to us we shall profit by his prayers."
When this royal letter had arrived and had been read before the rest of the holy monks, the pure presbyter Bamfu called the blessed Hilaria and said: "Prepare |27 thyself, brother, for the king hath summoned thee." When the blessed Hilaria heard this, she felt a great sorrow. The monks consoled her saying: "Go in the peace of the Lord who will be with thee and restore thee to us safely." They sent with her two brothers and two old brothers and they went to Constantinople. When they arrived the king rejoiced and gave orders to introduce them joyfully; he received them personally. He said to them: "Pray for me, that the Lord may keep me in the loyalty of my orthodox fathers." When they went out he retained his daughter Hilaria and remained alone with her saying: "Holy Father Hilarion, we need thy prayers and wish to speak to thee; but be not offended and be not sorry. The little girl hath told me how she was in thy blessed presence: that thou used to kiss her, mouth on mouth, and to lie with her on the mat on the same bench. So I desire that thou teilest me the reason of thy kindness towards her, whether it sprang from spiritual or from bodily love. Tell me the truth and be not ashamed or disturbed by shame, that I may be pure from this trangression." The virgin Hilaria thought: "I should like to conceal this matter, but I fear that the king would cast an eye of contempt on all monks." She said: "The king may live for ever. Let the four holy Gospels be brought before me." When this had been done she said to him: "Swear to me that thou wilt not reveal this secret nor restrain me from going to my monastery." The king swore by the holy Gospel. Hilarion said: "I am Hilaria thy daughter." When the king heard this he wondered and became stupefied so that he could not speak during a long time. When his spirits returned he went up to his daughter |28 and embraced her like Joseph when he embraced Benjamin his brother, and wept vehemently. When her mother and sister heard the news they came running, embraced her and wept and cried, kissed her hands and her face and would restrain her from returning to her monastery. But the king checked them saying: "I have submitted myself to her will and sworn not to restrain her." Then her mother said: "We will retain her with us, in order to crown her with the royal crown." But the king said: "I will not do so, but we will give glory to the Lord, now that we have seen her alive." The king concealed her secret and retained the monks for three months in order to be able to see his daughter every day. He questioned her about her flight from the castle. She told him the details, how she had disguised herself as a spatharios, how she had reached Alexandria and how she had gone to Shihat. When the king heard this he wondered, and gave an official order to send to the monks on the mountain of Shihat every year three thousand measures of corn for the eucharist of his daughter, and three hundred measures of oil. This hath been continued every year until to day.
The king bade them farewell and they departed towards their monastery. After her arrival Hilari lived twelve years. At the end there befell her an illness, the pains of which she bore with great courage. Then the holy virgin called Anba Bamfu and conjured him thus: "When I shall have accomplished my life, make known, my Father, the whole story of my life and allow not that this repaired cowl be taken from me, but if you shroud me, let me keep it." When she had departed this life in glory and honour, the holy Anba Bamfu told them what |29 she had ordered him. When they had buried her the holy Anba Bamfu sat down and told the brethren in an address all about the holiness of this pure virgin, saying: "I am feeble, the unworthiest of all the brethren on the mountain of Shihat. Who is there that like her possesseth the endurance to live continually among so many men? Who possesseth such selfrestraint and is able to neglect all bodily comfort and finery and pleasure?" When the brethren heard this they praised God. And behold, the Lord gave her good fortune and grace for she departed this life on the day of the departure of the mother of Light, the virgin Mary, because she had loved her (Mary's) life; so the Lord gave her this sign of grace.
They wrote to her father the king that she was dead and he began to mourn over her. But her mother consoled him saying: "He hath been called happy who hath posterity in Sion and kindred in Jerusalem, according to what is written in Isaiah the prophet: "Blessed who hath posterity in Sion."17) For she can be beseeched to intercede for us with our Lord Jesus Christ so that He forgive us our sins and trespasses."
These words have been written by the holy Anba Bamfu. He hath written and deposited them in the church of Shihat for the sake of glory and profit. May the Lord have mercy upon us by his prayers. Amen. |30
[Footnotes renumbered and moved to the end]
1. 1) [Arabic], ad aperturam.
2. 1) Hebrews XI, 24 et sequ.
3. 2) James 1, 10.
4. 3) Acts XX, 33 et sequ.
5. 4) Psalm XIX, 10.
6. 5) Luke XIV, 33.
7. 1) Cf. K. M. Kaufmann, Die Menasstadt und das Nationalheiligtum der altchristlichen Aegypter, I (Leipzig, 1910).
8. 1) I am not sure of the meaning of the text.
9. 2) Amélineau proposes to read: four.
10. 3) The text adds: not.
11. 4) i.e. blessing.
12. 1) Cf. p. 10, note 1.
13. 1) Text: [Arabic]
14. 2) Text: Ezekiel.
15. 1) The text is corrupt.
16. 2) The text has: hunger.
17. 1) Is. XXXI, 9b according to LXX.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2004. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: hilaria_06_shortarabic.htm
The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. 30-34. The story of Hilaria: Short Arabic version
The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. 30-34. The story of Hilaria: Short Arabic version
TRANSLATION OF THE SHORT ARABIC TEXT.
(Forget I, p. [Arabic] et sequ.)
On this day (21th Tubih) died also the holy, pure Hilaria, the daughter of king Zeno. This king was orthodox and a friend of the church. He had two daughters, this saint and her sister, but no son. This pure maid Hilaria had from her youth an inclination for being alone. So she began to think about monasticistn and putting on the angelic habit. She left the palace of her father, dressed as a man, reached Egypt and went from there towards Shihât. There she met a holy old man, named Aba Bamu. She told him the plan she had conceived and that she was a woman. He concealed her secret and gave her a grotto to dwell in and took up the habit of visiting her. When she had passed fifteen years in the grotto without getting a beard, the old men thought her to be a eunuch and they called her Hilari the eunuch.
As to her sister, a villainous demon took hold of her. Her father spent much money on her behalf, but she was not healed. Then the advice was given him to send her to the old men in Shihat; for their fame had penetrated throughout the Roman empire, because of their holiness. So he sent her, accompanied by two masters and an escort and slaves and gave them a letter for the old men, in which he informed them of his sorrow, |33 and told them that the Lord had given him two daughters; one of them had left him and he knew not her place of abode, and he had not heard of her. The other was possessed by a demon, she whom he 1) had expected to be his 1) comfort and consolation. He asked their holiness to pray over her, that the Lord might heal her. When the old men had read the letter of the king, they prayed over her many days but she was not healed. Lastly they requested Hilari the eunuch, her sister, to take her and pray over her, but she excused herself. Then they induced her to take her and after a few days she was liberated from the demon.
The holy maid had recognised her sister, without being recognised by her; and she used to embrace and to kiss her and to go outdoors to weep. Then she brought her before the old men and said to them: "Behold, the Lord hath healed her by your prayers". Then they sent her to her father in peace. When she arrived, he and all the inhabitants of the castle rejoiced over her and uttered many thanksgivings to the Lord. Her father asked her about her manner of life among the old men. She told him how the holy Hilari had healed her and how he used to embrace her often and to kiss her. The king was disturbed by this fact and he sent a message to the old men wherein he told them to send Hilari the eunuch who had healed his daughter in order to receive his blessing, whereupon the old men told her to go to the king. Then the holy maid wept grievously before all the old men and excused herself. They said to her: "This king is pure, a friend of the |34 church. It is not allowed, according to the scriptures, to thwart him". After a struggle she went to the king. He and his courtiers saluted her. When they were alone, the king drew near to her and uttered his suspicion about her kissing his daughter and how he had been disturbed on hearing this: he asked her to reveal him the cause of this. Only he and the queen were present. So she said to them: "Bring me the Gospel and swear to me, that you will not press me not to return to the desert, when I shall have spoken". They swore, and thereupon she told them that she was their daughter Hilaria, and how she had left them disguised as a man, and showed them the signs they knew. Then they cried aloud and wept together and there was a great tumult in the castle. They said to her: "We allow thee not to go". But she reminded them of the oath and scarcely she agreed to stay a month with them. Then she departed to the desert. From this day onwards the king gave the revenues and the taxes to the inhabitants of the desert and all that they wanted from the revenues of Egypt, so that the number of the monks augmented greatly, and they began to inhabit the cells. As to the pure, holy Hilaria, after her coming back from her father, she lived five years; then she died and nobody knew her to be a woman, until after her death. May the blessing of her prayer be with us. Amen.
[Footnote moved to the end]
1. 1) The text has the st person.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2004. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: hilaria_07_syriac.htm
The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. 35-57. The story of Hilaria: Syriac version
The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. 35-57. The story of Hilaria: Syriac version
TRANSLATION OF THE SYRIAC TEXT.
The Story of the Holy Hilaria, the daughter of king Zeno.
For the pious, my Beloved, it is always good to occupy themselves with the holy doctrines, teaching the fear of God and leading us in the right ways which are pleasing unto God.
And especially with the stories of the memory of the works of the Saints, who lived well with God and were perfect in the holy service. For there is nothing of such profit to the pious soul as such meditations which show forth the excellent life and holy works and humble habit of monasticism.
For it is well known that there is no small consolation to be gathered from [an examination] as to how they lived and pleased God in humbleness; how they persisted in patience and in that love, which is a perfect sign of being a disciple of Christ, and in great works; how they persevered in steady and long fasting, how they humbled themselves in ascetic exercises beyond all power, and in performing abundant services beloved by God.
Not only blessed men have been seen doing this, but there have also been found women in all generations shining like stars in the whole world. And now, because |38 it is, as I have said, meritorious to make known by writing the memory of the deeds of the Saints, it is also beautiful for us to hand down and to write that which we have heard from trustworthy men who were eyewitnesses of the pious persons who were leading an angelic life by their deeds, and mortified their bodies by asceticism.
So [we will speak] firstly about a woman of royal descent, whose story is above [the power] of our weak words. So it would be becoming for us to be silent, because of our inability, but as such a work, however weak, is of profit for such persons as are longing with a pious mind to hear such things, we will not refrain from speaking, asking the help of God, giver of knowledge.
So we will begin with the time when the famous and pious king Zeno, was reigning beautifully; he was equal in faith and love of Christ to the glorious and great Constantine; but he was vexed and suffering from his having no son and successor to the throne after his death. His desire made him frequently pray and entreat God and send to saintly-living men in mountains and caverns and monasteries, that they should ask God to grant him his wish. This he did because he was very pious and expected that on account of their intercession 1) with God, who loveth his elected, they could acquire all from him. So shortly after-his accession to the throne a daughter was born to him, she with whom this story dealeth, truly a firstborn fruit of the prayer of the Saints and a reward of his rich vows. When she was sanctified by baptism, the holy sign of divine birth, she was called Hilaria. |39
She was educated as is becoming to children of faithful parents. A heavenly grace was spread over her and with her was to be found humbleness and great peacefulness; the doctrine of the holy Scriptures she learned soon and excelled by great wisdom. She had governesses who taught her the good doctrine, chaste women who were ascetically living as virgins. I mean nuns, who were visiting her constantly. While she recited with them the holy Scriptures and songs and services, there awoke in her the desire of assuming their habit. They told her about the life of holy men and humble virgins who had given themselves to God and were betrothed to Christ and had mortified their flesh by asceticism. They told her especially about the holy Fathers who were aboding in the desert of Egypt, which is called Skete.
All these things she concealed secretly in her soul and hoped that they could be realised in good season. But though she was anxious to assume the holy life and to perform the duties of waking and fasting which are becoming to the holy habit, she would not do this openly because she knew that it was not agreeable to the king and queen, that she had such plans: for they hoped that she would be a source of temporal joy to them; and they thought already about her marrying and having children, that would bear the royal dignity after them.
But she, while living alone in a room in the palace, was, according to a rule of divine wisdom, symbolically practising monasticism, fasting steadily and sometimes eating only every evening or every second day, with long vigils and constant standing in prayer, day and |40 night, reading the holy Scriptures and the stories of elect holy men and holy women. Meanwhile she looked for the realisation of the plan which she had conceived namely to go away secretly and to adopt the solitary life in the foreign country. She hoped fervently to see the Egyptian desert and to live with the solitary ascetics there.
Now her parents, the king and queen, were usually admitted to see her every fifth or tenth day, according to the rule laid down by her; because she would not converse with them frequently, for she lived in a retired manner and was in this way quietly practising the habit of chastety and humbleness under a pretext. Then it happened that the king, when visiting her, perceived that the grace and royal beauty, that was spread over her handsome face, was fading away, that her body was becoming emaciated, that her strength was diminishing and day by day she was fading away and decaying and that she was sinking into a serious decline. So he said: "What hath befallen thee, my daughter? Perhaps thou art sick and, because of thy bashfulness, thou wilt not reveal it to us? Or is there a sickness of heart of which thou informest us not? Verily, thou givest us much trouble and pain, on seeing thee fading away and decaying like one wounded and sick". But she said to them: "Suffer not anyhow, my father; for there is nothing that maketh me suffer, nor is there a pain that troubleth me. On the contrary, my heart rejoiceth very much, because thou art spared and enjoyest peace". So she cheered them up by these words.
As a rule her waiting-woman with whom she had intercourse brought her food from the palace, dishes of all kinds; but she took only the bread and the rest of |41 the food she sent secretly to the poor by the medium of that servant. When she had lived in such a way five years, steadily fasting every second day (she was at that time five and twenty years old), she thought that this was the time for going away to the abode she was longing for; but how could this plan be carried out if she Was seen by her servant every day? And if she were to be sought in vain, they would turn every stone and seek her in every direction and there would be no means of escaping.
But what devised she and what contrived she?
She adopted the rule of delaying [the visits of her servant] more and more, saying to her: "To day I have got food that will be sufficient for three days; trouble me not with thy visit till the fourth day hence. Let nobody know this; otherwise thou wilt be in danger on my account. But take the food, which is given to thee to bring it me, and take it secretly to the poor. And if my parents ask thee, say, as usually: She hath taken and eaten it". In this way she would, when being ready to go away, be able to prolong the interval between her visits and hinder her from entering during five days or more, in order to be able to reach a far distance on her journey before being sought and missed.
Thus she did during one year, saying to her servant: "Till the fourth day hence approach not unto my door". And soon she said: "Till the fifth day", and then: "Till the seventh".
When the day had come, that she was prepared for going away, she said secretly to her servant: "Take this dinar and buy for it a coat of hair and sandals and a cowl, but let nobody see or know it, for I will |42 give this to that nun, which often visiteth me, because I see that she is poorly dressed''. The servant took the dinar and accomplished all according to her command. After a few days Hilaria said to her: "Visit me not during five days". Thereupon she prepared herself for departing, took off the princely dress she was wearing and put on the coat of hair and the sandals.
Then she threw on the capuchin, took some food and some money for expenses and went away in the morning, while no one saw her, to the seashore which was not very far from the town, while a steady prayer was in her mouth and tears stood in her eyes.
Thus she prayed: "O God, Thou who guidest the Saints and leadest them on Thy eternal way, who art everywhere with them and leavest them never, lead me on this way and direct my feet on the way of salvation and bring me to the place which I long for, that I may have intercourse with Thy Saints and serve Thee with them in holiness and praise Thee eternally".
Now it happened that, by divine Providence, at that time a ship was ready for departing in the direction of Egypt, to Alexandria, the place where she wished to go to. When she had asked the people there and had heard "what she hoped, she gave the fare and embarked. And nobody of those who saw her, knew whether she was a man or a woman, because she was dressed humbly and chastely in the humble monastic dress and in the royal residence there were many of such monks and nuns; so those who saw her thought that she was like the rest.
The ship sailed and reached Egypt in a few days. |43 Then she left the ship, entered Alexandria and visited the holy places there, churches and monasteries and strengthened herself by the prayers of those who were performing in holiness the service there. While she was still walking through the town she saw an old hermit, an excellent man of those of the desert. Addressing him she asked in the first place after the way of living of the hermits in the desert, and whether they received strangers gladly into their community, and which place or convent was the first to be reached in the desert.
The hermit said to her: "Their way of living is that each of them reciteth separately and in his own way and every one accomplisheth the holy service in his cell, which he leaveth not during the whole week. But on Sundays, at the time of the ministration of the holy sacrifice, they go to the church that is situated in the midst of the cells and partake of the holy sacraments. Some of them cover their faces with their caps so as not to see anyone and not to be seen by anyone; every one fasteth as he chooseth and according to his strength, some of them every second day, others every third or fourth day. The conspicuous take food only once a week.
This consisteth of dry bread and olives, sometimes they take also boiled vegetables; others feed upon herbs like the beasts.
The monastery which is at the entrance of the desert is called that of Aba Macarius. It is said that the number of hermits belonging to it, amounteth to three thousand. And as to their love of strangers, it is great, praiseworthy and divine. But they admit amongst them no beardless youths nor indulgeth any one in seeing a woman". |44
When she heard this she replied and asked after the way to the desert. He told it her and she made an obeisance before him and received his blessing 2) and each of them went his own way, without knowing the other's sex and without asking after it. When he was far from her and out of sight, she knelt down in order to pray before God and thus she spoke: "Our Lord Jesus Christ, the life and salvation that hath dawned for us, thou who hast come to seek the forlorn, and to bring back to the way of truth those who have gone astray, Thou who leadest Thy Saints to the eternal way ---- turn to me the lost one, for I seek Thee, my Lord, and lead me at Thy right hand to Thy way of life, for Thee alone my soul loveth. And direct my feet in the way of salvation and receive me into Thy good harbour. For Thou art my strong hope and in Thee I have confided from my youth, now and for ever. Amen".
When she had finished her prayer and sealed herself with the holy sign, she took the way to the desert while continually prayer was in her mouth. After three days of travelling, she reached the convent of Aba Macarius, at the entrance of the desert.
It was a sabbathday, and while she was passing between the cells she saw none of the solitaries without the door of his cell. She ventured not to knock at a door; but on going round in order to find some one, she came to the church, their place of congregation. She entered to pray and saw the Presbyter who constantly was aboding there. After having finished her prayer, she asked his blessing, and he invited her to take rest, |45 saying: "From where cometh your pious person, o Father? and what is the cause, why thou visitest us, poor creatures?" For he thought that she was a man because of her manly dress and the changed colour of her face which had become dusky and black.
And thus she answered him in a manly tone: "Your servant, Father, cometh from Constantinople, in order to be the disciple of your holiness, if it please God and you". The Presbyter said: "What is Thy name?" She answered: "John the eunuch. As to my class I am a slave and I belonged to a noble and well-known Roman 3) man and performed with him the service of a slave. And when he deceased in peace, he freed me. Then being master of my own person, I have sought to please God above all and from fear of God I assumed the holy habit. But I had an infinite longing to see the Saints who in this desert are living ascetically and devoting their lives to God, and to pass the rest of my life with them. For that reason I have hastened to come to you now".
Thereupon the Presbyter said: "Thy coming is right, Father. Stay here and take rest to-day. Tomorrow, which is a Sunday, the solitaries will assemble here as usually in order to partake of the holy sacrifice".
So on Sunday morning, at the third hour the solitaries assembled into the above mentioned church; and when they had partaken of the sacramental sacrifice, the Presbyter told them the story of John, the eunuch. On their wish, she 4) was brought before them and throwing herself at their feet, her 4) lips murmered a prayer, |46 while she 5) was trembling from fear, that it might be known who and what 6) she 5) was.
Then they prayed over her, blessed her, spoke to her words of admonition and taught her how to conduct herself; they gave her also a separate cell and ordered a very old man in her neighbourhood: "Take John the eunuch and let him be as a son to thee and take care to be his guide in the doctrine which is necessary and in the rules laid down amongst us".
Thereupon the old man took her with him and showed her the cell and she dwelt amongst them and regulated her life as they did, in good work and labour. ----Thus far about her departing and arriving in the desert. ----
As to the governess which had served her while being in the royal palace, when the days had passed during which Hilaria had forbidden her to enter, she went to her service and saw that Hilaria was gone and that her royal garments were put aside in a corner of the apartment she at once understood that Hilaria had gone to devote herself to the service of God, and that therefore she had wanted the coat of hair and the capuchin.
Weeping and crying she went to the queen and told her what had happened but she revealed nothing about the rule of her food and her [rare] visits to her; for she was afraid of being endangered, because she had not told them the secret.
The king and the queen, being troubled by what they had heard, went to the apartment, and seeing that |47 their daughter Hilaria had gone, they were in great sorrow and grief.
The king wept, sobbing in a loud voice, and thus lamented: "Woe, my beloved daughter. Who hath severed thee from me? How can I live without thee, support of my old age, crown on my head? Now may death hasten to me and take from me the trouble that never can be consoled away".
When the nobles of the king heard what had happened, they came to lament with him. At once they sent messengers in all directions to ask and to seek. The convents were also examined but she was not found. After a few days the king recovered from his trouble, because he was certain that she had gone to devote herself to God.
And Hilaria, being in the desert of Skete, was going through great struggles and performing works of self-denial above human strength, in many vigils and long fasting, so that even the solitaries wondered at her endurance and patience.
And she was praiseworthy and great in the eyes of all people of her class, because of her great humility and her placidity and meekness.
When she had passed ten years in the desert, another daughter was born to her father the king. When this girl was five years of age, she was tried by the Evil-one. And as the Devil attacked her vehemently, her father said to himself: "There is no hope of healing my daughter, except by the prayers of the solitaries in Skete, who are very near to God and are allowed to speak to Him 7)". |48
Thus he resolved in his mind and prepared for her departing. He ordered a trustworthy man, one of his relatives, and he and an escort of soldiers took her, went on their way and reached the desert.
The solitaries had heard of this and many of them had departed, lest they should be seen by the soldiers and the other persons. John the eunuch too had hid himself, without knowing the case exactly.
When the messengers of the king arrived, they told the monks about his belief and his hope on them and explained the reason of their coming. They left the girl with them and returned to the king without delay.
On the next day the solitaries returned to their places and discussed to whom they should entrust the little girl. They choosed John the eunuch because he was a eunuch and advanced in holiness. Thereupon they sent for him and said to him: "The Fathers have discussed with whom the girl should be; and all of them agreed upon giving her to thee, be thou her support and teacher".
Being forced thus he obeyed their will and took the girl to his cell.
One time Hilaria asked the girl: "Answer, my sister, what I ask thee. What is the name of thy father, and what is the name of thy mother?" The girl said: "My father is called Zeno, my mother Augusta". She asked again: "Have they a son or daughter besides thee?" The girl answered: "I have no brother or sister at all, but as I have heard of my mother, who told it me weeping, before my birth they had another daughter, named Hilaria. But she went away from them secretely and nobody knoweth what became of her. They sought her industriously but she was not found". |49
When she heard this from her, she knew certainly that the girl was her sister, the daughter of the parents who had borne herself and with the fervour of a love not to be checked, she embraced her, the tears dropping from her eyes, on account of the girl's saying: "My mother told me weeping, that they had another daughter before me, who went away from them secretly".
When the girl had passed five years with Hilaria, she got recovery from the Lord and became excellent in wisdom and knowledge. She was also distinguished by humbleness and chastity, because Hilaria had taken great care to adorn her with all praiseworthy qualities.
So, when the messengers of the king, whom he used to send in order to get tidings of the girl, came, the Fathers sent her with them to her father. After her arrival, he noticed during his intercourse with her, that she excelled in wisdom and good works, and that she had got spiritual as well as bodily aid, being freed from the influence of the Evil one. So he rejoiced greatly and thanked and praised God.
He asked her: "My daughter, who was it to whom thou wast entrusted and with whom thou hast been? And how was he treating thee? For I will reward him with becoming signs of honour". The girl answered plainly: "When I was sent by thy majesty and the old men had taken me up, they discussed the next day to whom they should entrust me. And they agreed opon giving me to a trustworthy man, whose name is John the eunuch. With him I have been thenceforth and I have improved by him. He shew unto me an infinite love and honoured me greatly. I have never seen him eating before my eyes, nor lying down on the floor to sleep. |50 But when he was overcome by sleep, he would lean against the wall for some time and so he took some comfort from sleep. Innumerable was his kneeling down on the floor, and he ceased not praying and reciting night and day. He took food only once a week".
When the king heard this, he was grieved and he took up evil suspicions against John the eunuch, thinking that he was no eunuch. Being anxious to examine the matter exactly and to be relieved from his care, he sent for John and about ten of the other old men. Here Providence was already at work, in order to make known who John was and that he might be a good example to the glory of God.
When John and his companions had arrived, he lodged them in a quiet place as was becoming to their habit. But he took John and introduced him separately into the palace and held with him many discourses.
Hilaria had a cowl covering her face lest her father should recognise her. While she spoke to him words of admonition an unchecked stream of tears flowed from her eyes, on seeing her father and mother and her sister that was healed. But the king thought that her tears came from repentance. Sometime afterwards, the king said to her: "I have heard of the beautiful things thou art working and of the good thou hast wrought towards my daughter and that she hath received healing from the Lord by thy hands. I have called and forced thee to come towards me, that I may be deemed worthy of seeing thee and being helped by thy prayers and that my house may be blessed by thy footsteps. But I wish to hear from thee who thou art and from where thou earnest to the desert, and what |51 thy sex is". She answered: "Why askest thou me about this, the poorest and most miserable of all children of man? But, now that thou wilt know it, I say: as to my class I am a slave and as to my sex a eunuch. My lord freed me when dying; and being my own master I sought God, the true Lord, above all; Him I loved and to his service I devoted myself. Above all places, I have chosen the dwelling in the desert in order to receive support from the Saints there, by whose prayers I have had the joy of healing the girl".
When the king had interrogated her circumstantially and revealed the trouble of his thoughts and the doubts of his heart, she resolved to relieve him from his cares and from the thoughts which were making a pernicious war against his soul. For she pitied him as a good father and a just king. She said to him: "I will reveal to thee a secret. But swear to me first by the Lord, that thou shalt accomplish my will in all things 1 ask and that thou shalt not oppose me in any thing I wish and that this secret shall not be revealed to any one besides the queen and the girl".
When Hilaria had said this to the king, the tears flowed unchecked from her eyes and she was choked by sobbing. The king swore to her plainly, without thinking of who she might be, for her face was invisible by the cowl which covered it and her speech was altered 8) by reciting in the Egyptian language; and, besides, twenty years had elapsed since she left them, and he thought that she had already died.
When she saw that the king had given his assurance |52 by his oath, she took them with her to an inner apartment, took the capuchin off, uncovered her face, showed herself to him and said: "I am whom thou seest, Hilaria, the poor, thy daughter whom thou knowest".
When the king and the queen heard the name Hilaria, they were disturbed and they swooned and fell down on the floor and were as dead.
When Hilaria saw what happened and that her parents were near dying, she took water and signed them with the cross, and sprinkled it on their faces, so that they revived and rose. The king weeped vehemently and they were in great sorrow and scarcely could check their crying and weeping. Then the king and the queen threw themselves at her and kissed her eyes and her hands.
Some time afterwards the king, having recovered from his weeping, said to her: "Hilaria, my beloved daughter, it is a great thing to me, to have seen to-day in thee, that an offspring pleasing to God cometh forth from me and that I may give to God a daughter who is accepted by Him. If thou wouldst only show me this kindness". Hilaria said: "What wishest thou?" The king said: "I have sworn the oath, and thy will shall be accomplished wholly. Only, if thou art willing, allow me to make for thee and those with thee a dwelling-place in our neighbourhood, that will be an abode to thee, in the same manner as there, be it for dwelling separately or commonly, as thou desirest".
But Hilaria agreed not with this, speaking: "It is not well to alter the beautiful institutions which have pleased to the Ancients, and to change a place which has been fittingly set apart by the chosen Fathers for their rest and abode. But, if thou allowest, we soon will |53 take leave in peace. The king submitted to her will and withstood not the word of her mouth concerning all which she said to him".
Five days afterwards, he dismissed her and those with her. And they gave them presents and signs of honour and gifts of gold and silver, and tapers and perfumes and oil, and costly garments for adorning the altars and churches of the convents in the desert.
But Hilaria accepted not the gold and the silver saying: "Gold and silver are usually not to be seen, in the desert. But we will take these other presents". Secretly she said to him: "If thou wilt, we shall spend this gold and silver for works which I will mention to thee. There are places in the desert, where the solitaries are distressed by want of water and the large distance of it. Others are unfit for dwelling, because of the absence of materials necessary for buildings. Send a trustworthy man and let him dig pits and build well-secured dwelling-places and make holes and hidden caves for those who wish to dwell in them secretly, not openly. This will give thee the wages of righteousness".
Her father said to her: "Ay, beloved mistress, I shall accomplish all according to thy wish". Then she took leave and departed from the palace with weeping and crying, and reached the desert of Skete, with the Fathers who were accompanying her.
A few days afterwards the king sent a trustworthy man according to Hilaria's wish. He gave him much money for the expenses of the buildings and for erecting well-secured towers. And thus he spake to him: "Go straightway to John who is called the eunuch; he will tell thee what to do, accomplish his will". |54
When this trustworthy man arrived he did all that Hilaria told him; [he made] cells and pits and caves fit for dwelling therein and high, well-secured houses.
Having finished all, he went back in peace.
Hilaria took up her former way of life, struggling in work and difficult tasks. Her father sent continually messengers to her.
So within every month he sent some one to ask about her, secretly, nobody knowing of it. But this remained not concealed from the solitaries; although not knowing it certainly, yet they presumed John to be a relative or an acquaintance of the king. From that time they began to show her 9) signs of honour in the assemblies and in the church. When she perceived their presumption, she began to be afraid that gradually her position might become known and her labour might be lost by vain glory.
So she left them secretly, while they perceived it not, and went to a more remote part of the desert. She concealed herself in a suitable cave in the earth, which she found according to her desire. At fixed intervals she went through the ravine, which led from the bottom of her cave under the earth to the ground, and got up to take the fresh air during a long time. At the mouth of the cave was a well and a little garden of wild vegetables. Whenever she wanted some food she took it there, and drank from the well; so she lived in the cave for ten years. The whole time of her staying in the desert was thirty years. By her heavy labour she was fast decaying so that she, from weakness and old age, |55 lay down on the bottom of her cave to perform her prayer to God. At that time God exhorted three solitaries of the desert, Aba Isidorus and Aba Isaie and Aba Isak, to go through the desert in order to visit the solitaries. They took with them fruits and bread made of flour, garments and coats, to provide and strengthen the sick and weak people with, if they should find them; or if they were dead, to shroud their corpses and to bury them honourably.
On their march through the desert, one day at noontime, they came near the place where Hilaria was living and hearing from within the earth a sound of groaning as from a sick person they wondered and investigated what it might be; so they found the entrance of the ravine on the surface of the earth, but, on going down to enter it they feared that that sound might come from a wild animal there. Going round they perceived the garden and the well and signs of human footsteps. Then they understood that a solitary must be living there. They took heart and entered the ravine and reaching the bottom of the cave, they saw a light as clear as daylight, as the rays of the sun. Then they looked and saw a human being lying on the ground and groaning; the hair of the head was white as wool. When they had prayed and said: "Bless me my Lord", she raised her eyes, perceived them, rose quickly and received them with a salutation. Then they sat down and asked about her coming there, saying: "When hast thou come here, Father? and from which direction hath come thy pious person?"
For they presumed her to be a man.
She answered them and spoke with them excellent |56 words. At last she said to them: "My Fathers, you are sent to-day by God, in order to bury me". Then she rose, and prayed. Having finished her prayer, she stretched herself on the earth and entrusted her spirit to God.
When the Fathers saw that she was dead they praised God and took her immediately from that cave to the ground. There they performed over her the burial service and were going, as was becoming, to shroud her body, presuming her to be an ascetic man like others, who are beardless by great heat 10). But touching her corpse outwardly, they perceived it to be a woman's and, full of astonishment, they praised Christ, who kindleth the fire of His Love in all mankind, men and women, old men and youths and children.
Then they buried her as she was, and interred her. While their lips murmured a hymn of praise, they went to wash their hands in the well from which she used to drink and to eat of the vegetables there in order to receive a blessing thereby. But they found that well dried up and the garden withered; but in the cave
where she had lived, the water rose, and went up to the surface of the earth and streamed there. Then they praised still more on account of a wonder, the like of which they had neither seen nor heard.
They stayed there three days, entreating God and saying: "O Lord, show thy servants who thy servant was and from where she came".
When the days of death were over, in a divine revelation, there was said to them: "Make a memorial-day for the odour 11) which was accepted by God, three |57 days before, which belongeth to Hilaria, the daughter of king Zeno, who, while dwelling amongst you before, was called John the eunuch". Three days afterwards they departed and went and told the Fathers what they had seen.
This is the Life and holy works of Hilaria. We, chaste brethren and faithful sisters, being envious of the works of the Saints, must imitate their beautiful deeds and perform good works, that we may attain life everlasting, of which we may be deemed worthy by the Grace and Love of Christ. To Him be praise with His Father and the Holy Spirit for ever and ever. Amen.
Here endeth the story of Hilaria, the daughter of king Zeno, who left the house of her parents secretly and led an ascetic life in the desert of Egypt.
[Footnotes renumbered and moved to the end]
1. 1) Parrhsi/a.
2. 1) Litt, his prayer.
3. 1) i. e. Byzantine.
4. 2) The MS. has the masculine.
5. 1) The MS. has the masculine.
6. 2) I. e. her sex.
7. 1) Litt.: Who have parrhsi/a.
8. 1) According to a correction of the text.
9. 1) MS. "him".
10. 1) Cf. the Introduction.
11. 2) Cf. Acta Martyrum, ed. Bedjan, I, 187, 17.
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The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. 58-59. The story of Hilaria: Short Karshuni version
The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. 58-59. The story of Hilaria: Short Karshuni version
TRANSLATION OF THE SHORT KARSHUNI TEXT (V).
It is told that Hilaria, the daughter of king Zeno, when she heard of the desert and the monks living there, left the kingdom and fled to the desert disguised as a servant. The Father of the desert received her; the Holy Ghost had revealed to him that she was a woman. But he concealed this and put her into a grotto, where she remained thirteen years, praying with the monks till her skin grew black, her appearence became altered and her bones grew thin. She reached a high degree of ascetism.
When the old men saw that she remained beardless, they called her the eunuch, but her name was Alaria.
It happened that her sister became insane in a vehement manner, so that her father and her mother were sorry for her sake. He said: "I will give half of my kingdom to him who healeth my daughter." But he found no one. Then there was told to him: "In Wadi Habib, near Alexandria, dwelleth a monk, called the eunuch. When he prayeth over insane persons, they are healed. He is a disciple of a disciple of Abu Macarius."
The king wrote to the governor of Alexandria, in this way: "We have heard, that in Wadi Habib, in the neighbourhood of thy city, there is a monk who healeth insane persons. We send to thee a sick person, dear to us, with an escort. When he reacheth thee, accompany him to that place. The king sent with her 1) much money |61 and many of those in his confidence. When they reached Alexandria [on their way] to Wâdi Habib, the governor with his soldiers encamped at a distance. Then he took the girl with her trustworthy servants to the monastery of the monks. He told the old men what the matter was. Immediately they called the eunuch. When her sister entered, Hilaria recognized her without being recognized. She wept and kept her with her seven days, weeping and praying over her. When she slept, she held her on her bosom. She used to kiss her eyes. On the seventh day the demon left her; her companions took her and journeyed with her to their country.
When they reached Constantinople and her parents saw that she was healed, they rejoiced greatly and gave opulent alms. Being alone with her they asked her about what had happened to her during her abode in that place. She told them every circumstance and how the holy eunuch (I mean her sister) had healed her. The king was very angry; he said: "A monk, a slave, healeth the sick and abuseth his monastic state in order to look on a woman; prayeth and holdeth her on his breast and kisseth her eyes."
He wrote to the governor, ordering him to send the eunuch. The goyernor did so. When the monk was introduced to the king and he saw his person, he received him, standing, very graciously, and took his blessing. But the monk was like a shadow or a spider: his skin had grown black and his bones had become thin. The king regretted to have summoned him. Afterwards he was alone with him and asked him about what his daughter had told him. He answered: "How troublest thou me and restrainest me from doing my duty by |62 [forcing me to reveal] what I am not bound to reveal to thee. In the presence of the Gospel and the patriarch thou shalt swear to me that thou wilt let me go to my place of abode."
He swore to him, that, after having been entrusted with the secret, he would immediately let him go to the monastery without restraining him. She thought: "There remaineth for me in the world only so and so much." When she was sure of him on account of his oaths, she said: "I am thy daughter Hilaria. Thou believest this not?" He believed her not until she had communicated to him some peculiarities he knew about her and she had told the story of her life, and shown to her mother a token on her body. Then they wept vehemently and pressed her on their bosom.
She stayed with them three days. Then she returned to her dwelling place in Wadi Habib, as if she were a servant. For she had made them swear that they would not betray her state.
The king sent many treasures with her to that place. Then she built.....2) and fortified houses and churches and monasteries all over the desert. And the king ceased not to send these gifts [yearly] till after the death of his daughter. And the other kings followed his example by providing for this place, till Islam appeared. The church of Abu Macarius was built in Wadi Habib.
Their prayers be with us. Amen.
[Footnotes moved to end and renumbered]
1. 1) The text has: him.
2. 1) [...] which I do not understand.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2004. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: hilaria_09_longkarshuni.htm
The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. 60-. The story of Hilaria: Long Karshuni version
The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. 63-. The story of Hilaria: Long Karshuni version
TRANSLATION OF THE LONG KARSHUNI TEXT.
In the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost, one God, we begin to write, with the help and assistance of God, the story of king Zeno and his wife Shams al-Munir and the chosen Hilaria their daughter. May their prayer and blessings be with us. Amen.
There was a faithful king and his name was Zeno. He and his wife were honourable, just and merciful in their life like our noble father and mother Abraham and Sara and like the chosen Isaac and Rebecca, going the way of our father Jacob and Rachel, the Ancients. They were of honourable origin, but they had sorrow in this world because they were barren and had no child nor heir to govern towns and cities after their decease.
One day, by the working of the grace of the Lord Christ, who loveth mankind (honour and praise to him for ever. Amen.) they conceived a plan and they spoke one to the other: "Let us take a part of this money and go to the desert and the monasteries and to the temples of God and to the caverns and mountain-caves and to the clefts which are beneath the earth in darkness..........1) who are bound, in a way pleasing to |66 God, by their own will, who are nourished and whose thirst is quenched, and who are all provided for by our Lord Jesus Christ, every one according to his wish and need; let us request them to stand before Christ and to pray for us; perhaps God will grant us a child whereby we shall be consoled for the rest of our lifetime.
So they went with zeal and warm faithfulness and with tears which flowed so as to soak their garments and with sighs which would remove mountains, partly on account of their sins and partly from longing for offspring. They reached the venerable places and attained their end by the power of Christ, for the sincere faithfulness that was in their heart. Then they returned to their appartments with joy and gladness.
After the completion of a certain number of days Shams al-Munir perceived [that she was pregnant]. She said to the faithful king Zeno: "My husband, rejoice; by the grace of the Lord and the prayers of the Fathers I perceive that I am pregnant". Then he thanked God and began to show the monasteries and the poor still more mercy and care; till the blessed bore a girl whose beauty was not equalled in her time. Seven days afterwards she was baptized and called Hilaria, the fruit of prayer, and he 2) used to call her by this name.
When she had grown up and had come to years of discretion, her father built for her a pavilion and a beautiful appartment, the most beautiful of his country. And he sent [someone] to ask and to search in the whole town for a chaste, pious, learned woman, able to read the holy Scriptures. When she was brought into the presence of |67 the king and the queen and they spoke to her, she answered in the best manner. Then they praised and thanked God for granting them their wish. Then king Zeno took the hand of his daughter and they entrusted her to her governess, in order to teach her good demeanour and science and reading, that her intellect might shine and her demeanour be beautiful. The chaste woman received [her] with gladness and great joy, kissed the feet of the king and the queen, took the hand of the chosen [maid] and went away confiding in God. He 3) sent with them two blessed old men to wait at the door, and food and drink and servants and utensils, suiting to royal rank. Every fifth day the king took the queen and they visited their daughter, the fruit of prayer, and the joy of their heart.
In this blessed state and good demeanour she stayed for six years; then Christ would lead her to perfection. She used to read in the stories of the martyrs and the narratives of the saints which had reached perfection in the desert. Then her heart thirsted and she loved them warmly and longed for dwelling with and amongst them. So she began to fast, to pray and to observe vigils and to shed tears, the beginning of every [spiritual] gift and of remission of sins. But her beauty began to wither. Her governess observed her and said to her: "My daughter, I see thy beauty withered." She made an obeisance for her and said: "[This is caused] by my longing for meeting the saints and living amongst them. My heart is thirsting vehemently after seeing them; I hope that thy venerable person will hide me from my |68 father and mother. All food, which is brought, I shall, give to the poor; perhaps God will open for us a way to the desert by their prayers". In this state she remained for a year. As she withered her parents observed her and said to her: "Our daughter, blood of our hearts, we find thee withering in a vehement way and we are sorry for thy sake; is there not a secret sorrow which thou revealest not to us?" She smiled and said: "What sorrow can he have, who enjoyeth such honour, who hath so many servants, and whose parents converse with him? Be good to me, that I may lead this agreeable life in your shadow". So she comforted their heart by her words; they rejoiced when she spoke to them in this way; they took leave from her, kissed her and said to her: "Remain in peace". They greeted also her governess and went to their castle and court.
When the chosen [maid] perceived that they observed her she feared they would thwart her and her work would be idle; so she stood the whole night praying and shedding tears like rain; she beseeched God to save and liberate her according to His will and good pleasure. The next morning her governess came to her. They greeted one another and the chosen Hilaria took a golden dinar and gave it her governess, saying: "I request thee to buy for me to day a monk's habit". She went to the porter and said to him: "Run and buy for this dinar a cowl and a mantle and a habit, which must be worn out". He went and brought her what she had commanded; she took it and went to the chosen maid who took it with joy and gladness. They wept together till their garments were soaked by tears. Then they took leave from one another. Hilaria, the |69 pure, said to her governess: "From to day till after three days visit me not, in order that, if they ask thee, thou mayest swear sincerely: "I know not where she hath gone to, nor at what time she hath departed". She accepted her command and this was an achievance from God, strong is His name, exalted His praise.
She rose in the midst of the night and departed confiding in God, reciting psalms and praises and sanctifications to Our Lord Jesus Christ, to whom may be glory and praise. He sent her the angel of grace and protected her wholly against the animals and the children of man, till she arrived at Suk Misr 4). While she passed she saw a monk who was going his way, his head bent. She went up to him and saluted him. He answered her salutation. Then she began to ask him about the way of living of the monks in the desert and as to which monastery was the first to be reached and what its name was. He informed her about their whole way of living and said: "The first monastery thou wilt reach is that of Abu Macarius; therein are three hundred monks; part of them feedeth upon grass like the beasts; another part fasteth one, two or three days and [then] eateth some bread; part of them sleepeth not and all are, according to Christ's good pleasure, standing night and day". She said to him: "Pray over me and give me thy prayer 5), that I may reach them and dwell amongst them". Then they prayed over one another and went their way both of them.
She went, confiding in God, barefoot, on the thorns |70 and pebbles and thistles till the blood ran from her feet and the sun had burnt her skin and her beauty had faded away and she had become like an Abessinian. When she reached the gate of the monastery by the grace of Christ, she knocked and the porter came and opened the door saying: "What is thy wish, my brother?" He 6) answered: "To dwell with your holiness, if it please Christ". He said: "Stay here, my brother, till I shall have informed the prior of the monastery."
He went and informed the prior of the monastery; then the prior of the monastery came to Hilaria, the chosen. When he came near her she rose towards him, made an obeisance and saluted and kissed his feet and his hands. He embraced her and said: "Blessed be thy coming to us, my child; by thy prayer God may protect our monastery from Satan". Then he 7) sobbed and wept. The prior of the monastery began to interrogate him saying: "From where art thou, my lord, and what is thy country and thy family? Inform me truly about
thy coming and all thy affairs". He answered: "My name is John the eunuch. I know neither father nor mother other than the Lord who created me. I was the slave of a king. When he was at the point of death he freed me. Meditating I said to myself: "The service of the children of man and of earthly kings is nothing in comparison with [the service] of the king of heaven and earth". Then I went confiding in God, bought this garment from a monk, changed my dress, till I came under the feet of your holiness, our Father. I request |71 from your holiness to guide me by your excellency and bounty.
Then grace came down 8) upon the prior of the monastery and he knew that he 9) was one of the Lord's chosen. He put before him food and water to drink after the hot journey. Then he ordered the wooden gong to be rung and all the brethren assembled, three hundred in number. They brought water and washed his feet and drank the water in order to obtain a blessing. Then they put on him the holy habit, glory on glory and honour on honour 10), and grace came down upon him and upon the whole monastery. When they looked upon him joy and gladness increased among them. They gave him a cell that he might perform his works as he liked; whereupon he prostrated himself at the feet of the brethren, received their prayer 11) and went to his cell. Then he began to do his hard works so that all the brethren and the prior of the monastery were ashamed by the ardour of his labour. ---- Now we shall return to her father Zeno and her mother.
As usually they rose and went to the castle. The old men came and opened the doors; then they entered. Now she would run to meet her mother and her father joyfully and to salute them. When they entered they perceived the disorder and traces of her, but they heard no sound. They called for the governess, who began to tremble, so that she could not answer them. When they reached the room, where their daughter used to sleep, |72 they found that she had laid off her silk garments and the golden girdle which was round her waist and her shoes and that she had departed barefoot. Then the king said: "Tell me, woman, and be not afraid, whether thou knowest where she hath gone to". She swore to them: "I know not where she hath gone to, nor at which time she hath departed. But three days before she gave me a golden dinar and said to me: "I beg thee to buy for me a monk's habit". Then I went and bought what she wished". Then they understood that she had gone to the desert. The king beat his breast and threw the crown from his head and began to recite about what had befallen him regarding his daughter:
"O star, that sparkled upon me, and now hath set and become obscure,
O moon, that shone upon me, and now is eclipsed and become dark". And he said: "Thou, Lord, who makest the rivers flow and hast created the creatures in the deepest depth, that they praise Thy holy name; Thou hast created the trees and hast adorned them by beautiful fruit, that they give praises to thy great name". With the axes of his sighs he demolished mountains and with the soap of his tears he washed his garments, saying:
"Thou, who gavest back Joseph to our father Jacob so that his sorrow and his grief ceased, just so I expect from Thy generosity, that I may see her with my eyes and augment praise and glory to Thy name". While he recited and lamented and wept those who heard him trembled from awe before his words. And the old men cried in the metre of Mar Jacob: |73
(12 "The righteous have bewailed their beloved with great sorrow,
Because resurrection was hidden from them and not spoken out,
Abraham bewailed Sara when he buried her
And accompanied and interred her with great mourning before the eyes of many.
Abraham was bewailed by his heir Isaac.
And when Isaac died he was bewailed by Jacob.
Joseph and his brethren mourned seventy days and bewailed the old Jacob when he had died 12)".
Then he 13) threw the crown from his head; her mother p. laid aside the royal robe and put on a coat of hair and put off her veil and began to lament and to utter bitter words, till the hard stones would weep with her. She said: "Had I wings like the dove and strength like the eagle, I should fly round the blood of my heart and make cease this heavy sorrow and grief. I must lament with the lamenting dove and cry with the nightingale when she crieth in the trees. So I lament and cry over ----the blood of my heart which hath ruined my strength and vigour and hath gone. She said in the metre of Mar Ephrem:
(14 This is the gate full of mercy,
In it is mercy.
Enter, o sinner, and beg mercy
From thy Lord who is full of mercy 14).
Weep, ye daughters of Eve, with me over a ewe which had one lamb and the wolf came and fetched it, and now how can the ewe be consoled? And over a |74 dove which had one cub and the hawk fetched it, and now whereby can the dove be consoled? And over a vineyard which had one bunch and the sparrows came and picked it away and now whereby can the vineyard be consoled? O wine in a glass, O rose of the gardens which hath withered now. O myrtle, whose odours I used to smell when the zephyr blew, which would heal my sickness".
Her mother and her father remained for three days weeping and lamenting. And after three days they opened the treasuries and gave gold to the slaves of the court and said to them: "Go and search in all monasteries and dwellings of hermits; perhaps you will find the light of my eye and the blood of my heart". He took with him his bodyguard and marched towards the desert till he reached the monastery where his daughter was serving her Lord. The monks feared from awe before the king and flew into the desert. When the king...15) they asked him saying:
"What is thy wish, happy king"? He beat his breast and lamented and wept, saying: "My child Hilaria, the fruit of prayer, hath flown from between my hands and, we know not what hath passed her, we hope that your holiness will, stand praying and beseeching God; perhaps He will accept your prayer and as He hath done the first time, when He gave me her, He will give her back to us this time by your prayers". They rang the
wooden gong and three hundred monks assembled. They stood praying and the chosen [maid], John the eunuch, amongst them. They began to beseech and to pray, that |75 Christ might reveal to them what had passed her; but she beseeched Christ to conceal it and her prayer was accepted and got the upperhand over the three hundred so that she was not found out. Then the prior of the monastery came and began to console the king saying: "Faithful and happy king (may God prolong thy life and forgive thy sins) be not grieved nor....16) over the brilliant gem which shineth before its Creator. Compare thyself with our father Abraham, how he let down the knife on the neck of Isaac to slay him. Compare thyself, O king (who may be rendered happy by his Lord) with Jephtah who sacrificed his daughter and shed her blood from love for his Lord. Compare thyself, O king (may his Lord render him happy) with the blessed Lady Shamuni, the martyr, how she sacrificed her seven sons to God with joy and gladness. So thou wilt be consoled by Christ and He will comfort thy heart by His grace. Perhaps He will grant thee another child".
The king and queen were consoled by the speech of the venerable Father and their sorrow ceased. They returned to their home being bewildered. After a short time God granted them a girl; they rejoiced over her greatly. She was brought up in the way of princely children, in the best manner, till she had finished five years of her life. Then Satan began to throw her down and to torment her vehemently. The queen said to the king: "My husband, we cannot but send her to the monastery of Abu Macarius, perhaps Christ will heal her by their prayers". The king said: "Thy advice is accepted". At once he ordered the most splendid votive |76 presents to be brought and summoned ten old men, whom he commanded to accompany His daughter to the monastery and to stay with her three days. If she was healed then, they should take her back; but if not, they should leave her behind in the monastery till she would have been healed. They answered: "We shall obey thy command". They took the girl and accompanied her to the monastery, told the monks her history, and made themselves worthy of the confidence the king had put in them. They remained three days with them and, the girl being not healed, they left her behind in the monastery and returned to the king. When it was evening the prior of the monastery and the monks deliberated: "To whom shall we entrust this girl?" They unanimously chose John the eunuch, because he was a eunuch and more abundant in performing offices and ascetic works than any of them. Then they called him and trusted to him the girl his sister, the daughter of his mother and his father. He accepted her with joy and great gladness and took her hand and they went to his cell. When they had entered the cell the chosen [maid] rose, set her sister at her side, and began to shed tears and to sigh and to beat her pure breast and to cover the ground with her face, before Christ.
After three prostrations Satan left the girl, shrieking and flying, like a slave, more black than soot. She went up to her sister, made the sign of the cross upon her and embraced her. She praised the Lord and thanked Him, accepting the signs of His grace, for this gift and the healing which had taken place at her hands.
Then she began to speak with her sister in rest and tranquillity, saying: "What is the name of the king thy |77 father and of thy mother?" She answered: "The name of my mother is Shams al-Munir and the name of my father is king Zeno". She said: "May Christ inspire them with righteousness, prolong their kingdom and give them victory over their enemies". She answered: "Amen. It may be according to thy word and by thy prayer".
When she had given this sweet answer, Hilaria perceived that she was completely healed from her sickness. Then she asked, saying: "Hast thou brethren or sisters?" She answered: "No, Father, I have no brother nor sister. But sometimes my mother sighed and shed tears. When I asked: "Why weepest thou, mother?", she said: "I had a daughter, named Hilaria; she left her castle in the dead of night and we have heard nothing of her". While she told this, the holy maid shed tears; she said: "May the Lord help her and console her sorrow and...."17). She answered: "Amen. May it be by thy prayer, our Father. May thy word be accepted". Then Hilaria began to teach her reading and knowledge and demeanour and agreeable speech and dignity. And by the prayer of the holy maid, her mind was opened and she began to read and to interpret like one of the old and learned men. After two months the men came to fetch her. They brought presents and all sorts of good things. They asked after the girl and it was told them that she was healed. When she was brought into their presence and they had saluted her, she gave the best answer and began to ask about her parents in most beautiful words. Then they praised God and thanked [Him for] His bounty and kissed the feet of the prior |78 of the monastery and of those who were present with him. They stayed with them three days, till they had overcome the fatigue of the journey, then they took the girl and returned to their abode and castle. When she met her mother and father, they were struck by her good colour and beauty. She began to tell them about the inhabitants of the monastery. Her father said to her: "My beloved, who was the man that healed thee, who was so benevolent towards thee? [Tell us], then we shall honour him. Who hath wrought this benefaction? We shall honour him and reward him twofold for what he hath done for thee". She answered: "My father, when the slaves had left me and were gone, the wooden gong was rung and the monks assembled and deliberated together: "With whom shall we leave this girl?" They said unanimously: "With the chosen John, the eunuch". Then the prior of the monastery called him and said: "Draw near, my child. Accept the word of thy brethren and take the daughter of the faithful king, and beseech Christ thy prayer, that she may be healed and your fame exalted and confidence in Him and in the faithful be augmented by your holiness". Then he wept and prostrated himself on the ground, saying: "Who am I amongst your holy persons? For I am a sinful slave, lower than all the brethren, O Father". The prior of the monastery sobbed and wept and considered his demeanour and modesty. He laid the exalted cross on his head and said: "Contradict not the opinion of the brethren about thyself, O saint of the Lord". Then he drew near and kissed the feet of the prior of the monastery and of the old men, obeyed, and took my hand with love and great joy. I went with him to his cell. |79 When he had entered his cell, he turned towards the East 18) and began to pray.
He beat his breast and shed tears till they trickled on the ground like rain, and covered the ground with his face, so that I trembled from awe before him. When he had prostrated himself one time and two times and three full times, and laid the cross on my head ---- lo, there departed from me a slave black as soot. He cried to him and scolded him. Then he left the cell and flew. At the same moment I felt that I was healed and that my soul had become quiet. Then he stroked my head with his blessed hand and began to converse with me in quietness and tranquillity. When he spoke with me, I smelled from his mouth an odour like perfume, which refreshed me. Then he began to ask about my father and my mother, saying: "Hast thou brethren or sisters"? And he asked about all my kindred. The more I spoke to him, the more he wept, so that I wondered for which cause those tears trickled and streamed down constantly, not to speak of fasting, prayer, and long vigils. When he desired to sleep he lent against the wall and slumbered somewhat. Then he began with passion and great strength his prostrations and humiliations. When he had finished his prayer he taught me reading and the principles of good demeanour and knowledge. He held me in great honour. And when thou sent after me, my father, it was not a light matter for me to let him alone. May the Lord show us mercy by his prayer, constantly. Amen".
King Zeno wondered at what he heard about this |80 saint and he began to think where this eunuch might come from and which king he possibly could have served and what his origin might be. His thoughts tortured him vehemently. Then he called the old men which had brought back the girl, and said to them: "Go and return to the monastery a second time and take with you food and drink and presents as is becoming to the sacred monastery. And greet the prior of the monastery and tell him to send me ten old men of the monks, amongst them John the eunuch. This is absolutely necessary". Then the slaves of the king rose and loaded up all sorts of things becoming to the monastery and the monks. They departed confiding in God, like all faithful persons. When they had reached the monastery they told the prior of the monastery what the king had said to them. The prior answered: "The order of the faithful king (may God prolong his happiness and confirm his dynasty) be carried out". The wooden gong was rung and all the monks assembled and received the blessing from one another like the angels 19). They stood during the ministration of the exalted sacrifice, the hope of the living and the dead. The prior of the monastery selected nine old men, called John and said to him: "Rise," confiding in Christ (honour and praise to Him who hath given this gift to thy holiness), O glory of our religion and crown of our heads, joy of our hearts; rise and go to the king and be ever more loyal to him". They received the blessing of one another and went on their way. On the whole way they recited psalms and songs of praise without break, so that the bodyguard of |81 the king trembled from awe before them. When they entered the town the king heard of their arrival. The people went to meet them with signs of honour and great esteem; and the faithful, men and women, would take dust from under their feet and give it their children to drink. And the blessing [of God] took abode in that town by their prayers and blessings.
The king summoned his confidant and said to him: "Take these old men and let them take rest, heat water and wash their feet. Spread the best cloth under them and pour the water of their feet into the storehouses that people may receive a blessing by the blessings of their prayers; and bring food as much as thou canst." He answered: "According to thy good pleasure, O king of the time." The king laid hold on John and went with him to the royal appartment. When he drew near to the girl she uttered a cry and came towards him, kissed his feet and prostrated herself on the ground and covered his feet with her face. Then the Fruit of Prayer cried, in the metre of Mar Jacob: (20 "Peace, peace unto you, who are far and near, sayeth the Lord, who hath spread peace among mortals. The cross hath shown the love of the Father towards the whole world. The Lord hath revealed Himself and the world hath perceived how He loveth it" 20). She blessed her mother and raised her head from the ground. Grace came down upon that place where she had taken abode. ---- When they had taken rest, the king opened the conversation and said: "Our Father, heavenly blessing hath come down upon us by the coming of thy highness and thou hast shown |82 us the utmost bounty and favour by the healing of our daughter. I beseech thy holiness to tell me from where thou art and what thy extraction is, and who was the king whom thou hast served and who hath freed thee, and how thou earnest to the monastery, how thou wast liberated from [the service of] the kings, so that they let thee go to this holy monastery." After every answer the king asked a new question. Then she perceived the thoughts of her father, that he was weary on account of herself. Obedient as she was, she understood that the word of a king is not to be withstood. She said: "Happy king, if thou desirest that I speak to thy majesty about myself, give an order to these servants [to depart] and let nobody stay except thyself and my mother the queen and the beautiful girl." He ordered those who were present to depart. They saluted the king, took Hilaria's blessing and went away. Then she conjured her father, saying: "Swear by the right hand [of God] and by the voice that cried over the Jordan when our Lord was baptized; swear to me by the whole congregation 21), and" by the blood and the water which flowed from His side and saved our father Adam and his posterity; and swear to me by His mighty resurrection and His ascension unto heaven, that thou wilt not press me nor divulge my secret; then I will reveal my history to thee". He trembled from awe before the oaths with which she had conjured him. Then he swore to her all the oaths which she had conjured him by. Then she took the cape from her head and raised the cloth from her eyes. She recited, saying in the metre of Mar |83 Ephrem: (22 "You are my father and my mother and I am your daughter Hilaria. Let us cry and say to the Lord, the Highest: Halleluja". The king and Shamsha Munira listened to Hilaria. They were confused and trembled and they fainted, being as dead 22). You are my father and my mother and I am your daughter Hilaria". They trembled and fainted and were confused and (23 fell down 23) on the ground from the vehemence of what had befallen them, they lay down and were as dead. ----When she saw what had befallen her mother and her father, she wept and said: "O Lord, let them constantly be confident in Thee". Then she took water, blessed it, and sprinkled it on them so that they awoke and praised the bounteous Lord and they were no longer sorry but constantly glad; they cried together, in the metre of Mar Ephrem: (24 "A thousand times a thousand and ten thousand times ten thousand be the praise of Thee, who acceptest the praise of the praisers who praise Thee. The whole creation is obliged to praise Thee. The high and the low places sing Thy praise. Praise to Thee" 24). Then they bowed their heads till they ceased weeping. Then they began conversation with their daughter gladly and joyfully and quietly, as she requested them. Her father said: "My daughter, light of my eyes, which hath been augmented to day so that it shineth by thy light; my daughter, my heart's blood, I shall not break towards thee the oath which I have sworn; but how can I dispense with thy holiness? What is the best way of acting, my daughter? Build for thee and for |84 these holy men, thy brethren, a monastery outside this city, that I and thy mother and sister may be with thee morning and evening". She answered: "No, my father; do not annul the institutions of the Ancients, who have laid the foundations of the monasteries in the desert. Know, my father, that the farther the monasteries are from the world the better it is. And regarding me, Christ will give thee patience and inward joy and thy soul will rejoice in the grace of thy Lord." He answered and said: "Amen, may thy word be accepted."
They stayed three days till the fatigue of the journey had disappeared. Then the saints begged him permission to depart. He said: "Your order will be done". He ordered to be brought before his daughter clothes and utensils, gold and silver, tapers and perfume, oil and food, in unnumbered masses. She said: "My father, may thy votive presents be accepted, and the Lord forgive thy sins and trespasses. As to gold and silver, we have no prescript to take it. But I will give thee and thy servants a counsel." He said: "Give order, O blood of the heart of thy mother and father." She said to him: "My father, seven days after our depart thou shalt send masters and workmen in great number in order to make in the monastery deep pits, that all people may drink from their water and thy wages be constant till the end." He said: "Thy will be done, O crown of our heads." Then she took all that could be profitable to the holy monastery; and the rest she told her father to divide among the poor. Then they took leave from her and asked her blessing. And she also prostrated herself before her parents.
Then they went on their way. People perceived them and went to meet them. And they tore pieces from their |85 habits and took the dust from under their feet and the Lord gave them according to their fidelity. With trouble and accompanied by a crowd they departed from the town. They marched singing and sanctifying and. praising God, under the royal safeguard. And the secret remained kept. When they came near the monastery, the prior and all the brethren went to meet them. They made obeisances before one another and praised the Lord and thanked for the signs of His grace. Then everyone took the place becoming to him. After the seven days the king sent his slaves and workmen with them to the monastery. They saluted the prior of the monastery and told him the command of the king: "We have to do what John shall order us". Then John was called. He left his cell, reciting the praise of the Lord and his lips ceased not sanctifying the Lord. They went to meet him and asked his blessing. He asked after the king and the queen and the state of mind of the girl. They answered: "They wish thee much peace. The girl is well". Then they praised God and thanked Him and said to John: "See, where thou wilt have us work". He said to them: "From here till there. Work so and so and it will be completed by the power of the Lord and His good pleasure". They began to dig and built and completed by the power of Him who worketh all completion; to Him be praise and honour eternally. Amen. When the workmen had finished and terminated their work they received the prayers and the blessings of the brethren and returned to the king and congratulated him on the completion of the work. He praised God and thanked Him, and asked after John. They said: "What shall we tell thee about his holiness, standing among us and laying |86 hand on the work like us, while his lips ceased not praising and sanctifying God? Blessed are the father and the mother who begat him." When this word reached his ear his heart trembled 25) and rejoiced, he gave them their wages and presents very graciously and began to send every two months presents in honour of the (26 secret of his heart 26) so that all the monasteries and everyone who heard it, wondered and they began to speak with one another, saying: "If he belonge.d not to his kindred, he would not show him this honour and submissiveness". And she used to take all the presents which her father sent and send them to the monasteries in the neigbourhood. But when she heard that the monks spoke amongst each other in that way, she feared that her history might be revealed and her work become fruitless. Then she went away stealthily and travelled in the desert in heat and thurst, barefoot on thistles and pebbles and thorns, one, two, three days, till she reached the border part of the desert. There she found a garganas-tree and near it a waterpool; at the water grew desert herbs. Near the tree was a hole which could hold one man. She praised God and thanked Him for the signs of His grace and said: "This garganas-tree is winter food, and the herbs are summer food. Then she entered the hole and dwelt in it for ten years, nobody knowing about her except Christ who had created and sent her."
Now there were venerable old men among the priors of the monasteries who used every year to take with them a beast of burden and to load on it food and |87 drink and clothes and shrouds, and to go round the whole desert. And every one whom they saw in need of food, they would feed; and whom they saw bare, they would clothe; and whom they found sick or distressed they would cure, and whom they found dead they would bury according to God's order.
During ten years the existence of this saint remained concealed, till the day of her transition to blessed Paradise came. Then they came up to the entrance of the hole; at once they heard the sound of sighing from the depth of the earth. They thought it to be an animal growling against them. But as soon as they inspected the place they found there the traces of human footsteps. They said to one another: "There is a saint in this hole. Possibly he is ill, let us go in and look." They made the sign of the cross on their face, began to recite and entered up to the border of the hole; at once they saw the hair of the innocent one shining like a polished sword in the sunshine. When she heard their reciting she rose and made an obeisance before them. Then she went back, sat down leaning on her side and trusted her pure spirit to her Lord. At her death her pure odour spread till the desert was filled with her perfume. Then the saints began to praise and to sanctify the Lord Jesus Christ, who loveth the children of man and giveth them such beautiful gifts. They bore her out of the hole and began to put off her worn out clothes and shroud her honourably in new shrouds, as was becoming. But while they were stripping off her clothes they found her breasts withered on her pure bosom like leaves wither beneath the trees; then one of them knocked his head and cried to his companions: |88 "Look here, my brethren, and gaze at this wonder; she is a virgin and not a man." When they saw the wonder they praised God who had helped her and led her to perfection. They dug a grave and buried her and the angels descended to honour her.
When they had buried her, they went to the water-pool to drink. But they found the water dried up and the herbs withered and likewise the tree. Then they praised the great Lord and stayed wondering over this fact. Then each of them laid his head on a stone and lay down to sleep. They beseeched God to make known to them her whole history, and her coming to that place. They laid down their heads and slept. Then the angel descended and made known to them her whole history from the beginning of her beautiful demeanour up to the day of her departure as they had witnessed it. When they awoke and discussed their dream among themselves it appeared to be one and the same. Then they wrote down the history of the chosen virgin and sent it to the parts of the whole world that it might be profitable for the faithful by her prayers.
And we, the sinners, will beseech our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ to give you security in your dwelling places and_to protect your wives and to support your old men, to give health to your youths and to bring up your children, to give abundant blessing on the work of your hands, by the prayer of the dome of. light, the mother of all creatures, the mother of Salvation, the mistress of women and men, the hope of the dead and the living, our Lady Mariam, the mother of God, the Virgin, and of Mar Petrus the Apostle, and by the prayers of the pure Prophets and Disciples and the rest of the Martyrs |89 and the Saints and by the prayer of this excellent saint Hilaria, the daughter of the faithful king Zeno. Their prayers and the prayers of all who have the same rank may protect all the faithful and the poor scribe and the reader and the hearers. The mercy of the Lord be upon every one who sayeth Amen, O Lord of the worlds, Amen, (27 our Father in heaven 27).
Here endeth the story of the holy Hilaria, the daughter of king Zeno. May the Lord protect us by her prayers. Amen.
[Footnotes renumbered and moved to the end]
1. 1) Some words seem to have fallen out here.
2. 1) The king seems to be meant.
3. 1) The king.
4. 1) See introduction.
5. 2) Nearly synonymous with blessing.
6. 1) Hilaria is henceforth spoken of as of a man.
7. 2) Hilaria.
8. 1) According to A.
9. 2) Hilaria.
10. 3) The author means to say: the glorious habit on a glorious person.
11. 4) Cf. p. 64, note 2.
12. (1----1) Syriac verses.
13. 2) The king.
14. (3----3) Syriac verses.
15. 1) [Karshuni] which I do not understand.
16. 1) []. which I do not understand.
17. 1) [] which I do not understand.
18. 1) The direction of prayer for Eastern Christianity.
19. 1) Litt. the class of angels.
20. 1 ---- 1) Syriac text.
21. 1) i. e. Christianity.
22. (1 ---- 1) Syriac text, followed by an Arabic translation.
23. (2----2) Only in C.
24. (3----3) Syriac text.
25. 1) See the Glossary s. v.[].
26. (2----2) Hilaria.
27. (1 -- 1 ) Syriac words.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2004. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: pionius_life_of_polycarp_00_intro.htm
Pionius, Life of Polycarp (1889). Preface to the online edition.
Pionius, Life of Polycarp (1889). Preface to the online edition.
This text has come down to us in a single Greek manuscript in Paris, shelfmark Bibl.Nat. 1452, also known as the Medicean manuscript, which dates to the 10th century. It contains various lives, martydoms and eulogies of saints for the month of February. The Life of Polycarp occupies folios 182a-192b, -- although some leaves are wrongly ordered so that they run 182, 185, 183, 184, 187, 188, 186, 189, 190, 191, 192 --, and is assigned to Feb. 23. It is followed immediately by a copy of the genuine Letter to the Smyrnaeans which describes the martyrdom of Polycarp.
The text is imperfect as given in this, the only manuscript. In chapter 3 a list of early bishops of Smyrna is promised, but never appears. In chapter 12 there is a promise to include Polycarp's Letter to the Philippians but this is not found. In chapter 20 we are told that Polycarp's explanations of scripture will appear later, but they do not. The document seems to be mutilated at the end, and a wide lacuna is present between chapters 28-29. Various words are also missing.
Since the colophon to the Martrydom also is signed by Pionius, who intends to explain how he obtained it, and seems to be in the same style as this text, the author is given this name. However this is not the Pionius who was martyred in the Decian persecution, since the work shows no knowledge of the most important facts about Polycarp; that he was the disciple of John and a quartodeciman. The work is therefore a piece of fiction, written late and probably belonging to the latter half of the th century, when so many "pious" legends were invented as entertainment for the newly Christianised society. The writer shows some knowledge of the locality around Smyrna, but perhaps not enough for a native of that city, who might be expected to know of Polycarp's links with St. John. He probably lived in the province and had a casual knowledge of the city.
The text is entirely fictional and tells us nothing about Polycarp. Rather it is useful as an indication of what stories might be written and believed in the late th century. The account of how a bishop was chosen and consecrated is thus of interest as indicating what practises were in force at that date.
Roger Pearse summarised from Lightfoot's preface.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2006. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: pionius_life_of_polycarp_01_text.htm
Pionius, Life of Polycarp (1889) from The Apostolic Fathers, vol. 3.2, pp.488-506.
Pionius, Life of Polycarp (1889) from J. B. Lightfoot, The Apostolic Fathers, vol. 3.2, pp.488-506.
[Translated by J. B. Lightfoot]
LIFE OF POLYCARP.
1. TRACING my steps farther back and beginning with the visit of the blessed Paul to Smyrna, as I have found it in ancient copies, I will give the narration in order, thus coming down to the history of the blessed Polycarp.
2. In the days of unleavened bread Paul, coming down from Galatia, arrived in Asia, considering the repose among the faithful in Smyrna to be a great refreshment in Christ Jesus after his severe toil, and intending afterwards to depart to Jerusalem. So in Smyrna he went to visit Strataeas, who had been his hearer in Pamphylia, being a son of Eunice the daughter of Lois. These are they of whom he makes mention when writing to Timothy, saying; Of the unfeigned faith that is in thee, which dwelt first in thy grandmother Lois and in thy mother Eunice; whence we find that Strataeas was a brother of Timothy. Paul then, entering his house and gathering together the faithful there, speaks to them concerning the Passover and the Pentecost, reminding them of the New Covenant of the offering of bread and the cup; how that they ought most assuredly to celebrate it during the days of unleavened bread, but to hold fast the new mystery of the Passion and Resurrection. For here the Apostle plainly teaches that we ought neither to keep it outside the season of unleavened bread, as the heretics do, especially the Phrygians, nor yet on the other hand of necessity on the fourteenth day: for he said nothing about the fourteenth day, but named the days of unleavened bread, the Passover, and the Pentecost, thus ratifying the Gospel.
3. But after the departure of the Apostle, Strataeas succeeded to his teaching, and certain of those after him, whose names, so far as it is |489 possible to discover who and what manner of men they were, I will set down. But for the present let us proceed at once to Polycarp.
One whose name was Bucolus being bishop in Smyrna at that time, there was in those days a certain lady, devout and fearing God, conversant in good works, whose name was Callisto. An angel sent from the Lord stood by her and said to her in a vision of the night; 'Callisto, rise up and go to the gate called the Ephesian, and when thou hast gone forward a little in front of it, two men shall meet thee, having with them a little lad named Polycarp. Ask them, if he is for sale; and when they say "Yes," give them the price that they shall demand, and take and keep him with thee. This child is a native of the East.' Then she, the voice still ringing in her ears and her heart bounding with fear and joy, sat up and arose with haste, and without delay did as she was ordered. And with hurry and flurry she came to the aforesaid gate, and found as the angel told her, and she took him and brought him to her house and delighted in rearing him decently and nurturing him in the nurture of the Lord. And she was amazed, when she saw his intelligence and seemly behaviour and his aptitude for piety. And in point of affection she treated him as a son, while as regards promotion over the servants, gradually as he advanced in age he was made manager of her property. And further she gave into his hand the keys of the storehouses.
4. But when at length it befel that she went away from home for a time, she left Polycarp keeper of her house. And as he went in to measure out rations of food for the servants, he would be followed by widows and orphans and by many of the neighbourhood----all the destitute poor among the faithful----and they would ask to have given them, one corn, and others wine, others oil, and whatsoever each desired. But he, having from a child learnt the lesson of well-doing and having the commandments of God inscribed on the tablet of his soul and on the pages of his heart by the finger of God, even the Holy Spirit, fulfilled the precept, Give to him that asketh thee; and so he emptied all the store-rooms, bestowing lavishly on all that were in need.
5. But when at length Callisto returned after a long time, one of the domestics ran to her and said; 'You, my lady, setting at nought all your servants born in the house, placed everything in the hands of this young lad though he came from the East; and he during your absence from home plundered everything that there was and left nothing.' Then she, being disturbed by the harsh words of the accuser (for the charge was enough to ruffle even a tranquil soul, especially when it conjures up a semblance of pecuniary loss), swelled with indignation in her heart and overflowed with wrath, especially because she held it a very great |490 disaster that one befriended by God and given to her by Him should have squandered everything recklessly; for she did not yet know for what purpose he had employed these goods. Wherefore also very divided thoughts sprang up in her mind. So forthwith she called Polycarp by name, saying, 'Polycarp'; and on his obeying her summons she said, 'Bring me the keys of the closets.' And when he brought them and opened the doors, she went in and began to look round; and a miracle of the mighty working of the Lord Jesus Christ was wrought. For he, when he went in, groaned and prayed saying; 'O Lord God, the Father of Thy beloved Son, that in the presence of Thy prophet Elijah didst fill the vessels of the widow of Zarephath, give ear unto me, that in the name of Christ they all may be found filled.' Accordingly they were all found filled, so that she, thinking the slave had lied, was angry and ordered certain of the domestics [to beat him]. But Polycarp came forward and set himself straight, saying; 'Nay do not ill-treat another for my sake; but rather lay on me the blows intended for him; for he told no lie, but deserveth praise for his affection towards his mistress. But as for me, seeing that I did not spend with an evil intent but on the poor, the God and Father of the blessed Jesus Christ hath both filled the hungry and hath sent His angel to restore to thee thine own, that thou also mayest have to give still to the poor according to the custom which thou followest.' Having heard and seen these things, Callisto was filled with fear, advancing still more in faith and in good works, so that Polycarp became as a son to her; and departing this life in faith she left him her substance.
6. Now after the death of Callisto Polycarp advanced greatly in the faith that is in Christ and that pursues a virtuous life. And in his untiring diligence, he from his Eastern stock bore (if one may so say) blossom as a token of good fruit hereafter to come. For the men who dwell in the East are distinguished before all others for their love of learning and their attachment to the divine Scriptures. So having been brought to Asia and having come by the will of God to live in Smyrna, after making himself fully acquainted with the ways of the people of the country and distinguishing himself far beyond them, he discerned that for every servant of God, while the whole world is [his city], the heavenly Jerusalem is his true father-land; and that here on earth we are bidden to sojourn for a while and not to settle; for we are strangers and visitors. Thus reflecting on this with a godly delight he offered himself day and night wholly and entirely as a consecrated sacrifice to God, exercising himself in the oracles contained in the divine Scriptures and in continual services of prayer and in devotion to all those who |491 needed either attention or relief and in contentment of living. For he a'te such food as came to hand, meagre and simple though it was, and he wore such clothing only as absolute necessity required, for the sake of warmth and of the modest and seemly covering of the body.
7. And for the most part he withdrew into retirement, not appearing in public or conspicuous places, nor where he might reap praise from the spectators. But he spent his time chiefly at home, though sometimes in the suburbs, where he could most easily disregard and escape the turmoil of a great crowd; for he knew that the soul needs tranquillity of sight and hearing flee from contamination with evil things. And in consequence of this he was staid alike in his mental thoughts and in his bodily gestures; for even in youth he had the gait of an elderly man, and his look was manly and unembarrassed by any passion directed towards objects of sight in outward life. But if any of those who met him looked into his face, he would be suffused with a blush, and through his innate respect he made himself respected by others. For the souls of the wise are discerned through the body, as through a mirror, by their blushes. And of those also who came to see him and desired his conversation, he was wont to shun and avoid, if he possibly could, the garrulous and foolish talkers, on the plea that he was intent on some important business and had not noticed the person who met him; but if he happened to get entangled with him, he would answer him briefly just not to seem to be haughty, and then would keep silence. Such was his behaviour towards those from whom no benefit could be got. But bad men he avoided as mad dogs or wild beasts or venomous serpents; for he remembered the Scripture which says, With the innocent thou shalt be innocent, and with the elect thou shalt be elect, and with the perverse thou shalt use perverseness. With those however from whom he could derive benefit he associated very freely, especially in cases where he could reap benefit not only from their words but also from their actions.
8. And as he returned from the suburbs to the city, if at any time he fell in with wood-carriers, especially when they were old men, he had compassion on them for their heavy burden and would attach himself to them and enquire of them if they sold their load as soon as they entered the city; and on their answering that sometimes evening came and they had not succeeded in doing so, he would give them the price and would carry the wood to the widows living near the gate. Thus he gratified the widows with the benefit of the wood, and the woodmen with the enjoyment of their meal at its proper time.
9. Now when he came to man's estate he was more enamoured |492 than ever of godliness; and he discerned that freedom was the proper reward of self-discipline, but that it is attained by few and chiefly by those who have received from God the power of keeping the plumage of their soul unenslaved and unencumbered----men who are privileged to enjoy the free supermundane life through not being dragged down upon the earth by the fetters of marriage. For not one of us can dispense with the necessaries of life; but those persons can least of all dispense with them who harbour in their house an expensive wife that is fond of dress. And he would recount the distractions and annoyances that come from such a wife, rendering it altogether impossible to lead a peaceable and quiet life. For should she be profligate, as Solomon says, the rage of the husband is full of envy; but if she is chaste, she is filled with vanity and is elated in her mind; so that it is better to live in a desert rather than with a contentious and loquacious woman. And altogether no charm of life thrust his soul away from heavenly things; and he was wont to say that the words of Christ and of the prophets and apostles were beautiful to him: Thou art beautiful in thy loveliness beyond the sons of men; grace is shed on thy lips; and again, How beautiful are the feet of those who bring glad tidings of good things. And for the rearing of children and the care for one's offspring and the arrangements at home consequent thereupon, he used to explain how much a man who entangles himself in these matteis must necessarily want, and what distractions and occupations he must have, and what anxieties about their good behaviour, and what burdens fall upon parents when their children sicken and what griefs when they die, and all the other risks which attend the training of their whole life. For at each successive stage of life the young undergo a change of disposition also, the heat natural to their age fermenting like new wine, and seething and purging the material part more and more, like a colt endeavouring to throw off the reins and yoke, until the controlling and superintending mind, by reason and reflexion, as by a bridle, shall pull him back and rein him in and shall put a stop to the neighing, reducing the disorderly and irrational impulse to order. The mind however only then effects this and prevails, when it is penetrated with a certain divine sense and presence of the Holy Spirit. Wherefore also the inspired David supplicated saying, Renew a right spirit in my inmost parts; stablish me with a commanding spirit, and take not Thy Holy Spirit from me; and the Apostle says, Walk in the Spirit, and ye shall not fulfil the lust of the flesh.
10. Our next business after this is to recount also the career of his episcopate, what was his conduct in it and how he attained to it; that by these lessons we may also learn to imitate those who are chosen by God |493 as His ministers. Bucolus then, who was bishop before him, cherished him and set great store by him from his childhood. And being sanguine he entertained great hopes of him, as the fathers of good sons rejoice in having steady successors. And he in turn requited Bucolus, cherishing him as he would a parent, yet not with feigned language but inobtrusively and without forcing himself always upon him; and acting with reserve he observed the opportunities which occurred from time to time, so as not to appear to be officious nor yet neglectful. For he was not eager to give him a present or gift when he could supply his own wants, nor was Bucolus on his part eager to receive one; for the latter regarded the young man's alacrity in relieving those in want as his own personal gain, while the former duly fulfilled the command of the Lord Jesus by giving to those who were not able to pay him back; whereas some persons artfully pursue honour and are ever coveting some other greater honour. While then Polycarp, like Jacob, being a simple and plain man, acted in all things without vanity or ostentation, by the labours of his own hands supplying the poor with bodily ministrations as regards food and other necessaries of life, he gained renown by his actual deeds; and Bucolus was informed of this not by the doer, but by the recipients. For as good men regard the conferring of benefits as imperative, so likewise with reasonable men thankfulness on receiving benefits is indispensable. Moreover he rejoiced to see that many persons who were sick and afflicted with devils were restored to sound health through the grace given to him from God, and so the Lord Jesus Christ was glorified. And he beheld many things also concerning him in visions.
11. He perceived therefore that he was worthy; and for the present, owing to his youthfulness, he enrolled him in the order of deacons with the approval of the whole Church. Blessed indeed was he in being permitted to cover such a head with his hand and to bless so noble a soul with his voice. For the approved and discreet advancement of those who are appointed to an office in the sacred ministry through faith in God is a source of confidence and joy to those who have made the good selection, provoking no blame before men and causing no secret reproaches to the conscience.
12. As a deacon then he approved himself among his own contemporaries, as Stephen did among those of the Apostles; for being well-equipped in speech, and adorned with good deeds, he boldly confuted Greeks and Jews and the heretics. And many a time did Bucolus, by exhortation and encouragement, with difficulty persuade him to allow himself to be disciplined by the Lord and to give catechetical discourses in church. Thus there was given him |494 by Christ in the first place an ecclesiastical and catholic rule of correct instruction; and being able to interpret mysteries which were hidden from the multitude he expounded them so clearly that the hearers attested that they not only heard but saw the things described. He wrote also many treatises and sermons and letters, but in the persecution which arose on his account, when he was martyred, certain lawless heathen carried them off. Their character however is evident from those still extant, among which the Epistle to the Philippians was the most adequate. This we will include in its proper place.
13. But in his teaching his chief point was that his hearers should know concerning God Almighty, invisible, immutable, immeasurable, and that He was well pleased to send down from heaven His own Word and Son, that the Word, thus taking Man upon Himself and being truly incarnate, might save His own creation; and that He, according to the prophecy which had been uttered, being born of an undefiled and spotless virgin and of the Holy Ghost, accomplished that mystery of generation which is difficult of comprehension to most men. And He consented to suffer for the salvation of men, according as Christ Himself declared beforehand by the law and the prophets concerning Himself, as also the Father respecting the Son; whom also God raised from the dead, and His disciples saw Him in the body such as He had been before His passion; and they beheld Him taken up in a cloud of light into the heavens in the same body in which He created Adam before his transgression. But as concerning the Holy Spirit and the gift of the Paraclete and all the other spiritual graces, he would demonstrate that they could not be possessed outside the Catholic Church, just as a limb cut off from a body has no power, proving this from all the Scriptures; such as the saying by the mouth of Daniel, And His kingdom shall not be left to another people, and in the Gospel, Mary hath chosen the good part, and it shall not be taken away from her, and other passages similar to these.
14. But in the matter of continence and virginity he was careful to make hortatory discourses, and he would urge that men ought not of compulsion or by commandment of others, even though they might be parents or masters, but by individual choice and desire, to carry it through as a voluntary effort. And he used to say that chastity was the forerunner of the future incorruptible kingdom, and that it received its name of continence (εὐνουχίαν) because it had much affection (εὔνοιαν ἔχειν) towards the Master, and of virginity (παρθενίαν) because the idea of such self-restraint is with God (παρὰ τῷ Θεῷ); for those who discipline themselves to such a life deaden the carnal fire. And he would |495 demonstrate monogamy from the fact of the creation, pointing out that one woman was created for one man; wherefore also the virgin that is brought to her husband bears her name appropriately: the commencement of the name, he said, signified that she was from God (παρὰ Θεοῦ) and the termination describes her as belonging to one (ἑνός), that is one husband. And he observed that Lamech, being descended from Cain, was the first to take to himself two wives; and by taking to himself is meant doing it not according to the will of God. He said then that, though polygamy was called by the name of marriage, yet it was a specious fornication.
15. And on certain Greeks remarking to him that it was difficult and irksome among the Christians to be able to master the desires, he replied; 'It is foolish to suppose that whatsoever things seem impossible to men are really impossible; but understand that the Lord bringeth about all things, and the Master of the universe subjecteth them to His mighty chariot-reins.' For after setting forth three kinds of chastity, he banished and exterminated fornication from the faithful, and established the rule and sovereignty of chastity; for while the rest of mankind have unbalanced and vague and irregular impulses, and like horses rage and neigh after their neighbours' wives, only those who wait in fear to be judged by the heavenly law and the word of God, which is the avenger and champion of all, are satisfied with a single marriage that exists for the procreation of children. Women in like manner are taught to look only to the husband of their virginity.
16. The second kind of chastity is that of widowhood, transcending the one already mentioned. For the latter seemed to be difficult at first until it was surpassed by that which is able to desist from concessions previously allowed. But the third kind which practises a chastity victorious in every feat----what superiority has it not over the others! What desirable and laudable honour does not belong to the kind of continence and virginity, which shakes off and (so to speak) casts away all the shackles of the lower life, and with light bound and agile step outruns and overleaps the feats already described! For it evinces greater determination in the person who adopts it, than the being content with one alone or the desisting after experience, and it proclaims superior power in God who bestowed it. For that it is voluntary on the part of the man who so chooses, and that it is a gift of God whose is the power, our Saviour showed when He said that men made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven's sake, and that all men could not receive this word.
17. But as from that time forward he advanced daily in years also, |496 and the flower of a hoary head, the forerunner of old age, appeared, and here and there a white hair began to smile above his temples----for human nature asserts itself not fortuitously, but by a divine providence, and puts forward each development at the proper season as a reminder to the race, and with much grace of wisdom calls the man to perfection by deeds and words; as for instance when it says, How long, thou sluggard, dost thou lie down; and when wilt thou arise out of sleep? or again, Prepare thy works for thy departure; so also by these means methinks it reminds every one of us of the end before it arrives, that the whiter a man's head becomes by time, the brighter his soul may grow by the Word. Bucolus therefore, seeing that Polycarp's age was adequate and that the propriety of his conduct throughout all his life was even more adequate than the number of his years, perceived that he was most excellent as a fellow-counsellor to him in questions relating to the Chinch and as a fellow-minister in teaching; while the Lord set His seal on and ratified his design, giving him commandment in a vision. Accordingly he appointed him to an office in the presbyterate, the whole Church with one accord welcoming him with great joy, although he himself shrunk from such an undertaking. For he said that it was enough in itself to give account of one office and one ministration, let alone of several. And he went on to say; 'If a man being unworthy dareth to lay hold of such an honorable office, he bringeth judgment on himself; but if he be worthy, he has the full reward of his former works, receiving the order of the priesthood as in a manner a reward.' Seeing then that it was impossible to gainsay the counsel and appeal of God, he receives the order of the presbyterate, whereupon he saw a vision and received much comfort.
18. From that time forward therefore, much progress being made in the word of teaching through him, all men glorified our Lord Jesus Christ. For he would extend his discourse to great length on diverse subjects, and from the actual Scripture which was read he would furnish edification with all demonstration and conviction, so that the things spoken were presented to the hearers as if exhibited to the eye. For he was wont to say that the speaker must first believe what he says; seeing that in this way he sets them forth, not as the relation of others, but as achievements of his own. And his voice was grave and manly, with look and gesture corresponding thereto, having sweetness and melody and being pervaded with the fear of God. And on one occasion a person said to him...... for when holding discourse with Jews and Gentiles and with the sects, he would speak loudly, so that some of those standing below could hear him: and for the purpose of |497 showing what things ought to be said with kindliness and not with heat, he would proceed thus; 'How think ye that the Lord spoke such words as these to him that had his hand withered? as the Scripture saith, And looking round upon them He said in anger, Stretch out thine hand; or that saying? O faithless and perverse generation, and other words such as these; or the Apostle Peter? Why did ye conspire among yourselves to tempt the Spirit of the Lord? Or Paul? I would that they would cut themselves off that disturb you. On the other hand when administering comfort, the Lord spoke in gentle language and loving tones; Come, all ye that labour and are heavy-laden. And again with sympathy towards the city of Jerusalem saying, How often would I have gathered thy children, and other words of a like kind. Again Peter with John at the Beautiful Gate addressed the paralytic with pity, and Paul writing to the Galatians says, My children with whom I am in travail again, when the moment for comforting demands it.
19. So also he pursued the reading of the Scriptures from childhood to old age, himself reading in church; and he recommended it to others, saying that the reading of the law and the prophets was the forerunner of grace, preparing and making straight the ways of the Lord, that is the hearts, which are like tablets whereon certain harsh beliefs and conceptions that were written before perfect knowledge came, are through the inculcation of the Old Testament, and the correct interpretation following thereupon, first smoothed and levelled, that, when the Holy Spirit comes as a pen, the grace and joy of the voice of the Gospel and of the doctrine of the immortal and heavenly Christ may be inscribed on them. And he said that they could not otherwise receive the impression of the seal which is given by baptism and engrave and exhibit the form conveyed in it, unless the wax were first softened and filled the deep parts. So also he thought that the hearts of the hearers ought to be softened and yield to the impress of the Word. For he said that it unfolded and opened, like closed doors, the minds of recent comers; and accordingly the prophet was bidden by God, Cry out mightily and spare not, Raise thy voice as a trumpet. What must one say, when even He that was gentler than all men so appeals and cries out at the feast of Tabernacles? For it is written; And on the last day, the great day of the feast, Jesus stood and cried saying, If any man thirsteth, let him come to Me and drink. Yes, for when He is teaching He will cry out, but if He is spitted upon and brought to trial and is tempted and suffers, He will be silent, when He is led as a sheep to the slaughter and as a lamb before the shearer is dumb. For I, it is said, like a deaf man heard not, and I became as a man that heareth not and hath no reproofs in his mouth. |498
20. The wealth of the grace given by Christ to Polycarp has led us on, while recording his course of life, to explain in turn the character of his teaching likewise. How he used to interpret the Scriptures, we will defer relating till another time, setting it forth in order and showing our successors also how to minister correct instruction in the holy and inspired Scriptures. But for the present we will proceed to speak of the episcopate conferred upon him, and what great things he did when he found himself in this position, running the race of godliness successfully. Bucolus then, forasmuch as the Lord had often signified to him beforehand in visions that he had a man of this kind for his successor, in joy and gladness at leaving as it were a prudent heir, when he went to his rest fell asleep in this manner. At the season of his departure he took hold of Polycarp's hand, and pressed it first upon his own breast, then on his face, signifying that whatsoever graces are ministered through these organs of sense (the heart that understands and the eyes that see and the ears that hear and the nostril that inhales the odour of Christ and the mouth that by speech preaches God the Father and His Son Jesus Christ) will all be committed to him. He then having done this and said, 'Glory be to thee, O Lord,' fell asleep. But Polycarp for the present took no account of any of these things, for his hope and longing was always set on things future. But the believers who were present and standing round, when they saw this, compared notes one with another privately, being hopeful of getting such a man for their pastor. So having taken the body of the blessed Bucolus to Smyrna to the cemetery in front of the Ephesian Royal gate, and placed it where recently a myrtle tree sprung up after the burial of the body of Thraseas the martyr, when all was over, they offered bread for Bucolus and the rest. Now they were all of one mind that Polycarp should offer it; but as he was always scrupulous and desired to yield honour to his superiors, they prevented its happening otherwise. And so he was persuaded and performed the service.
21. And without any delay, not many days after, gathering together bishops from the cities round about and making preparations for the reception of the visitors, they took measures for the appointment of a successor to preside over the Church. When they arrived, great crowds gathered from the cities and villages and fields, some knowing Polycarp, others desiring from what they had heard of him to behold him. So when they were assembled together and the church was filled, the glory of a heavenly light shone among them all, and certain brethren saw marvellous visions. One saw hovering over Polycarp's head a white dove encircled in light. Another beheld him, before he had sat |499 down, as if already seated in his chair of office. A third saw him in the guise of a soldier girdled with a crimson belt. To another again he appeared arrayed in purple, and a sort of light shining about his face; while another, a faithful and reverend virgin, saw him twice his proper size, and a scarlet robe on his right shoulder, and his neck glistening like snow, and a seal upon it.
22. And on the sabbath, when prayer had been made long time on bended knee, he, as was his custom, got up to read; and every eye was fixed upon him. Now the lesson was the Epistles of Paul to Timothy and to Titus, in which he says what manner of man a bishop ought to be. And he was so well fitted for the office that the hearers said one to another that he lacked none of those qualities which Paul requires in one who has the care of a church. When then, after the reading and the instruction of the bishops and the discourses of the presbyters, the deacons were sent to the laity to enquire whom they would have, they said with one accord, 'Let Polycarp be our pastor and teacher.' The whole priesthood then having assented, they appointed him notwithstanding his earnest entreaties and his desire to decline.
23. Accordingly the deacons led him up for ordination by the hands of the bishops according to custom. And being placed in his chair by them, he moistened and anointed first with tears of piety and humility the place where in the spirit he saw standing the feet of Christ who was present with him for the anointing to the priestly office. For where the ministers are----the priests and Levites----there in the midst is also the High-priest arrayed in the great flowing robe. Then the company present urged him, since this was the custom, to address them. For they said that this work of teaching was the most important part of the communion. So opening his mouth he spoke out, his voice betraying the fear in his heart, and said; Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord, the High-priest and shepherd and teacher and king eternal, even Christ to whom be the glory for ever and ever----the God who proveth us in all things and searcheth our hearts by all means, as He did those of our fathers and of His holy prophets to whom He gave commandments and ordinances that they should make known to the rest the faith that was in them; as even now He hath proved my meanness through the greatness of this office which exceeds my powers; for I well know that no man could fulfil it well, except he hath first received it from the Lord from heaven, as the blessed Apostle Paul hath shown in his epistles, showing in a single word the whole life of one who is appointed to office, when he speaks of it as blameless. This I think cannot have escaped the ears |500 of any one, but must have been impressed upon his inmost soul wholly and completely. Wherefore it is necessary for you, my beloved, to make supplication on my behalf to the Lord, that He will himself grant me to minister acceptably to His spotless bride, the Church. The same also is the duty of all my fellow-servants and ministers, to whom it is needful to make exhortation in the presence of God and of you, that they labour with me and assist with all readiness and with love unfeigned in the struggle that lies before me, knowing that all must run together so that we all may receive the prize, forasmuch as the crown of immortality is offered to all alike, the Omnipotent God and our Lord Jesus Christ crowning without respect of persons him that has fought well and conquered by grace; through whom to the Invisible and Immeasurable, the one only Immortal Father in the Holy Spirit the Paraclete, glory, honour, and power both was and is and shall be for ever. Amen.'
After this the others also, having made the proper exhortations and appeals on the Sabbath and on the Lord's Day, and offerings and eucharists, rejoicing and partaking of food, returned each to his own home rejoicing greatly at having communicated with Polycarp, and glorifying Christ Jesus the Lord for it, to whom is the glory for ever. Amen.
24. And on the following sabbath he said; 'Hear ye my exhortation, beloved children of God. I adjured you when the bishops were present, and now again I exhort you all to walk decorously and worthily in the way of the Lord, knowing that, when I was in the ministry of the presbyters, I applied so great diligence according to my power, and shall do this the more now when the greatest peril awaits me if I am negligent. For after the fear of the judgment, it were shameful to abate and relax anything having regard to men, and not rather to build up higher the zeal which has reached thus far. It pertaineth to you therefore to hold back from all unruliness, both men and women; and let no one imagine that I exact punishment from offenders not from conscientiousness but from human pride. For it has happened that some of those who were put into offices, when they ought all the more, as one might say, to strain every nerve in the race, just then relax their efforts, forgetting that, the greater honour a man appeareth to receive, the greater the loyalty which he ought to pay towards the Master, and to remember the words of the Lord how He himself said, On whom I conferred the more, from him let them demand the more abundantly in return; and the parable of those who had the talents committed to them, and the blessing pronounced upon the servant that watches, and |501 the reproof of those who refused to come to the marriage feast, and the condemnation of him whose garment was not befitting the marriage festivity, and the entering in of the wise virgins, the saying Watch ye, and again Be ye ready, Let not your hearts be weighed down, the new commandment concerning love one towards another, His advent suddenly manifest as of rapid lightning, the great judgment by fire, the eternal life, His immortal kingdom. And all things whatsoever being taught of God ye know, when ye search the inspired Scriptures, engrave with the pen of the Holy Spirit on your hearts, that the commandments may abide in you indelible.'
25. Thus speaking in this way from time to time, and being persistent in his teaching, he edified and saved both himself and his hearers.
But I will now record such of the miracles wrought by his hands as have been handed down to us. Once upon a time Polycarp went to Teos, which is near the warm baths commonly called Lebadia, to visit a certain bishop Daphnus by name, who after supper informed him of the scantiness of his means of subsistence, telling him how meagre a supply of food he had reaped from his husbandry. But he, when Daphnus showed him the barrels nearly empty, laid his hands on them and said; 'In the name of Jesus Christ use them freely.' Whence from that hour such abundance was multiplied that, after sowing the land, and providing without stint for his own household, he was able to give to others also.
26. Now after a lapse of time he came again to visit Daphnus; and Daphnus in thanksgiving for this great favour made an offering in his presence to a number of brethren. Accordingly he set a little cask full of wine in the midst of them. But when he told the servants to bring wine from the house and pour it in, Polycarp said; 'Let it be as it is, for it will not fail' And as they drew and drank the wine, while yet the wine only abounded the more, a servant girl standing by shouted out not in fear, but in merriment and laughter, saying 'Inexhaustible little cask.' At this the angel who was appointed over the miracle of power retired, and the result was that even the wine that was there vanished, whereupon Polycarp said: 'Ay, well was it said by the mouth of David, Serve the Lord in fear, and rejoice before Him in trembling.'
27. Now among others whom Polycarp appointed deacons was one named Camerius, who also became bishop the third in succession from him and next after Papirius. This man Polycarp took with him and went into the country, for he was careful to superintend the |502 churches scattered through the villages also. And as he was returning to the city, a widow from a certain field ran up to him in the road and being in great straits brought him a little bird still young; and on his declining to take it, she prevailed upon him, telling him to treat it as an offering. But when evening came, as he generally travelled on his own legs, being tired he decided to put up at a certain inn with Camerius, since the place in question had not yet received the Gospel of grace. Well, it came to pass after supper that when he retired to rest he fell asleep quickly; for voluntary distresses of the body induce rest in solitary places. And when night was nearly half past, an angel of the Lord stood by him and smote his side and said, 'Polycarp.' And he said, 'What is it?' The angel replied, 'Rise and go out of the inn: for it is on the point of falling.' So he woke up and called Camerius. But he, being weighed down with sleep and fatigue together, answered him but not without difficulty: and explaining to him, he tried to induce him to rise. But Camerius replied to him, 'The first sleep is not yet passed, blessed father, and where are we going? Thou art always studying the Scriptures and wakeful. So thou fallest not asleep.' And Polycarp tried to awake him; but he lay still. And when the angel stood by him a second time and said the same thing, again he told Camerius to get up. And on his saying in reply, 'I have trust in God that, while thou art here, the wall will never fall,' Polycarp said, 'I too have trust in God, but I have no trust in the wall' So he fell asleep the third time, and the same word was spoken by the angel. Then he without delay rose first, and Camerius afterwards leapt up hastily. But when they had gone out and had made a little progress on their way, they remembered that they had left the little bird in the inn. When they were distant about a stone's throw, 'Hesitate not,' said he, 'for the blessed widow designated it for an offering.' And he returned and took it: and when he had gone forward a little distance the inn fell entirely to the ground, foundations and all, so that not one of the inmates was saved. Then Polycarp standing and looking up to heaven said; ' O God our Master and Lord Omnipotent, the Father of Thy blessed and holy Son Jesus Christ, who didst foretell the overthrow of the Ninevites by Thy great prophet Jonah, and didst grant him to escape from the dangers, verily I bless Thee that Thou didst rescue us from this danger by the hand of an angel, through whom Thou didst make known unto me that which was about to happen.'
28. And another miracle also was wrought by his hands as |503 follows. When all the men in the city had gone to sleep and it was near midnight, and the bakers were making bread, it happened that fire falling on the faggots near at hand set the shop in flames, and spreading thence got hold of a very considerable part of the city. But when the people had run together and there was much shouting and confusion, the mayor ordered the engines which were prepared for this purpose to be brought up. So the hose and water and every contrivance of art was brought. The Jews also came down under pretence of being able to extinguish it, since they always present themselves uninvited at a fire: for they assert that conflagrations cannot possibly be stopped in any other way but by their presence. This is an artifice of theirs to plunder the property in the houses. As the city then was in danger, the mayor said; 'Sirs, ye who are here with us at the season of this dire spectacle, you see that it is of no use, because the wind is contrary: and when our only hope was in the presence of the Jews, we have failed even in this. What then do I advise? Listen to me. The other day in the mayor's lodging a strange seizure overtook a servant of mine getting up at night, and he cried out and lost his senses. And when we kindled lights, we found him in a phrenzy devouring everything. Now at break of day the Jews came, wanting to cure him by charms: but he, single handed, struck them and was within an ace of killing them, numerous as they were; and tearing off their clothes, he drove them away naked and covered with blood. Then a certain person in my house, who was a Christian, said; "If you bid me, I will summon one who is able to master him." I gave permission, and the teacher of the Christians, whom they call Polycarp, came. But while he was still a very long way off the young man cried out loudly, "Polycarp is coming to me, and I shall fly." And as he approached...'
29........as was wont, making no progress for several days, they stopped at length. And when after some trouble those who held the office of councillors were brought together, and the mayor stated that he neither had corn nor could discover whence to buy it, though ready to pay down the money, a certain person, a man advanced in years, rose up from the midst of them and said; 'Sirs, all of you who were present at that season, when the city was endangered from a conflagration which broke out at midnight, remember distinctly how, when neither we nor the Jews were able to extinguish the fire, a man divinely gifted in the lessons of truth, the priest of those who are called Christians, being invited by you, standing before us all and looking up to heaven said some words or other, and forthwith the flame gathering |504 into a ball and paying respect, I know not how, to his voice sunk down into itself; and the thought has often crossed my mind that that man is some god or other. Now you know that our poets and historians say that the heavens send down their gods in the likeness of men, both to punish wrong-doers and likewise also to avenge those who suffer wrong.' 30. But they, when they heard him, shouted out and demanded that a general assembly should be called. So, without delay, they all went off in a body to the theatre; for being distressed by famine they looked to their immediate necessity, since they were compelled to declare, if only by their shout, that there was one God. When therefore they sent for Polycarp and urged him to come, he was found and brought. Then he was conducted to them; and, while the people shouted aloud, the chief men of the city said to him: 'Polycarp, thou seest that the city of which thou also art an inhabitant is in straits, and thou thyself sharest with us and dost participate, if not in our customs, at all events in the scarcity which now exists owing to the drought. The Smyrnaeans therefore urge thee to ask rain of thy God, that the earth receiving water from heaven may return to the husbandmen the seed committed to it.' But his face was covered with blushes, and his whole body dripped like a fountain with profuse sweat, while his heart leaping and throbbing bounded to heaven in prayer. Then slowly, but yet decidedly, he answered saying; 'Sirs, ye who inhabit this most beautiful city, give ear to me a sojourner and a stranger, to whom every city is foreign by reason of my heavenly citizenship and all the world is a city by reason of the gift of God who created all things. For I have not, as ye suppose, so high an opinion of myself that I am able, when a whole nation is justly chastised for its sins, to divest it of its scourges; but how much is possible, I will explain. Gathered together with me are certain venerable old men with whom I myself confer, when I want to ask a thing of God, urging them to be ambassadors on my behalf. With these then I will confer, that they may also be ambassadors on your behalf with Him through prayer; but to you my advice is, that ye be of good courage and order all the people to throw off this distress and to hope for better things. For God, being long-suffering, giveth times for repentance to the race of men.' Then the mayor took courage, as well from the miracles previously wrought by Polycarp himself, as from the words spoken by him, and said; 'Assuredly ye know all of you, citizens and strangers, that while we strive to propitiate the divine being with our own customs and institutions, performing sacred rites and sacrifices and kindlings of altars and burnings of incense, this man and those whom he says he has with |505 him as fellow priests and fellow ministers, retire apart and offer their prayers to their God more leisurely. Let us then separate----we and they----and let us send this man away, offering him security, that dismissing the fear for his life which has overtaken him from this tumult, he may perform his sacred rites on our behalf with his mind undisturbed and his thoughts calmed.' And with these words he dismissed the people.
30. Then he without delay ran to the Lord's house, where it was customary for the Church of Christ to assemble; and he ordered the deacons to charge them all to take care again that one prayer might be offered up by many. But they, having already prepared themselves from day-break, because of his being taken into the theatre, and because it was Friday (for they were apprehensive lest he should suffer some harm from the people), when they heard it gathered quickly together. Then said he to them; 'Let us remember, brethren, the promises of our Lord Jesus Christ who said, Ask, and it shall be given to you; for if two of you shall agree concerning any thing whatsoever that ye may ask, it shall be done unto them of My Father which is in heaven. Let us therefore ask in faith and without wavering in our minds, for the prayer of the suppliant is in a manner weighed as in a balance, and is swayed on whichever side the mind inclines. This indeed is evident from Peter's walking on the waves: for so long as he had faith he walked, but when he was alarmed at the violence of the wind, he sunk into the deep, as an example to us, that we may understand the inclination on either side. Possessed with such confidence, Moses the servant of God said to the people, when they failed from fear; Stand, and ye shall see the glory of the Lord. For of a very truth we need to stand firm upon the rock, that nothing wavering we may continue unmoved and unscared through faith in our Saviour and Lord Jesus Christ; who also gave rain to the blessed prophet Elijah in answer to his prayer, when the heaven was shut three years and six months.'
31. And with these words, kneeling down first with them all, he prayed at great length as follows; 'O God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, O God Omnipotent, that art blessed for ever and ever, Amen; unto whom archangels, glories, and heavenly powers, thrones, dominations, seraphim, and cherubim, do service; Thou God who madest the heaven and the earth and sea and all things that are therein, that fashionedst man after Thine image and likeness, for whom also Thou wast well pleased to send Thy Word upon earth, that being incarnate of a Virgin and the Holy Ghost, |506 He might save and raise up through His passion man who had fallen under the dominion of sin, Give ear, O Lord, look upon us, Thou Holy One, listen to the prayers of Thy holy Catholic Church, and give ram upon the face of the earth, and seed for the sower and bread for food For in the days of necessity the heathen, perceiving that we are thy servants, seek righteousness from us And now, Lord, let all our adversaries perceive it.'
When he had offered this prayer, the heaven gave rain, and all glorified God that worketh marvellous things through His servants, to whom be the glory and the power both now and to endless ages with the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit Amen
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2006. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: severus_hermopolis_hist_alex_patr_00_eintro.htm
Severus of Al'Ashmunein (=Hermopolis), History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic church of Alexandria. Preface to the online edition.
Severus of Al'Ashmunein (=Hermopolis), History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic church of Alexandria. Preface to the online edition.
THE TEXT
The first half of the Arabic text known as the Ta'rikh batarikat al-Kanisah al-Misriyah was edited and translated into English by B.T.A. Evetts under the title History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of Alexandria. The complete text with appendices and continuations runs up to the end of the 19th century, but Evetts stopped with the 52nd patriarch, Joseph, who died in 849 AD. The text appeared in four parts in the Patrologia Orientalis series. These parts were issued as separate fascicles. The first and second parts appeared in volume 1 of the PO; the third in volume 5, and the fourth in volume 10. The top half of each page was devoted to the Arabic text; the lower half to the English translation, which appears here. Each page was given two page numbers. The first was the page number in the volume of the PO; the second the page number within the four fascicles, if considered as a single volume. The former page numbers have been reproduced here for ease of location and reference in the bound volumes of the PO.
The 4 parts in the PO are available as reprints from Brepols.net in the Netherlands, and can be found in their online catalogue by doing a search and looking for name=Evetts. I have found that Brepols handle credit-card orders quite happily, if you email them.
The remainder of the text does exist in English, but its copyright status is unclear, since Egypt only promulgated a copyright law in 1954 and has been accused of not enforcing copyright on non-Egyptian products even now. The PO text was reprinted in Cairo in the 1940's, as volume 1 of a 4 volume set by the Société d'archéologie copte, under the title History of the patriarchs of the Egyptian Church: known as the History of the Holy Church / by Sawirus ibn al-Mukaffa`, Bishop of al-Asmunin. Further volumes containing the text and translation of the remainder by Yassa `Abd al-Masih and O. H. E. Burmester appeared over the years. In:
(5) 1943: Vol. 2 pt. 1: Khaël II-Shenouti I (A. D. 849-880) tr. & annotated by Yassa 'Abd al-Masih & O.H.E. Burmester.
(6) 1948: Vol. 2 pt. 2: Khaël III-Senouti II (A.D. 880-1066) tr. & annotated by Aziz Suryal Atiya, Yassa 'Abd al-Masih & O.H.E. Burmester.
(7) 1959: Vol. 2 pt. 3: Christodoulus-Michael (A.D. 1046-1102) tr. & annotated by Aziz Suryal Atiya, Yassa 'Abd al-Masih & O.H.E. Burmester.
(8) 1968: Vol. 3 pt. 1: Macarius II-John V (A.D. 1102-1167) tr. & annotated by Antoine Khater & O.H.E. Khs-Burmester.
(9) 1970: Vol. 3 pt. 2: Mark III-John VI (A.D. 1167-1216) tr. & annotated by Antoine Khater & O.H.E. Khs-Burmester.
(10) 1970: Vol. 3 pt. 3: Cyril II-Cyril V (A.D. 1235-1894 A.D.) tr. & annotated by Antoine Khater & O.H.E. Khs-Burmester.
(11) 1974: Vol. 4 pt. 1:Cyril III, Ibn Laklak (1216-1243 A.D.) tr. & annotated by Antoine Khater & O.H.E. Khs-Burmester.
(12) 1974: Vol. 4 pt. 2: Cyril III, Ibn Laklak (1216-1243 A.D.) tr. & annotated by Antoine Khater & O.H.E. Khs-Burmester
The early portions of the text are derived mainly from Eusebius and coptic tradition, and are of little value. But from the th century onwards, the entries grow longer and often seem to derive from documents written by eyewitnesses of the events recorded. The moslem conquest of Egypt is recorded, and a vivid eyewitness account included of the overthrow of the last Ummayad caliph, Marwan II.
The text as we have it is in Arabic. The source documents must have been in Coptic and Greek, and the introduction refers to evidence that a Coptic translation of Eusebius existed.
A coptic correspondent, Imad Boles, tells me of the existence of other editions of the Arabic text:
"In Egypt they publish the lives in Arabic and in very poor publications. The first time I found the lives in clear Arabic and in English translation was when I went to the British Library in 2003 and found the Parisian version. I cried with joy and held my photocopies like I was holding a very precious and sacred manuscript in my hands...."
"There are several Arabic publications of the History of the Patriarchs attributed to Anba Saweris of Ashmunin. They have really proliferated after Pope Shenouda took the patriarchate. But most if not all are in pretty bad shape. Accuracy is not an Egyptian virtue these days. The best one though full of spelling mistake making its reading a very agonising job is the one published under the supervision of the late Anba Samuel, bishop of Shabin al Qanatir. I think it was published in 1999 though it is not clear. I bought it (three volumes) from the Church of Al Moallaqa in Old Cairo in 2003. The printer is Al Ni'aam for Printing and Imports (!). They give their tel. and fax numbers as 2420362/2463633 and 2420362 respectively but I doubt it very much that you will have joy with them. If you happen to visit Egypt again try to visit the Institute for Coptic Studies which is located next to St. Mark's Cathedral which is next to the Patriarchate. Someone I am sure will help there."
SEVERUS
Severus (Sawiros) ibn al-Muqaffac (which means 'son of the dwarf') as a layman was known as Abu Bisr ben al-Muqaffac and was a clerk. He seems to have been born around 915 and grew up in Old Cairo (=Babylon fortress) before the founding of modern Cairo by the Fatimid caliph (on th July 969). He became a monk, and then bishop of al-Ashmunein (Hermopolis Magna as it had been; Shmoun in Coptic) in the Thebaid under patriarch Theophanius (953-956) or Menas (956-975). Information about his early life is unknown. He flourished in the latter half of the 10th century and died at the latest soon after the turn of the century.
In the monastery he became acquainted with a former Moslem who had taken the name Paulos and fled the wrath of his family and coreligionists, and taken refuge in the monasteries in the Wadi Natrun (the same Wadi Habib so often mentioned). A close friendship developed, strengthened by a common literary interest in apologetics. They researched together, and created their works in an atmosphere of constant discussion. The account of this friend is perhaps more panegyric than biography, however. In the process Severus came to realise the necessity of writing in Arabic, as Copts began to lose touch with their own language, and he is the first Coptic writer of importance to write in Arabic.
Severus also participated in Disputations with Moslems, and also with Jews, under the tolerant Fatimid rule. The Disputation with the Jew Mose (975) is extant. Severus wrote more than 20 works in Arabic (26 according to Abu al-Barakat), of which the majority is probably lost. However in the mass of uncatalogued Arabic manuscripts, more may remain to be discovered. Before 955 he also wrote a Book of the Councils in four chapters against the Melkite patriarch Eutychios (877-940), discussing the first four councils, with an appendix of computational material. He then wrote a further book on the same subject at more length, in nine chapters, which is dated and was completed on th September 955. He also wrote an explanation of the Nicaea-Constantinople creed in ten chapters, against the East Syrian or Nestorian bishop of Damascus, Elias, who had written his own explanation of the creed. The work also attacks the Jews, and the Moslem Muctazilites.
Coptic Christians were constantly propagandised by Islam. As knowledge of Coptic faded, the Copts lost access to their own literature, and this left them vulnerable to Islamic propaganda. Severus therefore wrote the Book of the statement, in the first two chapters of which he describes this situation and gives it as a reason for writing. The work contains twelve treatises in letter form, covering the Trinity, the incarnation, the crucifixion of the Saviour, and a range of other topics designed to equip the Christian to answer Moslem attacks. It even included a summary world chronicle.
A further work is a manual of faith. The first 13 chapters (plus some appendices) discuss the christological differences between Jacobites (monophysites like Severus), Melkites and Nestorians. A further 22 chapters explain the church and church practises and obligations. It finishes with 13 key differences between Monophysites and Melkites.
The Book of the precious bead is not attributed to Severus in the manuscripts, but the research of George Grafs and Paul Maibergers has established that he is in fact the author. It contains a further statement of the Christian faith in 15 chapters.
The fame of Severus rests mainly on his History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, which contains biographies of the Coptic popes and patriarchs of Alexandria. Den Heijer's research suggests that it was first composed in Coptic, and all the entries up to 1051 and 1058 were written originally in that language, and so not by Severus. Michael, bishop of Tinnis, wrote the fifth series of biographies thus. Thereafter it was continued in Arabic, and the original entries were translated into that tongue. This view excludes Severus as author completely. Aziz S. Atiya however believes that the evidence is still for the authorship of Severus for the original portion, in Arabic, but derived from Greek and Coptic sources. The two opinions are mutually exclusive, and more work remains to be done.
WORKS OF SEVERUS
Book of the Councils: Patrologia Orientalis 3, pp.121-242, Arab text and Latin translation.
Second book of the Councils: Patrologia Orientalis 6, pp.465-600, Arab text and French translation.
Book of the statement: edited in Arabic as "book of the precious bead concerning the statement of the religion", Cairo 1925. A second edition by M. WAHAB appeared in Cairo in 1947. A partial edition of the edited version with English translation by R.Y. EBIED and M.J.L. YOUNG: A theological work by Severus ibn aluminium-Muqaffac from Istanbul: Ms Aya Sofia 2360, in Oriens Christianus, volume 61 (1977), pages 78-85. This work is known as the Book of Severus in Ethiopian literature.
Book of clearing up concerning the faith in outline
The Order of Priesthood, ed. Julius Assfalg, Cairo 1955
The book of the precious bead: Statement of the faith in the religion. Paul Maiberger: "The book of the precious bead" of Severus ibn al-Muqaffa`, introduction and Arab text (chapter 1-5), Wiesbaden 1972 (academy of the sciences and the literature, publications of the eastern commission, volume XXV III);
The book of the light of the understanding, ed. Samir Khalil, S.J., Cairo 1978. Pages 7 to 36 include a biography and list of works
A letter to a dignitary which answers his question about the distinct teachings of the Christian parties.
An answer to a Jakobiten writer in Egypt, on his question, why the Christians call the creator a substance.
A refutation of the Jews.
A paper on Egypt, in which he represents the state of Egyptian beliefs and refutes his oponent
A speech on the medicine against grief and the healing of sadness and the improvement of customs. Ethics and asceticism are here placed at the centre
The chain of the jewels and beads. This concerns a refutation of the theory of predetermination and the fate. Severos represents here the teachings that God must punish the good actions recompenced and the bad
The useful speeches represent a defense of his religion. This work follows in the manuscript after the Second book of the Councils.
Further writings treat: A refutation of the Nestorians; an explanation of the orthodox Egyptian faith; the fate of unbaptised infants of believers and unbelievers and the condition of souls after the resurrection; an explanation of the gospels; an explanation of the Old Testament; an instruction on the confession of sin; a book of the meetings; a book of the decisions.
The history of the Patriarchs of Alexandria
FOR FURTHER READING:
Johannes DEN HEIJER, Mawhub ibn Mansur ibn Mufarrig et l'historiographie copto-arabe. Étude sur la composition de l'Histoire des Patriarches d'Alexandrie, in the Subsidia series of the Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium; CSCO vol 513, Subsidia vol. 83. Its bibliography gives references to numerous articles on the work, the various authors and sources.
F. ROFAIL FARAG, The technique of research of a tenth century Christian Arab Writer: Severus ibn al-Muqaffa, in Le Muséon, vol. 86 (1973), pp. 37-66.
Georg GRAF, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, Zweiter Band: Die Schriftsteller bis zur Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts, Vatikanstadt 1947 (Studi e Testi, vol. 133), pp. 300-318, 484.
Johannes DEN HEIJER, History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria, in Aziz S. Atiya: THE COPTIC ENCYCLOPEDIA, vol. 4 (New York 1991), pp. 1238-1242.
C.F. SEYBOLD, Severus Ben al-Moqaffa, Historia Patriarcharum Alexandrinorum, Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium 52, 59 (Scriptores Arabici 8,9), in ser. 3, pts. 1 und 2.
Website: http://www.bautz.de/bbkl/s/s2/severos_i_a_m.shtml. The information on Severus given above is abbreviated from this.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2005. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: severus_hermopolis_hist_alex_patr_00_intro.htm
Severus of Al'Ashmunein (Hermopolis), History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic church of Alexandria (1904) Introduction. Patrologia Orientalis 1 pp. 103-104.
Severus of Al'Ashmunein (Hermopolis), History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic church of Alexandria (1904) Introduction. Patrologia Orientalis 1 pp. 103-104.
HISTORY OF THE PATRIARCHS OF THE
COPTIC CHURCH OF ALEXANDRIA
SAINT MARK TO THEONAS (300)
ARABIC TEXT EDITED, TRANSLATED AND ANNOTATED
BY
B. EVETTS
PERMIS D'IMPRIMER
Paris, le 6 mai 1904.
P. FAGES, v. g.
Tous droits réservés.
NOTE
The History of the Patriarchs of Alexandria is the Liber Pontificalis of the Coptic church. The first part of it is a compilation made, as we read in one of the prefaces at the head of the manuscripts, by Severus, bishop of El-Eschmounein in upper Egypt, between Minieh and Asiout, based on Greek and Coptic documents which he found in the monasteries of his country, and which he translated with the help of some clerks. This history of the first centuries of the Coptic church is based above all on Eusebius and some primitive Acts, and Mr. Crum has discovered at the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris some fragments of a Coptic translation of the Historia Ecclesiastica which seems to be the unfortunately incomplete original of the Arabic translation of Severus 1.
But from the seventh century on, and above all from the era of the Arab conquest, the history of the patriarchs becomes much more complete and more interesting. Here we have a series of real biographies written by contemporary authors, such as John the Deacon, in the time of the patriarch Michael I, and George, archdeacon and syncellus of the patriarch Simon.
Some of these biographies were at first written in Coptic; but it is impossible to know how far the work of translation, of which Severus speaks in his preface, extends. This prelate who had written to refute a rival historian, Eutychius, the Melchite patriarch of Alexandria, lived around the end of the tenth century, but the series of patriarchal biographies has been continued up to the twelfth, and some appendices carry it up until the nineteenth century. |104
Moreover this history, while it has never before been published, is well known in name at least in the Latin history of the coptic patriarchs composed by the French orientalist Eusèbe Renaudot, and printed at Paris in the eighteenth century 2. However we find that this great scholar was of course unable to reproduce in his work more than a portion, from what we might call the Arabic biographies, containing a mass of information on the doctrine and ritual of the Egyptian church, the relations between the Mahommedans and the Christians, the moral state of these, and even the general history of the country.
This edition, commenced three years ago, will appear in fascicles, each of which will contain a part of the Arabic text with a translation. We will give at the end an introduction in which we will discuss the sources of this history, and where we will record the most interesting details which emerge from it, with other observations on the Copts and their church. We will also add there some notes on the text and on some difficulties to be found in it 3, a catalogue of the patriarchs and governors of Egypt, some tables of proper names and matters of interest, and finally a list of Arab ecclesiastical terms borrowed from other languages.
The text is based on the mss. of the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, 301 et 302 (A). We will add to it the principal variants of the London mss add. 26.600 (B) and or. 1338 (C). Mgr Graffin, who has already furnished us with photographic copies of the Paris mss. 301 and 302, has also procured for us photographic copies of the two Vatican mss, 620 (D) and 686 (E), and of Paris ms. 4773 (F) which will be used for the establishment of the text. We will indicate in the margin the pagination of Paris mss. 301 and 302.
B. EVETTS.
[Original text of French introduction follows: English translation was made for the online edition]
AVERTISSEMENT
L'Histoire des Patriarches d'Alexandrie est le Liber Pontificalis de l'Eglise copte. La première partie est une compilation faite, comme nous le lisons dans l'une des préfaces mises en tête des manuscrits, par Sévère, évêque d'El-Eschmounein dans la Haute-Egypte, entre Minieh et Asiout, d'après des documents grecs et coptes qu'il a trouvés dans les monastères de son pays, et qu'il a traduits avec l'aide de quelques clercs. C'est surtout sur Eusèbe et sur quelques Actes primitifs qu'est basée cette histoire des premiers siècles de l'Eglise copte, et M. Crum a découvert à la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris des fragments d'une version copte de l'Historia Ecclesiastica qui semble être l'original, malheureusement incomplet, de la traduction arabe de Sévère 1.
Mais, dès le septième siècle et surtout dès l'époque de la conquête arabe, l'histoire des patriarches devient beaucoup plus complète et plus intéressante. Nous avons ici une série de vraies biographies écrites par des auteurs contemporains, tels que Jean le diacre, au temps du patriarche Michel I, et Georges, archidiacre et syncelle du patriarche Simon.
Quelques-unes de ces biographies ont été écrites d'abord en copte; mais il est impossible de savoir jusqu'où s'étend l'œuvre de traduction dont parle Sévère dans sa préface. Ce prélat qui a écrit pour réfuter l'historien rival, Eutychius, patriarche Melchite d'Alexandrie, vivait vers la fin du dixième siècle, mais la série des biographies patriarcales a été continuée jusqu'au douzième, et des appendices la portent jusqu'au dix-neuvième. |104
D'ailleurs cette histoire, bien qu'elle n'ait pas encore été publiée, est bien connue de nom par l'histoire latine des patriarches coptes composée par l'orientaliste français Eusèbe Renaudot, et imprimée à Paris au dix-huitième siècle 2. On trouvera cependant, bien entendu, que ce grand savant n'a pu reproduire dans son ouvrage qu'une partie de ce que nous disent les biographies arabes, qui contiennent une foule de renseignements sur la doctrine et le rituel de l'Église égyptienne, les rapports entre les mahométans et les chrétiens, l'état moral de ceux-ci, et même l'histoire générale du pays.
L'édition, commencée il y a trois ans, paraîtra par fascicules, dont chacun contiendra une partie du texte arabe avec sa traduction. Nous donnerons à la fin une introduction dans laquelle nous discuterons les sources de cette histoire, et où nous relèverons les données les plus intéressantes qui en résultent, avec d'autres observations sur les Coptes et leur Eglise. Nous y ajouterons aussi des notes sur le texte et sur quelques difficultés qui s'y trouvent 3, un catalogue des patriarches et des gouverneurs d'Egypte, des tables des noms propres et des matières intéressantes, enfin une liste des termes ecclésiastiques arabes empruntés aux langues étrangères.
Le texte est basé sur les mss. de la Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris 301 et 302 (A), nous y ajouterons les principales variantes des mss. de Londres add. 26.600 (B) et or. 1338 (C). Mgr Graffin, qui nous avait déjà fourni la photographie des mss. 301 et 302 de Paris, nous a encore procuré les photographies des deux manuscrits du Vatican 620 (D) et 686 (E), et du ms. de Paris 4773 (F) que nous utilisons aussi pour l'établissement du texte. Nous indiquons en marge la pagination des manuscrits 301 et 302 de Paris.
B. EVETTS.
1. 1 Cf. Eusebius and Coptic Church Histories dans: Transactions of the Society of Biblical archaeology (12 févr. 1902).
2. 1 Historia patriarcharum Alexandrinorum, 4°, Paris, 1713.
3. 2 Nous ne faisons suivre le texte et la traduction que des variantes les plus intéressantes et des renvois à la Sainte Écriture et aux principales sources.
Les caractères arabes employés pour composer le texte de ce fascicule (corps 16) ont été dessinés et gravés exprès pour la Patrologie Orientale par la Fonderie générale Beaudoire et Cie.
(The text and translation are perforce accompanied only by the most interesting variants, and by references to Holy Scripture and to the principal sources. The Arabic font used to compose the text of this fascicle (type 16) were designed and engraved specially for the Patrologia Orientalis) by the foundery Beaudoire & Co.)
After part 1 is the following notice with some (omitted) Arabic variants:
APPENDICE: M. Paul Theillet, vice-consul de France, a collationné les épreuves de ce fascicule, au fur et à mesure de leur publication, sur le manuscrit arabe de Paris n° 4772 (copie de la fin du xixe siècle) et a bien voulu relever les variantes suivantes:
Appendix: Mr. Paul Theillet, vice-consul of France, has collated the proofs of this fascicle, during the progress of the publication, against the Paris Arab manuscript 4772 (copy of the end of the 19th century) and has kindly reported the following variants:
This text was transcribed and translated by Roger Pearse, 2005. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: severus_hermopolis_hist_alex_patr_01_part .htm
Severus of Al'Ashmunein (Hermopolis), History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic church of Alexandria (1904) Part 1: St. Mark - Theonas (300 AD). Patrologia Orientalis 1 pp. 105-211 (p.1-113 of text).
Severus of Al'Ashmunein (Hermopolis), History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic church of Alexandria (1904) Part 1: St. Mark - Theonas (300 AD). Patrologia Orientalis 1 pp. 105-211 (p.1-113 of text).
HISTORY OF THE PATRIARCHS OF THE
COPTIC CHURCH OF ALEXANDRIA
I
S. MARK TO THEONAS (300)
ARABIC TEXT EDITED, TRANSLATED, AND ANNOTATED
BY
B. EVETTS
PREFACES
First preface
Second preface
Third preface - by Severus, bishop of Al-Ushmunain
Fourth preface
The priesthood of Christ
PART 1
Chapter 1 -- St. Mark the first patriarch
Chapter 2 -- St. Mark
Chapter 3
Annianus the second patriarch (62-85)
Avilius the third patriarch (85-98)
Cerdo the fourth patriarch (98-109)
Primus the fifth patriarch (109-122)
Justus the sixth patriarch (122-130)
Eumenes the seventh patriarch (130-142)
Mark II, the eighth patriarch (143-154)
Celadion the ninth patriarch (157-167)
Agrippinus the tenth patriarch (167-180)
Julian the eleventh patriarch (180-189)
Chapter 4 -- Demetrius the twelfth patriarch (189-231)
Chapter 5 -- Heraclas the thirteenth patriarch (231-247)
Chapter 6
Dionysius the wise, the fourteenth patriarch (247-264)
Maximus the fifteenth patriarch (264-282)
Theonas the sixteenth patriarch (282-300)
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FIRST PREFACE
In the Name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, the One God.
This is the book of the Lives of the Fathers and Patriarchs. May God grant us the blessing of their prayers!
These patriarchs were the successors of the father and missionary, Saint Mark the evangelist, who preached the holy gospel and the good news of the Lord Christ in the great city of Alexandria, and in the region of Egypt, and in the regions of Ethiopia and Nubia, and in Pentapolis in the West, which is also called Africa, and in the neighbouring territories; for all these countries fell by lot to his preaching, through the inspiration of the Holy Ghost.
And after he had preached and proclaimed the good tidings, and written the gospel in Greek, and finished his course, he became a martyr in the Caesarium, a quarter of Alexandria, which is called in the Hebrew language the |106 city of Ammon 1. His biography, which records that which was done to him, and how he preached, and what befell him, is set forth in the first of the histories contained in this book.
And after him our orthodox fathers, the patriarchs, were the heirs of his doctrines which save souls from hell; and they remained true to that which he delivered to them, in the guardianship of the orthodox faith and in attachment to it, and in patience under persecution for its sake, at all times, to their last breath, that is to say till death. They sat upon his episcopal throne, one after another, each of them succeeding his predecessor; and thus all were his representatives, and the shepherds of his flock, and his imitators in his faith in Christ.
These histories here given were collected from various places by the care of the celebrated father, Abba Severus, son of Al-Mukaffa, bishop of the city of Al-Ushmunain, who relates that he gathered them together from the monastery of Saint Macarius and the monastery of Nahya and other monasteries, and from scattered fragments which he found in the hands of the Christians. And when these documents were put together by your |107
poor brother into this single volume, after research and trouble on his part, God gave him a long life, until a day came when he wrote out this history and set it in order; but it was not completed till the end of his eightieth year. And now I implore God's help that we may understand what we read therein, and may obey these holy patriarchs, and carry out their precepts, and follow in their footsteps, and remain attached to their faith; for he is the God who hears and answers our prayers. Thanks be to him for ever and ever. Amen.
SECOND PREFACE 2
In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, the One God.
Praise be to God, the origin and source of learning, the maker and creator of all things, who forms and brings into being all that exists: who guides and elects those whom he pleases, and raises those whom he desires among his servants to be his chosen ones and his holy people, whom he picks out and in whom he takes pleasure; who lifts up the poor from the ground, and the needy from the dunghill, that he may make him ruler over his people, and a prince to govern his servants and his land; and gives him as his inheritance the throne of power, that he may rule over the earth with justice, and among men with truth; that he may deliver the weak from the mighty, |108 and save the oppressed from the oppressor. This is the judgment and wisdom of God which none of his creatures can comprehend, for his mysteries are hidden from the wise and learned; and he raises up at all times those who shall gently guide his people.
The merciful, the compassionate one, the Lord Christ, who gave himself by the mystery of his Incarnation to save his creatures, and vanquished the mighty by humility and weakness; who speaks through the mouth of his prophets by the Holy Ghost; when it pleased him to manifest himself on earth and become incarnate, that he might save his creatures whom he had created after the likeness of the image of his majesty, appeared among them in a human body, born of the Virgin Mary, most excellent of women in creation. For he had elected her from among the offspring of Adam, the sinner and rebel against his Lord, who obeyed his enemy and broke the commandment of his Creator, so that it was necessary that he should die, as God had said to him when he warned him not to disobey; but Adam would not listen, desiring to be a god and similar to his Creator, and so was caught in the net of stumbling. Yet even then God the Word had mercy upon him in pity for him, and became incarnate, ----He, the uncreated in respect of his Godhead, the Man in respect of his Humanity, the pure from all sin. And the Virgin Mary bore him in her womb and brought him forth, by a mystery to which the intelligence of creatures cannot attain, and by which he exalted her above above all other created beings in heaven or on earth; above the Angels, the |109 Powers, the Principalities, the Cherubim and the Seraphim, and all whom God has made in heaven or on earth. For she became the throne of him who is Lord of the first and the last, without division or change, ---- of him whom no space can enclose, and no time contain.
And when, in his unattainable wisdom, he established his dispensation, and the Union of his Humanity with his Divinity, the mystery of which is hidden from all in heaven or on earth, he chose his disciples, the apostles, and gave them the great commission, authorising them to bind and to loose. And so likewise their successors after them inherit this gift in all regions of the world, each one following his predecessor. Thus the inheritance of this power, which Christ gave to the great father and evangelist, Mark, the apostle, is carried on to his successor, the patriarch who sits upon his episcopal throne in the great city of Alexandria, in the midst of the regions where he preached.
Saint Mark, then, was the first patriarch who fed the flock of Christ; and in after times he was followed by the inspired fathers and patriarchs, generation after generation. This see of his is independent, and separate from all other sees. And no patriarch is promoted to it, nor does any obtain from God this glorious station and this high and sublime degree, save one whom he has proved and tried, and who has experienced such trouble and adversity and resistance of enemies and attacks of heretics that by these things he resembles Christ's disciples and apostles, who were assisted by his Holy Spirit, ----those pure ones, those preachers of good tidings, who |110 suffered contempt and blows and scourging and stoning and crucifixion and shipwreck, and burning by fire, and wounds, and casting down from high places to the ground, and death by the sword, and all kinds of torment, which if we were to relate in detail, our narrative would be too long and the description of it would be too copious, and listeners would tremble at the hearing of it, and books and volumes would not contain even a small part of the history. Yet they lived in patience, enduring all these sufferings, and imitating their Lord, their Master and their Christ, who sent them to baptize all men and all nations, and draw them to faith in him. They taught men that by which they might profit through all ages and generations and times to the end of the world, namely the means of saving their souls in this world and the next; and they bequeathed their doctrines to their successors, the fathers and patriarchs, in every region to which their preaching was extended; for the patriarchs are indeed their successors and their followers. So they laid down their lives to preserve their trusted ones among the baptized, the faithful and orthodox. As the great apostle and excellent teacher Paul, the elect one and lamp of the Church of God, says 3, «Rather we glory in the tribulation that we suffer; for we know that tribulation perfects patience in us, and patience trial and probation, and hardships call forth hope, and hope disappoints not, because it pours into our hearts the love of God by the Holy Ghost». As he says in another place 4, «Verily if ye be allowed to wander free, and be left |111 without chastisement, and be not branded as the elect friends of God were branded before you, then are ye become strangers to God and are not near to him». And there are many similar testimonies in the books of the Church, from Paul and from others of the inspired apostles and fathers and teachers, since th evenerated prophets.
The patriarchs did not cease to repel the doctrines of the heretics, striving to refute them, resisting them, overthrowing their false tenets, revealing to men their misbelief and the corruption of their creeds. And they composed a homily on every text, until they filled the Church of God with their homilies and sermons and spiritual learning. They never abandoned the study of the scriptures and writings and commandments of God, reading all the ecclesiastical books and other works which they needed for the composition of their homilies, and searching out every jewel of the Divine Word and of other literature. So at last they attained their desire, and obeyed the summons of their Creator who called them, saying, each one of them, «Here 5 am I with the sons whom thou gavest me, for not one of them has perished!» Thus they obtained their high degrees, and the mansions, brilliant with happiness and light, the blessings of which are eternal and imperishable.
They did not in the time of their pastorate fear haughty princes. Their hearts and purposes never faltered in the love of God, nor in teaching men, both secretly and openly, the means of saving their souls. And while they governed the Church, they were never careless nor frivolous, |112 nor did they acquire aught belonging to this transitory world; but they were obedient to their Lord's commands, and applied themselves to their duties of instruction and imparting discipline, and observed the canons and precepts of God. So in the eyes of their flock they were great and learned; and when one of their disciples, or one of those who resisted them and their doctrine, beheld them and their deeds, he glorified God for their works, because the words of the Gospel which Christ uttered were now fulfilled: «You are the light of the world. A city, when it is placed upon a hill, cannot be hidden, and a lamp, when it is lighted, is not set under a bushel, but on a candlestick, to enlighten all that are in the house. So let your light shine before men, that they may see your good works, and glorify your Father who is in heaven 6.»
As one of the wise men says: «He who mounts the steps of learning and public affairs becomes great in the eyes of the multitudes, and he whose nature is noble has his rights acknowledged; to him who despises money men's hopes are directed; he who is reasonable ceases to be unjust; the just man's judgments are carried out; the leader is he who defends his faith with his possessions, and does not defend his possessions by means of his faith». But the best is what is said in one of the jewels of literature as follows: «The good shepherd does good to his flock and with justice rules creation. He who is just in his government is independent of his assistants. He who excels among men by his rank of governor and his superiority as ruler is bound to |113 guard his rank by his good administration, so that his prosperity may continue and that he may be fortunate both in spiritual and temporal matters. He whom God has put into possession of his land and territory, and entrusted with his people and servants, and whose place and rank he has exalted, ought to give thanks to God in faith, and to preserve his religion, and embellish his life, and purify his thoughts, and make virtue his constant habit, and salvation his aim and object. But injustice slips on its feet, and draws down vengeance, and destroys happiness and makes the nations perish. The hasty man fails even when he gains; but the deliberate man succeeds even when he loses. He who relies on his own opinion falls into the net of his enemies. He who rides on haste comes to a fall. He who does what he pleases gets what is evil. The fall of dynasties is caused by the employment of the lowest of the people. He who asks help of the wise gains what he hopes for. He who asks the advice of the prudent walks in the right path. Good government is the light of sovereignty, but evil administration is the source of destruction. To favour the fool is the worst of baseness, but to employ the wise is the best of merits; for the employment of the wise leads to the establishment of wisdom, but the employment of the fool to the maintenance of folly. Every man inclines to his like, and every bird roosts with its fellow. Learn that the cause of the ruin of princes is to be found in the rejection of the virtuous and the employment of the base, and in making light of the counsellor's advice, and in the deception that arises from placing trust in the flatterer. But God assists the right by his bounty and glory |114 and power and majesty. Verily, he can bring to pass all that he pleases. To him be glory for ever!»
THIRD PREFACE
BY SEVERUS, BISHOP OF AL-USHMUNAIN
The author of this history, Severus, son of Al-Mukaffa, the compiler, says thus:
When I, ---- the wretched and sinful one, drowning in the seas of my transgressions, I, the penitent, who waste my days in sin, and grieve over my negligence and the loss of the months and years of my life in hopes and procrastinations, ruinous to my faith and my condition, ---- learnt and ascertained the graces which the Lord Christ, the Saviour, has granted, to whose name worship is due, to all the baptized whom he bought with his precious blood; and how he gave his authority, and bestowed the Holy Ghost upon his disciples and followers, the chosen Twelve and Seventy, and upon those that came after them, such as Paul, the teacher of the Church, whom God specially called because he knew the strength of his faith and his zeal, and such as those whom he elected to the episcopal throne of his martyr and disciple and evangelist, whom he sent as apostle to his people, and as the first of the patriarchs of Egypt, and of Pentapolis, which is Barca and |115 Fezzan and Al-Kairuwan and Tripoli of the West and Africa, and of Ethiopia and Nubia, ---- all of which countries fell under his preaching by the command of the Holy Ghost, ---- whose martyrdom took place in the city of Alexandria, after he had preached the name of the Lord Christ, according to the evidence of his biography, of whose doctrines which save souls from hell our fathers, the patriarchs, became heirs, sitting upon his episcopal throne one after another, each one in succession to his predecessor, all being the successors of Saint Mark, handing down his authority one to another, and the shepherds of his flock, and imitators of his faith in Christ, ---- of Saint Mark, the pure evangelist who saw Christ's face, ---- from whose successors, the patriarchs who came after him, descends to us the knowledge of their history and their names and the changing fortunes of each of them in his time and age, and the troubles and sorrows and struggles which fell to the lot of each of them for the name of his Lord and his Christ, and the preservation of his flock year after year and age after age, ----then, since I am one of those who are not fit to write down with their wretched, perishing hands any of the histories of these patriarchs, I requested the help of those Christian brethren with whose fitness I was acquainted, and begged them to assist me in translating the histories that we found written in the Coptic and Greek languages into the Arabic tongue, current among the people of the present day in the region of Egypt, most of whom are ignorant of the Coptic and the Greek, so that they might be satisfied with such translations when they read them. |116
And I implored him who gives speech to the stammerer, and opens the mouths of the dull, and calls those weighed down by burdens, as I am, in accordance with the words of the gospel, spoken by his own holy mouth, which say: «Come 7 to me, ye that are weary and carry burdens, that I may give you rest; and learn of me, for I am meek and humble of heart, that ye may receive rest for your souls; and bear my yoke upon you, for my yoke is light and my burden is good. » ---- 1 implored him to pardon my slips, and to forgive the progress which I make in indulgence towards my blameworthy deeds and faults and frequent sins. And I copied that which I knew not from the men of old, in agreement with the canons of the Church, according to that which is now about to be related, besides what tradition and history teach. And I added to the rest what I knew of the histories of the fathers and patriarchs whom I had myself beheld. And I asked God ---- whose power is glorious ---- to pardon me the superfluous eloquence and beautified language that the histories contain, and all that I can claim as the work of my sinful self in relating the accounts of those whose meanest disciple I am unworthy to be, and my description of the virtues of holy monks inspired by the grace of the Holy Ghost, partly from what I have myself beheld and partly from translations of histories.
Now I will make frequent prostrations on behalf of those who shall read what I have written, that they may pray for pardon for me for that which I have attempted and undertaken, and may beg for forgiveness and indulgence and absolution for me, through the intercession of the elect Lady of the first |117 and the last, the Throne of the Lord of the worlds; and through the intercession of the angels who stand beside him, and of the spiritual orders, and of the truth-announcing and inspired prophets, and of the pure and elect apostles, and of the militant martyrs, and of the holy and righteous fathers, and of the virtuous elders, and of all among the posterity of Adam with whose works God is well pleased. Amen.
O God, I pray thee to open the eyes of my heart and my sight, that I may understand thy words, and ray hearing, that I may hear and do that which is right. In thy mercy be not angry with me for that which I have written, but pardon and forgive the faults therein caused by my negligence. And shew thy favour to him who here speaks, relying upon God's pardon.
FOURTH PREFACE
In the Name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, the One God.
Great is the Lord and exceedingly to be praised, and great are his works, and inscrutable are his mysteries and his wisdom; nor can any man comprehend any of God's dealings, which are too high for the understanding of those that understand, or of the learned in the law. For these when they are questioned, humble themselves and say: O God, who hast created us and |118 favoured us, and given us commands and prohibitions, and by punishments made us fear to do what thou hast forbidden, and hast guided us towards the salvation of our souls and the good way; we have slipped in our thoughts, and have rebelled in our free-will. Therefore we implore thee, O long-suffering and beneficent and mighty and gracious One, who pardonest all that come to thee with honest purpose, to be gracious to us, and to be our starting-point and our assistance and our final perfection in the road by which we advance to thee; and to open the darkened eyes of our hearts and our clouded thoughts, so that we may observe and do what we read in thy holy books, and in the histories of those whom thou didst love, and didst choose from among thy followers, and didst elect, namely those militant ones, who overcame their desires, who abandoned the world on account of their love for thee, and their obedience to thy commandments and precepts; and to grant us a good end, so that our departure from this world may be the departure of thy chosen ones, who are saved from sins and iniquities, from which no man is free, and that we may be delivered from the terrible and dreaded place, if thou wilt have mercy upon us, and wilt liberate us from the power of the Devil, and from the service of sin; and to grant to us spiritual wisdom, with which we may trample down worldly desires by striving to keep thy commandments; and to let us go forth from this perishing world with provisions for the eternal life; and to give us words of welcome before thy dreaded and terrible tribunal. And among thy benefits to us, guide the course of our life in this world, that it may be passed in doing |119 what pleases thee and in obeying thee, and following thy guiding and life-giving Law; and lead us to thy directing Life, that our minds may be directed to thy kingdom, and that our actions may be ruled by the doctrines of thy holy gospel. Thou sayest, O Lord: «Ask and it shall be given to you; seek and you shall find; knock and it shall be opened to you 8». So I ask of thee, confiding in thy words, without an action that I have done that can please thee, and having no good deeds which I have offered to thee; but for the sake of thy name by which we are called, as the blessed David says in a Psalm 9: «Not to us, Lord, not to us, but to thy name give the glory because of thy mercy and thy truth, that the gentiles may not say: Where is their God? And our God is in heaven and on earth; all that pleases him he has done». O God deliver us and save us, and be to us in this world of ours a Protector and Saviour in all our affairs, whether small or great, whether glorious or mean. And be merciful, O compassionate one, and vouchsafe, O merciful one, to lead us to that which pleases thee, and remove us far from what offends thee. For thou sayest, O Lord: «Return to me, and I will forgive you, even if your sins are as numerous as the sands of the sea, and the stars of heaven». Therefore fulfil thy promise to us sinners, and do not ask of us repentance or works, but by thy mercy and pity and goodness, grant help to the prayer of thy sinful servant, although he neglects thy commandments, namely to him who writes these glorious histories, and hereby begins by saying: |120
In the Name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, the One God.
Let us begin, with the help of God and with his blessed assistance, to write the histories of the holy Church. The author says: That which I, the sinner, have written, I collected from the monastery of Saint Macarius, and the monasteries of Upper Egypt; and the religious deacon, Michael, son of Apater, was commissioned to make translations of some of the documents from the Coptic language into Arabic, as will be mentioned in its place. This was in addition to that which was found in the great city, and the abridgments of certain histories which were found, the first of them relating to Christ, my Help and my Hope and my Defender and my Salvation. For the first of these documents is that which was translated in the monastery of our Lady at Nahya, concerning the matter of the priesthood of Christ the Lord, whose name is glorious, and of his entrance into the temple. In the peace of God. Amen. Amen. Amen.
THE PRIESTHOOD OF CHRIST 10
In the time of Julian 11, the unbelieving Prince, there was a man who was a Jew, and a priest of the Jews, and his name was Theodosius, and he was high in rank. There was also a Christian, a silversmith 12, who knew him; and there was a strong affection between the two; and the name of the Christian was Philip. And on a certain day Philip went to one of the cities of Syria |121 and moored his ship in the harbour, that he might sell certain goods which he had brought. There Philip met his friend, the Jewish priest Theodosius, and, entering into affectionate conversation with him, said to him: «O my brother, I would that thou wouldst become a Christian, so that our friendship might be a genuine one, and that thou mightest make profit out of this world and the next also». Then Theodosius answered, saying to him with great affection: or I have taken care for my salvation; and I have thought of something that I wish to reveal to thee; for I will not leave thee without the knowledge of the most high God, who bears witness to that which I tell thee. Therefore do not doubt it, for I tell it thee because thou hast shown me thy love for me. But I prefer that thou shouldst keep what I say in thy heart and not repeat it to anyone, and it is this: That he who was announced by the Holy Ghost and the Prophets is the Messiah whom you Christians worship, confessing that he indeed has come; and this I believe with an honest and pure heart, without any doubt at all. For thou art a brother and a friend, and therefore 1 disclose this secret to thee and certify it in thy presence, because thy love and desire of happiness and good things for me are so evident to me. Therefore believe me now, my brother. But my carnal thoughts hinder me from being baptized; for I am not humble, nor am I fit, for I am weak; and I am a priest to this people, and have acquired great renown and honour and high rank, and have gained by them treasure and wealth, and if I left them, I should lose all that. And not only my own people would abandon me, but the Christians also, according to what I have witnessed with regard to the Jews when they are baptized, as to the position that they hold; and I have heard also that you say: «When a Jew is baptized, it is as if one baptized an |122 ass». So how can I now be baptized? Moreover I see Christians sinning and angering God and neglecting the law, instead of walking in the straight path of discipline and in the truth which has come to them. And I have witnessed others who have seen them living thus, and whose hearts and faith have grown weak, so that they have imitated those careless Christians. When we enquire into the salvation which came to you from us, we recognise the Messiah indeed; and the apostles, who became your teachers, are also of our race; but you neglect the good tidings that they brought to you, and the doctrine that they taught you. And as the other nations have not been baptized and have not believed to this day, so also I have not been baptized, because of the glory of the world and the honours which 1 receive from my people, and because I see you neglecting the commands and admonitions which Christ gave you, and the exhortations of his disciples to you. Thus I refused to lose my glory and honour, and to become neglectful like you of that which has been given to you; and this is what hinders me from baptism. For the greater part of our Jewish community believe in the truth of the Messiah and in his miracles more firmly than you do; yet are they far from the salvation which came to you. And now I congratulate thee on the glorious mysteries which we have possessed from the beginning. And I declare this to thee, that we know and believe in Christ's miracles and works more firmly than you Christians do, and we know truly that he is the Messiah who is come. |123
Hear then from me this mystery which took place in ancient times, and while the temple was still standing at Jerusalem. The Jews had a custom of establishing twenty-two priests in the temple by an obligatory law; and there was in the temple a book in which was written the genealogy of every man who became a priest, and the names of his father and mother, that it might be known that he followed the command of the most high God. And the Jews retained this custom.
Now at that time, when Jesus Christ was in Judaea, this book having existed before his appearance, one of the twenty-two priests died, and the rest assembled by themselves to choose whom they should promote instead of him. But their opinions did not agree as to whom they should appoint, and they persisted in opposing one another; and as often as a man was named he was rejected. Then they cast lots with a view of electing him upon whom their lot should fall, and, after electing him, to appoint him to the office, if there were no fault or infirmity in him, and no defect in his family, or other cause; for if they found one who had the correct genealogy but was not learned, they rejected him and would not promote him; and this was a dispensation from the most' high God, because of their strife, so that none might be promoted except the Lord of the priesthood, who was worthy of this place, namely, Jesus Christ. And behold, after this, the Holy Ghost moved in one of the priests, and he became zealous for God and stood up in the midst of them, and said: «We have to day been assembled for ten days, and yet we cannot appoint any one. And I know certainly that our discussion is thus |124 prolonged because of him whom the most high God will appoint, and this is the reason of the disputing among us and the overthrow of our intentions. And this will be made manifest by the will of the most high God». Then they said to him: «If thou knowest anyone, mention him to us openly, and we will acknowledge it as a great favour on thy part». So he said to them: «Not till you make an agreement with me that you will not reject what I say to you, but will accept it from me; and then I will tell you who is fit for the place; but I know that you cannot reject him». So when all the priests heard this, they swore an oath by Truth and Sincerity 13 that, if one who was worthy was shown to them, they would accept and appoint him. When he was assured of them, he said to them: «O my brethren, the most high God has put it into my mind that he who is worthy of this place is Jesus, who is called the son of Joseph; for he is a man perfect in his pedigree and in his person and in his conduct, and is capable of speaking and acting before God and men. And know that you will find none like him among this people who has no deceit nor physical defect». So when the priests heard his words, and understood his discourse, they were confounded and perplexed because of the oath; and therefore they said to him with guile, thinking they could reject his proposal: «He whom thou namest is worthy, for we are seeking a good man; but he is not of the lineage of the priests, and the people speak calumniously of his birth, |125 because of the infants whom Herod slew with the sword on his account». Then he answered and said to them without anger: «Cleave fast to the truth; for indeed I will guide you to the right course with regard to him, so that you may not turn away from the most high God; for then we should go far from the truth, and should believe lies, since I know that if we enquire into the truth God will reveal it to us». Then they said: «Satisfy our minds, as thou knowest how, with regard to his birth and family, and we will consent to what thou sayest to us». So he said to them: «Enquire and you will learn that in the days of Aaron the priest there was an alliance by marriage between Aaron and the tribe of Juda, to which the prophet David bore witness. Now I have enquired much about Jesus, his tribe and genealogy, and 1 find that his mother Mary is connected with both tribes. And, she is also innocent of sin, through another great mystery. For this reason I desire that you make enquiries, that you may know with certainty that what I say is true, and may recognize that I speak honestly to you». But the priests thought that by this notion of theirs they would bring his counsel to nought. And they began to enquire about the family of Jesus, and found that Mary united the two tribes, and therefore they could not evade this point on account of the oath. So they began to dispute about the pedigree of Jesus. For they said: «There is a different opinion on this point. We wish to know how his birth was not adulterous, since they accused his mother Mary, when she was given to Joseph». And they all agreed on this subject. And they sent for his mother Mary to the Temple, and exhorted her gently to declare to them the matter of her conception of |126 Jesus, and whence he was. And the Law was in their hands, bearing witness against them with her, that they should not think evil of her if she spoke the truth; and they swore to her accordingly. And they said to her: «O woman, behold, thou seest us all assembled for good, not for evil, but for the business of God most high which we are settling. For we have come to one conclusion with regard to thy son, whom we find to be acceptable to God and men. And he is wonderful among men, and they all glorify God most high on account of him, for he at this time is among them like Solomon son of David, who was given to him by the wife of Uriah the Hittite; and therefore we have chosen him and selected him by lot, to establish him as priest on account of his virtues. But with regard to one report we are still in doubt; for we wish to know from thee whence he is, and by whom thou didst conceive and bring him forth; in order that the truth may be known from thee, so that no evil word be spoken of thee nor of the priesthood. For this reason we sent for thee, that we may know the truth, and may not remain in doubt; then thou wilt put an end to the dispute about the matter before us. And here is the Law before us, and we declare before God most high, the Invisible One, that no harm nor blame shall come to thee from us; but we shall thank thee greatly because thou hast not hidden the truth from us». But Mary thought that if she revealed to them the hidden mystery of her miraculous maternity they would not believe it on account of the difficulty which the matter would present to them; and that their minds would not admit the idea that a virgin could become a mother, and that there could be a son |127 without a father. So she said to them: «If I told you what I know, would you accept it? Nay if I revealed to you the mystery concerning my conception and wonderful maternity, you would not believe my words. Therefore the best thing for me is to be silent». But the priests, moved by their evil thoughts, said to her: «O Mary, in truth we desire to hear from thee whose son Jesus is. For his father Joseph is dead, and our hearts doubt with regard to him whether he was his father; and therefore we ask of thee the true account of the matter, for by giving it thou wilt stop the whole dispute about thy maternity. We beg thee to reveal to us this mystery truthfully and clearly; and do not fear anyone, for the right course is not concealed from us; but if thou hidest the matter, the Law decrees against thee a curse for ever». This they said to her, and the like. So Mary was troubled, saying: «I am perplexed in every way on account of the incomprehensible One, whom I bore; and behold the day is come for me to declare him. And I understand now the secret of my maternity, which you urge me to reveal. But when you hear it, you will not believe it, and you will not accept what I shall tell you. Even Joseph who, as you say, is dead, doubted of my conception, as you do, and asked me, saying: «Who has been with you?» So I swore that no man had ever touched me; yet he did not believe me until the angel of God appeared to him and satisfied his mind. But he is not living to bear witness for me before you to the truth of what I say. For the Law accepts the evidence of two witnesses more readily than the evidence of one. But I affirm before God and this Law that 1 brought forth my son Jesus, although I am a virgin; and I will relate to you how I |128 conceived him». Then they said to her: «Verily the thing is manifest; and we acknowledge before God and his holy Law that thou didst in truth bring forth this son; and this is a thing not to be concealed, for a woman who conceives and suffers the pangs of childbirth is she that rejoices more than others when she brings forth. Now thou hast confessed truthfully that thou didst bring him forth; and thus we, who for a long time have conversed with no one, are now sitting conversing with a woman. But we told thee that we would not reprimand thee, if thou wouldst tell us what it is lawful for us to hear and accept from thee». Then Mary began to think in perplexity and fear, bending her face towards the ground and weeping. At last she said: «Now I know that I brought forth Jesus as you say, and this I confess. But as for your suggestion that a man ravished me, indeed the seal of my virginity bears witness to me that I tell you the truth». When they heard this, they were troubled and said: «This is a statement that we will not accept, for it is a tale of wonder. How can we write the name of thy son in the genealogy, without the name of his father and of the tribe to which he belongs, as the current custom is?» When Mary heard the priests say this, she said to them: «I told you from the beginning that I know nothing of what you have said; therefore do what you wish, for I will not tell you what has not happened to me». So when she said this, not one of them |129 contradicted her; but they were moved by divine providence, and sent and summoned trustworthy women from among their midwives, and begged them strenuously and eagerly to clear up the matter with regard to her, whether she was a virgin, as she said, before God and the Law. So the midwives examined her, and said to the priests: «She speaks the truth; she is a virgin inviolate, as she said; and her virginity was not lost when she brought forth Jesus, for as you all know, he was born of her.» Then they inquired among her neighbours and acquaintances, to see whether they might find someone to deny the birth. But they found no one, for everyone confirmed the fact of her bringing forth a son, and the time at which she so wonderfully became a mother, by a mystery which was understood by none. Thus the priests found nothing which they could allege against her, or by which they could prove her false, but only the manifest truth. Then after that they sent for her, moved by necessity, in fear, and said to her: «We have inquired, and have found nothing contrary to thy words, nor to what thou didst relate to us. But it is not right that we should write down what thou sayest. Now therefore we adjure thee by God Almighty to make known to us who is the father of Jesus, by whom thou didst bring him forth, that we may write his name in the register 14 and in the genealogy». And Mary was filled with the Holy Ghost, and said: «I will say nothing with guile or falsehood, and God, by whose name you have adjured me, is my witness». And she began to tell them thus: «The Angel Gabriel came to me, and |130 announced the good tidings to me». So she explained to them all that had happened to her. Then they were confounded and marvelled greatly, and prayed God to forgive them the unjust words which they had used against her. And one of them said: «Indeed this is the Messiah, of whom the Prophets prophesied that he would come of the house of David, and from Bethlehem of the tribe of Juda.» Then they called Jesus, and tendered the oath to him as priest, and wrote his name in the genealogy, with the day and the month and the year, describing him as «Jesus, the son of God, and the son of Mary the virgin, whom she bore while still a virgin. He is indeed a priest, and is worthy of the office». And this was a providential dispensation, as Luke the Evangelist, who is said to have been a physician, says in a passage of his Gospel 15, namely, that «When Jesus returned through Galilee in the power of the Spirit, his fame went forth through all the country, and he used to teach in their synagogues, and all glorified him; and he came to Nazareth where he had been brought up, and entered according to his custom into their synagogue on the Sabbath day. And the attendant gave him the book containing the prophecy of Isaias, in which it is written: The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, and therefore he has anointed me and sent me to preach good tidings to the poor, and to proclaim release to the captives, and recovery of sight to the blind, and to set at liberty those that are bound, and to announce the acceptable year of the Lord. Then he rolled up the book and gave it to the attendant, and sat down; and the eyes of those present were fastened upon him. And he began to say to them: To-day has this prophecy been fulfilled in your |131 ears. And all bare him witness, and wondered at the words of grace which proceeded out of his mouth».
When Philip the Christian heard these words from Theodosius the Jew, he rejoiced greatly. Then the latter said to him: «I know these things and have spoken of them only because I am one of the teachers and readers of the Law; and it is the Law that has confirmed in my heart the belief that he whom Mary brought forth is the Messiah, and that in him and no other is fulfilled the prophecy of Jacob to Juda, his son, and that no other Messiah shall come after him. For it is assured to us that he it is whom the nations were expecting, and he it is that was to come into the world and to deliver those that believe in him. And there shall not be after him any chief or leader or priest in Israel, according to the words of the Prophet David concerning him in the 109th Psalm 16: «The Lord sware and repents not, Thou art a priest for ever according to the order of Melchisedech». But who among the posterity of Adam is a priest who shall live for ever? For David also says in the 88th Psalm 17: «Who is the man that shall live and shall not see death?» Therefore it is the Messiah of whom David said that he is the living and eternal priest.»
Then Philip answered and said to him: «It is right that thou shouldst know that thy concealment of this matter makes thee liable to judgment on the Great Day; and I should prefer to reveal what I have heard from thee to our religious prince, that he may send and bring to light the genealogy |132 written in the register, and the Jews' want of faith, so that they may be openly condemned». But the Jew answered and said to the Christian: «Thou knowest that thou wilt bring a judgment upon thyself for breaking the promise which stands between us. Moreover the thing which thou thinkest that thou wilt succeed in doing, thou wilt not be able to do, but wilt be powerless therein; for when the Jews hear of it, they will stir up a great war, and events will take place by which many men will lose their lives. And if they are urged to show the genealogy, and that which is written therein, they will prefer to burn it in the fire, or all of them will be slain with the sword; but they will not show it. Then thou wilt be to blame, and the genealogy will be lost after all. And the Christians do not need it, because it is the register of the Jewish priests; but you believe in Jesus and know him through the words of the prophets and apostles, and have already assured yourselves of the facts of your religion. But this register will condemn the Jews for ever, so long as it remains with them. Why then dost thou desire to take it away from among them? Believe me, my friend, that every book which I have read of the Law and of the Prophecies of the Prophets with regard to the Messiah is literally in agreement with the genealogy in my eyes, and by it I confirm my faith in the Messiah whom you worship; and this is manifest to all the doctors of the Law. And I know that if thou shouldst mention it, thou wouldst cause its destruction».
Then I, Philip, in spite of many entreaties, at last yielded to his injunctions not to reveal this matter to the prince; for he made me afraid, and so I |133 restrained myself. For he assured me in the name of God, that this evidence proves that Jesus is the Messiah sufficiently to condemn the Jews, and to confirm us and our faith. I, Philip, wrote this report, and laid it before the assembly of the church, and before certain holy bishops and chosen monks. And when they learnt these things they were astonished at them,, and were assured of the truth of the Jew's words and the testimony of his people to the Lord Christ in the matter of the priesthood, as it was written in the register. Then the bishops and the monks wrote treatises about the priesthood of Christ; for they found that Eusebius Pamphili mentions this matter in several passages in the histories of the Church 18. For Josephus brings the subject to light in the books of the Captivity 19. And this Josephus says that Jesus was seen to enter the temple with the priests at the time of the sanctification. Then is mentioned also the testimony of Luke the evangelist concerning the incident that we have already quoted, and concerning the fact that the Lord Christ also made a scourge of cords, and drove the traffickers out of the temple. This fact and all these testimonies prove that the Jew's words are true, and that on account of his sincere friendship with Philip he reveal ed this secret matter to him, and bore witness of it to him. And when the Jew Theodosius had finished this true discourse to his friend Philip, he was baptized and became a Christian, and was sealed with the seal of baptism, and received the Holy Mysteries. And everyone was astonished |134 at the soundness of his faith in the Lord Christ, whose power is glorious. And I, Philip, had great joy with Theodosius the neophyte. And when many of the Jews saw this, knowing that he was one of the teachers of the Law among them, and that he was a ruler over them, and had acquired great honours among them, and had then abandoned all that, and become a Christian, many of them believed and were baptized. Therefore I, Philip, glorified God most high, because I had gained the soul of my friend, who was a Jew, but is now a Christian. And glory be to the Lord Jesus Christ with the Father and the Holy Ghost, now and at all times and for ever and ever. Amen. Amen. Amen. |135
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PART I
CHAPTER I. ---- SAINT MARK.
In the Name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, the One God.
The first biography of the history of the holy Church. The history of Saint Mark, the Disciple and Evangelist, Archbishop of the great city of Alexandria, and first of its Bishops 20.
In the time of the dispensation of the merciful Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, when he appointed for himself disciples to follow him, there were two brothers living in a city of Pentapolis in the West, called Cyrene. The name of the elder of them was Aristobulus, and the name of the other was Barnabas; and they were cultivators of the soil, and sowed and reaped; for they had great possessions. And they understood the Law of Moses excellently well, and knew by heart many of the books of the Old Testament. But great troubles came upon them from the two tribes of the Berbers and |136 Ethiopians, when they were robbed of all their wealth, in the time of Augustus Caesar, prince of the Romans. So on account of the loss of their property, and the trials which had befallen them, they fled from that province, in their anxiety to save their lives, and travelled to the land of the Jews. Now Aristobulus had a son named John. And after they had taken up their abode in the province of Palestine, near the city of Jerusalem, the child John grew and increased in stature by the grace of the Holy Ghost. And these two brothers had a cousin, the wife of Simon Peter, who became the chief of the disciples of the Lord Christ; and the said John whom they had surnamed Mark, used to visit Peter, and learn the Christian doctrines from him out of the holy Scriptures. And on a certain day, Aristobulus took his son Mark to the Jordan, and while they were walking there a lion and a lioness met them. And when Aristobulus saw them approaching him, and perceived the violence of their rage, he said to his son Mark: «My son, seest thou the fury of this lion which is coming to destroy us? Escape now, and save thyself, my son, and leave them to devour me, according to the will of God Almighty.» But the disciple of Christ, the holy Mark, answered and said to his father: «Fear not, my father, Christ in whom I believe will deliver us from all danger». And when the lions approached them, Mark, the disciple of the Lord Christ, shouted against them with a loud voice, and said: «The Lord Jesus Christ, son of the Living God, commands that you be rent asunder, and that your kind be cut off from these mountains, and that |137 there be no more offspring to you here for ever». Then the lion and the lioness burst asunder in the midst at that moment, and perished straightway; and their young were destroyed. And when Aristobulus, the father of Mark, saw this great miracle which was manifested by his son, through the power of the invincible Lord Jesus Christ, he said to his son: «I am thy father who begat thee, Mark, my son; but to day thou art my father, and my saviour and deliverer. And now, my dear son, I and my brother pray thee to make us servants of the Lord Jesus Christ whom thou preachest». Then the father of holy Mark and his uncle began to learn the doctrines of Christ from that day. And Mary, the mother of Mark, was the sister of Barnabas, the disciple of the apostles.
After this, the following event took place. There was in those regions, in a town called Azotus, a very large olive-tree, the size of which was greatly admired. And the people of that city were worshippers of the moon, and prayed to that olive-tree. So when the holy Mark saw them pray, he said to them: «As for this olive-tree, which you worship as God, after eating its fruit and burning its branches for fuel, what can it do? Behold, by the word of God whom I worship, I will command this tree to fall to the ground, without being touched by any tool». Then they said to him: «We know that thou workest the magic of the Galilean thy master, and whatever thou wilt thou doest. But we will call upon our god the moon, who raised up for |138 us this olive tree that we might pray to it». The holy Mark answered and said to them: «I will cast it down to the ground; and if your god shall raise it up, then I will serve him together with you». And they were satisfied with these words. And they removed all men from the tree, saying: «See that there be no man concealed in it». Then the holy Mark raised his face to heaven, and turned himself towards the East, and opened his mouth and prayed, saying: «O my Lord Jesus Christ, son of the Living God, hear thy servant, and command the moon, which is a second attendant on this world, and gives light by night, to let its voice be heard by thy decree and by thy authority, before these men who have no God, and to make known to them who created it, and who created all creation, and who is God, that they may serve him; although I know, O my Lord and God, that it has no voice nor power of speech, and that it is not customary for it to speak to anyone; so that its words may be heard at this hour through thy irresistible power, that these men who have no God may know that the moon is not a god, but a servant under thy authority, and that thou art its God. And command this tree, to which they pray, to fall to the ground, so that all may recognise thy dominion, and that there is no God but thou, with the good Father and the Holy Ghost, the giver of eternal life. Amen». And at that hour, as soon as he had finished his prayer, a great darkness occurred, at midday, and the moon appeared to them shining in the sky. And they heard a voice |139 from the moon, saying: «O men of little faith, I am not God, that you should worship me, but I am the servant of God and one of his creatures, and I am the minister of Christ my Lord, whom this Mark, his disciple, preaches; and it is he alone that we serve and to whom we minister». At the same moment the olive-tree fell. And great fear came upon all who witnessed this miracle. But as for the people who served and worshipped the tree, they were angry, and rent their garments, and seized the holy Mark and beat him, and gave him up to the unbelieving Jews, who cast him into prison. That night the holy Mark saw in his sleep the Lord Christ, saying to Peter: «I will bring forth all those that are in prison». So when he awoke from his sleep, he saw the doors of his prison open; and he and all those with him in the prison went forth; for the gaolers of the prison were asleep like dead men. But the multitudes who witnessed what took palace said: «There is no end to our work with these Galileans, for they do these deeds by Beelzebub, the chief of the devils».
And Mark was one of the Seventy Disciples. And he was among the servants who poured out the water which our Lord turned into wine, at the marriage of Cana in Galilee. And it was he who carried the jar of water into the house of Simon the Cyrenian, at the time of the sacramental Supper. And he also it was who entertained the disciples in his house, at the time of the Passion of the Lord Christ, and after his Resurrection from the |140 dead, where he entered to them while the doors were shut. And after his Ascension into heaven, Mark went with Peter to Jerusalem, and they preached the word of God to the multitudes. And the Holy Ghost appeared to Peter, and commanded him to go to the cities and villages which were in that country. So Peter, and Mark with him, went to the district of Bethany, and preached the word of God; and Peter remained there some days. And he saw in a dream the angel of God, who said to him: «In two places there is a great dearth». So Peter said to the angel: «Which places meanest thou?» He said to him: «The city of Alexandria with the land of Egypt, and the land of Rome. It is not a dearth of bread and water, but a dearth arising from ignorance of the word of God, which thou preachest». So when Peter awoke from his sleep, he told Mark what he had witnessed in his dream. And after that Peter and Mark went to the region of Rome, and preached there the word of God.
And in the fifteenth year after the Ascension of Christ, the holy Peter sent Saint Mark, the father and evangelist, to the city of Alexandria 21, to announce the good tidings there, and to preach the word of God and the gospel of the Lord Jesus Christ, to whom is due glory and honour and worship, with the Father and the Holy Ghost, the one God for ever. Amen. |141
CHAPTER II. ---- SAINT MARK.
Martyrdom of the holy Mark, and his preaching in the city of Alexandria 22.
In the time of the dispensation of the Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, after his Ascension into heaven, all the countries were allotted among the apostles, by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, that they might preach in them the words of the good tidings of the Lord Jesus Christ. And after a time it fell to the lot of Mark the evangelist to go to the province of Egypt, and the great city of Alexandria, by the command of the Holy Ghost, that he might cause the people to hear the words of the gospel of the Lord Christ, and confirm them therein; for they were in error, and sunk in the service of idols, and in the worship of the creature instead of the Creator. And they had many temples to their contemptible gods, whom they ministered to in every place, and served with every iniquity and magical art, and to whom they offered sacrifices among themselves. For he was the first who preached in the province of Egypt, and Africa, and Pentapolis, and all those regions. So when the holy Mark returned from Rome, he betook himself first to Pentapolis and preached in all its districts the word of God, and shewed many miracles; for he healed the sick, and cleansed the lepers, and cast out devils by the grace of God which descended upon him. And many believed |142 in the Lord Christ through him, and broke their Idols which they used to worship, and all the trees which the devils used to haunt, and from which they addressed the people. And he baptized them in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost, the One God. And so the Holy Ghost appeared to him, and said to him: «Rise and go to the city of Alexandria, to sow there the good seed which is the word of God». So the disciple of Christ arose and set out, being strengthened by the Holy Ghost, like a combatant in war; and he saluted the brethren, and took leave of them, and said to them: «The Lord Jesus Christ will make my road easy, that I may go to Alexandria and preach his holy gospel there». Then he prayed and said: «O Lord strengthen the brethren who have known thy holy name that I may return to them rejoicing in them». Then the brethren bade him farewell.
So Mark journeyed to the city of Alexandria; and when he entered in at the gate, the strap of his shoe broke. And when he saw this, he thought: «Now I know that the Lord has made my way easy». Then he turned, and saw a cobbler there, and went to him and gave him the shoe that he might mend it. And when the cobbler received it, and took the awl to work upon it, the awl pierced his hand. So he said: «Heis ho Theos»; the interpretation of which is, «God is One». And. when the holy Mark heard him mention the name of God, he rejoiced greatly, and turned his face to the East and |143 said: «O my Lord Jesus, it is thou that makest my road easy in every place». Then he spat on the ground and took from it clay, and put it on the place where the awl had pierced the cobbler's hand, saying: «In the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost, the One living and eternal God, may the hand of this man be healed at this moment, that thy holy name may be glorified». Then his hand at once became whole. The holy Mark said to him: «If thou knowest that God is one, why dost thou serve these many gods?» The cobbler answered him: «We mention God with our mouths, but that is all; for we know not who he is». And the cobbler remained astonished at the power of God which descended upon the holy Mark, and said to him: «I pray thee, O man of God, to come to the dwelling of thy servant, to rest and eat bread, for I find that to-day thou hast conferred a benefit upon me». Then the holy Mark replied with joy: «May the Lord give thee the bread of life in heaven!» And he went with him to his house. And when he entered his dwelling, he said: «May the blessing of God be in this house!» and he uttered a prayer. After they had eaten, the cobbler said to him: «O my father, I beg thee to make known to me who thou art that hast worked this great miracle». Then the saint answered him: «I serve Jesus Christ, the Son of the ever living God». The cobbler exclaimed: «I would that I could see him». The holy Mark said to him: «I will cause thee to behold him». Then he began to teach him the gospel |144 of good tidings, and the doctrine of the glory and power and dominion which belong to God from the beginning, and exhorted him with many exhortations and instructions, of which his history bears witness, and ended by saying to him: «The Lord Christ in the last times became incarnate of the Virgin Mary, and came into the world, and saved us from our sins». And he explained to him what the prophets prophesied of him, passage by passage. Then the cobbler said to him: «I have never heard at all of these books which thou speakest of; but the books of the Greek philosophers are what men teach their children here, and so do the Egyptians». So the holy Mark said to him: «The wisdom of the philosophers of this world is vanity before God». Then when the cobbler had heard wisdom and the words of the Scriptures from the holy Mark, together with the great miracle which he had seen him work upon his hand, his heart inclined towards him, and he believed in the Lord, and was baptized, he and all the people of his house, and all his neighbours. And his name was Annianus.
And when those that believed in the Lord were multiplied, and the people of the city heard that a man who was a Jew and a Galilean had entered the city, wishing to overthrow the worship of the idols, their gods, and had persuaded many to abstain from serving them, they sought him everywhere; and they appointed men to watch for him. So when the holy Mark knew that they were conspiring together, he ordained Annianus bishop of Alexandria, and also ordained three priests and seven deacons, |145 and appointed these eleven to serve and to comfort the faithful brethren. But he himself departed from among them, and went to Pentapolis, and remained there two years, preaching and appointing bishops and priests and deacons in all their districts.
Then he returned to Alexandria, and found that the brethren had been strengthened in the faith, and had multiplied by the grace of God, and had found means to build a church in a place called the Cattle-pasture 23, near the sea, beside a rock from which stone is hewn. So the holy Mark greatly rejoiced at this; and he fell upon his knees, and blessed God for confirming the servants of the faith, whom he had himself instructed in the doctrines of the Lord Christ, and because they had turned away from the service of idols.
But when those unbelievers learnt that the holy Mark had returned to Alexandria, they were filled with fury on account of the works which the believers in Christ wrought, such as healing the sick, and driving out devils, and loosing the tongues of the dumb, and opening the ears of the deaf, and cleansing the lepers; and they sought for the holy Mark with great fury, but found him not; and they gnashed against him with their teeth in their temples and places of their idols, in wrath, saying: «Do you not see the wickedness of this sorcerer?»
And on the first day of the week, the day of the Easter festival of the Lord Christ, which fell that year on the 29th of Barmudah, when the |146 festival of the idolatrous unbelievers also took place, they sought him with zeal, and found him in the sanctuary. So they rushed forward and seized him, and fastened a rope round his throat, and dragged him along the ground, saying: «Drag 24 the serpent through the cattle-yard!» But the saint, while they dragged him, kept praising God and saying: «Thanks be to thee, O Lord, because thou hast made me worthy to suffer for thy holy name». And his flesh was lacerated, and clove to the stones of the streets; and his blood ran over the ground. So when evening came, they took him to the prison, that they might take counsel how they should put him to death. And at midnight, the doors of the prison being shut, and the gaolers asleep at the doors, behold there was a great earthquake and a mighty tumult. And the angel of the Lord descended from heaven, and entered to the saint, and said to him: «O Mark, servant of God, behold thy name is written in the book of life; and thou art numbered among the assembly of the saints, and thy soul shall sing praises with the angels in the heavens; and thy body shall not perish nor cease to exist upon earth». And when he awoke from his sleep, he raised his eyes to heaven, and said: «I thank thee, O my Lord Jesus Christ, and pray thee to receive me to thyself, that I may be happy in thy goodness». And when he had finished these words, he slept again; and the Lord Christ appeared to him in the form in which the disciples knew him, |147 and said to him: «Hail Mark, the evangelist and chosen one!» So the saint said to him: «I thank thee, O my Saviour Jesus Christ, because thou hast made me worthy to suffer for thy holy name». And the Lord and Saviour gave him his salutation, and disappeared from him.
And when he awoke, and morning had come, the multitude assembled, and brought the saint out of the prison, and put a rope again round his neck, and said: «Drag the serpent through the cattle-shed!» And they drew the saint along the ground, while he gave thanks to the Lord Christ, and glorified him, saying: «I render my spirit into thy hands, O my God!» After saying these words, the saint gave up the ghost.
Then the ministers of the unclean idols collected much wood in a place called Angelion 25, that they might burn the body of the saint there. But by the command of God there was a thick mist and a strong wind., so that the earth trembled; and much rain fell, and many of the people died of fear and terror; and they said: «Verily, Serapis, the idol, has come to seek the man who has been killed this day».
Then the faithful brethren assembled, and took the body of the holy Saint Mark from the ashes; and nothing in it had been changed. And they carried it to the church in which they used to celebrate the Liturgy; and they enshrouded it, and prayed over it according to the established rites. And they dug a place for him, and buried his body there; that they might preserve |148 his memory at all times with joy and supplication, and benediction, on account of the grace which the Lord Christ gave them by his means in the city of Alexandria. And they placed him in the eastern part of the church, on the day on which his martyrdom was accomplished (he being the first of the Galileans to be martyred for the name of the Lord Jesus Christ in Alexandria), namely the last day of Barmudah according to the reckoning of the Egyptians, which is equivalent to the th day before the kalends of May among the months of the Romans, and the 24th of Nisan among the months of the Hebrews.
And we also, the sons of the orthodox, offer glory and sanctification and praise to our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, to whom is due laud and honour and worship, with the Father and the Holy Ghost, the Giver of Life and Consubstantial one, now and for ever. |149
CHAPTER III
ANNIANUS, THE SECOND PATRIARCH 26. A. D. 62-85.
When the evangelist Mark, the apostle of the Lord Christ, died, Annianus was enthroned as patriarch after him. In his time the brethren and believers in Christ increased in numbers, and he ordained some of them priests and deacons. He continued twenty-two years, and went to his rest on the 20th. of Hatur, in the second year of the reign of Domitian, prince of Rome.
AVILIUS, THE THIRD PATRIARCH 27. A. D. 85-98.
Then the orthodox people assembled and consulted together and took a man named Avilius, and elected him patriarch on the episcopal throne of Mark the evangelist, in the room of Annianus. This Avilius was a man of chaste life; and he confirmed the people in the knowledge of Christ. In |150 his time the orthodox people increased in numbers, in Egypt and Pentapolis and the province of Africa. He remained twelve years in the see; and the Church was in peace in his days. He went to his rest on the st. of Tut, in the 15th year of the reign of the above-named prince. When the priests, and the bishops, his suffragans in the land, heard that the patriarch was dead, they mourned for him. Then they assembled at Alexandria, and took counsel together with the orthodox laity of that city, and cast lots, that they might know who was worthy to sit upon the throne of Saint Mark, the evangelist and disciple of the Lord Christ, in succession to the Father Avilius; and their choice fell with one consent, by the inspiration of the Lord Christ, our Master, upon an elect man, who feared God, and whose name was Cerdo.
CERDO 28, THE FOURTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 98-109.
So they took Cerdo, and appointed him to the see of Alexandria. He was chaste, humble and innocent throughout his life. He held his office for eleven years, and went to his rest on the 21st. day of Baunah, in the ninth year of the reign of Trajan the prince. |151
PRIMUS 29, THE FIFTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 109-122.
After this there was among the orthodox people of Christ a man named Primus, who was chaste as the angels, and piously performed many good works. So they took counsel with regard to this man, and chose him, and appointed him to the evangelical see, as patriarch. He remained in possession of it twelve years, and there was peace in the Church in his days. He went to his rest on the rd. of Misri, in the fifth year of the reign of Hadrian the prince.
JUSTUS 30, THE SIXTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 122-130.
After this the people assembled, and their choice fell upon an excellent and wise man among them, whose name was Justus, and they appointed him patriarch. He continued for eleven years, and went to his rest on the 12th. of Baunah, in the sixteenth year of the reign of Hadrian, and was buried with his fathers. |152
EUMENES 31, THE SEVENTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 130-142.
And after that they appointed Eumenes patriarch in the see of Alexandria; and he remained for thirteen years, and was acceptable to God and to the Church. He went to his rest on the 10th. of Babah, in the sixth year of Antoninus, the prince.
MARK 32 II, THE EIGHTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 143-154.
So when the aforesaid patriarch departed, the people assembled and took a man who loved God, and whose name was Mark, and appointed him patriarch, and set him upon the throne of the evangelist Saint Mark. He occupied it for nine years and some months, living an admirable life, and went to his rest on the th of Tubah, in the fifteenth year of Antoninus, the prince.
CELADION 33, THE NINTH PATRIARCH. A.D. 157-167.
There was in those days among the people a man who loved God, and whose name was Celadion. So the orthodox laity assembled, together |153 with the bishops who were at Alexandria in those days, and took Celadion, and appointed him patriarch, and placed him upon the evangelical throne. He was beloved by all the people. He remained fourteen years, and died in the reign of Aurelius and Verus, the two sons of the princes, on the 9th. of Abib. He was enshrouded, and buried with his fathers, the patriarchs, whose names have been mentioned above.
AGRIPP NUS 34, THE TENTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 167-180.
Then the people assembled again with one consent, and laid their hands upon a man of the congregation who feared God, and whose name was Agrippinus; and they appointed him patriarch, and set him upon the evangelical throne. He sat for twelve years, and died on the th of Amshir, in the nineteenth year of the reign of the princes already named.
JULIAN 35, THE ELEVENTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 180-189.
There was a man who was a wise priest, and had studied the books of God, and his name was Julian; and he walked in the path of chastity and religion and tranquillity. So a body of bishops of the synod assembled, together with the orthodox laity, in the city of Alexandria, and searched |154 among the whole people, but could find none like this priest. So they laid their hands upon him, and appointed him patriarch. He composed homilies and sermons on the saints; and he continued in the see ten years. After this patriarch, the bishop of Alexandria did not remain always in that city, but issued thence secretly, and ordained priests in every place, as Saint Mark, the evangelist, had done. Julian went to his rest on the th. of Barmahat, or on the 12th. of Babah, as some say, in the fifth year of the reign of Severus the prince.
CHAPTER IV
DEMETRIUS 36, THE TWELFTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 189-231.
When the patriarch Julian was dying, an angel of the Lord came to him in a dream, on the night before his death, and said to him: «The man who shall visit thee to-morrow with a bunch of grapes shall be patriarch after thee.» Accordingly, when it was morning, a peasant came to him, who was married, and could neither read nor write; and his name was Demetrius. This man had gone out to prune his vineyard, and found |155 there a bunch of grapes, although it was not the season of grapes; so he brought it to the patriarch. And the patriarch Julian said to the bystanders: « This man shall be your patriarch: for so the angel of the Lord last night declared to me.» So they took him by force, and bound him with iron fetters. And Julian died on that very day; and Demetrius was consecrated patriarch.
And the grace of God descended upon this man, and he was like Joseph, the son of Jacob; yea, and more excellent than Joseph, for though Demetrius was married, he knew not his wife. And if any should say: «How is it lawful that a patriarch should be married?» we reply that the apostles declare, in their canons, that if a bishop be wedded to one wife, that shall not be forbidden him; for the believing wife is pure, and her bed undefiled, and no sin can be laid to his charge on that account. And the patriarch is but bishop of Alexandria, with a right of primacy over the bishops of the different provinces subject to that city; for he is the successor of Saint Mark, the apostle and evangelist, who had jurisdiction over all Egypt and Pentapolis and Ethiopia and Nubia, through his preaching the gospel in those parts; and therefore the bishop of Alexandria also of necessity has jurisdiction over those countries. But the people were unjust towards this patriarch, Demetrius, saying that he was the twelfth of the patriarchs, counting from Mark, the evangelist, and that all of them were unmarried except Demetrius; and |156 they bewailed his fall. He had a gift from God, which was that when he had finished the liturgy, before he communicated any one of the people, he beheld the Lord Christ, giving the Eucharist by his hand; and when a person came up who was unworthy to receive the Mysteries, the Lord Christ revealed to him that man's sin, so that he would not communicate him. Then he told that man the reason, so that he confessed his offence. And Demetrius reproved him, and said: «Turn away from thy sin which thou dost commit, and then come again to receive the Holy Mysteries.» When this practice had continued a long time, the faithful of Alexandria left off sinning for fear of the patriarch, lest he should put them to open shame; and each one said to his friend or his kinsman: «Beware lest thou sin, lest the patriarch denounce thee in the presence of the congregation.» But some of the people said: «This is a married man. How then can he reprove us, seeing that he has dishonoured this see? For none has sat therein to this day who was not unwedded.» Again others said: «His marriage does not lessen his merits, for marriage is pure and undefiled before God.» But it was God's will to make his virtues manifest, that he might be glorified, and might not leave this great secret unknown. As he said in his holy gospel, by his pure mouth: «A city when it is set on a hill cannot be hidden,» so God made the merits of this patriarch manifest, that his people might increase in virtue thereby. Accordingly, on a certain night, an angel of the Lord came to Demetrius, and said to him: «Demetrius, seek not thine own |157 salvation by neglecting thy neighbour; but remember what the gospel says, that the good shepherd lays down his life for his sheep». Then Demetrius said to the angel: «O my Lord, teach me what thou commandest me to do. If thou wilt send me to martyrdom, I am ready to let my blood be shed for the name of Christ.» Then the angel said to him: «Listen to me, Demetrius, and I will tell thee. The Lord Christ was incarnate only to save his people; and it is not right that thou shouldst now save thine own soul, and allow this people to be filled with scruples on account of thee.» So Demetrius answered: «What is my sin against the people? Teach me, my Lord, that I may repent of it.» Then the angel said: «This secret which is between thee and thy wife; namely, that thou hast never approached her. Now therefore make this known to the people.» But Demetrius said: «I pray thee that I may die before thee rather than that thou shouldst reveal this secret to any man!» Then the angel answered: «Know that the scripture says: He that is disobedient shall perish. Tomorrow, therefore, after the end. of the liturgy, assemble the priests and the people, and make known to them this secret which is between thee and thy wife.» When the patriarch heard this, he marvelled, and said: «Blessed is the Lord, who does not abandon those that trust in him.» Then the angel departed from him.
So on the morrow, which was the feast of Pentecost, the patriarch celebrated the liturgy, and bade the archdeacon give directions to the clergy and the people that not one of them should leave the church, but that they should |158 gather together round the patriarchal throne. The archdeacon, therefore, proclaimed to the congregation: «The patriarch's wish is to speak to you all. Let none of you, therefore, depart without hearing what he shall say.» When they had sat down, the patriarch bid the brethren collect much fuel; and they did so, marvelling thereat and saying: «What is this that the patriarch will do?» Then he said to them: «Rise and let us pray!» So they prayed, and afterwards sat down. And he said to them: «I beg you out of your love for me, to allow my wife to be present before you, that she may receive of your blessing.» Then they marvelled, and thought in their hearts: «What is this that he does?» And they all said: «Whatever thou biddest us do shall be done.» Then the patriarch commanded one of his servants, saying: «Call my wife, the handmaid of the saints, that she may receive their blessing.» So the holy woman entered, and stood in the midst of the congregation. And her husband, the patriarch, arose, where they could all behold him, and stood by the blazing logs, which had already been lighted, and spread out his cloak, and took burning embers from the fire with his hand and put them in his cloak; and all the spectators were astonished at the quantity of burning fuel in his garment, and yet it was not burned. Then he said to his wife: «Spread out thy woollen pallium which thou hast upon thee.» So she spread it out; and the patriarch transferred the embers to it while she stood there; and he put incense on the fire, and commanded her to incense all the congregation; and she did so, and yet her pallium was not burned. Then the patriarch said again: «Let us pray»; while the embers were blazing in his wife's pallium, which yet was not burned. |159
You have now heard, my friends, this great wonder. This man had made himself an eunuch of his own free will, so that he was more glorious than those that are born eunuchs; and therefore the fire had no effect upon this saint, nor upon his garments, nor upon those of his wife, because he had extinguished the flames of lust. But now let us abridge our discourse upon this subject, and return to the history, glorifying God for ever and ever. So when the clergy had prayed, they said to the patriarch: «We beg of thy Holiness to explain to us this wonderful mystery.» And he replied: «Attend, all of you, to what I say. Know that I have not done this seeking glory from men. My age is now sixty-three years. My wife who stands before you is my cousin. Her parents died and left her when she was a child. My father brought her to me, for he had no other child than me, and she was the only child of my uncle. So I grew up with her in my father's house, and we dwelt together. When she was fifteen, my parents resolved to many me to her, in order that their possessions might not pass to a stranger, but that we might inherit them. So the wedding was performed, as men do such things for their children; and I went in to her. And when they had left us alone, she said to me: «How could they give me to thee, seeing that I am thy sister?» So I said to her: «Listen to what I say. We must of necessity remain together in this chamber without being separated all our lives, but there must be no further connexion between us, until death shall part us; and, if we remain thus in purity, we shall meet in the heavenly Jerusalem, and enjoy one |160 another's company in eternal bliss.» And when she heard this, she accepted my proposal; and her body remained inviolate. But my parents knew nothing of our compact. Then the wedding-guests demanded the customary proof of the consummation of the marriage, as you know is done by foolish men; but my mother said to them: «These two are young, and the days before them are many.» Thus we kept our purity; and when my parents as well as her parents were dead, we remained orphans together. It is now forty-eight years since I married my wife, and we sleep on one bed and one mattress and beneath one coverlet; and the Lord, who knows and judges the living and the dead, and understands the secrets of all hearts, knows that I have never learnt that she is a woman, nor has she learnt that I am a man; but we see one another's face and no more. We sleep together, but the embraces of this world are unknown to us. And when we fall asleep, we see a form with eagle's wings, which comes flying and alights upon our bed between her and me, and stretches its right wing over me, and its left wing over her, until the morning, when it departs; and we behold it until it goes. Do not think, my brethren and ye people who love God, that I have disclosed this secret to you to gain the glory of this world which passes away, nor that I have told you this of my own will; but it is the command of the Lord, who bade me do it, for he desires the good of all men, and he is Christ our Saviour.» |161
When Demetrius had finished this discourse, the people all fell upon their faces on the earth, saying: «Verily, our father, thou art more excellent than many of the saints; and God has shewn his mercy towards us in making thee head over us.» And they gave thanks to him, and besought him to forgive their evil thoughts of him. Then he gave them his blessing, and prayed for them; and they dispersed to their own homes, praising God. And after this, Demetrius bade his wife depart to her house.
Have you ever heard, you that listen to me, of such wonders? This holy, father dwelt so long with his lovely and virtuous wife, and yet endured the trial. Where now are the men who are married, and yet commit adultery also, while professing to be Christians? Let them come and listen to the Father Demetrius, the patriarch, saying: «I have known the face of my wife and no more», that they may be ashamed and confounded! O that valiant saint, fighting against his bodily desires! O that miracle! How could his heart remain unmoved when he beheld his wife's beauty, and how could his senses remain unexcited before her loveliness! How wonderful was thy discourse, O thou saint, in thy bridal chamber! The archer whose arrows strike all men, namely Satan, was unable to strike thee. Demetrius said: «I am a man and have a body like all other men, but I will teach you how to answer the suggestions of the Devil. When my heart was troubled by evil thoughts, I remembered the |162 compact I had made with Christ; and if I broke it, I feared that he would reject me in the kingdom of Heaven, before the Father and his holy angels. Moreover, when I saw the beauty and grace of her form, I thought of the corpses lying in their tombs and the foulness of their odour, so to keep myself from strange words, through fear of the fire that is not quenched, and the worm that sleepeth not, in the other world, where none can open his mouth». O my friends, this Father was chosen by God, and in his courage and valour was braver than those that slay lions; as one of the doctors says: «The brave man is not he that kills wild beasts, but he that dies pure from the embraces and snares of women». Blessed is this saint, for his degree is exalted! Like Joseph in the house of the Egyptian woman, when she solicited him on every occasion that she could, so Demetrius fought against his desires every day and night until his battle was finished, and preserved his chastity and his right faith throughout his life.
Demetrius remained patriarch forty-three years. In his time there was a disturbance at Alexandria, and the emperor Severus banished him to a place called the quarter of the Museum; and there he died on the 12th. day of Barmahat, which, I believe, was the day of the manifestation of his virginity.
Now in the reign of the emperor Severus many became martyrs for the love of God. Among them was the father of a man named Origen 37, who |163 learned the sciences of the heathen, and abandoned the books of God, and began to speak blasphemously of them. So when the Father Demetrius heard of this man, and saw that some of the people had gone astray after his lies, he removed him from the church.
In these days also the martyrs Plutarch 38 and Serenus were burnt alive, and Heraclides and Heron were beheaded. Likewise another Serenus, and the woman Heraïs, and Basilides; and Potamiaena, with her mother Marcella, who suffered many torments and severe agonies; also Anatolius, who was the father of the princes, and Eusebius, and Macarius, uncle of Claudius, and Justus, and Theodore the Eastern; all these martyrs were kinsmen. There was also another virgin named Thecla. Now Basilides was a soldier, and he came forward of his own free will; and when they questioned him, he replied: «I am a Christian because I saw three days ago in a dream a woman who appeared to me, and placed upon my head a crown from Jesus Christ». Thus Basilides obtained the crown of martyrdom; and so likewise a great number were martyred; for Potamiaena was seen by them in dreams, and encouraged them to have faith in the Lord Christ, so that they receved the crown of martyrdom.
Now there had come to Alexandria, in the room of Pantaenus, a new governor 39, whose name was Clement; and he remained governor until those |164 days. And this Clement composed out of his own head books, in which he overthrew the received chronology. Then a Jewish scribe, named Judas 40, who had read in the book of the Visions of Daniel, in the tenth year of the reign of Severus, explained the years and dates mystically up to the epoch of Antichrist, on a system of his own, and declared that the time was at hand, on account of the deeds of Severus, the hostile prince.
And when Origen, whom Demetrius had cut off on account of his composing unlawful books of magic, and leaving the books of the holy writers, saw this, he wrote many treatises containing many blasphemies. Among these was his doctrine that the Father created the Son, and the Son created the Holy Ghost; for he denied that the Father, Son and Holy Ghost are one God, and that the Persons of the Trinity are inferior one to another in nothing, but have the same power and the same might. So, on account of his wicked creed, the Church abandoned him, because he was strange to her, and was not one of her children, for he taught corrupt doctrines. And when he left the Church and was deposed from his office, he departed from Alexandria, and travelled to Palestine, and there intrigued until he obtained priestly rank, and was ordained priest by the bishop of Caesarea in Palestine 41. Then Origen returned to Alexandria, believing that he would there be recognized as a priest, and would do just as he desired; but the holy Father Demetrius would not receive him, saying to him: «According to the |165 apostolic canon, a priest must not be removed from the altar to which he has been ordained. Return, therefore, to the place to which thou hast been ordained priest, and serve there in all humility according to the canon; for I will not break the canons of the Church to gain the approval of men». So Origen remained rejected. This was before the patriarch knew of Origen's blasphemies and misbelief; and the thing became a scandal to all men, because he had made himself a teacher, although he was unworthy to be even a disciple.
Now Severus, the prince, reigned eighteen years, and then died. And Antoninus, his son, reigned after him. After this time lived many who were strong by the help of Christ, through the dispensation of God. One of these was Alexander, the confessor, and bishop of Jerusalem, who succeeded Narcissus 42. This Narcissus performed many miracles in his life time. For, when the church was in need of oil, Narcissus even bade them fill the lamps with water 43, during the vigil-service of Easter, and prayed; and the water was turned into oil, and the lamps were kindled. Such wonders he did many times, through his faith in the oneness of Christ; and all men bore witness to these miracles; and we have learnt his history from persons worthy of credit. But some men hated him in their, wickedness, and wished to kill him, and invented lies concerning him, swearing that he did evil. And one of |166 these wicked men began to kindle a fire, and was burnt thereby; and another's bowels gushed out, so that he died; and another fell sick, and his body was consumed; and another became blind; so that men understood that their words 44 against Narcissus were lies, through the proofs that were given of his holiness. Then Narcissus was made bishop; and no evil befell him because he was pious and wise, and confessed the Lord Christ. It came to pass that he fled from the church, and retired into the wilderness, because the people were in disorder, and some of them accused him of intrigue. But the all-seeing eye would not endure this; for God punished those that held an evil and heretical creed and a false faith concerning him; and the first of these men died, with all his household, in a fire from a spark which fell upon them; and another was afflicted with pains from his head to his feet, with a violent fever; and a third tried to flee because of his evil conscience, but God overtook him, and he was struck with sudden blindness, and acknowledged his wicked conduct towards the holy bishop, before all, and was devoured by remorse, and repented, and wept over the loss of his sight. And as for Narcissus, the bishop, he lay hid in the desert, and none knew where he was for many days. But, because the churches over which he was bishop were left without any to govern them, circumstances made it necessary that they should appoint in his stead a man named Dius 45, who, however, occupied the see for a short time only, and then died. So they ordained in his place another, named Germanion 46. |167 After that, the glorious Father Narcissus was found, like one risen from the dead; and they begged him to return to his see; and the people were greatly rejoiced over him. But he had devoted himself to philosophy, and to the cultivation of the graces which God had granted to him; and therefore he would not return to serve his diocese. Now as for Alexander, who has been mentioned above, he was in possession of another see; but he saw in a dream the angel of God, who bade him go to help Narcissus, and serve God 47, for he had already been consecrated bishop in Cappadocia. So he went to Jerusalem at that time to pray, and saw the holy churches which he had desired to behold, and visited all the holy places. Then he was about to return to Cappadocia his native country; but the brethren prevented him; and he was warned in a dream. For they all heard a voice in the church, saying: «Go forth to the gate, and the first man whom you shall meet entering through it make your bishop.» This they did, and there they found Alexander; and they clung to him. But he refused to be their bishop, saying: «I will not consent.» So they appointed him by force, in the presence of an assembly of the bishops, in the city of Jerusalem, and by their command, with one purpose and one consent. And in the letters which Alexander wrote and sent to Antinoe, he spoke of Narcissus, and said that they had one faith in common, and were in agreement in all things in the church of Jerusalem. And in all Alexander's letters, he said: «Narcissus, who |168 preceded me in this bishopric, salutes you. He is now with me and he encourages me, and fortifies me by his prayers, that I may be strong in this ministry. He has continued to serve God thus for one hundred and sixteen years 48. I pray you to be of one heart and mind.»
Among the holy men of this time was Serapion also, who was patriarch of Antioch; and when he died Asclepiades, the confessor, was appointed, and his degree was exalted. And Alexander wrote to the people of Antioch with regard to Asclepiades, saying thus: «Alexander, the servant of God, and believer in Jesus Christ, addresses the holy church in Antioch, in the Lord, with joy, by the hand of the chaste priest Clement. My brethren, I desire that you promote Asclepiades, who is worthy of that post.» So he was ordained to the see. Serapion also wrote to the people of Antioch a letter 49, in which he said that a Jew, named Marcian, had written books, which he attributed to Peter, the chief of the apostles, and in which the writer spoke lies, «Beware, therefore,» continued Serapion, «of these writings. We receive Peter and the rest of the disciples, as we receive the commands of Christ, because they saw him and heard his words. But these lying books we do not accept, but reject them, because they contain nothing of the doctrine of our fathers.» Now when the priest arrived at Antioch with the letters, he said to them: «Be confirmed in the true faith, and do not turn aside to the spurious writings attributed to Peter, for they are false and delusive, |169 and in them is the beginning of heresy; and for this reason I am come to you in haste, for we have learnt that this Marcian, the Jew, has led multitudes astray by his books, so that they have become heretics.» For this heretic wrote many books, and the history from which we are quoting contains an account of some of them. But because it would make our narrative too long, I think it needless to write down their names.
Now Demetrius, the holy patriarch of Alexandria, displayed much learning and wisdom, although he had formerly been ignorant and unable to read or write; and all his spiritual children were continually admonished by him. But when he found that he was growing old in his researches into the divine doctrines and scriptures, so that he was carried into the church in a litter, although he did not cease from giving instruction from morning to night, while the brethren went and came that they might profit by his teaching, then he named Heraclas as his deputy and successor. Now Heraclas was an elect man, learned in the scriptures of God 50, teaching the doctrines of the Church and the science of the word of God; and he knew the canons of the Church by heart.
So when Origen, whom Demetrius had excommunicated, saw that the Church had rejected him, he went to the Jews, and expounded for them part of the Hebrew books, in a new fashion; and he concealed the prophecies which they contain of the Lord Christ, so that when he came to the mention of the thicket in which the ram of Abraham, the Friend of God, was caught |170 by its horns, which the Fathers interpret as a type of the wood of the Cross, Origen even concealed and abandoned this interpretation. He wrote books full of lies and containing no truth. And there was with Origen another heretic named Symmachus, who was the cause of much dissension. He said that Christ was born of Mary by Joseph 51, and rejected the miracle of the wondrous birth; denying also that Christ, who was born without labour (for so he was born of the Virgin), is very God and Man, and One of Two; thus contradicting the true Gospel according to Matthew, and what he says concerning the Nativity. But the gates of hell cannot prevail against it. This heretic pretended that he was a Christian; and in one place he says that he was a philosopher, and had read the books of the Sabaeans and of the schismatics. Subsequently he contracted a friendship with Origen, and led astray many simple women. At this time there was a holy and excellent man, who possessed divine wisdom, named Ammonius; and he refuted them both, and exposed their false and unrighteous explanations of the Scriptures, and their lies. After this, Origen went to Caesarea in Palestine, where he had been made priest, and brought books back to Alexandria, in great abundance. But the Father Demetrius would not receive him, and banished him, because he knew what his conduct was. So Origen departed and went to a place called Thmuis in Augustamnica, and invented a plausible story for the bishop, whose name was Ammonius; so he placed Origen in one of |171 the churches. But when Demetrius heard of this, he went himself straightway to Thmuis, and banished Origen, and removed the bishop Ammonius who had received him, and in his indignation appointed another bishop in his stead; for having convinced himself that the bishop had received that heretic, although he knew his history and his false doctrine, he appointed in his place a bishop named Phileas, a man who feared God, and was full of faith. But Phileas said: «I will not sit upon the episcopal throne while Ammonius is alive.» So when Ammonius died, the aforesaid bishop, Phileas, sat after him; and he was martyred a long time afterwards 52, and departed to the Lord in peace. And Origen, the excommunicate, went to Caesarea in Palestine,,and began to perform his priestly duties as if he were bishop there. So the Father Demetrius wrote to Alexander, bishop of Jerusalem, saying: «We have never heard of a prodigal and heretic teaching in a place in which there were bishops duly established 53.» And he proceeds to blame the bishop of Caesarea, whose name was Theoctistus, and reprehends Origen who was living in his diocese, and condemns his conduct in this matter, saying: «I never thought that such a thing would be done at Caesarea, with this bishop.» For we have found this Origen saying in certain books that the Son and the Holy Ghost are created. So the bishop of Caesarea read the letter of the Father Demetrius in the church, for the hishop of Jerusalem sent it to him; and also he suspended Origen, and drove |172 him away from the diocese of Caesarea. Then Origen shamelessly returned to Alexandria.
On account of the many changes among the princes and patriarchs of Rome and Antioch; we have thought it unnecessary to give an account of them, with a view to brevity and to the avoidance of prolixity. Philetus became patriarch of Antioch, and in his days a heretic appeared, who wrote strange books. Then Philetus died, and Zebinus was appointed patriarch of Antioch instead of him. And Zebinus commanded that neither the works of that heretic nor those of Origen, who had been banished from Alexandria, should be read; for the writings of the latter had become celebrated 54.
Now these are the words of Origen 55: «Let him who wishes to read the Scriptures read the books named below. The books of the Old Testament are as follows: The five books of the Law; the book of Josue the son of Nun; the book of the Judges; the book of Ruth the Moabitess; the books of Kings, the Paralipomena, the book of Esdras, the Psalms of the prophet David, the Wisdom of Solomon, the book of Isaias, the book of Jeremias, the book of Ezechiel, the book of Daniel, the book of Job, the book of Esther, the book of Samuel, the book of Machabees 56, the book of the Twelve Minor Prophets. The books of the New Testament are these: the Gospel of Matthew, which he wrote in |173 Hebrew on a roll, when he was at Caesarea, at the house of a man whose descendants preserve it from generation to generation; and it was translated into Greek, and rendered into all languages by the power of the Lord Christ. Then the Gospel of Mark, which he wrote in Greek, while Peter, chief of the apostles, was with him, and which was read in the assembly of the princes. Then the Gospel of Luke, the disciple of Paul, which he wrote in Greek at Antioch. The Gospel of John, the son of Zebedee, whom his disciples, after he had grown old, frequently solicited until he wrote it in Greek at Ephesus. The book of the Acts of the Apostles and Disciples, called Praxeis. The book of the Epistles of Paul the Elect, which contains fourteen epistles. The book of the Revelation of John the Evangelist, or the Apocalypse». There is also the book of the Didascalia, or Teaching of the Apostles, and Canons of the Church, written by the apostles before they dispersed to preach the gospel. These are the books delivered to the Catholic and Apostolic Church. After them come the books of the Fathers and Doctors, which they composed through the instruction of the Holy Ghost, such as the homilies and other writings; for they added nothing to the Scriptures, and took nothing from them. But the books of the heretic Origen are contemned by God, and there is nothing in them written with the Holy Ghost. As he said by Paul the apostle 57: or We receive no spirit of this world, but the spirit that God has given to us.»
Now the glorious father, Demetrius, remained patriarch forty-three years, and went to his rest, as we have related. |174
CHAPTER V
HERACLAS 58, THE THIRTEENTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 231-247.
This father had been, in the time of the patriarch Demetrius, a teacher in the Church, and gained distinction in the divine sciences 59. At this time Firmilian 60, who was bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, discovered that Origen had associated himself with the Jews at that place, and had lived amongst them for a time. When Alexander had ruled in Rome for thirteen years, Maximinus Caesar reigned after him. And this prince set up a great persecution against the rulers of the Church 61 only, because they were the teachers of those that were baptized; and many died in his days. And when Maximin died, Gordian reigned in Rome. And the patriarch of that city was Pontianus, who sat for six years 62; and when he died, Anteros 63 became patriarch after him, and occupied the see for one month. And they enquired of him whom they should appoint in his stead.
And they found a man in the fields upon whom a wonder had been manifested; for the Holy Ghost descended upon him 64 in the form of a dove. So they took him, and made him patriarch of Rome. And Zebinus died at Antioch, and Babylas was appointed after him. |175
So Heraclas was made patriarch of Alexandria after Demetrius, and was counted worthy to serve in the sanctuary. And Heraclas gave the direction of the studies at Alexandria to Dionysius, and entrusted to him all the affairs of the patriarchate. This man was of a noble family, and was a distinguished teacher; and he grew up in Alexandria. The cause of his being called, and entering into the orthodox faith was as follows. This Dionysius had formerly been a worshipper of idols, according to the religion of the Sabaeans, among whom he was a leader, and a philosopher. While he was sitting one day, behold there passed an aged widow, holding in her hand a book containing some of the epistles of saint Paul, the apostle; and she said to him: «Wilt thou buy this from me?» So he took the book, and studied it; and it filled him with admiration, and pleased him greatly, and took possession of his heart. And when he understood the book, he marvelled greatly thereat, and rejoiced over it exceedingly. So he said to the old woman: «What price dost thou ask for the book?» And she answered: «One carat of gold». So he gave her three carats, and said to her: «Go and search the place in which thou didst find this book, and whatever thou shalt discover bring to me, and I will give thee more than its full price». Then the old woman went away, and brought him three books; and he took them from her, and gave her nine carats. But when he had read the books, he became aware that a part of the contents was still wanting. So he said to the old woman: «If thou wilt find the rest of this book, |176 I will give thee six denarii». Then the old woman, when she saw his faith and courage, and knew that he had received the grace of the Holy Ghost while he was reading the books, replied: «Trouble not thyself. Go to a church, and beg for the book in its entirety from the clergy, and they will give it to thee, that thou mayest read it. I only found these manuscripts among the books of my fathers, who were readers and singers in the church». So Dionysius said: «But will the people of the church entrust this book to me?» And the old woman answered: «Yes. They will hinder no-one from knowledge, if he asks for it. They will give to all who seek, without demanding payment».
Then Dionysius went to Augustine, one of the deacons of the Church, who gave him the complete epistles of Paul. And Dionysius read them, and learnt them by heart through the power of his lively intelligence. Then he went to Demetrius, of whose death we have spoken above, and begged of him the second Birth; and Demetrius received Dionysius, and baptized him, and gave him the grace which he solicited; and Dionysius was attached to the patriarch's person, and lived in the church. Thus after being a teacher among the idolatrous Sabaeans, he became a teacher in the Church 65, and many disciples came to him; and instead of teaching his former errors and receiving a transitory payment, he was afterwards removed by the Lord into the great see, in reward for his labours; and his house was made into a |177 church which exists to this day, and is named after him. The names of his disciples were Theodore and Gregory and Athenodorus 66. To these he had imparted in former days his strange philosophy; but, when he was baptized and advanced to the priesthood, he converted them to the wisdom of the Church, so that they were filled with the grace of the Holy Ghost. They lived with him for five years, after his ordination; and they also attained to priestly rank. Dionysius had also another disciple, named Africanus 67, who wrote five books with much labour; and when he heard of the wisdom of the patriarch Heraclas, he went to Alexandria to learn of him. And Dionysius used to say to him: «Know that no beast that eats bryony is profited or stimulated by it; and so every man that does not eat spiritual food is perishing. Formerly I was occupied with food that passes away and comes to an end, and neglected the bread of eternal life, until the Lord led me». And he attracted his disciple by these words to the heavenly doctrines, until through his talents he learnt the true harmony of the genealogies in the Gospels of Matthew and Luke, and found no discrepancies whatever in them.
Now Heraclas occupied the see for thirteen years, and went to his rest on the th. of Rihak, and was gathered to his fathers. |178
CHAPTER VI
DIONYSIUS 68 THE WISE, THE FOURTEENTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 247-264.
Of Dionysius, who was appointed patriarch after Heraclas, somewhat has already been recorded. Churches grew more numerous, and the faithful were multiplied in his days. And the churches were filled with the divine doctrines; and all was done openly, and in public. At this time certain men in Arabia 69 taught a heresy, according to which the soul dies with the body, and shall rise again with it on the Day of Resurrection. But the holy Church rejected this heresy, after the assembling of a council to examine into it. Another heresy 70 also arose, which taught corrupt doctrines; but it was extinguished and brought to nought by God's help in the reign of Philip 71, who ruled the empire during seven years.
After Philip reigned Decius; and there had been between Philip and Decius a great enmity; and therefore the latter inflicted a great persecution upon the Church. The patriarch Fabian was martyred, and Cornelius became patriarch after him. Likewise Alexander, the patriarch of Jerusalem, twice confessed Christ, and showed forth his faith before the misbelievers, |179 and was thrown into prison, and there went to his rest after much suffering. Alexander was endowed by God with a great gift of holiness, patience and courage; and men heard him in the dungeon confessing and glorifying God until he died. After him, a patriarch named Mazabanes sat upon the episcopal throne. The patriarch of Antioch, also, Babylas, confessed Christ, and was imprisoned, and died in the dungeon; and Fabius sat after him. As for the patriarch Dionysius 72, he says: «I will record what I endured, and call God to be my witness. Decius, the prince of Rome, sought diligently for me, but God concealed me from him, and he could not discover my hiding-place. After four days, God bid me remove from that place; therefore I fled with my disciples and a band of the brethren, and we wandered far. After four days, when the light had waned, and we were approaching Taposiris, the soldiers took us; and this was after four days of concealment. But Timothy, one of my disciples, escaped from our captors; and he returned to the house where we were, after meeting a countryman, who enquired of him what news he had to give him; so he told him what had befallen the patriarch.» And that rustic assembled his companions; and when they had rescued the patriarch Dionysius from the soldiers, they made him ride upon a bare-backed ass, as he relates of himself; but his disciples walked on foot. |180
Dionysius also sent a letter 73 to Fabius 74, patriarch of Antioch, and narrated to him the history of the martyrs, who suffered under Decius at Alexandria. He related that an old man named Metras was seized; and his captors said to him: «Wilt thou worship the idols?» But he refused; and so they inflicted upon him a painful beating, and wounded his face with styli 75. Then they led him out of the city, and stoned him until he died. Likewise a certain believing woman 76 was led in to offer worship to the idols; but she refused; and they beat her, and stripped her, and bound her feet together and dragged her over the stones so that her flesh was mangled, and her blood ran over the ground in the streets, while she was scourged all the time, until they had drawn her out of the city; and they killed her, and threw her body aside there. Then they returned to the houses of the faithful, and plundered them and wrecked them, and carried off all the gold and silver and furniture that they found in them. At this time Paul 77 of Alexandria was martyred, and received his crown with joy. And none could openly profess the knowledge of God. In those days also a faithful virgin, named Apollonia, received the crown of martyrdom. All her limbs were broken, and she was burnt in the fire while still alive, outside the city, because she would not |181 obey them by giving up her faith, and would not deny the Lord Christ. And she looked at the flame of the fire while they burnt her; and it did not terrify her, but she endured it patiently, and gave up her spirit.
And another man was taken, named Serapion, and was severely tortured, and thrown from the third story, so that his bones were broken; thus ho suffered martyrdom. And the faithful had neither a place of refuge nor a place of rest to go to, neither by day nor by night; and in this condition they remained for a long time; and this was the work of Decius the prince. And many were martyred whose names were not recorded. And the blessed Julian also was taken; and he was corpulent and stout in body, and was unable to walk, and therefore he had two men with him; so they led them all to the palace; and one of the two men apostatized, but the other confessed the faith together with the aged Julian; so they dragged 78 those two through the city, and burnt them in the fire. And there were many troops prepared for the punishment of the Christians; and they seized another man 79, who cried aloud, saying: «O Lord take me quickly to thyself!» Then his head was cut off, and he was burnt in the fire. And two others also were martyred with him; besides another man named Alexander, and a number with him, whom they drove to the prison, and afterwards brought forth thence; and they were put to death. And there was a woman 80 who left her children, and was slain. And another believing woman 81, in the greatness of her zeal for |182 the faith, defied the governor, who therefore put her to death. And a great multitude without number came forward to suffer martyrdom for the name of the Lord Christ with great joy, as a man hastens to his wedding; and likewise many of the inhabitants of the towns and villages.
And a great multitude without number wandered among the mountains, having fled from the unbelievers; and many of them died of hunger and thirst, and from the heat. And an old man, a bishop 82, from the city called Malîj, of the province of Egypt, fled, in company with a woman, who followed him; and these two could not be found, nor were any tidings of them known. And many were captured by the soldiers, who afterwards took a bribe from them, and released them. But many wandered forth at random, and never returned.
«I, Dionysius, the patriarch, have not said all this to no purpose; but I have made known to thy Paternity, my brother Fabius, all the trials which have surrounded us, and what we have endured and encountered. And all those persons that I have mentioned to thee, my brother, merited the kingdom by their sufferings and combatings for the name of the Lord Christ. And many of those who apostatized in the persecution have returned to us, and we received them gladly, because we knew the joy of him who desires the repentance of the sinner, and not his death, so that he may be converted and live. |183
And because I am assured of thy fellowship with me, dear brother, I have expounded to thee what befell us; for we are of one spirit and one faith. And to you also, my brethren and my sons, I wish to relate this, for the sake of" my blessed children and their patience; that you may know of the struggles of your faithful brethren for the orthodox faith, and of the happiness to which they have gone, through their endurance for the sake of him who suffered for us and for them, and redeemed us all by his blood. For they were patient for his sake, and would not deny him in the assembly of the unbelievers; and, in their love for him, neither the edge of the sword, nor the plunder of their goods, nor burning in the fire could terrify them. For God showed forth their virtues in this world; and in the next they have a great reward, and a glorious return to him.»
Now there was a certain priest 83 a native of Rome, who said in his pride 84: «It is not lawful that we should receive any one of those who denied Christ in the time of trouble and persecution, even if he now returns to the Lord; for he fell and did not endure, but was made one of the misbelievers.» And this priest used to call those that had been constant, «the Pure 85»; and he was the head over their community. So a council assembled at Rome, consisting of sixty bishops besides priests and deacons, to try the case of this man and his followers; and they wrote to every place an account of what took place. And there was a man called Novatus, who assisted this |184 priest, out of hatred for the penitents, and helped him to repel from the Church all those that wished to return to her. Accordingly he began to forbid his followers to administer to the people the divine medicine, which consists in repentance and penitence and fasting and watching and weeping and humbly imploring God's forgiveness. So the clergy of Rome wrote to the clergy of Antioch an account of what had passed; and the latter returned an answer to them; and they all agreed that they should receive those that relumed to the Church, and absolve them, and help them to repentance, because God himself receives them. Then they excommunicated the proud priest, who despised those penitent apostates; and they sent for the letters of Novatus concerning the conciliation of such men, and learnt what he wrote about them. After that, Novatus 86, unworthy as he was, usurped the title of bishop and remained in that office for three years, ordaining as priests ignorant men who knew nothing; and he made his followers believe that he was the chief of the bishops, and they honoured him accordingly; until the report of his deeds reached Rome, and there was trouble between the two parties in the Church and a great schism.
After that, a synod of bishops assembled, and cancelled all that Novatus had done by his lies, and proved to all those that had accepted him that they were simple men without knowledge, and that all his ordinations and other acts were invalid. Then one of those whom Novatus had ordained came forward and confessed his sin, and wept; and so the bishops received and pardoned him. And they wrote about Novatus to the various sees, |185 and warned the Christians not to receive any of his doctrines. And the number of those who published his teaching, and whom he ordained, was as follows: forty-seven priests, and seven deacons, and seven subdeacons, and seven readers and doorkeepers 87. And he had done many things that were invalid, but which it is unnecessary to relate.
Then the patriarch Dionysius wrote letters to all places, enjoining that those who returned from their apostasy should be received; and he made this a permanent canon for those who should repent of their error. He also wrote a separate letter to Conon, bishop of Al-Ushmunain 88, containing similar matter, besides those sent to the rest of the bishops.
And Dionysius warned the people who dwelt with him in Alexandria, telling them of all that Origen had done in all the churches, and putting them on their guard against him. Then he wrote canons, which he made perpetual in the Church, and which contained an exposition of doctrines and rules of legal discipline.
Then Dionysius, the great patriarch of the great city of Alexandria, wrote down what had happened to him, and what had befallen him during the period of his primacy; and we have learnt these things from his epistles and his instructions, which we have seen in all the churches, in every place. And altogether Decius did not reign two years; and on account of his |186 persecution of the children of the Church, and his putting them to death, he was slain with his sons, and his princely power was taken away from him.
And after him Gallus was enthroned as prince. And Dionysius wrote a letter to him. Gallus the prince had known all that Decius had done, for he had left behind him an idol 89 of stone which he used to worship, saying that this idol had given him the empire; and he slew the priests who used to pray to God for his salvation and the confirmation of his power.
Then Dionysius also wrote a letter to the patriarch of Rome 90, requesting of him the establishment of correspondence between them both, and the reception of those who had apostatized during the persecution of Decius, but had returned; informing him also of the entire cessation of the persecution which had been in his diocese of Alexandria, and of the coming of peace to the Church; and of the removal of the schism of Novatus, so that there did not remain an adversary to the Church, for he had only seized the pontificate for himself, and had never become an unbeliever. For Dionysius had examined the followers of Novatus on the unity of doctrine.
At that time «Demetrianus 91 was bishop in the city of Antioch, and Theoctistus at Caesarea, and Mazabanes at Jerusalem, that is Aelia, and Marinus at Tyre. And Alexander had gone to his rest at Laodicea. And |187 all the churches were in harmony in the orthodox faith and unity of Christ in every place and every region, rejoicing and magnifying God and at one in the true doctrines; with glory to God, the God of heaven, and our Lord Jesus Christ the Word, and the Holy Ghost, One God, wherever there is agreement in one creed, and love of the brethren.» These are the words of Dionysius.
Then he wrote also to Stephen concerning the baptism of those who had returned from their denial of Christ during the persecution, saying that they should settle this matter, because it was very important; and that the council of bishops who met together had spoken of this question, as we have heard; and that those who accepted instruction and abandoned schism and heresy must be washed, that they might become new by immersion, so that they might be purified from their commingling with the filthy.
Dionysius also speaks in his letter of the schism and heresy of Sabellius, because he was the cause of the mischief which led to blasphemy against God Almighty. And Dionysius says in his letter: «He sent word to me of those that desire to rebaptize all the heretics; and they are Helenus and Firmilian and many with them 92.»
And the Church remained in tranquillity for a short time, until the prince died, and there reigned after him an unbelieving prince named Valerian. |188 And by his command his deputies seized Dionysius, and imprisoned him. And they killed an innumerable number of martyrs; even ripping open the bodies of infants, and taking their intestines, and twisting them round musical instruments made of reeds which they sounded in honour of the devils 93. Then they tortured Dionysius the patriarch, and demanded that he should worship their idols. So he said to them: «We worship God most high; but you worship what you love. Our worship is offered to the Lord Christ, Creator of heaven and earth, whom we love.» Then the governor said to him: «Thou knowest not the measure of the patience of the princes towards thee. For if thou wilt worship our gods, we will honour and promote thee. But if thou wilt not do so, and disobeyest the command, and wilt not worship the gods, then thou shalt see what will happen to thee.» And the governor took many of the patriarch's companions, and killed them, after exhorting him at length; and then drove him out, and banished him to a place, called the district of Coluthion, the interpretation of which is Chamberlain 94. But the inhabitants of that place treated Dionysius and all his companions, who would not worship the idols, hospitably. And after this they brought him back to condemn him to death; and they led him before the governor, who said to him: «We have heard that thou goest to a place apart, and performest the liturgy with |189 thy companions.» Dionysius answered: «We never cease to pray, night or day.» So the governor exhorted him at length, and then left him; and the patriarch returned to his companions and said to them: «Go to every place, and pray and celebrate the liturgy; and if I am absent from you in the body, yet I am with you in the spirit.» Then the patriarch was sent back to the place in which he had been in banishment, and his companions were sad because he was parted from them; but they said: «We know that the Lord Christ is with him in all his ways.»
Then an innumerable multitude of the brethren were martyred in those days for the name of the Lord Jesus Christ, because they refused to worship the idols. And Valerian, the prince, made martyrs of many people in every region and every place. Afterwards a multitude of the Barbarians attacked him, and brought great trouble upon him. But he had a son who was very wise, and who remained in possession of the government; and he had been brought up in the days of persecution. And he gave to Dionysius and his companions a letter of release, and commanded that these words should be written in it 95: «Publius Caesar, the reigning prince, who loves God, writes to Dionysius the patriarch, and Demetrius and the rest of the bishops, and commands that they be kindly treated. Let those that hate them depart from them, and let their churches be opened to them. Let them take courage from our letter; and let no chastisement touch them after this day, nor sadness |190 nor sorrow after this time; so that they may perform their service and their prayers to God; for we have set them free. And I have appointed Aurelius Cyrenius, and commanded him to guard the bishops safely, and treat them kindly. And let them say their prayers and celebrate their liturgies.»
This letter was written in Greek. And the prince wrote another letter to the bishops, bidding them resume possession of all their monasteries and dwelling-places.
At this time Xystus was bishop of Rome 96, and Demetrianus bishop of Antioch, and Firmilian bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, and Gregory bishop of Pontus, and his brother Athenodorus bishop of Caesarea in Palestine; and Hymenaeus was bishop of Jerusalem; and he it is whose head they took off because he confessed Christ.
So when Dionysius advanced in age, his body grew weak from the great hardships that he had endured; but nevertheless he did not cease for one night to read the holy scriptures. For since God most high knew his love for the holy scriptures, he granted him the faculty of sight, so that he could see as well as he used to in the days of his youth.
And since he could not go to the council 97 which assembled to settle matters concerning Paul of Samosata, he sent his envoys with a letter full of |191 wisdom and instruction to the bishops assembled on his account; for Paul was like the wolf that howls at the sheep. So the bishops of the council went in haste to Antioch for the glory of the Lord Christ. And among those present in the council were Firmilian, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, and Gregory who has already been named, and his brother Athenodorus, and Helenus, bishop of Tarsus, and Nicomas, bishop of Iconium, and Hymenaeus, bishop of Jerusalem, and Maximus, bishop of Bostra; and with them a multitude of bishops and priests and deacons. Then they sent for Paul, and asked him concerning what he had said, and admonished him because he had blasphemed the Lord Christ; and when he would not retract his opinions, they excommunicated him and banished him.
At this time Dionysius, patriarch of Alexandria, went to his rest, after remaining in the see for seventeen years; and he died on the 13th. day of Barmahat. But in a copy in the Monastery of Father Macarius it is said that he continued upon the episcopal throne seven years. Said, son of Batrik, however, bears witness in the book of the annals that the period was seventeen years; and this agrees with the biography from which the present copy was translated. |192
MAXIMUS 98 THE FIFTEENTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 264-282.
After Dionysius, Maximus was placed upon the throne of Saint Mark in the great city of Alexandria, in the seventeenth year of the reign of Gallienus and Valerian, and he helped the brethren in the affairs of the Church in every place. And he drove out Paul the Samosatene from the Church, when he learnt that he was a heretic, because an account of all that happened in the council of Antioch with regard to Paul was written and sent to Dionysius, patriarch of Rome, and to Maximus, patriarch of Alexandria, when he took his seat after Dionysius. For the whole council subscribed with spiritual consent to the excommunication of Paul, and said that it was not fit that he should be named with the name of Paul the apostle. And they wrote to Dionysius, patriarch of Rome, and Maximus, patriarch of Alexandria 99, and to all the bishops of the inhabited world, and to the priests and deacons and all the baptized, and to the whole orthodox Church under heaven, naming the bishops, and saying in their letter: «Helenus and Hymenaeus |193 and Theophilus and Theotecnus and Maximus and Proclus and Nikomas and Aelianus and Paul and Protogenes and Bolanus and Hierax and Eutychius and Theodore and Malchion and Lucius, and the rest, who dwell in the cities near to us. We have written to you, our brethren, the holy bishops, and the laity who love the Lord Christ, the Son of God, calling upon you to pray to the Lord that he may cause to cease from among you the opinions of Paul the Samosatene, who teaches doctrines which beget death for him more than any other; that thus you may be of one mind with us, like Dionysius, patriarch of Alexandria, and Firmilian, bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, who wrote to us at Antioch, so that we overthrew the leader of the error, of whose evil teachings they knew nothing, because it was we who read in the council his writings, containing his corrupt faith; and we and those with us bore witness of this. And after that he promised us to repent; but that was mockery and treachery on his part; for his heart was hard, and he would not repent, but remained in his error, imagining vain things about the Lord in his discourses. So he apostatized and denied the Lord in his creed.
Now the condition of this Paul was of such a nature that he went over from faith to misbelief and error and perdition. And he was notoriously poor by birth, because he inherited nothing from his ancestors, and earned nothing by the work of his hands; but he became rich by the wealth of the church, and |194 used to rob the sanctuaries by the Law, and take bribes from the brethren when judging them; and if their adversaries offered him larger bribes, he turned round and took their side against the others. Thus he gained for himself vain riches by every kind of injustice. Yet in spite of that, he professed that he served God. And he used to walk with an escort, and to tyrannize over the poor, and to make a parade through the chief streets; and he loved to be called bishop, and troubled men by the multitude of his attendants. And he had letters with him, which he read while he walked, as if he was collecting taxes; and he made the people feel that he was a ruler; and he was accompanied by armed men before and behind him. And he hated spiritual teaching, and loved strange doctrines. And he neglected strangers, when he entered the church. And he sought glory from the rulers, and made plans for vain pomp of every kind, so that he even placed for himself a throne with a high platform; pretending to be a disciple of Christ, while in reality he was a stranger to the Church. And he made the women chant songs on the nights of the festivals and at the Easter assembly instead of the Psalms and hymns; but the faithful brethren stopped their ears when they heard them chant. And he would not accept any of the scriptures, nor confess that Christ was the Son of God, nor that he came down from heaven, and was incarnate of the Virgin Mary; but he uttered many blasphemies, and |195 declared that Christ was one of us. In consequence of these things it was necessary that we should assemble in council and cut him off. And we have appointed instead of him a man who fears God, named Domnus, son of the blessed Demetrianus, who is now in the Church, and deserves her praise. Thus we have written these things to you in order that you may write to this new bishop, and may receive his letters in peace according to the custom of the Church. Paul the Samosatene then has fallen away from the Faith, and Domnus has received his bishopric in our presence at Antioch.» And the prince Aurelian began to raise a persecution against the Church 100, but the help of the Lord was not with him in what he intended to do; and alter six years he died. And after him was Probus the prince. In his time a wicked man named Manes appeared, and showed forth evil deeds, and blasphemed the Father Almighty, and the only-begotten Son, and the Holy Ghost who proceeds from the Father. And he dared to say that he himself was the Paraclete.
This man had been slave 101 to a widow woman, who had much wealth. |196 For there had formerly lived with her a great magician, a native of Palestine, who fell from the house-top and died. After that, the woman bought that wicked slave, and had him taught in the writing-school; and when he grew up, she gave him the books of that magician. And when he had read them, and learnt magic from them, he went to Persia, and visited the place where the magicians and diviners and astrologers dwelt. And when he was strong in the doctrines of sin, Satan appeared to him, and strengthened him, and encouraged in him the hatred of the Church. So he led astray many people by his magic; and money was brought to him; and he had youths and girls, who ministered to his evil desires, and whom he enslaved by his magic. And he led astray a multitude of people, saying to them that he was the Paraclete, whom the Lord Christ promised to send in the Gospel of John.
And there was a rich Christian man, named Marcellus, chief of a city in the province of Syria, where there was a bishop named Archelaus. And upon this chief was the spirit and blessing of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob; and he was a disciple of the church, and constant in his visits there, morning and |197 evening, like a poor man who possesses nothing. And he used to listen to the sermons of the bishop, as it was his duty to do, and to perform good works with his money among the people of this city. And his door was open to everyone who came to him, whether they were the poor or those oppressed by the taxes, or others; so that he was like the holy Job.
And at that time the Persians took captive the people of a village near the house of Marcellus, and laid waste the village, and killed many people. Then the prisoners sent to him, and asked him to perform an act of mercy towards them. Accordingly he consented to their request in charity, and interceded with the leader of the Persians, and received from him many of those that had been taken. And Marcellus, when he came before the Persian chief, offered money to him and to many who were with him, saying to them: «Take what you please in payment for these captives.» But when the Persians saw his good deed, they refused to do as he proposed, and said to him: «We will not do this, but give us what thou wilt as a ransom for the men who are with us.» So the affair was settled between the parties at three denarii for every person. Thus Marcellus delivered all that were in the hands of the Persians, and paid them the money, and presented to them as a gratuity something beyond the price agreed upon; and he received the captives from them, and remained with them seven days. And he tended the sick among those prisoners as if they were his own children; and he sent to their town, and buried those whom the Persians had slain of them. Then he rebuilt the houses of the living whom he had redeemed; and the hearts |198 of those who remained in the town were set at ease; and he rebuilt for them all the churches, and made them live in their town. And when the Persians went away from his country to their own land, they related all that he had done, and the greatness of his wealth, and the love of the people of his town for him.
Now when Manichaeus, the evil one, heard what this man, Marcellus, had done, he thought over it, and said to himself: «If I could gain this man over, and receive him into my sect, then the whole of Syria would be under my influence.» So he wrote him a letter, in which he said: «The Paraclete, Manes, writes thus to Marcellus. Verily I have heard of the excellence of thy deeds, and therefore I know that thou wilt be a chosen disciple of mine, that I may make known to thee the straight way, which Christ has sent me to teach to men. But now your teachers have led you astray, since they say that God, whose Name is glorious, entered the womb of a woman. And the prophets said untrue words of Christ; for the God of the Old Testament is evil, and wills not that anything should be obtained from him. But as for the God of the New Testament, he is good, and when they take aught from him he does not refuse.» And he said of Christ many words blasphemously, which it is not lawful to repeat; nor has Satan himself ever said the like!
And Manes gave the letter to one like himself, and sent him to Marcellus. But when the messenger came to Syria, none of the people received him on the way, to entertain him at his house; and he suffered greatly from hunger, |199 feeding only upon herbs, until he came to the house of Marcellus. So when Marcellus had received the letter and read it, he sent it to the bishop Archelaus; and having provided the messenger with a lodging, he waited. Then, when the bishop had read the letter, he tore the hair of his head, saying: «Would that I had died before reading this blasphemous letter!» And he sent to Marcellus, who brought the messenger to him; and the bishop asked him concerning the history of this Manes, and in what circumstances he was living. So the man informed Archelaus of those matters. And that messenger desired to remain with these two, when he heard their words, and saw their virtues and their excellence. Then Marcellus requested him to return to Manes with an answer to the letter, and gave him three denarii. But he said: «Pardon me, my lord, but I will not return to him.» Thereupon they rejoiced at the salvation of his soul from the snares of death. And Marcellus wrote to Manes an answer to his letter, and sent it to him bv one of his slaves. And the Father Archelaus said to that slave: «Take nothing from him, and neither eat nor drink with him.» Then he sent him on his journey. And after seven clays, Manes came to Marcellus, dressed in a habit of fine linen, with a striped tunic of fine material beneath it; and he was wrapped in a cloak descending over his feet, adorned with figures in front and behind; and with him were thirty-two youths and girls walking behind him.. So when he entered the house of Marcellus, he |200 went straight to a chair, and sat upon it in the midst of the house; and he thought that they would request him that they might receive instruction from him. So Marcellus sent to the bishop Archelaus, and when he saw Manes sitting on the chair, he was astonished at his want of shame. Then the bishop questioned him, and said to him: «What is thy name?» Manes replied: a My name is Paraclete.» Archelaus said to him: «Art thou the Paraclete of whom the Lord Christ said that he Avould send him to us?» He said: «Yes; I am he.» The bishop asked him: «How many are the years of thy life?» He answered: «Five and thirty years.» Archelaus, the bishop, said to him: «The Saviour Christ said to his disciples: «Remain in Jerusalem, and do not depart, nor preach the gospel, until you are clothed with the power from on high, which is the Paraclete, the Holy Ghost. And after ten days from his Ascension into Heaven, as he said, the Paraclete descended, on the day of Pentecost, which was the completion of fifty days after the Pasch. But according to thy words, the disciples are still awaiting thee at Jerusalem; and yet by Christ's command it is about three hundred years since they began to preach, and their voice went forth into all lands, and their words reached the ends of the world. If the event had been as thou sayest, they would not have preached, but would have remained alive |201 till now. And where didst thou see the Lord Christ, thine age being thirty-five years? And he bade thee not to sit in the chief places at assemblies; yet, behold, thou hast taken the highest seat in the house.»
Then Manes enquired: «Does not the gospel say, I will send you the Paraclete?» Archelaus answered: «If thou believest in the gospel, he said to our Lady Mary, the Virgin: The Holy Ghost shall descend upon thee, and the power of the Highest shall overshadow thee; and he whom thou shalt, bring forth is Holy, and shall be called the Son of God.» Then the bishop brought forth the letter of Manes, which he had sent to Marcellus, in which he denied the birth of Christ from a woman, and declared his disbelief in Christ's death and resurrection from the dead. Thereupon Manes began to speak of his false doctrines, saying that there were two gods, one of them Light, and the other Darkness, and uttering similar infidelities. So the bishop Archelaus said to him: «If I refute thee according to thy lies, thou wilt still insist on thy doctrines before me. But behold, I will send and bring into thy presence people who do not know God, the God of Heaven, that they may put thee to shame in thy words.» Accordingly he sent and brought before him two men, one of them a philosopher and physician, and the other a scribe, and said to them: «Hear what this man says. Are there in your books some words which you accept, and other words which you reject?» They answered: «No; but we accept everything in our books, and we reject nothing in them. For if we separated part of our books from the rest, we should neither know how to read them nor how to accept them.» |202
Then the bishop answered and said to them: «This man preaches and says that he is the Paraclete whom Christ sent, and yet he neglects the commands of Christ.» Then they said to him: «We do not accept Christ nor do we touch anything of his.» And when Manes spoke, and the assembly heard his words full of blasphemy, they rushed upon him to kill him; but the bishop forbad them to do that, and said to them: «He will be slain by the hand of another than us.» Then he banished Manes from the city, saying to him: «Take heed that thou be not found in our province, lest thou die!»
When Manes went forth, he betook himself to a village where there was a hospitable priest, with whom he dwelt. And Manes remained for a month in the house of this priest, who did not, however, know who he was. At last he spoke to the priest of his wicked doctrines. So the priest said: «I have never heard of these words before; but I will send to the bishop Archelaus, that he may come and hear from thee what thou sayest, and then if it is good, we will accept it.» But when Manes heard the name of Archelaus, he was troubled thereat, because he knew his valour and the wisdom of God which was in him. Therefore he returned without delay to the land of the Persians, where he continued, as his custom was, to utter blasphemy. But the true Paraclete condemned him in his wisdom; for he delivered him into the power of the king of the Persians, who flayed off his skin, and cast him to the wild beasts, which devoured him. |203
At that time died Felix 102, patriarch of Rome; and Eutychianus was enthroned after him. And the length of time that Felix remained in the patriarchate was five years. And Eutychianus remained ten months, and then went to his rest. And after him sat Marcellinus. And at that time Timaeus received the patriarchate of Antioch after Domnus.
When Auxelian, the prince, died, Probus received the empire after him, and remained six years and died. Then, after him, reigned Cams and Carinus and Numerian; and they continued three years and then died. And after them reigned Diocletian, through whom a great persecution descended upon the Church, greater than those of his predecessors; for he destroyed the churches, and burnt the books, and slew the bishops and priests and many of the faithful.
And Socrates died at Laodicea, and Eusebius was appointed bishop of that city instead of him. This man had come from Alexandria on account of the council which had assembled at Antioch concerning Paul the Samosatene. His successor was Anatolius, who also had arrived in Syria from Alexandria, whither he had migrated, and where he had taken up his abode in order that he might teach the young people there. For he was skilled in learning, so that his fame reached as far as Rome. And when |204 an army marched from Rome to the city of Alexandria, and besieged it, Anatolius the teacher did not cease negotiating between the two parties, with all fairness until he improved the state of affairs, and established peace, and the war ceased. And the great men of the city were incensed against him, because he urged them to do what they did not wish. So he said to them: «Let the old men and old women and young children leave the city, for they are not required here; but do you do what you will with your city, for so you will retain the provisions which are in your hands, stored up among you.» Thus their hearts were appeased by this advice; and the next day the soldiers and the captains of the city assembled, and took counsel about this matter, and decided that it was right so to act. So they sent out the old men and old women and children; and many others escaped through the gates by night. After that, the emperor Claudius commanded to slay the troops of the city, because they had helped the people to depart from it; and the city was laid waste. And Eusebius also acted between the two parties as a physician or father who heals both sides alike. And this man was bishop of Laodicea, and he came to his see with the other bishop from Alexandria in excellent agreement. And after the fighting which took place at Alexandria, Anatolius wrote many instructions, and the people of the city profited by them. And he wrote for them a calculation of Easter also. |205
And on the st. day of the month after the council, which took place at Antioch to judge Paul the Samosatene, Theotecnus was established as bishop on the episcopal throne of Caesarea in Palestine, and the above-mentioned Eusebius over Laodicea. And Eusebius was a man powerful with the Lord, as also was Anatolius; for they were both inspired by the Holy Ghost to impart spiritual doctrine. Then they went to their rest, one after the other; and Stephen became bishop over Laodicea. He was a man full of wisdom, and everyone was astonished at him; and it was not merely wisdom of words, but the true orthodox faith; and he rebuilt the churches which had been destroyed in his city, and renewed them with the help of God given to him. And his successor, the bishop Theodotus, lived in the time of persecution, and was worthy of the two names by which he was called; for the interpretation of his own name is Gift of God, besides the name of bishop. And he was a lover of the people, and their shepherd and physician, skilful in doing good to their souls, so that it was said that there had been none equal to him in his charity. And Agapius, bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, was like him also, and had laboured among his people in great charity; for he loved the poor, and controlled his people like a faithful servant of God; and after this he merited the crown of martyrdom, with many of the priests of Alexandria. And there were martyred also with them Pierius; and Meletius, who had become bishop of Pontus, and was called Honey, on account |206 of the sweetness of his tongue, which was full of the doctrine and grace of God. Meletius loved to give alms to the poor, and grudged nothing; and all his teaching was from the gospel; and he lived in the time when men were scattered and persecuted, and yet was constant in doctrine.
When Hymenaeus, bishop of Jerusalem, went to his rest, Zambdas was appointed instead of him; and when Zambdas died, there came after him Hermon, who suffered hardships in the time of persecution.
And Maximus, patriarch of Alexandria, went to his rest on the 14th. of Barmudah, after he had remained eighteen years in the see.
THEONAS 103 THE SIXTEENTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 282-300.
When Maximus went to his rest, Theonas took his seat after him upon the episcopal throne of Alexandria, after the people had assembled, and had come to an agreement upon his fitness for the office. So they promoted him in the first year of the reign of Numerian, Carus and Carinus, the princes. And he built a handsome church in the name of our Lady Mary, which was called the Church of the Mother of God 104. For up to this time the people had celebrated the liturgy in caves and underground places and secret |207 resorts. And from saint Mark the evangelist to the third year of the patriarchate of Theonas were two hundred and nineteen years. And he went to his rest on the nd. of Tubah, after remaining nineteen years in the see. There was in the days of this Father, the patriarch Theonas, a holy priest, who had a pure wife; and these two walked together in the way of the Lord, keeping his commandments, and acting according to his precepts, cleaving to the canons of their religion, firm in the faith. But they had no child, and were sad at heart for this reason. And they multiplied fasts and prayers and alms, that the Lord might be gracious to them and grant them a child, by the sight of whom their eyes might be refreshed. When the least of the two glorious disciples, Peter and Paul, came round, on the fifth day of Abib, and all the faithful were present in the church, to keep their least, the wife of this priest, being present near the place where the picture of those two saints was, saw the faithful bringing their children forward, and anointing them with the oil of the lamp which was lighted before the two pictures. So she sighed, with a wounded heart, and prayed those two saints to intercede with the Lord for her. And she partook of the Holy Mysteries, and received the peace of God, and departed to her home, thanking the Lord of glory. And that night she saw in her sleep two persons in the dress of the patriarchs, who said to her: «Be not sad, for the Lord has heard thy petition, and has given thee a child with whom he will refresh |208 thine eyes. And he shall be a father to many people; and his name and his holiness shall appear like those of Samuel the prophet, for he is the son of a promise. Therefore when the morning comes, go early to the Father Theonas, the patriarch, and make this known to him, that he may bless thec; for God in his mercy will give thee a child who shall be blessed.» Accordingly, when it was morning, she told her husband the priest, and he said to her: «Go and make this known to Theonas the patriarch, as thou wert bidden.» So she went to him, and made the dream known to him; and he blessed her, and said to her: «The Lord will perform thy request, and answer thy prayer; for the Lord is true to his word, and his works are wonderful among his saints.» And she departed to her home. And a short time after that, she conceived; and she guarded herself in all purity, and in continual fasts and prayers night and day, until the day of the feast of Peter and Paul, on the fifth of Abib, when she brought forth a son. And the messenger of good tidings went to Abba Theonas, the patriarch, and informed him that she had become the mother of a son; and he rejoiced greatly thereat. And her husband, the archpriest, also rejoiced. And Abba Theonas, the patriarch, said to them: «Name him Peter.» And it was done so. And the child grew and waxed and increased, like John the Baptist, until he reached the age of three years. Then his parents carried him to the patriarch, and said to him: «This is the son of thy prayers.» So Theonas blessed them and the child, and baptized him. And when the child was five years |209 old, his parents gave him to be instructed. And he learnt wisdom in a very short time, and came to have a better memory than the rest of his comrades who were in the Church. And in his seventh year the patriarch made him reader; and he was filled with spiritual grace. And when he was twelve years old, he made him fully deacon; and he surpassed the other deacons in knowledge and piety, and in the spiritual and heavenly grace which God gave him. When he was fully sixteen years old, he was promoted to be priest, on account of the chastity and modesty and knowledge and piety, and true faith, and soundness of learning, and assiduous service of the churches, night and day, which the patriarch saw in him.
And in those days there had appeared a blaspheming man, named Sabellius, who preached a doctrine divergent from the faith; and this was that he believed that the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, the holy Trinity, were one Person, and not three Persons, but merely three names. Sabellius disbelieved in the gospel, and would not listen to that which is written therein, that our Lord Jesus Christ, when he was baptized by John, saw the Holy Ghost descending upon him like a dove, and heard the voice of the Father from heaven, saying: «This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased.» So many, who heard the teaching of Sabellius, followed him, and he led them astray by his impiety. Then he assembled the members of his sect, and came to the church, when the father and patriarch, Abba Theonas, was present, on the day of a great feast; and he |210 stood at the door, and sent to the patriarch a messenger, who said to him: «Come out and discuss matters with me this day; and if thou art in the right I will follow thee, but if not I will make known to the people that thou art in error.» Then the father and patriarch said to Peter, the priest: «Go out to this misbeliever, and silence him, that he trouble us not.» So Peter went out; but when Sabellius saw him he said: «See the haughtiness and pride of Theonas; he has only sent out to me the least of the youths who attend him.» But Peter said to him: «Though I be young with thee, with my Father Theonas I am old. And the Lord will show thy misbelief hereby this day, for he will give me the victory over thee, as he made David victorious over Goliath the giant. For the Lord will bring his fate upon thee, and will punish thee, and destroy thee with thy companions, and bring thy doctrine to naught, and overthrow thy opinion, so that no word or syllable of thine shall remain.» And he had not finished his words before the face of Sabellius was convulsed, and his neck bent backwards, and he fell on the ground dead. And his followers fled in haste, and all those that were with him. So he perished, and his memory was lost, and his teaching was cut off, and no remembrance of him remained. This is the end of what happened to Sabellius.
And the Lord showed forth another sign by the hand of the holy Peter, which was as follows. There was a great feast in the city of Alexandria, at which the Father Theonas and all the clergy and people were present, glorifying God and keeping festival. And a man among them, in whom was |211 a rebellious devil, stood by the door, and began to throw stones at the faithful, and to foam at the mouth, and growl like a camel. So the people fled from him into the interior of the church, and made known to the patriarch the state of that madman. Theonas, therefore, said to the holy Peter: «Go out to him, and drive this devil out of him.» So Peter took a basin, and poured water into it, and presented it to the patriarch, begging him to make the sign of the cross over it; and he did so. And Peter went out, taking the vessel of water, to the place where the madman was. Then he said: «In the name of my Lord Jesus Christ, who cast out the Legion of devils, and healed men of all diseases and sicknesses, go forth from him, Satan, by the prayers of my father Theonas, the patriarch, and return no more to him!» Then immediately the devil went out of him, and the man was healed, and became whole, and reasonable, and calm.
But if we were to describe the wonders which were manifested by this holy man, Peter, the exposition of them would be too long, and books would be too small to contain them.
And when Theonas came to die, so that he was to be gathered to his fathers, all the clergy and people were present with him, weeping and saying: «Alas our Father, thou leavest us like orphans.» Then he said to them: «You are not orphans, but this Peter is your father, and he shall be patriarch after me.» Thus Abba Theonas before his death appointed him to that office.
[Footnotes renumbered and moved to the end]
1. 1. Jer. xlvi, 25; Nahum iii, 8; cf. Ez. xxx, 14,15,16, Vulg.
2. 1. Preface II is wanting in CD and E.
3. 1. Rom. v, 3, 4.
4. 2. Hebr. xii, 8.
5. 1. S. John xvii, 12; xviii. 9.
6. 1. S. Matth. v, 14-16.
7. 1. S. Matth. xi. 28.
8. 1. S. Matth. vii, 7; S. Luke xi. 9.
9. 2. Ps. cxv, 1-3 (Sept. cxiii, 9-11).
10. 1. This chapter is wanting in CDE. Cf. Suidas in v. Ἰησοῦς; Anecdota Graeco-Byzantina, ed. A. Vassilief, 1893, p. 60.
11. 2. The Greek versions have: τοῦ ἐν εὐσεβεῖ τῇ μνήμῃ γενομένου Ἰουστινιανοῦ.
12. 3. ἀργυροπράτης
13. 1. Urim and Thummim, Δήλωσος καὶ Ἀλήθεια, Doctrina et Veritas.
14. 1. κώδιξ.
15. 1. S. Luke iv. 14-22.
16. 1. Ps. cx, 4 (Sept. cix).
17. 2. Ps. lxxxix. 48 (Sept. lxxxviii).
18. 1. Cf. Eus., H. E., I. 3.
19. 2. Ἐν τοῖς τῆς αἰχμαλωσίας αὐτοῦ ὑπομνήμασιν.
20. 1. Cf. Bargès, Homélie sur saint Marc, Paris. 1877, p. 73-80 (premier appendice).
21. 1. Eus., H. E., II, 16.
22. 1. Cf. Bargès, loc. cit., p. 81-90 (second appendice); Acta SS., Apr, 25.
23. 1. Τὰ Βουκόλου, Bucolia.
24. 1. Σύρωμεν τὸν βούβαλον ἐν τοῖς Βουκόλου.
25. 1. Τὸ Ἀγγέλιον.
26. 1. Eus.; H. E., II, 24.
27. 2. Ibid., III, 14. 21.
28. 1. Eus., H. E., III,21.
29. 1. Eus., H. E., IV, 1, 4.
30. 2. Ibid., IV, 4, 5.
31. 1. Eus., H. E., IV, 5, 11.
32. 2. Ibid., IV, 11.
33. 3. Ibid., IV, 11. 19.
34. 1. Eus., H. E., IV, 19; v. 9.
35. 2. Ibid., V, 9, 22.
36. 1. Eus., H. E., V, 22; VI, 2, 3, 8, 19, 26. Cf. Acta SS. Oct. 9.
37. 1.Eus., H. E., VI, 1.
38. 1. Eus., H. E., VI. 4, 5. Aquila ([Arabic]) was the prefect of Egypt who carried on the Persecution.
39. 2. τῆς κατ' Ἀλεξάνδρειαν κατηχήσεως καθηγεῖτο. Ib., VI. 6.
40. 1. Eus., H. E., VI, 7.
41. 2. Ib., VI, 8.
42. 1. Eus., H. E., VI, 8.
43. 2. Ib., VI, 9.
44. 1. Eus., H. E., VI, 9.
45. 2. Ib., VI. 10.
46. 3. Ib.
47. 1. Eus., H.E., VI, 11.
48. 1. Eus., H. E., VI, 11.
49. 2. Ib., VI, 12.
50. 1. Eus., H. E., VI, 15.
51. 1. Eus., H. E., VI, 17.
52. 1. Eus., H.E.. VIII, 9, 10.
53. 2. Cf. Eus., Ib., VI, 19.
54. 1. Eus., H. E., VI, 23, 24, 25, 32, 36.
55. 2. Ib., VI, 25.
56. 3. Σαρδὴθ Σαρδανὲ Ἔλ.
57. 1. I Cor., ii, 12.
58. 1. Eus., H. E., VI, 26, 35.
59. 2. Ib.., VI, 15.
60. 3. Ib., VI. 26.
61. 4. Ib,, VI, 28.
62. 5. Ib., VI, 29.
63. 6. Ib.
64. 7. I. e. Fabian. Ib.
65. 1. Eus., H. E., VI, 29.
66. 1. According to Eus., H. E., VI, 30, Theodore, or Gregory, and Athenodorus were two pupils of Origen.
67. 2. Eus., ib., VI, 31.
68. 1. Eus., H.E., III, 28; VI. 29,35, 40-42, 44-46; VII, 1.2,4-11,20-28.
69. 2. Ib., VI. 37.
70. 3. I. e. that of the Helcesaïtes, ib., VI. 38.
71. 4. Ib., VI. 39.
72. 1. Eus., H. E., VI,40.
73. 1. Eus., VI, 41.
74. 2. The Arabic and some MSS of Eusebius have here «Fabian».
75. 3. καλάμοις ὀξέσι, ib.
76. 4. Quinta, ib.
77. 5. A misunderstanding of the passage: [Greek omitted from online version] ib.
78. 1. Eus. καλήλοις ἐποχούμενοι, perhaps misread καμίλοις.
79. 2. Besas. ib.
80. 3. Dionysia, ib
81. 4. Ammonarion, ib.
82. 1. Chaeremon, bishop of Nilus, Eus., H. E., VI. 42.
83. 1. Novatian.
84. 2. Eus., H,E., VI, 43.
85. 3. Καθαροί.
86. 1. The name here should be Novatian, but Eusebius also has Νοουάτος.
87. 1. These are the numbers of the Catholic clergy in Rome. Eus. has 42 acolytes. 52 exorcists, readers and doorkeepers, ib.
88. 2. τῆς Ἑρμουπολιτῶν παροικίας ἐπίσκοπος, ib., VI, 46,
89. 1. This passage is a mistranslation of Eus., VIII, 1.
90. 2. Stephen, ib., VII, 2-5.
91. 3. Ib., VII, 5.
92. 1. He is here writing to Xystus and speaking of Stephen, ib.
93. 1. A misinterpretation of the words: [Greek omitted from online edition] ib., VII, 10.
94. 2. Severus perhaps derives this name from ἀκόλουθος.
95. 1. Eus., H. E., VII, 13.
96. 1. Eus., H. E., VII, 14.
97. 2. ib., VII, 27.
98. 1. Eus., H. E., VII, 11, 28, 32.
99. 2. Ib., VII, 30.
100. 1. Eus., H.E., VII, 30, 31.
101. 2. The following account of Manes, Marcellus and Archelaus is taken from the Acts of the Dispute of Archelaus, now only existing in a Latin version, first published, according to the imperfect MS. from Bobbio, by H. de Valois, at the end of his edition of Socrates and Sozomen, Paris, 1668, and from the complete copy at Monte Cassino,by L. Zaccagni in Collectanea Monumentorum Veterum, Rome, 1698. There are, however, some variations in the Arabic summary here given. Fragments of a Coptic version of these Acts, and also of Eusebius (VII, 30, 32), coming from the White Monastery in Upper Egypt, and written in the tenth century, from which the Arabic version seems to have been translated, exist in the National Library in Paris (MS. copte 129 14). See Crum, Eusebius and Coptic Church Histories in Trans. of Soc. of Bib. Arch. Feb. 12. 1902.
102. 1. The rest of this life is from Eus.; H. E., VII, 32.
103. 1. Eus., H. E., VII, 32.
104. 2. Θεομήτωρ.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: severus_hermopolis_hist_alex_patr_02_part .htm
Severus of Al'Ashmunein (Hermopolis), History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic church of Alexandria (1904) Part 2: Peter I - Benjamin I (661 AD). Patrologia Orientalis 1 pp. 383-518 (pp.119-256 of text).
Severus of Al'Ashmunein (Hermopolis), History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic church of Alexandria (1904) Part 2: Peter I - Benjamin I (661 AD). Patrologia Orientalis 1 pp. 383-518 (pp.119-256 of text).
HISTORY OF THE PATRIARCHS OF THE
COPTIC CHURCH OF ALEXANDRIA
II
PETER I TO BENJAMIN I (661)
ARABIC TEXT EDITED, TRANSLATED, AND ANNOTATED
BY
B. EVETTS
Chapter 6 (contd)
Peter I, the seventeeth patriarch (300-311)
Achillas the eighteenth patriarch (311-312)
Chapter 7 -- Alexander I, the nineteenth patriarch (312-326)
Chapter 8 -- Athanasius I, the apostolic, the twentieth patriarch (326-373)
Chapter 9 -- Peter II, the twenty-first patriarch (373-380)
Chapter 10 -- Timothy I, the twenty-second patriarch (380-385)
Chapter 11 -- Theophilus the twenty-third patriarch (385-412)
Chapter 12 -- Cyril I, the twenty-fourth patriarch (412-444)
Chapter 13
Dioscorus I, the twenty-fifth patriarch (444-458)
Timothy II, the twenty-sixth patriarch (458-480)
Peter III, the twenty-seventh patriarch (480-488)
Athanasius II, the twenty-eighth patriarch (488-494)
John I, the monk, the twenty-ninth patriarch (494-503)
John II, the hermit, the thirtieth patriarch (503-515)
Dioscorus II, the thirty-first patriarch (515-517)
Timothy III, the thirty-second patriarch (517-535)
Theodosius I, the thirty-third patriarch (535-567)
Chapter 14
Peter IV, the thirty-fourth patriarch (567-569)
Damian, the thirty-fifth patriarch (569-605)
Anastasius, the thirty-sixth patriarch (605-616)
Andronicus, the thirty-seventh patriarch (616-622)
Benjamin I, the thirty-eighth patriarch (622-661)
|383
CHAPTER VI (Contd)
PETER I 1, THE MARTYR, THE SEVENTEENTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 300-311.
When Abba Theonas, the patriarch, went to his rest, the clergy of Alexandria assembled with the people and laid their hands upon Peter the priest, his son and disciple, and seated him upon the episcopal throne of Alexandria, as Theonas, the holy father, bade them; and that was in the sixteenth year of Diocletian the prince. And when Peter saw that the wicked Arians had filled the whole country with confusion through his unbelief, he cut him off and banished him from the Church.
And in the nineteenth year of the reign of Diocletian, his letters came to Alexandria and Egypt; and he brought trials upon the Christians, and destroyed the churches of God, and killed many persons with the sword; and those that believed in Christ fled into the wilderness, and into dens and caves. Then Diocletian established guards and watchmen in every place of the |384 province of Egypt and the Thebaid as far as Antinoe, and commanded them to kill all the Christians that they found. Afterwards those guards seized the blessed Peter 2, patriarch of Alexandria, and threw him into prison, and made known to the prince that they had seized him and bound him; and so the unbelieving prince commanded that they should take off his head. When the letter came to them with this order, they hastened to perform the prince's bidding. But when they wished to bring Peter out from the prison that they might take him and kill him, the people assembled at the door of the prison, and sat by it, to watch over their shepherd, saying:«When we are all put to death, then his head shall be taken.» So those soldiers began to consider how they should bring him forth, so that a great multitude might not die on account of him; for all the people had assembled for his sake, the old and the young, and the monks and the women and the virgins, and were weeping abundant tears. And the soldiers agreed together that they should enter and bring him forth, and slay any of the people who opposed them, as the prince's letter directed.
Now the reason of the prince's command to seek and put to death this |385 father and patriarch was as follows. There was at Antioch a man named Socrates, who was one of the commanders of the troops which served at the palace, and was a comrade of Apater, who was martyred with his sister Irene. This Socrates was by birth a Christian, and was baptized; but he denied his religion, and came to hate the Christians. And he had a wife who was good and charitable and a Christian, by whom God granted him two children. So when they grew and were fit for baptism, the wife said to her husband: «I pray thee, my brother, to travel with me to Alexandria, that we may baptize our children, so that they may not die without baptism, lest the Lord Christ be angry with us for our neglect of them». Then the unbeliever replied: «Be silent; for thou knowest not the troubles which have come upon us in these days; lest the king should hear and be exceeding wroth with us.» Now his intention was to frighten her by this; so that she might leave her children without baptism. But when she perceived that he would not consent, nor travel with her, she took her two children and two trustworthy menservants whom she had; and she went out to the sea-shore, and prayed, saying: «O Lord Almighty, Father of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, if thou wilt make my journey easy, prepare for me a ship in which I may depart.» Then while she was praying, she saw a ship about |386 to set sail. So she called one of the sailors, and said to him: «Whither are you voyaging?» He answered: «To Alexandria». She said to him: «Carry me with you, and I will pay you a high fare». So he consented to that. And she embarked on that ship, taking her two children, and her two men-servants. And after two days a high wind rose against them, so that everyone in the ship was troubled. Then that believing woman thought: «Verily God will not hear a sinner like me; but that which has come into my mind I will do». Then she arose and spread out her hands, and turned her face to the East, and prayed, saying: «O God, who knowest everything before if takes place, thou knowest what is in my heart, and that I love thee more than life or wealth, more even than my children and my own soul. Behold, we die in the midst of the waves for thy holy name's sake. O Saviour, O Lord, O my God and Saviour of my soul and my body, have a care for my children who are become orphans on account of thy holy name, and let them not die without baptism.» And when she had finished those words, she took a knife and said: «O Lord Almighty, thou knowest my heart». And she cut her right breast with the knife, and took from it three drops of blood, with which she made the sign of the cross on the foreheads of her two children, and over their hearts, in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost; and she dipped them in the sea, saying: «I baptize you, my |387 children, in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost». Then she embraced them, saying: «If death is to come to us, then let me die now, me and my two children.» So when the Lord saw her faith thus firm, he quelled that tempestuous wind; and there was a great calm. And they arrived after three days at the city of Alexandria.
So when they entered the city by the help of the merciful God, since that day was in the week of Baptism, which is the sixth week of the Fast, when infants are baptized, that woman went straightway to one of the deacons, and said to him: «My Father, I wish to have an interview with the patriarch». So he said to her: «What is thy business with the patriarch?» She answered: «My Father, I am a stranger, and I wish to baptize these two children of mine». The deacon asked her: «Hast thou no other business than this?» She replied: «No». He said to her: «Take thy seat in the church; behold the patriarch will come and baptize the infants, and will baptize thy children with them». So she did as he bade her; and when the time came, and the father and patriarch had finished the liturgy, they presented to him for baptism the infants who were to be baptized; and so he baptized them. Then they brought to him the two children of the woman of Antioch; but when the patriarch took the two infants to baptize them, the water was congealed, and became like stone. When Peter, the holy patriarch, saw this, he was astonished; and he commanded to set those two aside; but he told no one of the congealing of the water. Then he bade that |388 the other children should be presented to him, and when the other infants were brought the water was liquefied, and became as it was at first; and he baptized those that were presented to him. Then he gave orders that the two children of the woman should be presented a second time; but when they were brought to him, the water was congealed again, and became like stone. So he sent them back, and the infants of the city were offered to him again; and the water was unbound, and he baptized them. After that, he asked for the two children of the woman a third time; and the water was congealed again, and became like stone. Thereupon the patriarch bade the archdeacon of the church fetch their mother; and so he brought her before him; and he said to her: «Make known to me, woman, thy circumstances, and tell me what thy religion is». She replied: «I am of Antioch, and my family are Christians». The patriarch said to her: «Then what hast thou done? For behold, the Lord will not accept thy children for baptism». She replied: «Hear me, my Lord and Father, and be patient with me. For indeed thy Paternity knows how Christians are persecuted throughout the world in these days, and the worst of the trouble is at Antioch. And when these two children of mine grew up, and I found no way of baptizing them there, I asked their father to journey with me to this city, in order to baptize them here, but he would not. So I took these two children of mine, and went out with them to the sea-shore, and there we embarked in a ship; but afterwards |389 when we were in the midst of the waves, a tempest arose against us, so that the ship was near sinking. Therefore I took a knife, and wounded my right breast, and took from it three drops of blood, and made the sign of the cross upon the faces and hearts of my little ones, and dipped them in the sea, in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, three times. For this reason the Lord withholds them from baptism. And this, by the truth of thy holy Paternity, is what I did». So the patriarch said to her: «Let thy heart be comforted, my daughter; fear not, for the Lord is with thee. When thou didst wound thy breast, and take from it the blood, and make the sign of the cross upon the faces of thy two children, in the faith of God the Incarnate Word, whose side was pierced on the cross with the spear, when the water and the blood came forth from it, he it was who made the cross over thy two children with his divine hand». Then the patriarch blessed those two among the baptized, but did no more to them; for he could not baptize them a second time, because the Lord had accepted them on the sea. For the patriarch said: «None can be baptized twice, for there is one baptism only; and these two have already been baptized once by the intention and faith of their mother, and by what she did».
Then the patriarch composed on this subject a homily, beginning thus: «The mercy of God which descends upon men». And he gave to the two children of the holy Mysteries. And he took them and their mother into his |390 house until they had kept the Feast of the Holy Easter. Then they returned to their own city in peace.
But when her husband learnt what she had done, he went to Diocletian, the unbelieving prince, and said to him: «Know, my lord the prince, that my wife committed adultery in this city; and when I hindered her, she went away to Alexandria, and committed adultery with the Christians during many days; and she took my children, and performed upon them a rite called baptism. And behold, she has returned hither. What thinkest thou that I should do with her?» Then Diocletian commanded Socrates her husband to bring her and her two children before him; and he. did so. And when she stood before him, he said to her: «O woman deserving of death, why didst thou leave thy husband, and go away to Alexandria, and commit adultery there with the Christians?» Then that holy woman answered him: «The Christians do not commit adultery nor worship idols; but do whatsoever thou wilt; for thou wilt not hear another word from me». The prince said to her: «Make known to me what happened to thee at Alexandria.» But she would not answer him. Therefore the prince commanded that her hands should be fastened behind her, and that her two children should be placed on her lap, and that all three should be burnt in the fire. So the holy woman turned her face to the East, and her children with her; and thus they gave up their souls, and received the crown of martyrdom. |391
Then the prince asked her husband Socrates: «Who is it that does these things at Alexandria?» He replied: «It is Peter, the patriarch of the Christians». So when he heard this, he was filled with anger and wrath, because he was full of indignation against the holy Peter, the patriarch, on account of the writings which he had composed in refutation of the worship of idols. Accordingly he wrote to his deputies at Alexandria, commanding that they should take his head. And while the soldiers were zealously obeying the commands of the prince, and Peter was in prison, as we have said above, Arius, the unbeliever, learnt that they wished to kill the patriarch. Then Arius feared that Peter would go to his rest, while he would remain bound by his sentence of excommunication. So he went to certain priests and deacons and many of the laity, and begged them to visit the prison, that they might throw themselves at the feet of the patriarch, and pray him to set Arius loose from his bonds of excommunication. Now they thought that Arius made this request out of piety, and therefore they consented to his petition. So they entered into the prison, and cast themselves down before Peter, and prayed: Then they made prostrations to him, and besought him to loose Arius from his bonds. But the patriarch cried out with a loud voice: «Do you intercede with me for Arius?» Then he raised his hands and said: «Arius shall be at this time, and in the time to come, excluded from the glory of the Son of God, our Lord Jesus Christ». When he had said this, a great fear came upon them, and not one of them dared to answer |392 a word. But when he saw that they were afraid of him, he comforted their souls. Then he rose up from the midst of them, and took with him the two old men, Achillas and Alexander, his two disciples, and went apart with them, and said to them: «God, the God of heaven, will help me to accomplish my martyrdom. Then thou, Achillas, the priest, shalt sit on this throne after me; and thy brother Alexander after thee. Say not that there is no mercy in me, for I am a sinful man; but Arius is full of hidden guile; and it is not I that have excommunicated him, but Christ. I tell you that this night, when I had finished my prayers and fallen asleep, I saw a youth coming in to me, with his face shining like the light of the sun, wearing a garment which clothed him down to his feet, but it was torn; and he took up the part where it was rent in his hands, and covered with it his breast and his nakedness. So when I saw him, I rose hastily, and cried with a loud voice, and said: O my Lord, who is it that has torn thy garment? He answered: Arius has rent it. Therefore receive him not, and have no fellowship with him. To-day there will come to thee some who will intercede with thee for him; but let not thy heart accept him, for I have forbidden thee to do so. Likewise charge thy disciples, Achillas and Alexander, who will sit after thee on the episcopal throne, that they receive him not. There my speech with him ended. And now I shall accomplish my martyrdom, having charged you as he commanded me. You, |393 my brethren, know how I have been all my time with you, and what trials I have encountered, and the conspiracies of the unbelievers and idol-worshippers; and how I was continually fleeing from place to place, from Mesopotamia to Syria, and to Palestine and Ramleh and the islands. Yet I did not cease to write to you two, secretly and openly, nor to comfort the people through the power of the Lord Christ, clay and night; and I neglected not the flock with which I was entrusted. And my heart was greatly grieved; but in spite of all this I did not neglect the care of Phileas and Hesychius and Pachomius and Theodore, who were imprisoned for their faith in the Lord Jesus Christ, and merited grace from God; for I used to write to them, and to speak of them in my epistles from Mesopotamia. And I suffered great trouble and torment for their sakes, lest anything should happen to them together with the priests who were in prison; for more than six hundred and sixty souls became martyrs. Now, as you know, I have the care of you all; therefore, when I heard that they had been martyred, I worshipped and thanked him who strengthened them, Jesus Christ, who also counted them among his martyrs. So likewise I pray him to number me among them. Moreover you two know the evils which have befallen me from Meletius of Asyut, who divided the Church of God, which the Lord Christ, the Word of God, redeemed with his holy blood, when he laid down his life for it».
Then the father and patriarch, Abba Peter, began to teach those two, |394 and charge them to beware of the guile of the aforesaid Meletius, that they should not associate with him. And he said to them: «Behold, you two see me bound for the love of God, while I am awaiting his will; for the officers of Diocletian daily deliberate how to kill some of us, as you know, and they assiduously carry out what they are commanded to do. But I do not fear for myself, and only desire to finish the course which God has appointed for me, and my ministry, which I accepted from the Lord Jesus Christ, my God; and he will help me to complete it; henceforth, therefore, you two will not see my face in the body after this day. I testify to you that I have declared everything to you; and I am pure and free from sin. Therefore keep the flock which the Holy Ghost has entrusted to you, and guard the Church of God which he bought with his blood; for I know that, after I am separated from you, some of the people will arise and speak words of blasphemy, with the intention of dividing the Church, as Meletius has done, whom many of the people have followed; but I beseech you to be vigilant, for you will encounter trouble. For you know what befell the Father Theonas, who brought me up, and upon whose episcopal throne I sat after him, and the evil which he suffered from the worshippers of idols. And I hope that a grace like his will come to me, similar also to the grace given to the Father Dionysius, who hid himself in various places on account of the heretic Sabellius. What shall I say also concerning |395 Heraclas and Demetrius, the two blessed ones, and the disorders that they encountered, and the hostility which they endured from Origen, the madman, and all that took place through him; and concerning all our fathers, who were before us, and what they bore for the Church of God? But the grace of God, which was with them, was that which overshadowed them and protected them.
And now I commit you to God by the word of grace, which has the power to preserve you, and to preserve his flock».
And when the Father Peter had said this, he fell upon his knees and prayed and worshipped with those two, and gave thanks, and clasped them to himself, embracing them, and kissed them. And Achillas and Alexander kissed his hands and bade him farewell weeping, because of his saying to them that they would not see him after that day in the body.
Then he returned to the assembly near which he was standing, and remained among them and exhorted them, and comforted them, and prayed for them, and blessed them, and consoled them, and dismissed them in peace. And when they went away from him, they informed the people of what he had said, and of what he had done in the prison with regard to Arms. And when the people heard this, they marvelled, for they knew that God was with him, and had separated Arius from them. But when Arius learnt this thing, he kept silence and concealed himself and his opinions and his guile, because his hope in the patriarch Peter was cut off. |396
So when the Father Peter heard of the strife on his account between the troops and the people of the city, who prevented the soldiers from approaching the prison in which he was, he feared that some would be slain for his sake, and resolved to preserve his faithful people, and to redeem them with his own life. Therefore he sent word to the soldiers secretly, saying to them: «Come this night to the wall of the prison at the place where I will knock for you from within; and make a hole through it, and do what the prince has commanded you to do». And when they heard this, they accepted his words. Accordingly they went that night secretly to the place of which he told them, which was a cell where he was separate from the other prisoners, of which none of the people knew; and then he knocked at the wall from within, and when they heard him, they broke open the place where he knocked, and made an opening there. So he made the sign of the cross on his face, and put his head out to them, through the hole which they had opened, saying: «It is better that I should give up my life than that the people should perish for my sake». Thereupon the soldiers cut off his head, and went away. Behold then this most admirable deed!
Now there arose at that hour a violent wind, so that none of the people who were guarding the door of the prison heard the sound of those that pierced the wall; nor did any of the prisoners hear it. Thus this blessed father accomplished the words of the holy Gospel, and the words of the Jews which it reports 3 on the day of the blessed crucifixion, namely, that |397 it is better that one should die for the people than that the whole people should perish; and he was like his Lord, the Good Shepherd, who gave his life for his sheep. But the people meanwhile were sitting by the door of the prison, and knew not what had happened to him.
In another copy, however, it is said that he came out through the hole in the wall, and the soldiers took him and led him away to a place called Boucolia, the interpretation of which is Cattle-yard; and this is the place where was accomplished the martyrdom of the glorious father, Saint Mark the evangelist. But when the soldiers saw the holy Peter thus giving himself up to death, they were filled with awe, and dread fell upon them. So he asked them, and said to them: «I pray you that I may go and receive a blessing from the body of the father, Saint Mark the evangelist». Then they consented to his request, and said with shame and downcast looks: «Whatever thou desirest, father, do quickly». So he went to the place where the body of Saint Mark, the evangelist and bringer of good tidings, lay; and he prayed and received a blessing from the relics, and knelt by them, as if he were discoursing with the saint, saying: «O my father, evangelist and messenger of the Lord Christ, the Only-Begotten Son, who dost bear witness to his passion, thou art the first martyr and the first patriarch of this see. Thou, O pure and holy one, art he whom Christ, truly the most holy, elected. Thou didst preach his name in the land of Egypt, and in this city, and in the provinces which surround it, and didst diligently exercise the ministry which was thy work; and thou didst receive the crown of martyrdom. For |398 this reason, O father and evangelist, disciple and martyr, thou wast worthy to show forth thy faith in God, the Word and Saviour, the Lord Jesus Christ. Thou didst elect the blessed Annianus because he was worthy; and after him was Avilius, and those who succeeded those two; then Demetrius and He-raclas and Dionysius and Maximus; and the blessed Theonas, my father, who brought me up until I came to the ministry of this see after him, though I am a sinner, unworthy of this honour which I received only by the greatness of his compassion. Therefore intercede for me, that I may be a martyr in truth, if indeed I be worthy to imitate Christ's crucifixion and resurrection; and that he may fill me with the perfume of life-giving faith, so that I may be to him sweet-smelling incense, by the shedding of my blood for his holy name. For the time is come for my decease; therefore pray, O my father, for me, that I may not be divided into two hearts or purposes; and that the Lord may strengthen me, until I depart from this world. And behold, I leave to thee the flock with which thou didst entrust me, and which thou didst hand over to me, and to those who were before me also, for thou art our teacher, O our lord; therefore be with us and with our children, according to the charge which the Lord Christ gave to thee».
Then Peter rose from beside the tomb, and lifted up his hands to heaven, and said: «O Son of God, Jesus Christ, Word of the Father, I pray and beseech thee to make to cease from us this persecution which is upon thy people, and to grant that the shedding of the blood of this thy |399 servant may put an end to the oppression of thy reasonable flock». Now there was in the neighbourhood of the tomb a dwelling-place, where lived a young virgin with her aged father, and she was at that moment standing to pray; and when her prayer was ended, she heard a voice from heaven saying: «Peter was the first of the apostles; and now Peter is the last of the martyrs». So when the holy father had finished his invocation, he kissed the apostle's tomb, and the tombs of the fathers which were there also. Then he ascended to the soldiers, who saw his face as it were the face of an angel of God, and so they were afraid of him, and did not speak to him; for God does not abandon those who trust in him. Thereupon the saint raised his hands to heaven, and thanked the Lord, and made the sign of the cross on his face, and said «Amen». And he took off his pallium, and bared his neck, which was pure before the Lord, and said to them: «Do as you have been commanded». But the soldiers feared that trouble would befall them because of him. So they looked one at another, and not one of them dared to cut off his head, because of the dread which had fallen upon them. Then they took counsel together and said: «To him that cuts off his head each one of us will give five denarii». Now they were six persons; and one of them had some money; so he took out five and twenty denarii from among the coins and said: «He that will go up to him, and cut off his head, shall receive this money from me and from the four others». So one of the men |400 went forward, and summoned up his courage, and cut off the head of the holy martyr and patriarch Peter; that day being the 29th of Hatur. Now Peter had sat on the evangelical throne for eleven years. But as for that soldier who cast in his lot with Judas Iscariot, he took the money and fled, he and his companions, in fear of the people. And the body of the saint remained lying as it was far into the day, until the people who were sitting before the prison learnt what had taken place, and saw the hole in the wall. Then they went in haste to the place where he was, and found his body covered with his garment, and the old man and the young virgin sitting there and guarding it. So they joined the head to the body, and spread over it a linen cloth; and they collected his blood; and they stood there weeping.
And the city was in confusion, and was greatly disturbed, when the people beheld this martyr of the Lord Christ. Then the chief men of the city came, and wrapped his body in the leathern mat on which he used to sleep; and they took him to the church, and placed him there on the synthronus, until the celebration of the liturgy. And, when the liturgy had heen performed, they buried him with the fathers. May his prayers be with us and all those that are baptized! Amen. |401
ACHILLAS, THE EIGHTEENTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 311-312.
When the Father Peter went to his rest, and the people of Alexandria were thus deprived of his presence, they sent and assembled the bishops together. And they made Achillas, the priest, patriarch instead of Peter, as he had charged them before his death. Then, when Achillas had taken his seat upon the apostolic and evangelical throne, a body of the people came to him, and prayed him to receive Arius. Accordingly he admitted their request, and made Arius deacon. But since Achillas received Arius, and thus disobeyed the command of his father Peter, he only remained in the see six months. And he went to his rest on the 19th of Baunah.
CHAPTER VII
ALEXANDER I, THE NINETEENTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 312-326.
When Achillas, the patriarch, went to his rest, the people assembled and laid their hands upon the Father Alexander, the priest, as the Father Peter, the last of the martyrs, had charged them; and he sat upon the |402 episcopal throne. And some of the people came to him, and prayed him to receive Arius. But when Alexander, the excellent, saw Arius, he rejected him, and would not receive him, and said to those who interceded with him for that man: «The Father Peter, while he was in prison, said to me and to my brother Achillas: The Lord Christ has anathematized Arius; therefore receive him not. And when Achillas, my brother, disobeyed the Father Peter's injunction, he only remained upon the episcopal throne six months. Therefore I will not receive Arius at all, since he is separated from us». So Arius remained in banishment under sentence of excommunication for many years. After that he went to Constantinople, and laid a complaint before Constantius, son of the blessed prince Constantine, describing how he had been treated, and declaring that he had repented and renounced his false doctrine; and he swore to this. And thus he continued to hide his guile in his heart, until God revealed to him his power over him, and his bowels gushed forth from his body, and so he perished, as it shall be related hereafter. For it was on account of Arius that the holy council at Nicaea took place, at which he was anathematized, and the orthodox faith was established, and the days of the fast and the day of the feast of Easter were fixed. And our Father, the patriarch Alexander, was president of that council. And after that, he went to his rest, holding fast to the orthodox faith. His death took place on the 22nd of Barmudah; and the period of his occupation of the see was sixteen years. |403
CHAPTER VIII
ATHANASIUS I, THE APOSTOLIC, THE TWENTIETH PATRIARCH. A. D. 326-373.
So when the blessed Father Alexander went to his rest, the Church was widowed for a few days. Then the people assembled and took counsel, and appointed the Father Athanasius, and seated him on the evangelical throne. And he wrote excellent treatises and many homilies; and he was called during his patriarchate the Apostolic, on account of the nobility of his deeds, which were like those of the Apostles.
In his days took place the council of Galatia at which Basil the Great, author of the Liturgy, was present, and in which they excommunicated the Arians, in the reign of Julian the misbelieving prince; and Jovian, the patrician, presided over this council; and Julian, the prince, was slain by the hand of the glorious martyr Mercurius; and after him Jovian the patrician was enthroned as prince, and gave rest to the Church during his reign. And Athanasius, the patriarch, endured many trials, and was sent into exile; for evil snares were laid for him, so that he was forced to leave his see by the frequent persecutions that he underwent: and he fled to Upper Egypt, and remained there for many years, and feigned himself a |404 workman, and disguised himself as a hired labourer, and did not disclose that he was patriarch. And the misbelieving princes, Valens and Valentinian, reigned eleven years. So when it was the Lord's will to restore Athanasius to his see again, through this patriarch's holy and accepted prayers, he destroyed those princes by an evil death, on account of what they had done against orthodoxy. And the Lord set up a believing prince, named Theodosius; and the Church rejoiced in his days, and there was tranquillity and security and peace.
When Athanasius returned to his see there was joy and gladness in the land of Egypt at his reappearance, because the Lord had counted the people worthy of the return of their shepherd to them. And this good spiritual shepherd remained on the throne of Saint Mark the evangelist forty-seven years, until he went to his rest on the th of Bashans, governing the Church, and subduing those who rebelled against the truth, and resisted the orthodox religion, and wearing as a garment the honour of the Lord Christ. So the people mourned for this apostolic shepherd of whom they were deprived.
And as for his history, he quitted his diocese three times, on account of the persecutions which overtook him, when the heretics took possession of his see; and his absence the third time lasted eleven years. And he wrote |405 from his exile to certain virgins in the city of Alexandria, saying to them: «Verily your bridegroom is Christ, the invisible and immortal one, so that, as long as you remain obedient to his love, you will not be widows. Know that I used to act as scribe for my father Alexander; and he never read the gospel in his cell or elsewhere seated, but always standing, with the light in front of him; for God most high had made him love to read the scriptures. So while he was one night standing and praying and reading in the gospel, behold, some nuns came, and asked leave to see him. Then they came up to him, and prostrated themselves before him, and said to him: There are in our convent certain virgins who fast during six days of the week continuously; but they do no work with their hands, by which something might be earned to feed the poor. Now we desire of thee, our father, that thou shouldst bid them work, and direct that their fast be kept in moderation. So he said to them: Believe me my sisters, I have never fasted for two whole days together, without breaking my fast during the day; but I only ate in moderation, and neither wearied my soul nor punished my body. For it is good that fasting should be in moderation, and drinking in moderation, and sleep in moderation. For if a man eats as he ought, he is strong for prayer; and so likewise if he sleeps in moderation; but to food there should be a limit, and to drink a limit, and to sleep a limit. So tell them to break their fast in moderation, and to work, for everything is good in moderation, that words may not be multiplied, and the beginning of them may not be forgotten». |406
This is what Athanasius the Apostolic wrote and reported of his holy father, Alexander. He declared also that his words were like honey to those that heard them, for he was full of the grace of the Lord Christ; and that it was reported that Arius had come to this Father Alexander, and prayed that he might enter to him. But Alexander said: «Tell him thus: My father charged me that I should not receive thee, and that thou shouldst not enter to me, and that I should not associate with thee. For my father bore witness that the Lord Christ showed him in a dream his garment rent by thee, and commanded him not to receive thee. Or knowest thou not that it is thy tongue that has separated thee from him by what thou hast said concerning him? Therefore pray to the Lord Christ, the Saviour, and confess thy sin to him; and if he receive thee, then he will command me to receive thee, as he commanded Peter, my father, not to receive thee. For Christ has commanded that we should forbid none of those that believe in him to enter the church. But if a man has committed an offence, and has sinned, then we forbid him, until he repents and is converted; and then if Christ receives him we receive him».
So when Arius heard this he was angry, and went away, and collected to himself a great body of followers, and composed blasphemous treatises, and denied his faith with his tongue that deserved to be cut out, saying that the Son of God was created. And the council at Nicaea was held on account of him; and there the heads of the four sees were assembled to judge him, |407 namely the patriarchs of Rome and Alexandria and Ephesus and Antioch; and Constantine, the believing prince, sat with them. And they finally settled the orthodox faith, and the time of the Fast and of Easter. And the prince said to the bishops in council: «I pray you to make the city of Constantinople a patriarchal see, because it is the city of the prince, and likewise Jerusalem because it is the city of the true, heavenly prince.» So when they saw his humility, they did this as he prayed them. And they cut off Arius the unbeliever; and Constantine, the believing prince, wrote the excommunication of Arius the unbeliever in his own handwriting, saying therein that he had caused those to perish whom Christ bought with his holy blood. Then Arius fled to Africa, and found no rest in the days of Constantine, the prince, and in the days of Alexander the patriarch.
Now Alexander had brought up Athanasius excellently well. For he was the son of a principal woman, a worshipper of idols, who was very rich; and he was an orphan on the father's side. So when he grew up she wished to marry him to a wife, but he did not desire that. Then she intrigued against him, that he might fall with a woman who was a sinner, that she might involve him in the mire of matrimony; but he would not do it, for the Lord was keeping him for great things. And she used to take beautiful girls, and adorn them and perfume them, and make them enter to him into his chamber, and sleep near him and solicit him; but when he awoke he beat them, and drove them away. For her constant desire was to marry him and to establish him in his father's possessions |408 and wealth, but he would never consent. And she sent for a man who was a magician of Alexandria, a wise man among the Sabaeans, and informed him of her circumstances with regard to her son; so he said to her: «Let me eat bread with him to-day.» Thereupon she rejoiced, and prepared a great feast. And the philosopher accompanied her son, and they ate and drank; but when the morning came, he went to her, and said to her: «Trouble not thyself, for thou canst have no power over thy son, for he has become a Galilaean according to the doctrines of the Galilaeans; and he will be a great man.» She said: «Who are the Galilaeans?» He answered:. «The people of the Church, who have ruined the temples and destroyed the images.» Therefore when she heard this, she said within herself: «If I neglect him, he will go away from me, and I shall be left alone.» So straightway she arose, and took him with her, and went with him to Alexander, and related to him the circumstances of Athanasius her son, and all his history. Then she was baptized, and her son also.
And after a time she died, and Athanasius remained like a son with the Father Alexander, who educated him quietly in every branch of learning. And Athanasius learnt the gospels by heart, and read the divine scriptures; and when he was fully grown, Alexander ordained him deacon, and made him his scribe, and he became as though he were the interpreter of the aforesaid father, and a minister of the word which, he wished to utter. |409
So when Constantine, the believing prince, died in a good old age, Constantius his son was enthroned after him, but did not remain firm in the orthodox faith, only fearing and respecting the people. Then Arms found his opportunity, and aimed at taking hold of the prince, and drew him to his own mind, and corrupted his heart, and induced him to incline the empire to his doctrine, and led him astray, till he sent and summoned Alexander from Alexandria to Constantinople. For the prince did not know the power of Alexander, nor the cause for which he had anathematized Arius and removed him from the Church. Now Alexander had grown old and advanced in years, although he was strong in sense and sound in faculties; and Athanasius was his interpreter and scribe and mouthpiece, through the power of the Holy Ghost, on account of his knowledge of the orthodox faith. So the Father Alexander took his seat in the presence of the prince, who then summoned Arius; and Arius uttered his impure discourse, and multiplied his vile phrases. But Athanasius confuted him by the arguments which he delivered, and brought his discourse to naught. Thereupon Arius was troubled, and broke up the assembly, saying: «We will have another sitting.» And since Arius knew that he had no power against Athanasius, he gave money to the attendants at the royal doors, and settled with them that they should prevent Athanasius from entering with the others into the next assembly. So when the morrow came the prince commanded to bring them in; but when Alexander entered, the doorkeepers prevented Athanasius |410 the Apostolic from entering. When the prince had taken his seat, the patriarch being present also, Arius spoke and delivered a long discourse. So the Father Alexander turned to the right and left, but could not see Athanasius, his scribe; and therefore he was silent. Then the prince said to him: «Why dost thou not speak?» Alexander replied: «How shall I speak without a tongue?» So the prince knew that he meant Athanasius, and commanded to bring him in. But when Arius saw that Athanasius had entered, he went out hastily, and would not remain. Then Alexander said to the prince: «Know, O prince, that the cutting off of this Arius took place at the council; and it was not I alone that cut him off, but thy blessed father, the prince, and all the members of the council cut him off, and the prince wrote his anathema in his own handwriting. Therefore if thou wilt look at the letter of thy father, thou wrilt find that it is in his handwriting. Shall I then say of him that was excommunicated by the prince Constantme and the members of the council that I will absolve him? Nay, that would be an act of heresy on my part. For thy father in truth wrote his anathema and his excommunication in his own handwriting, at the council which took place at Nicaea.» So when the prince heard this speech, he was afraid of his brother, that if he should break the command of his father, his brother would find in that a pretext for plotting against him; and therefore he dismissed the Father Alexander, and restored him to his see. Thus Arius justly remained anathematized, and bound by the censures of the |411 Church, for he had supposed that he would succeed in obtaining his desires by his power over the prince, and by giving money to the attendants.
And the Father Alexander went to his rest with his fathers, after he had charged the priests and the people, at the time of his death, that they should seat Athanasius after him upon the throne. So they rejoiced at that, on account of their love for Athanasius. When he sat upon the apostolic throne, he drove the sect of Arius out of the Church, and brought forth the letter of excommunication which was in the handwriting of Constantine, the prince, and the members of the holy council, and read it in the church before the congregation. But when Arius heard of this, he was exceedingly angry, and his pride blazed up like fire, and he went to the prince, and said to him: «If Alexander, patriarch of Constantinople, will receive me by thy command, I shall attain my object.» So the prince summoned the patriarchy and said to him: «Behold, the patriarch of Alexandria has refused to receive Arius, and has disobeyed our command. But thou knowest that we have raised thee, and seated thee as patriarch upon the throne of Constantinople; and therefore it behoves thee not to resist us, as others do., since thou art good, but to take Arius to thyself, and receive him.» The patriarch answered: «Nay, the Church will not receive him, and it is not right that we should receive any except those who agree with her faith. For this man has declared that one of the Trinity is a creature, and has been rightly removed from the Church.» The prince rejoined: «That he does not do, |412 but on the contrary he acknowledges the Trinity.» The patriarch said to him: «Then let him write for me a confession of his faith in his own handwriting, so that I may know what he believes.» So the prince sent for Arius; for this was a thing from God most high; and he wrote a confession of the faith in his own hand, concealing his heresy in his own soul. Then the patriarch asked him to swear that no doubt of the truth remained in his heart; and so he swore to him. Then the prince said to the patriarch: «What remaining objection hast thou against Arius after that?» So the Father Alexander, patriarch of Constantinople, said to the king: «Verily the Father Athanasius, patriarch of Alexandria, has read afresh at Alexandria the anathema pronounced against Arius, written in the handwriting of the prince Constantine, thy blessed father, and in the handwriting of the fathers of the council of Nicaea, and has banished his sect from his church. But if no misfortune happen to this Arius from to-day till Sunday, then I will receive him, and will invite him to association with the priests. »
Then Arius went away, and waited for Sunday. So when Sunday came he entered the church, having put on splendid garments, and perfumed and scented himself, and sat by the door of the sanctuary, among the ranks of the priests. But the patriarch and his friends had remained all through the week fasting, and standing before the Lord Jesus, and beseeching him not to reckon to them the sin of Arius; for the prince had sworn to Alexander, saying: «If thou wilt not receive Arius on Sunday after his oath, I will exact from the church a large sum of money». So when the clergy and the |413 people were assembled on that day in the church, while Arius was present, the father and patriarch performed the liturgy, though he was sad. But when the reader read, the bowels of Arius were moved; and he went out to a corner at a distance, that he might relieve himself, and all his bowels gushed out from his body. And as he remained absent from the congregation, they asked after him, but could not find him. So they searched for him, and discovered him sitting rigid, empty, and shrivelled, with all his internal organs lying before him. Then they brought word of this to the father and patriarch, and he marvelled thereat, and was silent, and thanked the Lord Jesus Christ, and glorified him who had passed judgment upon Arius, and destroyed him swiftly, on account of his false oath and his corrupt faith. Then he showed to the prince and the congregation all the truth of what the Father Peter, the martyr, patriarch of Alexandria had said.
So Alexander, patriarch of Constantinople, finished the liturgy on that day with joy and glory and praise, and sent to Athanasius, patriarch of Alexandria, saying: «We glorify God and make known to thee, brother, that Arius has died a wonderful death, and his doctrine has been cut off, and his sect scattered.» But the prince was not satisfied with that, on account of the friends of Arius, namely Syrianus and George and their followers. These are they who made the assault upon the church of Alexandria. |414
For the prince gave to George five hundred horsemen of his army, and sent them with him, that they might make him patriarch of Alexandria. And he wrote to every city letters, in which he repeated the doctrine of Arius, that the Son of God was created; but not one in the land of Egypt would accept it, and the people continued to receive the communion from priests whom Athanasius had ordained. So this George entered into the church of Alexandria by guile; and many of the Christian people who followed the doctrine of Athanasius were killed by the soldiers who came with George, until the blood in the church rose up to their knees; and they plundered the vessels of the church, and violated the virgins who were in it.
Meanwhile Athanasius lay hid; and the people continued for a long time to communicate in caves and deserts and in the fields in all the provinces of Egypt as far as the Thebaid; for the Arians, who were friends of the prince, were spread over every place. And Serapion, bishop of Thmuis, wrote to the patriarch Athanasius and all the people, that they should keep themselves from the Arians. And after six years Athanasius showed himself, and went to the prince, thinking that he would kill him, and that he would receive the crown of martyrdom. So the prince commanded that he should be placed in a small boat, and that neither bread nor water should be given him, and that there should be no sailor with him nor anyone to guide the vessel, but that he should embark in it alone, and be sent out to sea; so |415 this was done to him. And the waves carried him, while God guarded and guided him, until he arrived at Alexandria unexpectedly on the third day. Thereupon the priests and people went out to him, and met him with joy and chanting, and so accompanied him until he entered the church, and expelled from it George, and those who believed in his corrupt faith. And Athanasius kept on that day a festival to the Lord; and the people rejoiced in all the provinces of Egypt.
And after seven years a man came whose name was Gregory, with whom were two thousand men who were soldiers; and he pillaged the church, and remained in possession of the see four years. And Athanasius was arrested; and the prince delivered him to a man named Philagrius, an unbeliever and idolater, for he wished to kill him, and to kill Liberius, patriarch of Rome, and Dionysius, patriarch of Antioch, because those three were the fathers of the orthodox faith; but the Lord rescued them from his hand, and saved them. So Athanasius went away with Liberius to Rome, and did not cease to remain with him until Constantius died, and his son Constans reigned after him; and he was orthodox. And as soon as Gonstans took his seat upon the throne he commanded to restore Athanasius to his see.
At that time Cyril was patriarch of Jerusalem; and a great miracle was manifested by his hand, for a pillar of light appeared by the tomb of the Lord Christ our Saviour; and a multitude of the Romans witnessed it, for all |416 those that were in the city and its neighbourhood came and beheld it. And it remained from the third hour to the ninth; and the people hastened to see it from every place. And Cyril wrote to Constantius the prince, and informed him of this wonder. Now Constans the prince loved Athanasius; and when he returned to his see, he remained twenty-five years in tranquillity and peace, although before that time he had passed twenty-two years in the see, in exile and conflict and persecution.
And Constans died, and Julian, the misbelieving gentile and idolater, reigned after him, being the son of the sister of Constantine, the great prince, and began immediately to open the heathen temples. Julian lived at Antioch, because he was unworthy to dwell in the residence of the great Constantine; and when he went to the place of the idols, he took a hawk, which he gave to the priest of the idols, who offered it to Satan, and Julian took its heart and ate it. And he had a sister's son named also Julian, an unbeliever like his uncle, who took the faithful priest Theodoret, and killed him, and then came to his uncle and informed him that he had put him to death. But Julian was angry with him, and said to him: «I did not desire that thou shouldst kill him; for the Christians take a pride in being slain, and say that they have become martyrs; but I am determined, if I return from fighting the Persians, that from everyone of the Christians shall be taken three ounces as a tax»; meaning thereby that he would oppress the Christians, |417 so that they might worship his idols, because they would not be able to pay the tax. Now the Church was in those days rich, and had four pillars to sustain her, namely Athanasius the patriarch, and Anthony and Pachomius, the two monks, in Egypt, and Basil, the bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia; and Liberius was patriarch of Rome. And the aforesaid Basil was a friend of Julian, the prince, and was brought up together with him in the school; so when he heard his evil doctrine, he took with him two bishops, and went to visit him. So Julian looked at their garments and their beards, and then said to them: «What do you seek?» They replied: «We seek a good ruler to rule over us.» Julian said to Basil: «Where didst thou leave the son of the carpenter when thou earnest hither?» Basil answered: «I left him making thy coffin to put thee in.» The prince said to him: «If thou wert not my friend, and if I had not an affection for thee, I would cut off thy head forthwith.» Basil said to him: «Didst thou not love knowledge, and long after it? How then hast thou abandoned philosophy?» The prince replied: «I have studied it and learnt it by heart, and I have found it vile.» Basil said to him: «Thou hast not studied it well, nor learnt it by heart; for if thou hadst understood it, thou wouldst not have thought it base.» The prince answered: «I must imprison you until I return from fighting the |418 Persians, so that you may see what will happen.» Basil rejoined: «If thou go and return, God has not spoken in me.» Julian, the prince, said: «What have I to do with that lying Galilaean, who said, I will destroy the temple which the Jews built? For I will rebuild it as kings build; and it shall be evident to all men that his words, It shall not be built, are false.» Then he cast Basil and the two who were with him into prison.
So Julian marched into the land of the Persians; and when he passed by Jerusalem, he saw the temple in ruins, without a wall standing, for Vespasian, the prince, had demolished it when he destroyed the Jews, and took them captive. But Julian commanded that the ground should be cleared, and the temple constructed anew, and proceeded on his march after leaving behind him one to superintend the building. Then he who directed the work of rebuilding the place began by pulling down the remains of the temple, so that there was not left therein one stone upon another, as the holy Gospel says; and afterwards he began to reconstruct it as a heathen temple. And the builders used to work during the whole day until night-fall, and then they departed to their homes; but when they came on the morrow, they used to find all that they had built destroyed, though not by human hands; nay, they even found the walls torn up from their foundations, and cast down on the ground. So they went on for two months, without being able to rebuild anything. Then the Jews said to them: «Burn down these tombs, in which the Christians lie, and then the building which you erect will be strong.» This advice they followed, and set fire to the tombs, beginning with two |419 tombs, in which were the body of Eliseus, the prophet, and the body of John the Baptist; but the fire had no power over them at all, therefore they wondered greatly. And although the fire continued to be lighted for many days, yet it would not touch them. Then some of the faithful went to the governor, and offered him money, if he would empower them to take away the two bodies which were in the two tombs; and he accepted the money and gave them permission to do so. Then they carried away the two holy bodies, and sent them to the Father Athanasius, patriarch of Alexandria; and when they were brought to him, he rejoiced over them, as if he saw them alive before him; and he took them, and concealed them in a certain place, until he should find means of building a church over them.
And while Athanasius was sitting one day, and many of the faithful were with him to hear his discourses which gave life to their souls, behold, he raised his eyes and observed certain mounds opposite to the place in which he was. So he said: «If I find an opportunity, I shall build upon these mounds a church to John the Baptist and Eliseus the prophet.» And Theophilus, the scribe of Athanasius, was sitting with him at the table, with others of the faithful, and heard him say these words, which therefore remained in his memory.
But as for Julian, the unbelieving prince, he marched on into Persia; and God delivered him into the hand of his enemies, on account of the saints |420 whom he had imprisoned and threatened before his march. His death was thus. He saw in the night an army which came down upon him from the air, and one of the soldiers struck him with a lance on the head so that it pierced him through the body. Then, knowing that it was one of the martyrs, he filled his hand with his blood, and threw it upwards, saying: «Take that, Jesus, for thou hast conquered the whole world.» And after blaspheming thus, he fell dead. Thus God delivered his people; and the Romans returned to their own country. And Basil, the holy man, three days before the death of Julian, being in prison, had awaked from his sleep, and said to the two who were with him: «I have seen to-night the martyr, Saint Mercurius, entering into his church, and taking his lance, saying: In truth, I will not suffer this unbeliever to blaspheme my God. And when he had said this, he disappeared from me, and I did not see him again.» Then both his companions said to him: «Verily I also saw the same thing.» So they said one to another: «We believe this firmly, that it is so.» And they sent to the church of the martyr, Saint Mercurius, that they might look for his lance which was kept there, to see whether it was still there or not; and as they could not find the lance, they were assured of the truth of the dream. And after three days the letters with the news of Julian's death arrived at Antioch.
Then the chiefs of the empire assembled, and seated on the throne of the empire a man named Jovian, who was a believer and a holy man, fearing God from his youth. Accordingly at the moment of his election he released |421 the fathers from prison; and thus the saying of that pillar of the truth, Basil, to Julian, the unbeliever, was fulfilled, when he foretold that he would not return; as the prophet Michaeas predicted to Achab, the unbelieving king of the children of Israel; for God, the worker of miracles, was the God of both those men, namely of that prophet and of this holy father, and he accepted their words.
And Jovian, the prince, brought out the three fathers, and honoured them, and gave them many gifts, and sent them to their sees. And he used assiduously to attend the prayers in the churches. And he wrote to Athanasius, patriarch of Alexandria, a letter, in which he said: «O true father and trusty shepherd, Athanasius, martyr of Christ who is God, my empire hopes much of you; therefore be of good courage, and take the priestly staff and drive out with it the ravening wolves from among the reasonable flock, namely those whose mouths are full of cursing and the bitterness of the poison of asps, for they are the slayers of souls.» This letter was read in the church at Alexandria, and Athanasius the patriarch sent it to the provinces of Egypt, where it was read in their churches, to comfort and strengthen the faithful. So the followers of Arius were driven away because they were hated; and they were filled with sadness; and after this some of them went to Jovian, the prince, and appealed against the Father Athanasius, but he would not attend to them because he knew their wickedness.
Then Athanasius grew old and advanced in age, after he had written |422 many homilies and treatises; and he wrote concerning Melchisedech, and concerning the Father Anthony, whose biography he related; and he wrote forty-seven Festal Epistles. He wrote also concerning the holy cross, how the Lord Christ was unknown to the devil thereby, so that he believed that he was a mere man; and when he came to him, the Lord pierced his nostrils with his finger, which is next to the little finger, and his thumb, putting them behind him: which means that he rent, shattered, and destroyed Satan's power; showing us that he had overcome the devil's strength by weakness, for the finger which is next to the little finger is one that a man never uses, and is the weakest of the fingers; for he did not kill him speedily, but weakened his power, as the Scripture says, in the 67th Psalm 4: «Let God arise, and let his enemies be destroyed.» Athanasius also wrote many works on doctrine, and things that cannot be numbered. And he used to write to Basil; and Basil used to answer his letters, and used to address him as My Father. And he wrote also an epistle to Arsenius, to console him for Theodore his brother, when he went to his rest; and he said in it: «Would that all of us had obtained the place of Theodore thy brother, and would that our ship had anchored in his harbour!» And he wrote a treatise in which he proves that evil comes from the devil, (may God shame him!) and that there is no evil at all with God.
It is said that this Father Athanasius, the patriarch, was borne by an angel of the Lord on one of his journeys, when he was fleeing from the unbelieving princes, until he brought him to the place to which he desired to go, |423 as the angel carried Habacuc the prophet from Jerusalem to Babylon, and as Ezechiel the prophet was carried from Babylon to Jerusalem; for that is not difficult for God most high to do. And there was in Alexandria an idol named Serapis; and when Athanasius was consumed by fever, and his death drew near, he said: «If I find mercy with my Lord Christ, I will prostrate myself before him, and will not raise my face until the gate of this idol be shut.» Accordingly the priests of Alexandria bore witness that after seven days from the day of his death, the prince sent and blocked up the door of the temple in which the idol was.
CHAPTER IX
PETER II, THE TWENTY-FIRST PATRIARCH. A. D. 373-380.
When the patriarch Athanasius, the Apostolic, went to his rest, the bishops and clergy with the orthodox people assembled, and laid their hands upon a priest, named Peter, and appointed him patriarch. And many troubles |424 befell him through a misbelieving man named Lucius, the deaf-eared liar, who was appointed by the scribe Palladius, without authority from the prince. But after some time the matter reached the ears of the prince, and he despatched an officer who seized Lucius the unbeliever and Palladius the scribe, and sent them both into banishment; and they remained in exile until they died. And the Father Peter remained patriarch for eight years, and went to his rest on the 20th of Amshir.
CHAPTER X
TIMOTHY I, THE TWENTY-SECOND PATRIARCH. A. D. 380-385.
And the people assembled, with the bishops, after the death of the Father Peter, and laid their hands upon a priest named Timothy, and made him patriarch. In his days took place the council of Constantinople, at which the number of the bishops who took part in it was one hundred and fifty; and they excommunicated Macedonius, the misbeliever, patriarch of Constantinople, where the council was held, and another, Eunomius, because those two had blasphemed against the Holy Ghost, and said, in their misbelief, |425 that he was created. This was in the time of Theodosius, the faithful prince. And Timothy remained all his days in tranquillity and peace. The period of his occupation of the throne of Alexandria was nine years and a half; and he died on the th of Abib, maintaining the orthodox faith.
CHAPTER XI
THEOPHILUS, THE TWENTY-THIRD PATRIARCH. A. D. 385-412.
When the Father Timothy died, the bishops and people assembled, and appointed Theophilus patriarch. He had been secretary to the patriarch Athanasius, and was righteous in his conduct before God and men. When he took his seat upon the patriarchal throne, news was brought to him that the idolaters had gone to Jerusalem, to open the house of their idols. So he sent some monks thither to drive them away; but the monks were unable to overcome the idolaters. Then Theophilus sent to the monastery of Pachomius in Upper Egypt, and fetched the religious thence, and despatched them to Jerusalem. And when they reached that city, they offered up prayers, |426 and the devils fled from the heathen temple; and that temple was made a habitation for the monks of Jerusalem. When the monks of Upper Egypt returned homewards, the patriarch Theophilus forced them to remain and eat with him by themselves, and entertained them from Sunday to the following Sunday; and he gave them a garden which had belonged to the patriarch Athanasius.
Then the Father Theophilus, the patriarch, remembered the words of Athanasius, which he uttered when he was eating with Theophilus, while he was his scribe. Athanasius said that it was his desire to clear away the mounds of rubbish which he saw, and to build on their site a church to the names of the Baptist and the prophet Eliseus. And at that time, a woman, who had two sons, cleared away the mounds, as his letter testifies, and a stone slab was discovered, upon which three thetas were inscribed; and her history is related in that letter, besides a story of Theophilus and the Angel Raphael, which is not written in this biography. And when Theophilus removed the slab, he found beneath it the money which he required; so he built the churches with it. He built in a certain spot beside the garden a church to which he translated the body of Saint John the Baptist, and the body of the prophet Eliseus; and many miracles were performed by them both on that day, and a number of people who had been sick were healed.
Theophilus wrote, in the course of his life, many homilies and treatises. |427 Now the emperor Valentinian had died after reigning twelve years; and Valentinian and Gratian, his two sons, reigned after him; and they were believers, and loved God, whose name is glorious. When Theophilus administered the sacrament of baptism, he used to behold a beam of light in the form of a cross over the font before him. But in a certain year, when he stood and blessed the font, during the week of baptism, the cross of light did not appear to him; and he was sad. And it was revealed to him that the reason was that he had not sent for the deacon Arsenius to pray with him, and that if he did not do so the light would not appear to him. So Theophilus dismissed the congregation that day, and sent to seek Arsenius, and found him in the neighbourhood of Ushmûn, and brought him to the church in haste. And the patriarch rejoiced greatly over the arrival of Arsenius, and was consoled; and the cross appeared once more over the font. Theophilus, when he saw the humility of this deacon, and his virtue, desired to ordain him priest; but Arsenius would not consent, and begged the patriarch to spare him that promotion, and to bless him, and let him return to his native country. So the patriarch granted the request of Arsenius.
Now Theophilus had a nephew, his sister's son, named Cyril, whom he had instructed and brought up to the best of his power. And after some time the patriarch sent him to the Mount of Nitria, to the desert of Saint Macarius. And Cyril dwelt there five years in the monasteries, reading the books of the Old and New Testaments; for Theophilus urged him to apply himself assiduously to his studies, saying to him: «By these studies thou |428 wilt some day arrive in Jerusalem on high, which is the dwelling-place of the saints». For Cyril was the attendant of Theophilus in the patriarchal cell, and was ordained reader. The patriarch, when he sent Cyril to the desert, entrusted him to Serapion the Wise, and charged him to teach Cyril the doctrines of the Church, which are the true doctrines of God; so Cyril learnt all the Scriptures by heart. He used to stand before his teacher studying, with a sword of iron in his hand; and if he felt an inclination to sleep, he pricked him with the sword, and so he woke up again; and during most of his nights he would read through in a single night the Four Gospels, and the Catholic Epistles, and the Acts, and the first Epistle of the Blessed Paul, namely, that addressed to the Romans; and on the morrow after this, Cyril's teacher would know, by looking at his face, that he had studied all night. And the grace of God was with Cyril, so that when he had read a book once, he knew it by heart; and in these years in the desert he learnt by heart all the canonical books. After this, the patriarch Theophilus sent to him and brought him back to Alexandria, and there Cyril dwelt with the patriarch in his cell, and read aloud in his presence; and the priests and learned men and philosophers were astonished at him, and rejoiced over him on account of the beauty of his form, and the sweetness of his voice which never changed, as it is written 5: «I opened my mouth and drew in my breath». And all the people, when they heard him read, desired that he might never cease |429 reading, because he read so sweetly, and was so beautiful in countenance. And his uncle Theophilus loved him greatly, and thanked God that he had granted him a spiritual son who had grown in grace and wisdom. Cyril's conduct was excellent, and his humility great; and he never ceased to study theology, nor to meditate upon the words of the doctors of the orthodox Church, Athanasius and Dionysius and Clement, patriarch of Rome, and Eusebius, and Basil, bishop of Armenia, and Basil, bishop of Cappadocia. These are the orthodox fathers whose works he studied. And he would not follow the doctrine of Origen, nor even take his books into his hand for a single day; but when he heard that one of the faithful had read Origen, he condemned and excommunicated him who had so read. When Cyril read in the Gospel the words 6: «Ask and ye shall receive; seek and ye shall find», he understood these words, and prayed to God for knowledge, and God gave it him. For he was like the bee, which goes forth to feed upon every plant and tree, and collects what is profitable for itself, until it has filled its bag with pure untainted honey.
Now the history of the Father Theophilus is very copious; for it contains the account of his dealings at Alexandria with Theodosius, the great prince; and the miracles which the Angel Raphael performed for him; and the affair of the widow and her two sons, whom he made bishops; and the three thetas |430 which were found written on the slab of stone which concealed the treasures that were discovered at Alexandria; and the wonders manifested by the Angel Raphael in the church which Theophilus built upon the island; and then the authority given to him by the prince over the property of the heathen temples, from Aswan to the confines of Syria, and in the provinces that lie between them.
CHAPTER XII
CYRIL I, THE TWENTY-FOURTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 412-444.
When the patriarch Theophilus died, the Father Cyril took his seat upon the apostolic throne; and the bishops raised the Four Gospels over his head, and prayed over him, saying: «O God, strengthen this man whom thou hast chosen for us.» The first thing that Cyril did was to appoint priests to take charge of the churches throughout his diocese, so that they might not be drawn away from the spiritual food by which they were able to do that which pleases God; and he began his patriarchate full of the wisdom which gives life. And the prince, Theodosius the Younger, who loved God, followed the injunctions |431 of his fathers, and assembled the monks around him, and performed his devotions in their company; but he had no son, and his sister administered the empire. Now the patriarch Cyril never wearied of composing discourses and homilies by the power of the Holy Ghost, who spoke through him; so that most of the principal inhabitants of Alexandria appointed copyists to transcribe for them what the father composed. Then certain philosophers said to him: «Behold, here are discourses written by the prince Julian, in which he casts contempt upon Moses and all the prophets, and alleges that Christ was a mere man; and we used to read his books because it was the prince who wrote them. Julian says: The words of the Galilean will I make lies; for Christ said 7: There shall not remain one stone upon another in the temple of Jerusalem that shall not be thrown down. But I will rebuild the temple, and falsify his words. Accordingly Julian destroyed what remained of the temple, that he might rebuild it; but after all he died without restoring any part of it. Thus the words of the Saviour were proved to be true, and we have learnt how great is his power and majesty because none of his words have been falsified.» Now when Cyril heard these things, he was much troubled, until he had found a copy of Julian's works, and had read them; and he found them worse even than the works of Origen and Porphyry. |432 So when Cyril found that he was unable to collect all the copies of Julian's works which were scattered here and there in the possession of different persons, he wrote to the prince Theodosius to inform him of this matter, saying: «If it is thy pleasure that Julian's works be destroyed and his misbelief rooted out, order these books which he composed, and by means of which he led men astray, to be collected, and cause them to be burnt.» And the prince approved of Cyril's letter, and glorified God, and acted in accordance with Cyril's suggestions, and wrote a reply, in which he requested him to bless his empire. So the Father Cyril rejoiced, and composed homilies and discourses, in which he refuted the writings of the prince Julian, and condemned his actions, pointing out how the angel destroyed him in war like Saul; and much besides.
After this the news concerning Nestorius reached the ears of Cyril, and he was informed of the corrupt doctrine of that heretic. And Cyril was sad when he heard this, and said: «No sooner has the misbelief of Julian passed away, than the blasphemies of Nestorius, patriarch of Constantinople, have appeared.» So Cyril, when he had ascertained how false the opinions of Nestorius were, wrote to him as follows:
«Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria, addresses Nestorius, patriarch of Constantinople, with the salutation of the brethren in the true God, who has given us the grace which is one, setting all the world in agreement and |433 in one belief, by the shedding of his blood, which grace is the faith in the Son of God, Jesus Christ».
The rest of the epistle is well known, and therefore has not been transcribed in this history. And Nestorius returned an answer which was full of blasphemies. So Abba Cyril wrote to the bishops, to inform them of the case of Nestorius; and they met the patriarch in synod, and said to him: «We have heard the reports concerning Nestorius, and there is a special difficulty in regard to his circumstances. For Arius and his followers, and Paul and Manes and the rest of the heretics were not patriarchs, and yet they led a multitude of men astray. How then can this man remain patriarch of Constantinople?»
Then the Father Cyril wrote to Nestorius a second letter in which he said many things, including the following words: «Verily I do not fully believe what is told me of thee». And he added exhortations and warnings, and taught Nestorius what is the right faith, and begged him to return from his heretical doctrine, and told him that he was not strong enough to oppose God who mounted the Cross for our sakes. The following is a transcription of Cyril's letter:
«To my brother and fellow-minister. I did not believe at first what was reported of thee, nor that the contents of the letters, which came to me, and which were said to be written by thee, in reality proceeded from thee. For the lying doctrines which they contained were attributed to the saints; for they were letters full of blasphemy. And now I charge thee to cast away this blasphemy and these disputes; for thou hast no power to fight against |434 God, who was crucified for us in truth, and died in the body, although he was living in the power of his Godhead. For it is he that is sitting on the right hand of the Father, while the angels and principalities and powers worship him; and he is the eternal King, into whose hands the Father has given all things. And he is the Creator of all; so that thou hast no power to oppose him. I told thee what befell the Jews who withstood him, so that thou art not ignorant of it, and what befell the heretics, Simon Magus and the prince Julian and Arius. Behold what Job the truthful says 8: Look upon my wounds, and fear, and glorify God. I tell thee that the Church will not endure that thou insult her God; and she it is against whom the gates of hell shall not prevail; for thou knowest what trials she has undergone, and yet that no man has ever had power over her, because she is as a rock in her faith. Beware therefore what thou doest at this time. Farewell.»
When this second letter reached Nestorius, he wrote another answer like his first, full of blasphemies, and, when the Father Cyril received it, he again addressed an epistle to Nestorius, saying:
«If thou wert not a bishop, none would know of thee save thy neighbours and kinsmen; but since thou sittest upon the episcopal throne of the Son of God all know thee, through the fame of the Church. Thou hast attacked the Lord with words of blasphemy, which thou canst not confirm or prove. |435 For if thou searchest the Old Testament, thou canst not find therein that Christ is called a mere man, as thou pretendest; and in saying thus thou showest only that thou dost resist God thy Creator, who bought thee with his blood, namely God the Son, Son of God the Father. So he is called both in the Old and New Testaments. So he is called in the Gospel of John, which speaks of him as the Only-begotten Son, who is in the bosom of his Father 9. Matthew the evangelist also says 10 that Christ is Emmanuel, the interpretation of which is God with us, as Isaias says 11 in his prophecy. Mark testifies 12 in his Gospel that when the high priest asked of Jesus: Art thou the Son of God? he answered: Yea, I am he; and hereafter you shall see the Son of God sitting on the right hand of power, and coming on the clouds to judge the living and the dead. Is not this testimony that of which Paul says 13 that it was the good confession which Jesus made before Pontius Pilate? This is the confession in which the Church perseveres, and for it myriads of martyrs have died, whose numbers cannot be counted. Hast thou not heard Gabriel saying 14 to our Lady Mary that he whom she should bear was of the Holy Ghost, and should be called the Son of God, who is over all, and glorified for ever and ever? Who is it that bears the sins of the world? Is it not Jesus Christ, the son of Mary, whom she bore for us, God the Word incarnate? If thou believest that he was a prophet like |436 Moses, yet neither Moses nor any of the prophets was able to bear the sins of the world; but it is the Prince of goodness, even Christ, who bears the sins of the world by his being raised upon the cross for our sakes. Hast thou not heard Paul, the apostle, saying 15: He is not man, but he is God who became man? Again Paul says 16 that it was no angel or intercessor that saved us, but Jesus Christ; and God the Father raised him from the dead. Seest thou now how he confesses that he is God, and how he acknowledges the sufferings that he endured in his holy body? For if he be not God, how could Paul acknowledge that our salvation came not by a man nor from a man, nor by an angel or intercessor, but by God, even Jesus Christ, whose death he also acknowledges, when he says that the Father raised him from the dead? Thou seest now this wisdom, full of faith in our Lord Jesus Christ. I have sent thee these letters, my brother, that thou mayest preserve them in the church. Thou art not without knowledge, so read the scriptures and learn from them these things and more besides. I have sent the brethren to thee, and have asked them to remain with thee, that thou mayest enquire diligently during a month, and search through the scriptures, and write to us of what befalls thee. Farewell.»
When Nestorius had perused this epistle, he would not receive the brethren who had brought it to him, nor would he accept the advice contained |437 in the letter or write an answer to it. So the messengers remained a whole month at Constantinople, as Abba Cyril, the patriarch, commanded them, and paid frequent visits to Nestorius; but he would not allow them to enter, and hardened his heart, as Pharao did.
Now Nestorius had been a friend of the prince Theodosius since the time when they were together in the school; and the prince used to say to Nestorius: «I have never heard any of the doctors of the Church teach according to thy doctrine.» But Nestorius would not listen to him. ---- So the messengers sent to Nestorius by Cyril returned to him, and told him what had happened. Then Cyril availed himself of the weapons of his fathers, Alexander and Athanasius, and put on the breastplate of faith which his predecessors had handed down in the Church of Saint Mark the Evangelist; and he went out to war, as David did, with his heart strong in Christ who is God. And he wrote to the other bishops, and they sent a letter to the prince, begging him to allow them to hold a council to enquire into the teaching of Nestorius, and reminding him that his fathers, who had reigned before him, had at all times been supporters of the Church. «They constantly assisted the bishops to confirm the orthodox faith, that they might bless their empire. But now this Nestorius has divided the Church, and is not far from the error of idolatry, since he blasphemously teaches that Christ is a mere man, and no more than a prophet. Many prophets have come into the world, but none of them has ever been worshipped; so that if Nestorius |438 worships a man, he is become an idolater. When Peter said 17 to our Lord Christ: Master, it is good for us to be here, and let us make three tabernacles, one for thee, and one for Moses, and one for Elias, he said it because Christ was the Creator of those two and their God, and had manifested his glory to his disciples by bringing those two, the one from heaven and the other from the earth. Therefore we beg of thy imperial power that we may hold a council to enquire into this man's doctrines. And we will pray for thee and for thy empire that thou mayest obtain salvation, O thou that lovest God!» When the prince had read this letter, he was moved by the power of the Lord, and, acting together with the patriarch, he summoned a council of the bishops to meet in the city of Ephesus. Accordingly, two hundred bishops assembled there from all the cities, each bishop taking with him two priests and a deacon from his diocese. They sent to Nestorius, demanding his presence; and they waited for him many days, but he did not appear; so they wrote to the emperor, informing him that Nestorius had not appeared but that they were waiting for him. And Nestorius requested the prince to send an official with him to protect him, saying: «The bishops are many, and I fear that they will kill me.» So the prince sent with Nestorius a patrician named Candidian, whose opinions agreed with those of Nestorius. When Candidian came to the council, he seized Cyril by night and imprisoned him in a place in which wheat was kept, together with his friends. And Cyril said to his friends: «What is this beneath |439 our feet?» They answered: «It is wheat.» «And he said: «Thanks be to God who has given us the victory; for they have put us into the house of life.»
Now Candidian had done this in order to support Nestorius, and to intimidate Cyril and the bishops with him, who had come together on account of him, that they might be scattered. But Candidian's object was not attained, for the bishops had not met together without having devoted themselves to death, if it should be necessary, for the faith. So when Candidian was convinced of this, he released Cyril and his friends; and as he was afraid lest the affair should reach the ears of the prince, who would cause him to be executed on account of it, he began to guard the roads, and prevented the reporters of news from writing to the prince any account of what had passed. Then the fathers continued for some time, in company with the bishop of Ephesus, assembling together and praying, while Nestorius remained separated from them, and would not join them. So they sent to him three bishops, requesting him to be present with them for prayer; but the soldiers under the orders of Candidian. would not allow these bishops to enter the house where Nestorius was. And as he thus held aloof from them, and the transactions lasted so long that the bishops were troubled at being so far from their dioceses, they were forced to expel that enemy of God from God's Church. Accordingly they brought the four gospels, and also brought the blasphemous writings of Nestorius; and a learned deacon, namely Peter, who was the scribe of Cyril, and knew the blasphemous passages in the compositions of Nestorius, read them out briefly before the holy council; and when they heard them, his misbelief was proved |440 to them. So the bishops anathematized Nestorius and excommunicated him, and subscribed their signatures to the letter of excommunication, which was sent to him; yet he would not receive it, nor give up his misbelief. Then the bishops desired to send a copy of their letter to the prince, but were not able to do so because of those whom Candidian, the patrician, had set to guard the road. So they consulted together; and at last one of them took the letter, and put it inside a stout cane, and disguised himself, and started off and travelled to Constantinople. There he gave the letter to Dalmatius and Eutyches, the two monks. And they presented it to the prince; and the prince handed it to an eunuch, who received it from him, and gave it to the scribe that he might read it before the prince. And when he read it, the contents proved to be as follows:
«The Council assembled at Ephesus declares thus. We believe that Emmanuel is God Incarnate. But it is said that Nestorius does not share with us in this faith. Therefore he is a stranger to the Father, to the Son, and to the Holy Ghost, and a stranger to the tradition of the Apostles, and a stranger to the one Holy Church. Everyone who denies that Jesus is Emmanuel, that is to say, God Incarnate, is anathema. And everyone who denies that the Virgin Mary is the Mother of God the Word, truly Incarnate, is anathema. Jesus is the Creator, Jesus is the Conqueror, Jesus is the Saviour of all. To him belongs glory for ever. Amen.» |441
And when this confession of faith was read to the prince, he and all that were in his palace cried out, saying: «Jesus is Emmanuel, God Incarnate.» Then Eutyches, the monk, said to the prince: «Let thy majesty subscribe to his excommunication, and write to the bishops, commanding them to appear before thee, to salute thee and bless thy empire.» And the prince did so. Therefore the assembly of bishops journeyed to Alexandria, and thence to Contantinople. And the prince received them graciously, and sat in a lower seat than they, and prostrated himself before them, and received their blessing. But he commanded that Nestorius should be sent into banishment. So Nestorius was exiled in company with a chamberlain who conducted him to Egypt. And the bishops sent a letter to him before he started, in which they said: «Confess that the Crucified is God Incarnate, and we will receive thee again and obtain the repeal of thy sentence of banishment.» But Nestorius hardened his heart like Pharao, and returned no answer to them. And when he said to the chamberlain: «Let us rest here, for I am tired,» the chamberlain replied: «Thy Lord also was weary when he walked until the sixth hour, and he is God. What sayest thou?» And Nestorius answered: «Two hundred bishops assembled to make me confess that Jesus is God Incarnate, but I would not do so. Shall I then say to thee that God suffered fatigue?» And the chamberlain conducted Nestorius on his journey until he brought him to Ikhmîm in Upper Egypt; and there he remained in banishment, anathematized and excommunicated, until he died. |442
Now the holy Father Cyril wrote many epistles, among which was an epistle to Abba John, patriarch of Antioch, beginning thus: «Let the heavens rejoice, and the earth exult.» Cyril also wrote an epistle to Acacius, bishop of Malatia, beginning: «How sweet is an assembly of perfect brethren, who remind one another of spiritual doctrines.» And he addressed a letter to Valerian, bishop of Iconium, beginning: «The beloved brother and fellow-minister.» And he sent an epistle to the priests and deacons and monks and ascetes who remained firm in the orthodox faith after the excommunication and banishment of Nestorius; and an epistle to Eulogius, the Alexandrian priest who dwelt at Constantinople, beginning: «Men are wroth with us on account of the faith proclaimed by the bishops of the East.» And he wrote an epistle to Anastasius and Alexander and Martinian and John, and Paregorius, the priest, and Maximus, the deacon, beginning: «I greatly praise your love for learning.» And in every epistle Cyril makes mention of the orthodox faith, and exposes the errors of Nestorius and the corruption of his doctrine, pointing out that it is opposed to the faith of the holy fathers, and to that which is contained in the divine scriptures of the Old and New Testaments; and he proves this by genuine testimonies from the holy writings, in which the Holy Ghost speaks by the |443 tongues of the veracious prophets, the elect apostles, and the holy fathers and doctors of the Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church. Cyril also wrote letters to Nestorius, before his banishment, which are conceived in a spirit of benevolence, and in which Cyril exhorts Nestorius, and aims at conciliating and guiding him. Yet Nestorius would not listen to Cyril, nor return from his misbelief and hardness of heart and corrupt creed.
CHAPTER XIII
DIOSCORUS I, THE TWENTY-FIFTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 444-458.
After the holy patriarch Cyril had departed to his rest, Dioscorus was made patriarch in the see of the city of Alexandria. He endured severe persecution for the orthodox faith at the hands of the prince Marcian and his wife; and they banished him from his see, through the partial action of the council of Chalcedon, and their subserviency to the will of the prince and his wife. It is for this reason that the members of that council and all the followers of their corrupt creed are called Melkites, because they follow |444 the opinion of the prince and his wife, in proclaiming and renewing the doctrine of Nestorius.
It was a custom of the ancients to write histories of their predecessors in every generation. In the time of the Israelites, Philo, the Pharian, and Justus and Josephus and Hegesippus wrote part of the life of Jesus Christ, and an account of the ruin of Jerusalem by Vespasian and Titus his son, and of what took place after them. And after that, Africanus and Eusebius wrote, and Mennas wrote of the trials and persecution endured by the pastors and their flocks in the days of the patriarch Abba Cyril the Wise, and what passed between him and Nestorius; also of what the Father Dioscorus after him suffered in the council of Chalcedon. But at that time the creeds were separated, and the sees were torn asunder, so that none was left to write histories of the patriarchs, and the practice of composing them was interrupted. But the Lord remains for ever. In this way no biography of the holy patriarch Dioscorus after his banishment has been found. He preserved the orthodox faith, which persists in the see of the evangelist Saint Mark to this day and for ever, until he received the crown of martyrdom in the island of Gangra, by the command of the prince Marcian; for it was in that island that Dioscorus died. |445
TIMOTHY II, THE TWENTY-SIXTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 458-480.
And after the militant Father Dioscorus, the patriarch, went to his rest, the Lord Christ raised up a patriarch, named Timothy, upon the episcopal throne of the city of Alexandria; and he suffered from hardships, and from warfare with the dissidents. He and his brother Anatolius were banished to the island of Gangra, like Dioscorus, for seven full years, but he returned by the grace of God, at the command of the prince, to Alexandria. His ordination took place in the days of Leo, the prince. He remained patriarch twenty-two years, and went to his rest on the seventh day of Misri.
PETER III, THE TWENTY-SEVENTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 480-488.
So when Timothy went to the Lord, Peter the priest was ordained by command of God in the church of Alexandria, and was made patriarch. But the empire of the Romans remained established upon the ever-renewed memory of the impure council of Chalcedon; for it was not built upon the |446 foundation of the firm Rock, which belongs to God the Word who is Jesus Christ. And, after the consecration of Peter, patriarch of Alexandria, Acacius, patriarch of Constantinople, wrote to him many epistles which he sent to him, and letters to ask him to receive him to himself; for he rejected the council of Chalcedon, the members of which he called heretics, and the blasphemous Tome of Leo; and he likewise rejected the doctrine of Nestorius. Therefore Peter wrote letters to Acacius in order that he might be assured that his doctrine was sound to the core. And when they came to him he accepted them with joy and gladness, and showed them to those that wished among the believers in the orthodox faith; and then he wrote a synodical epistle and sent it to the blessed Peter. But there were certain bishops who were not present at the time when the letters were written by the two patriarchs, Peter and Acacius; and Satan (may God confound him!) stirred up trouble in the hearts of those bishops; and James, bishop of Sâ, became their chief, with Mennas, bishop of Munyat Tâmah. And they went to the city of Alexandria, and said to the patriarch: «How couldst thou receive Acacius, when he is one of those who were present at the Chalcedonian council?» So he answered them quietly and calmly: «I received him only because he abandoned that doctrine.» And he informed them of the epistles of Acacius which had come to him, which bore witness of his return to the truth, and of his confession of the orthodox faith; and he reminded them that he had sent the bishops to Acacius, that they might hear his expressions, according to the canon of |447 the Church. But they would not accept his words because pride was established in their hearts; and they separated themselves from the throne of the evangelist, Saint Mark, the apostle, saying in their ignorance, as the children of Israel said, that they had no portion with David, nor inheritance with the son of Isai 18. And since they were divided from the holy patriarch Peter, and would not enter under his obedience, the orthodox called them Those that had no head 19. Now the epistles written between the two patriarchs aforesaid formed fifteen books.
This Peter, when he became patriarch over Alexandria, met with trouble from the heretics. For they banished him, and delivered up his see to a man called Timothy, who is also named Anthony or Theognostus, and belonged to Canopus. Then followed John the Tabennisiote, whom they appointed after the death of Anthony. Subsequently, the patriarch Peter returned to his see with great glory; and the period of time during which he sat upon the patriarchal throne was eight years; and he died, in peace and great honour, on the nd of Hatûr. All his epistles are preserved in the Monastery of Father Macarius; and among them is an epistle of Zeno, the blessed prince, with the answer to it, in which are jewels of language, and words of holiness, and the confession of the orthodox faith. |448
ATHANASIUS II, THE TWENTY-EIGHTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 488-494.
When the holy Father Peter went to his rest, Athanasius was appointed. He had been priest in charge of the church of Alexandria; and now he was made patriarch over it. He was a good man, full of faith and the Holy Ghost; and he accomplished that with which he was entrusted; and in his days there was no disorder or persecution in the holy Church. He remained seven years, and went to his rest on the twentieth of Tût.
JOHN I, THE MONK, THE TWENTY-NINTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 494-503.
When Athanasius the Younger went to his rest, John the Monk was appointed, and made patriarch upon the evangelical throne; and he walked according to the lives of the excellent fathers who preceded him. The Church and the people and the inhabitants of the country-districts were in his days in security and peace through the grace of the Lord Christ. And he lived in the time of the holy Zeno, the blessed prince; and on |449 account of his faith and goodness the prince commanded in his clays that there should be carried to the monastery of Saint Macarius, in the Wadi Habib, all that the monks needed of wheat and wine and oil, and whatever they required for the furnishing of their cells. So Abba John, the patriarch, accomplished his ministry in security and tranquillity in the days of Zeno, the blessed and faithful prince, and went to his rest on the th of Bashans, after remaining eight years as patriarch, and was gathered to his fathers.
JOHN II, FORMERLY THE HERMIT, THE THIRTIETH PATRIARCH. A. D. 503-515.
So when Abba John, the patriarch, went to his rest, there was appointed instead of him a man who was a hermit, called John; and this was by the command of God. This John was a kinsman of the departed patriarch. And he wrote in his days many books and homilies. And God shewed forth in his days a wonderful thing, and raised up royalty and priesthood together for the Church, in the persons of the prince Anastasius, the pious believer, and the patriarch Severus, the excellent, clothed with light, occupant of the see of Antioch, who became a horn of salvation to the orthodox Church, and who sat upon the throne of the great Ignatius. |450
And Severus wrote a synodical letter to the Father John, the patriarch, concerning the unity of the fnith, wherein he announced the agreement between them in the one orthodox creed of the holy fathers. So John, the patriarch, and his bishops accepted this letter, and read it in their churches throughout the land of Egypt; and they offered prayers and thanked the Lord Christ, who had restored the divided members to their places. And with great joy and spiritual exultation did John, the holy patriarch, write to the great Severus an answer to his letter in canonical language, full of the orthodox faith, which is that of the doctors of the Church, as the blessed Severus had written to him. And when the envoys of Severus returned to him with this gift, which was a fitting reward for his friendship, he rejoiced and was glad exceedingly. John remained patriarch eleven years, and went to his rest on the twenty-seventh of Bashans.
DIOSCORUS II, THE THIRTY-FIRST PATRIARCH. A. D. 515-517.
And when the Father John, the patriarch, went to his rest, he had a scribe whose name was Dioscorus, and who was a man perfect in all his |451 relations, humble and good; and there was none like him in his time. So they ordained him patriarch upon the evangelical throne. Then he wrote a synodical letter to the Father Severus, in which he informed him of the death of the blessed Father John, and announced that he had taken his seat after him upon the apostolic throne. So Severus wrote an answer to him, to console him, and to confirm him in the orthodox faith, and to charge him to teach the people, and not to cease teaching, and to encourage him in this work. And Dioscorus remained patriarch three years; though in another history it is related that he continued one year and a half; and he went to his rest on the twenty-seventh of Babah, and was gathered to his fathers.
TIMOTHY III, THE THIRTY-SECOND PATRIARCH. A. D. 517-535.
Then Timothy took his seat as patriarch on the throne of Alexandria. And Anastasius the believing prince died; and they raised up after him an evil man, a heretic, whose name was Justinian, that he might govern the empire. When Justinian took his seat upon the throne, he employed all his efforts to make the orthodox believers return to the faith of the Chalcedonian council; and the first thing that he began with was that he seized the holy |452 patriarch Severus. And Justinian assembled a council in the city of Constantinople, on his own initiative, at which were present Vigilius, patriarch of Rome, and Apollinaris, whom the prince had made patriarch over Alexandria, and Eutychius, patriarch of the city of Constantinople, and the bishops who were under their jurisdiction. Moreover Justinian sent to fetch the Father Severus, the patriarch, and the bishops of the East; for he thought that he could conciliate the mind of the holy Severus, and incline him to his doctrine, so that all the bishops might obey him, because they firmly believed in Severus and in his faith, and so they might acknowledge the prince's evil doctrine. But the great Severus paid no heed to the prince. And Severus, with his bishops, went to Constantinople that he might confirm the faith; for he thought that that unbelieving prince would be converted from his corrupt doctrine. So when the Father Severus arrived at Constantinople, then the prince at first honoured him greatly, and exalted his rank, and spoke good words to him, seeking from him that he should make concessions to him with regard to the Tome of Leo, by adopting his faith. But Severus, God's champion, had placed in his heart the words of Peter the Apostle 20 to Simon the Magician: «Let thy gifts perish with thee, for I see that thou art full of bitterness, even more than the serpent.» And Justinian the prince was like Nestorius; and one day he commanded that the bishops, falsely so called, should assemble for that council. But neither the Father Severus, the valiant one, nor any of |453 his bishops would be present with them, for he said: «If they will not first anathematize the Tome of Leo and the impure, contemptible council of Chalcedon, I will not consent with them to the doctrine of unbelief.» Then things were done by the prince which this book is too small to relate, lest the narrative should grow too long by recording them. So when the command of the prince reached Severus, and yet he did not meet the bishops in council nor go to join them, they brought trials upon him, and persecutions came upon him.
But after two years, at the request of the believing princess, Theodora, the prince left Severus alone, and gave him up to her; and so she sent him back to his see.
And in those days Timothy was at Alexandria. So when Severus, the patriarch, and his bishops, who were from the East, were driven away from Antioch, and came to Egypt, those bishops came to the city of Alexandria. And many nuns, who were virgins, were driven out of the monasteries. And the Father Severus, at the time of this trouble, was fleeing from city to city, secretly or openly, and from monastery to monastery. And he wrote to the bishops, his companions, who were at Alexandria, and consoled them, and encouraged them to have patience, and charged them to endure the persecutions with fortitude. And there was with them one who was no true bishop, whose name |454 was Julian. This man plainly showed that he was a partaker in the council of Chalcedon, because he divided the Lord Christ, who is One, into Two, arid made him into Two Natures after the Ineffable Union. And when he found an opportunity in the absence of the Father Severus, he wrote a Tomarion, with an evil purpose, addressed to certain sick and intoxicated people, in which he expresses his approval of the faith of Eutyches, the unbeliever, and Apollinaris and Manes and Eudoxius, the unbelievers; and he filled it also with the blasphemous creed of those who believe in the doctrine of the Phantasiasts, and deny the lifegiving Passion of Christ the Lord. And he sent this book ahout Egypt, and to the monks of the desert. And they received him, and fell into the snare, except seven persons, whose hearts God enlightened, and so they would not accept it; for they heard a voice saying: «This is the impure Tomarion.» Then those who had fallen into the error of Julian rose up against them, and killed two of them. So the rest were scattered, and began to celebrate the liturgy in their cells in the Monastery of Saint Macarius and in other monasteries. And this was the cause of their separation, and of the prevalence of error in the four monasteries and in the hermitages. Then by the power and grace of the Holy Ghost, assistance came to the five monks who remained of the seven, and so they prevented the other monks from accepting the Tomarion. But the source of this error, Julian, did not cease to send his writings into the country to lead men astray and draw them to himself. |455
So when the Father Severus learnt this, by the power of the Holy Ghost which dwelt in him, he wrote to every place, in order that a true account of the facts might be disseminated, and that Julian's true meaning might be made known. For he informed men in his letters that Julian was an evil serpent, filled with blasphemy. And Severus bestowed his care on those that were afflicted with this plague, that he might heal them, and encouraged those that did not follow the Tomarion, from which there arose trouble and antagonism.
And meanwhile the Father Timothy, the blessed patriarch, went to his rest, being established in the orthodox faith. For he fought on its behalf, like the Father Severus, and refuted Julian and all his doctrine. The period during which Timothy remained patriarch on the throne of Alexandria was seventeen years; and he died on the 13th of Amshir.
THEODOSIUS I, THE THIRTY-THIRD PATRIARCH. A. D. 535-567.
By the command of God, the bishops and orthodox people assembled after the death of Timothy, and, by the dispensation of the Lord Christ, they ordained the holy Father Theodosius patriarch. He was a virgin, and a |456 master of the literary style used in ecclesiastical writings. But, after a short time, the hater of good raised up a trial for him, and stirred up trouble among evil people of the inhabitants of the city, the masters of vile arts. For there was a man who was old and advanced in age, and whose name was Gaianus; and he was archdeacon of the church of Alexandria; and he was standing, at the time of the ordination of the Father Theodosius as patriarch, among the bishops and priests and chief men of the city, until they had ordained him, and written his diploma of consecration, and promoted him to the degree of primate over the apostolic diocese, and ratified his appointment with the consent of all Christian and God-loving people. But after that, certain persons led the archdeacon astray, and changed his thoughts, in his simplicity, and gave him counsel, saying: «This degree and this promotion are thy due, and it is not lawful for anyone to be promoted before thee.» Thus they insinuated their evil suggestions into his mind little by little, until he accepted their advice. So they took him, and went with him to the house of a priest, named Theodore, who was an evil-doer and had much wealth; and there they ordained Gaianus, the archdeacon, as patriarch. And there was with them, assisting them, Julian, the corrupt of faith, in agreement with Theodore the priest; for Theodosius the blessed, when he became patriarch, had anathematized Julian, because |457 he was the refuge of the heretics. Then Gaianus went to the governor, and to the commander of the forces, and offered them bribes, and won their hearts by his many gifts, until they were induced to stir up great trouble against the Father Theodosius, the patriarch, and against the Church, and drove out the holy Theodosius from the see of Alexandria to Hierasycaminus, where he remained six months. And the governor hid from the prince what they had done to the patriarch, and also that they had ordained another in his place, and all that was done by Julian and Theodore and Gaianus, who joined together against him. But the wise Severus, the patriarch, used to call Theodosius brother and helper and partner in the one true evangelical work, and used to console and encourage him in his sufferings for the orthodox faith, comparing him to the great Paul the Apostle, when he was first chosen and first believed in Christ, and reminding Theodosius how Paul's family and friends rejected him, and how the believers let him down from the wall in a basket, so that he could flee from Damascus. For the Father Theodosius suffered continual trouble and persecution from the heretics. And this was in the year 242 of Diocletian. Now Severus, the patriarch, was hiding himself from Justinian, the heretical prince, in a Christ-loving town, called Sakhâ, in Egypt, at the house of a man, named Dorotheus, who took care of the affairs of the aged monks who had rejected the error of Julian the unbeliever. And the said |458 man was allowed to visit the governor of Egypt, Aristomachus, and begged him to take pity on the aged among the monks who were in the desert, by granting them the favour of authorizing them to build churches and towers, instead of those that had been taken from them by Julian and his companions, that so he might give rest to the monks. Accordingly the governor gave orders to Dorotheus to do as he wished; and Dorotheus returned thanks to God most high.
Severus, the patriarch, had composed books in which he refuted the heresy of those that believe in the Two Natures, and brought to naught most of those that hold this view, by the glory of God, and through the instructions that he gave with his tongue, which was a spiritual sword. And he continued to teach concerning the books of divine wisdom, until he grew old, and the days of his removal from trouble to rest grew near. For he remained in the midst of struggles, and enduring persecution from the heretics for thirty years, upon the throne of Antioch, and amid opposition and distress for six years; and he did not cease from this life of fighting for the orthodox faith until death. So when he had accomplished his course, still preserving the true faith, he went to the Lord Christ whom he loved, and received the crown of victory with the holy fathers in the assembly of the heavenly virgins.
And as for the blessed Father Theodosius, he was greatly troubled by the heretic Gaianus and his followers. But John, the governor of |459 Alexandria, and others were struggling to save him from them: and so they consulted with the fathers, and took Theodosms secretly, and put him on board of a boat on the river, and conveyed him to a town called Malij, within the province of Egypt, and there he remained two years.
And the laity of Alexandria, and the clergy and officials of the city, were troubled because their patriach was taken away from them, and said to the governor: «Why hast thou removed the good shepherd Theodosius from us?» Then the governor was afraid of them, and dreaded lest the affair should be reported to the prince; and so he sent Gaianus, the heretic, out of the city. After that, one of the officials went to carry out some business which he had with the prince, and so he made known to the faithful princess Theodora that the blessed Theodosius had been banished from the city of Alexandria, whence she herself had originally come. So she went in to the prince calmly and wisely and humbly, and informed him of all that had happened, without his sanction, to the Father Theodosius, patriarch in the city of Alexandria. Then, when the prince heard that, he rejoiced in his heart at the trouble and conflict which the orthodox had endured, because they would not consent to share the corrupt and impure faith of Chalcedon, which he held. But afterwards, wishing to please the |460 princess, and to delight her heart, he gave her power to do by his authority in this matter whatever she desired. So she sent to the city of Alexandria, to enquire into the matter, and to restore the Father Theodosius, the patriarch, to his see; and she bade the messengers inform her how his appointment as patriarch took place at his ordination, and whether it was accomplished according to the canon of the Church. So when her messengers came to the city, according to what she commanded them to do, they enquired into what she bade them enquire into, and examined the circumstances of his ordination, and sought to discover whether it was accomplished according to the canon of the Church; and they also enquired how Gaianus, the archdeacon, had been appointed, and which of them was the first to be consecrated. Therefore the governor, and the commander of the forces, in return for the gifts and bribes which they had received, suborned certain persons who cried aloud saying: «Gaianus was the first to be ordained.» Their words, however, were not confirmed; for one hundred and twenty men, of the priests and officials of the city, subscribed their signatures to a statement that it was Theodosius who was the first to be ordained.
Then they assembled together, and the help of the Lord Christ was with them, and the officers and military chiefs of the prince, who were his envoys and trusted counsellors, were present, and all the Alexandrians were assembled with them in the holy church. And they brought the holy |461 gospels and the prince's decree to which his seal and image were attached, and they introduced the Father Theodosius, the blessed patriarch, and the body of bishops who had been present at his consecration; and they separated them, and questioned them one by one, and wrote down what they said. And their confession proved true, in each case, for they all stated, without hesitation or discrepancy, that it was Theodosius, the blessed, who was ordained first, with the consent of the bishops and people, according to the canon of the Church; and that two months after that they heard that Gaianus had been made patriarch. Then Gaianus came forward before the assembly, and confessed to them that the statement was true, and asked pardon for what he had done. And the assembly begged of the blessed Father Theodosius to receive Gaianus, and prayed him to accept his repentance, on condition that he would write in his own handwriting that he had done this in contradiction to the ecclesiastical canon, and that he would remain in his office of deacon, becoming archdeacon again, as he had been before, and would humble himself and submit to the Father Theodosius, and obey him till the time of his death; and Gaianus consented to do all this. And they all set their seals to this statement as being true and veracious; and the whole assembly rejoiced, and glorified God, and thanked him because their good shepherd Theodosius, the patriarch, had returned to them, and had taken his seat upon his throne, to rule the Church and the people in peace. |462
And as for Julian and Theodore and Manes and all those that dissented, and their followers, the name of heretic was established as their due, for they did not repent; but Gaianus submitted to the obedience of Theodosius, the patriarch.
So when the affairs of the Church and the faithful Christian people were well established, the Father Theodosius rejoiced, and wrote letters in which he thanked the prince and princess; and these letters he sent by their messengers, namely Aristaenetus and Nicetas and Philodorus, whom he thanked for what they had done. And when the envoys arrived, and delivered the letters to the prince, and made known to him all that had happened, his thoughts were despondent and troubled. For he thought: «Behold, I have given up the throne of Alexandria to Theodosius; and yet, even if I bestowed upon him in addition all the provinces of Egypt and Africa and all other countries, he would never agree with me in the creed which I prefer, so that the whole Church might be of one faith.»
Then the prince Justinian, after that, took thought, and wrote to the governor and officials of Alexandria, and to the Father Theodosius, with the view of attracting him by the hope of reward, praying him to receive the Tome of Leo, and yield to him on that point, and promising in that case that he should have the two offices, both the civil patriarchate, and the civil governorship, and that all the bishops of Africa should be under |463 his obedience, and that he should have the command over all that territory; «but» added the prince, «if he will not obey nor consent, then let him be driven out of the Church, and depart whithersoever he will; for he that does not agree with me in my faith shall have no prelacy either over people or Church».
But when the blessed father and patriarch Theodosius, the confessor of Christ, heard the letter and proposals of the prince, he exclaimed in the presence of the assembly, and of the governor and envoys: «The holy gospel says 21 that the Devil took the Lord and Saviour, and led him to the summit of a high mountain, and shewed him all the kingdoms of the world and the glory of it, and said to him: All this is mine, and if thou wilt worship me I will give it to thee. So likewise what you promise me will be the destruction of my soul, if I do as you propose, and I shall become thereby a stranger to Christ, the true king». And he raised his hands before the envoy sent by the prince, and before the governor and that great assembly, and said: «In truth I anathematize the Tome of Leo and the council of Chalcedon; and whoever acknowledges them is anathema henceforth for ever. Amen.» Then he said to the governor and to all the prince's troop: «The prince has no power except over my body; but the Lord Jesus Christ, the true and great prince, has power over my soul and body together. And now behold the churches are before you |464 with all that they contain, therefore do whatever you wish with regard to them. But as for me, I follow my fathers who have preceded me, the doctors of the apostolic Church, Athanasius and Cyril and Dioscorus and Timothy, and those who were before them, whose deputy I am, although unworthy.» Then Theodosius arose and went out, saying: «Let those that love God follow me. For I came forth from my mother's womb naked, and I shall return to it naked. And he that loses his life at this time for the Faith, shall save it.»
So they took him to the palace, where they guarded him for a day and a night; but when the morrow came, they sent him away, as the prince had commanded in his letter, saying: «Let him go whithersoever he pleases.» Therefore he went out from the city, and the power of the Lord Christ guided him; for Aristomachus provided for his needs, and prepared for him all that he required, and carried him in a boat to Upper Egypt, where he remained teaching the people and the monks in the monasteries, and confirming them in the orthodox faith, and encouraging them to, endure the conflict until death.
And the prince's envoy returned to him, and made known to him all that had happened, and how Theodosius, the patriarch, had gone forth from the city, and would not accept any of the offers made by the prince. When the prince heard that, he and all his attendants were astonished that the patriarch had rejected that post of governor, and had disputed the royal command, and remained firm in the faith. Then Justinian |465 thought within himself and said: «If I leave him where he is, then all the people will follow his faith, and he will not allow them to accept the Tome of Leo.» So he wrote a letter full of assurances and promises to the patriarch Theodosius, declaring that no pain nor damage should come to him from him, but all good and kindness; and he sent this letter by a scribe, to whom he said: «Treat him courteously until thou bringest him to me, and say to him: The prince desires to confer with thee.» So when the blessed patriarch had perused the prince's letter, he prayed for the help of the power of the Lord Christ, and took with him of the clergy certain wise men, learned and excellent; and they embarked in a ship, and journeyed until they arrived at Constantinople. There Theodosius entered to the prince and princess, who, when they saw his serenity and humility and excellence, received him kindly, and lodged him in chambers which they had prepared for him and his companions. Afterwards the prince sent for him a second time, and a third time, until the sixth time, and each time he addressed him courteously, and desired of him that he should yield to him in confirming the council of Chalcedon, and gave him many marks of honour and priority and precedence. But Theodosius said: «Neither life nor death nor dearth nor nakedness nor sword will turn my heart from the faith of my fathers; nor will I abandon a jot or tittle of what my fathers, the inspired doctors, wrote before me, those shepherds of the reasonable flock of Christ, from Mark the evangelist |466 to the day on which I was made a deacon by the Father Timothy, after whom I became patriarch by the dispensation of God.»
So when the prince could not draw Theodosius to his doctrine, he left him and sent him into banishment in disgrace. But he showed favour to the clergy of Alexandria, and caused Mennas, patriarch of Constantinople, to ordain for them a man, named Paul of Tinnis, that he might be patriarch on the throne of Alexandria, and sent him, accompanied by a troop of soldiers, to the city of Alexandria. But when Paul arrived there, not one of the inhabitants would receive him; for they said: «This is the new Judas!» And he remained a year, during which none would listen to him, nor would any communicate from his hand, except the envoy who accompanied him, and the soldiers who arrived with him, and the governor and his attendants only. And the people of the city used to insult Paul, saying: «This is Judas the betrayer!» So he wrote to the prince to make known to him what had happened to him, and how they fled from him as sheep flee from a wolf; and he sent the letter by a patrician. Then the prince was enraged, and sent a letter by another patrician, in which he commanded that the doors of the churches in the city of Alexandria should be shut and sealed with his seal, and guards set before them, so that no one at all might enter. When that sinful letter arrived in the city, there was great sadness on account of it, and anguish and unbounded sorrow that cannot |467 be described, upon the orthodox people. And they remained in this condition for a whole year, without communion, or church to pray in, or place to be baptized in. But the letters of their blessed Father Theodosius came to them from his place of exile, reminding them of the faith, and consoling them, and encouraging them to patience. So when their trouble increased, an assembly of the orthodox met together, priests and laymen, and took counsel together as to building a church in which they might take refuge, so that they might not be like the Jews. And they did what they proposed, and built a church by the power of Christ, in the western part of Alexandria, in the place called the Pillars, or the Serapeum; and this church is the Angelion, which they built secretly at the hundred and five steps. And another congregation of the people also built another church, in the name of Cosmas and Damian, to the east of the amphitheatre, and a little to the west of the colonnade; and they finished it in the year 278 of Diocletian. When the prince learnt this, he sent and opened all the churches, and put them under the authority of the Chalcedonians. So when the blessed Father Theodosius learnt that there remained to him no other than these two newly-built churches, the church of the Angelion, and the church of Cosmas and Damian the Martyrs, he sighed and wept, because he knew the people of Alexandria, and that they loved pomp and honour, and he feared that they would depart from the orthodox Faith, with a view to gaining honour from the prince. And he used to pray, saying: «O my Lord Jesus Christ, thou |468 didst buy this people with thy precious blood, and thou providest for them; therefore remove not thy hand from them; but thy will be done!» And Theodosius remained twenty-eight years in banishment and otherwise, and in Upper Egypt four years, preserving the orthodox faith. And he composed of homilies and doctrinal treatises during his patriarchate, which lasted for thirty-two years, too many to be counted.
Theodosius was removed, in the peace of the Lord Jesus Christ whom he loved, on the 28th day of Baunah; and he received the crown of victory with the assembly of the saints in the land of the living for ever.
And let us, the believers who remain in the orthodox faith, and are counted worthy to be called Theodosians after his name, supplicate and implore God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, that we may have spiritual thoughts, and encouragement, while we keep the right faith without wearying, as it was kept by this holy father and prelate, who confessed before heretics, kings and princes and authorities who lived at that evil time, and that our life before him may be without offence, and that we may not turn aside from his will, and that we may have a full share together with him in the kingdom of heaven, by the grace and mercy and compassion of our God, the Lover of Mankind, Jesus Christ our Lord and |469 Saviour, to whom is due glory with the Father and the Holy Ghost, the Giver of Life, now and always, and for ever and ever. Amen.
CHAPTER XIV
PETER IV, THE THIRTY-FOURTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 567-569.
When the patriarch Theodosius was banished by Justinian, the prince, there was set up instead of him, though he was still alive, Paul of Tinnis, who was appointed at Constantinople. So this custom began for the patriarchs of the Melkites, that they should be ordained at Constantinople, and then proceed to Alexandria. And after a short time the Lord destroyed Paul of Tinnis by an evil death; and they appointed in his stead Apollinaris, who also took possession of the church, by the prince's authority; and he ordered that none of the believing bishops should be seen in the city of Alexandria. At that time there was union between the Church of Antioch and the Church of Alexandria in the orthodox faith and in Christian love; for Theodosius confessed before the prince, both he and those who were with him, that he was in union with the Father Severus, patriarch of Antioch, |470 and said: «I accept all that was said by Saint John the Golden Mouth, and by the wise Cyril.»
And when Theodosius went to his rest, Apollinaris, the hypocrite, rejoiced greatly, and made a great feast for the clergy and people of the city; for he thought that they would conform to his creed, because not one of the fathers and bishops was able to show himself, neither in Alexandria nor in Antioch, on account of what the heretical prince had commanded. But, by the mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, Alexandria was governed by an excellent and philanthropic man, who had thrown in his lot with the orthodox; and therefore he commanded that they should ordain a patriarch for themselves secretly, in succession to the Father Theodosius. And he said to them: «Go out to the Monastery of Az-Zajaj, as if you wished to pray there, and appoint over yourselves him, whom you shall elect, as patriarch.» So they thanked God, and glorified the Lord Christ, and sent to the northern cities of the land of Egypt, and summoned three bishops, and went out with them to the Monastery of Az-Zajaj, where they ordained a man, who was a priest, named Peter, as patriarch. And the people received consolation through him, and their faith was strengthened; but they could not bring him into the city openly, through fear of the prince, and of Apollinaris, the patriarch of the heretics. So his residence was outside Alexandria, at a |471 distance of nine miles, at the church dedicated to the name of Joseph; and they used to carry to him all that he needed; but the prince knew nothing of him.
And after this the thing became known, that Peter had become patriarch instead of Theodosius the deceased; and when Apollinaris learnt this, he was exceedingly angry, and wrote to the prince to inform him of what had happened. But before his letter reached Justinian, the prince, at Constantinople, the Angel of the Lord smote him and he died; and his death was evil like the death of Herod.
And as for Peter, he was well formed and of beautiful countenance, adorned with every noble deed, loving those in whom was the knowledge of God. For this reason he sought a man excellent and learned in the holy canons, that he might be his scribe. So they pointed out to him a monk who was a deacon, and whose name was Damian, in the Monastery of T n Pater n, and this man was a skilful writer; and the Father Peter, the patriarch, went to the monastery, and talked with Damian, and asked him to help him and labour with him in the works of the Church. And the patriarch begged him and persuaded him to remain with him in the monastery as if he were a bishop, since he could not reveal that he was patriarch, and was not able to enter into the city of Alexandria openly. And the deacon and monk, |472 Damian, consented to do this, and obeyed the patriarch in what he bade him accomplish.
And there were in that place six hundred flourishing monasteries, like beehives in their populousness, all inhabited by the orthodox, who were all monks and nuns, besides thirty-two farms called Sakatinâ, where all the people held the true faith. And the father and patriarch, Peter, was the administrator of the affairs of all of them.
When the orthodox people of Antioch heard of what the inhabitants of Alexandria had done, they also took a man whose name was Theophanes, and made him patriarch in succession to the blessed Father Severus, and seated him on the throne in a monastery called the Monastery of Aphtonius; because the heretics forbad the orthodox bishops to enter, any one of them, into the city of Antioch, as was done also at Alexandria. So the two patriarchs were in similar circumstances, living in two monasteries outside their respective cities.
Then Peter, patriarch of the city of Alexandria, fell sick and went to his rest, after finishing his course and his ministry which was pleasing to God. The period of time during which he remained patriarch was two years; and his death took place on the 25th of Baunah. May his prayers be with us! Amen. |473
DAMIAN, THE THIRTY-FIFTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 569-605.
When the holy Father Peter went to his rest, they enthroned in his place his scribe Damian, the deacon and monk, who was strong in deed and word and in the grace of the Lord which descended upon him. For he had been a monk from his youth in the wilderness of Wadi Habib, and was brought up by saints in the Monastery of Saint John, where he remained sixteen years, serving God according to the service of the holy ascetes, before he came to Pihenaton, to the Monastery of T n Pater n, otherwise called Monastery of the Fathers. This was at the time of the rebuilding of the four monasteries in Wadi Habib, which were growing up like the plants of the field in security and guidance from God; and to their inhabitants was brought all that they needed, and they worked industriously at the building.
But there were among them the Meletians, I mean the followers of Meletius, who used to receive the Chalice many times in the night, before they came to the church. For this reason, when the Father Damian, the patriarch, was counted worthy to sit upon the evangelical throne, he wrote to the holy mountain, and commanded that the Meletians should be banished from it. And after a short time, a voice came from heaven upon that desert, saying: «Flee! Flee! » And when the inhabitants of the four |474 monasteries had left them, they were laid waste. When news of this reached the patriarch Damian, he was exceedingly sad. Now this holy father, the patriarch, was living in seclusion, in the Monastery of T n Pater n, as we said at the beginning, in the condition of a suffragan bishop. And, by the wisdom of God which was given to him, he wrote the Logos, which is a discourse of wisdom. And he also wrote the Mystagogiae, besides the Festal Letters and the Catecheses. And the followers of the impure heresy came to him, and disputed about the Faith; but by the grace of the Lord which was with him he resolved their arguments, sweeping them away like a spider 's web; and he spoke courteously to them, and taught them to understand the mysteries of Christian doctrine, and made them like Achab before our Father Elias, the prophet.
In the eighth year of Damian's patriarchate, a satanic thought fell into the hearts of the Acephali who were living in the east of Egypt. For there were four priests remaining over from that impure council, and they said: «What shall we do? We are perishing, and no bishop is left to us. Come therefore, let us make one of ourselves bishop, lest the remembrance of us perish from the face of the earth.» Then they chose the oldest among them, whose name was Barsanuphi, and the three priests took him and |475 made him bishop, and his heretical doctrine was named after his name.
When the people of the west of Egypt heard of this, they were exceedingly angry because they had done this without consulting them; so they separated from them, and would not join them. For this reason they had none to baptize them or give them communion or pray with them. So the others ordained a bishop for them. Now the prince at that time was Maurice, who loved money exceedingly, and rejected the orthodox.
When the Father Theophanes, the patriarch, went to his rest and departed to the Lord, the people of Antioch took one of the priests of the church, whose name was Peter, and made him patriarch. And he was coarse-minded, and sinful in his thoughts, and disturbed in his intellect, and opposed to the right faith, as that wise man in the Lord, Cyril, the holy patriarch, said with regard to the followers of Anatolius: «They are dark in their thoughts».
On account of the union between the two sees, Peter wrote a synodical epistle to the Father Damian, the patriarch, according to the usual custom. So when the synodical letter came to Damian, he rejoiced at it, and assembled the bishops. But when he examined Peter's doctrine declared in it, he found in it an error in the confession of the Holy Trinity. Therefore he sought in his wisdom and gentleness to draw the said Peter to himself by kindness, that the Church might not be divided, nor the union between the two sees be |476 broken. So he wrote to him a homily in which he reminded him of all the heretics, and of the doctrine laid down by Severus, the patriarch, with the object of making him understand the faith, in order to guide his intelligence. For Peter said in his strange philosophy: «There is no necessity to name the Trinity». Yet all the Doctors of the Church, and Cyril the Wise, and those that came after him, till the days of Damian, in their writings confess the holy Trinity, declaring that it is Three Persons and One Nature and One Godhead, creating and containing nothing created; and that it is divided in Persons, and truly united in substance and in name. They declare that God is the Creator of the two great luminaries; for the sun is made to rule the day, and the moon, as the lesser luminary, to rule the night; and that the act of creation took place before the name was given; and that God said: «Let the waters be gathered together, and let the dry land appear»; and God called the place of the gathering of the waters the seas, and called the dry part land; and that the act preceded the naming. «So likewise must thou understand this», adds Damian, «that the nature of the Creator is the one single nature which does all things. For who knows the thoughts of the Lord, and who can point them out; and who can give to him that he may seek from him a reward? For all things are from him. And glory be to the Holy Trinity, the consubstantial, the all-perfect, who accepts no new thing |477 and no new names at all; but his names are sure, and his deeds together with them».
This discourse the Father Damian, the patriarch, wrote to Peter, patriarch of Antioch. But Peter, patriarch of Antioch, was like the deaf asp 22 which stops its ears and will not listen to the voice of the charmer nor to the medicine which a wise man prepares; nay he remained obstinate in his erroneous ideas, confessing and saying with his tongue which deserved to be cut out: «What is the need of naming the Trinity?» Thus he divided the Undivided Trinity. So there was a conflict between the Egyptians and the Orientals on this account; and they remained thus for twenty years disputing without coming to an agreement, until God had mercy on his people of whom he has care at all times, and broke off the life of the heretic, and removed him from the world.
And Damian, the blessed patriarch, remained all his days composing letters and homilies and treatises, in which he refuted the heretics. And there were in his days certain bishops whom he admired, marvelling at their purity and excellence; and among them was John of Burlus, and John his disciple, and Constantine the bishop, and Cleistus, and many others who tended the vineyard of the Lord of Sabaoth. And the patriarch Damian did not cease to teach all the davs of his life. And through the multitude |478 of his fasts and prayers and conflicts, when his course was finished, he fell ill, and went to his rest in the peace of the Lord, after remaining patriarch thirty-six years, preserving the true faith in a good old age. And he departed to the Lord Christ whom he loved on the 28th day of Baunah.
ANASTASIUS, THE THIRTY-SIXTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 605-616.
And the Lord Christ considered his people, for he is the chief and leader of shepherds, and raised up a wise man adorned with virtues, whose name was Anastasius, an inhabitant of Alexandria and one of the priests of the, church there, learned in the scriptures and in the doctrines of the faith. So he was placed by the ineffable decrees of God upon the apostolic throne, and began to appoint the bishops and the priests according to the canon of the Church. Anastasius was brave of heart, and went to the city at all times, and entered therein, and ordained the priests there; for, as we have mentioned above, the orthodox bishops were forbidden to enter Alexandria; and he drew many of the people to himself by his wisdom, for he was a learned man, known through his appointment to the city-council. He had been presiding priest in the two churches that we have mentioned, |479 namely the Angelion and the church of Cosmas and Damian, and over the convents of virgins, and most of the monasteries.
Then Anastasius began to build church after church. And he took the church which is on a mound of ruins, and a church named after Michael. He had great trouble from the party of Tiberius and Belisarius, upon whom the name of Gaianus had come, and from the followers of the impure Chalcedonian council, and from another man who was called Eulogius. This man was exceedingly indignant against the Father Anastasius, and desired to bring upon him all evils and torments; but God did not deliver him into his hands.
In those days there arose a man from the palace, one of the chief officers, whose name was Phocas, and killed the prince, and sat in his place, and did wicked deeds; and he loved carnal pleasure, and corrupted all the daughters of the patricians; and he loved discord without fear. Therefore when Eulogius knew of this, and heard the report of these things, he wrote to the prince a calumnious letter, concerning the Father Anastasius, full of lies and folly. For he said that, when Anastasius preached in the church of John the Baptist, he anathematized him and the victorious princes and the Chalcedonian council, adding: «And I marvelled that the springs and |480 the waters were not dried up». This Eulogius wrote to the prince that he might stir up trials for the orthodox. So when Phocas, who had taken possession of the empire, heard this, he was troubled, and wrote to the governor in Alexandria, that he should take from the patriarch Anastasius the church of Cosmas and Damian and all its dependencies, and all that belonged to it, and give it to Eulogius, the misguided. Accordingly they seized that church; and the Father Anastasius, the blessed, was sad, and returned to the monastery with great grief and much sighing. And he desired that God might reunite the members of the Church which Satan had divided; I refer to the division of Antioch from Alexandria, the cause of which was Peter, patriarch of Antioch; and God heard his prayers; for Peter the aforesaid died, and there sat instead of him, upon the throne of Severus at Antioch, a man who was a monk and priest and scholar, named Athanasius, exceedingly wise, and pure in heart. And it was he who delivered a homily in which he spoke of the holy Severus; and everyone that read it knew that the Lord Christ was with him, and his wisdom was within him.
So when the Father Anastasius heard that Athanasius had taken his seat as patriarch upon the throne of Antioch, he hastened to write to him a synodical letter full of wisdom, in which he styled him his colleague and one who was brother and friend, and one turning his attention to the faith, and to the rectification of that which had been corrupted by Peter, the misguided one who was now dead. «For the whole of the spiritual Israel |481 is one flock», wrote Anastasius, «and thou shalt unite it, that thou mayest receive the crown of testimony and unity».
Now Athanasius was good fruitful ground, and therefore he received the spiritual seed with joy, and took the synodical letter which had come to him, and assembled the bishops under his see, and said to them: «Know that the world to-day rejoices in peace and love, because the Chalcedonian darkness has passed away, and there has remained this one light-giving and fruit-bearing branch of the true vine, which is the see of Mark the evangelist, and the province of Egypt. For we have been heretics and schismatics since the patriarch Severus, who was to us a guide and a way of salvation. And you know that Peter the apostle and Mark the evangelist had one gospel which they preached; and so also Severus and Theodo-sius had one faith, and lived in unity, and endured exile and conflicts to the end».
So, when the fathers and bishops heard his discourse, they rejoiced greatly and agreed to accept the synodical letter, and declared that the two churches should be one, and that the two patriarchs should be of one spirit, and a lamp illuminating the orthodox.
So the blessed Athanasius arose, and took with him five bishops, excellent and learned, and journeyed in a ship to Alexandria. But when they arrived, they were informed that the Father Anastasius was in the monasteries; and therefore they went out to him. Then, when he heard that the patriarch of |482 Antioch had come to him, he assembled the bishops and priests and monks, and arose in great humility, and went out on foot, until he met him, with chants and hymns and joy and gladness. And they entered together into the monastery which is on the sea-shore, to the north-east of the monasteries, and there they sat in peace and joy.
And the Father Anastasius sent at once and summoned all the clergy of Alexandria, that they might be present at the meeting of the fathers, and might celebrate the liturgy with them, and communicate of the Holy Mysteries. And Athanasius pronounced at that assembly a wonderful discourse, full of wisdom, so that everyone who was present marvelled; and at the end he said: «At this hour, O my friends, we must take the harp of David, and sing with the voice of the psalm 23, saying: Mercy and truth have met together; Athanasius and Anastasius have kissed one another. The truth has appeared from the land of Egypt, and righteousness has arisen from the East. Egypt and Syria have become one in doctrine; Alexandria and Antioch have become one Church, one virgin-bride of one pure and chaste bridegroom, who is the Lord Jesus Christ, the Only-Begotten Son, the Word of the Father».
And the Father Athanasius remained with the Father Anastasius for one month, while they meditated together upon the holy scriptures and profitable |483 doctrines, speaking of these matters and discussing them. Then Athanasius returned to his province in peace and great honour; and from that day there has been agreement between the see of Antioch and the see of Alexandria to this day.
And the Father Anastasius provided for the affairs of the Church with assiduity, and for spiritual learning, for the Lord granted him tranquillity. And from the first year that he sat upon the throne, he began from the first of the letters of the alphabet, and made each successive letter the first letter of that which he wrote every year in a book, whether mystagogia, or synodical epistle, or systatic epistle, or festal epistle, or homily. And he remained upon the throne, holding the orthodox faith, for twelve years, during which he wrote twelve books.
And during the forty days of the Fast before Christmas, the Lord Christ, who longs for those that believe in him, and who does wonders among his saints, looked upon him, and was pleased to translate him to the land of those that live for ever. So he went to his rest on the 22nd day of Kihak, in the year 330 of Diocletian, the slayer of the Righteous Martyrs. May their intercessions be with us! Amen! |484
ANDRONICUS, THE THIRTY-SEVENTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 616-622.
When Anastasius went to his rest, they seated upon the throne a learned man, a deacon of the church of the Angelion, a virgin and a scribe, whose name was Andronicus. He was very rich, much inclined to almsgiving, a leader of the people, loving mercy, and incessant in giving; and his family were leading people of the city, inasmuch as his cousin had been appointed head of the council of Alexandria. Therefore on account of the power of his authority and his eminence the heretics could not drive him out of Alexandria to the monasteries, as had been done before him; but he resided in his cell at the church of the Angelion, all his days.
Now there had arisen in Persia a king named Chosroes, who assembled a great host, and came with mighty power against the army of the Romans, and destroyed them utterly, and annihilated them. He took possession of the land of the Romans, and the land of Syria, and took captive the land of Palestine and Idumaea, and the land of Egypt, and trod them down as the oxen tread the threshing-floor, and collected their wealth and all that they had into his treasuries. And, on account of his love of money, he would kill a man for one denarius, or for something worth three denarii; for he had many subjects, and he knew not God, but worshipped the sun. |485
So when he took Egypt, and gained power, he made it his care to conquer the great city of Alexandria. And there were at Henaton near that city six hundred flourishing monasteries, like dovecotes; and the monks were independent, and insolent without fear, through their great wealth; and they did deeds of mockery. But the army of the Persians surrounded them on the west of the monasteries, and no place of refuge remained for them; and so they were all slain with the sword, except a few of them, who hid themselves, and so were safe. And all that was there of money and furniture was taken as plunder by the Persians; and they wrecked the monasteries, which have remained in ruins to this day.
And when the news arrived at Alexandria, the inhabitants opened the gates of the city. And the Persian governor, the leader of the war and lieutenant of king Chosroes, saw in his dream at night a personage who said to him: «I have delivered up to thee this city and its buildings and all that it contains. Therefore take heed that thou injure not the city, but let not its inhabitants be left within it; for they are hypocrites in religion». Now the Persians call their leader in their own language Salar, which means «commander»; and it was this Salar who built at Alexandria the palace which is called Tarâwus, the interpretation of the name being «House of the Ring», and it is now named Castle of the Persians. So when he received authority over the people of Alexandria, he did in his cunning as follows. He commanded all the young men in the city, from the age of eighteen to |486 fifty, to go out and receive twenty denarii each. So all the young men of the city assembled, and their names were written down; while they thought that they would receive the gift which he had promised them. And when he knew that all of them had come out, and that not one of them was left within the city, he commanded his troops to surround them, and slay them all with the sword. And the number of those that were thus slaughtered was eighty thousand men.
And when the Salar had done this, he marched away to Upper Egypt. And there were in the city of Niciu, which is also called Ibshadi, certain persons who gave him information concerning the monks who lived on the mountains and in the caves, the number of whom was seven hundred, and told him how they were enclosed within a fortified wall, and that their deeds were reprehensible, on account of the greatness of their wealth. So when the Salar heard this report of them, he sent his troops and surrounded them. And when the sun rose, they entered and slew all of them with the sword, and not one of them remained.
And this Salar was the cause of many troubles, because he knew not God. But the time is too short to recount his deeds.
So when the patriarch Andronicus had accomplished six years in his patriarchal office, and had suffered from this nation of the Persians, and seen all these disasters, which he encountered and patiently endured, he went to his rest, and departed to the Lord in perfect peace, holding fast to the right faith, the faith of his fathers, on the th. of Tubah. |487
BENJAMIN I, THE THIRTY-EIGHTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 622-661.
One year before the Father Andronicus died, there was a God-fearing and believing brother, whose name was Benjamin, in a monastery called the Monastery of Canopus, who came to it at that time and took refuge there with a holy old man whose name was Theonas. For the Persians had not destroyed this monastery among the rest that they had wrecked, because it lay to the north-east of the city, which Saitus was protecting. This brother Benjamin was a native of the province of Al-Buhairah, and came from a hamlet called Barshut. And he had longed after the monastic life and the practice of asceticism; and so he left his parents and all that they had, for they were very rich, and departed to the monastery, where the holy old man, Theonas, clothed him with the habit of the monastic life, and brought him up in the fear of God; and he grew day by day until his holiness and patience and self-restraint made great advances. And he learnt the scriptures by heart, until what happened to Paul happened likewise to him; for the great one Paul was brought up at Jerusalem with a man whose name was Gamaliel; and then his own assiduity and the grace of the Lord Christ raised him, until he became many times more capable and more excellent than his teacher. So also this Benjamin used to chastise himself |488 by ascetic practices, and took no sleep during the nights when there was an assembly in the church. And he read especially in the Gospel of the Blessed John, for he learnt it by heart.
And on a certain night he saw in his dream a man in shining raiment standing by him, who said to him: «Rejoice, O Benjamin, thou humble sheep, who art also the shepherd that shall feed the reasonable flock of the Lord Christ.» So when he heard these words he was troubled and vexed; but afterwards he rejoiced over the grace given to him from heaven; and he rose hastily and told his Father Theonas; and the old man believed his words with regard to this vision, but said to him: «Err not, my son; for Satan desires by this to cause thee to perish through pride. Go now therefore, and watch over thyself, and fall not by vainglory. For behold, I have spent fifty years in this convent without seeing any such vision, nor has anyone ever told me that he has seen any such thing». So Benjamin was silent and accepted his teacher's words; and grace increased in him day by day, sent from the God of glory; and all his words and actions were assisted by heaven. And the old man Theonas, and all who knew Benjamin, were astonished at the grace of God which was upon him, and thought that he was beside himself, until the old man Theonas took him, and went to the Father Andronicus, the patriarch, and explained his circumstances to him. So he said: «Bring him to me that I may hear him speak». When Benjamin entered, he prostrated himself before the Father Andronicus, the patriarch, who saw the grace of Christ |489 which was upon him, and asked him quietly to make known to him what he had witnessed; and Benjamin confessed, and described the event to him; and the patriarch kept them both with him during that night.
And when morning came, Theonas asked Andronicus to allow them to depart to their monastery in peace. But the patriarch said to him: «As for thee, depart in peace; but the Brother Benjamin henceforth belongs not to thee, for the Lord has elected him to be a servant to himself». And straightway he took Benjamin, and ordained him priest. And Benjamin began to live with the patriarch, assisting him in ecclesiastical works, and in his general administration. And Andronicus rejoiced exceedingly over him, and when his death drew near, charged them that Benjamin should be patriarch after him; and so, when he went to his rest, they made the aforesaid Benjamin patriarch upon the evangelical throne.
And the Persians remained rulers of Egypt and its provinces for six more years after that. Then Heraclius, who had been chief of the patricians under Phocas, the misbelieving emperor, succeeded him on the throne, and devoted himself to the task of fighting the Persians. For by the grace of Christ, he marched against them, and slew Chosroes, their misbelieving king, and ruined his city and made it a wilderness, and carried away its wealth and captives in triumph to Constantinople. And when Heraclius obtained possession of the land, he appointed governors in every place. And he sent a governor to the land of Egypt, named Cyrus, to be prefect and patriarch at the same time. |490
So when Cyrus came to Alexandria, the angel of the Lord announced his coming to the Father Benjamin, and bade him flee. For the angel said to him: «Flee thou and those that are with thee here, for great troubles will come upon you. But take comfort, for this conflict will last only ten years. And write to all the bishops who are within thy diocese, that they may hide themselves until the wrath of the Lord pass».
So the Father Benjamin, the confessor, the militant by the power of our Lord Jesus Christ, settled the affairs of the Church and put them in order, and gave injunctions to the clergy and laity, and charged them to cleave to the right faith even unto death. Then he wrote to the rest of the bishops of the province of Egypt, that they should hide themselves before the coming temptation.
And after that he went forth by the road towards Mareotis, walking on foot by night, accompanied by two of his disciples, until he came to Al-Munâ. Thence he went to Wadi Habib. And the monks there were few in number, because it was only a short time after the ruin which took place in the days of the patriarch Damian; and the Berbers did not allow them to multiply there. Then Benjamin went forth from the monasteries in Wadi Habib, and departed to Upper Egypt; and he remained hidden there in a small monastery in the wilderness until the accomplishment of the ten years, as the angel of the Lord had told him. These were the years during which |491 Heraclius and the Colchian 24 ruled over the land of Egypt. And on account of the greatness of the trials and the straits and the affliction which the Colchian brought down upon the orthodox, in order that they might enter into the Chalcedonian faith, a countless number of them went astray, some of them through persecution, and some by bribes and honours, and some by persuasion and deceit. So that even Cyrus, bishop of Niciu, and Victor, bishop of the Faiyum, and many others denied the orthodox faith, because they had not obeyed the injunctions of the blessed Father Benjamin, and had not hidden themselves as the others did; for the Colchian caught them with the fishing-line of his error, and so they went astray after the impure Chalcedonian council. And Heraclius seized the blessed Mennas, brother of the Father Benjamin, the patriarch, and brought great trials upon him, and caused lighted torches to be held to his sides until the fat of his body oozed forth and flowed upon the ground, and knocked out his teeth because he confessed the faith; and finally commanded that a sack should be filled with sand, and the holy Mennas placed within it, and drowned in the sea. For Heraclius the misbeliever had charged them, saying: «If any one of them says that the council of Chalcedon is true, let him go; but drown in the sea those that say it is erroneous and false.» Therefore they did as the prince bade them, and cast Mennas into the sea. For they took the sack, and conveyed him to a distance of seven bowshots from the land, and said to |492 him: «Say that the council of Chalcedon is good and not otherwise, and we will release thee.» But Mennas would not do so. And they did this with him three times; and when he refused they drowned him. Thus they were unable to vanquish this champion, Mennas, but he conquered them by his Christian patience.
Then Heraclius appointed bishops throughout the land of Egypt, as far as the city of Antinoe, and tried the inhabitants of Egypt with hard trials, and like a ravening wolf devoured the reasonable flock, and was not satiated. And this blessed people who were thus persecuted were the Theodosians.
And in those days Heraclius saw a dream in which it was said to him: «Verily there shall come against thee a circumcised nation, and they shall vanquish thee and take possession of the land». So Heraclius thought that they would be the Jews, and accordingly gave orders that all the Jews and Samaritans should be baptized in all the provinces which were under his dominion. But after a few days there appeared a man of the Arabs, from the southern districts, that is to say, from Mecca or its neighbourhood, whose name was Muhammad; and he brought back the worshippers of idols to the knowledge of the One God, and bade them declare that Muhammad was his apostle; and his nation were circumcised in the flesh, not by the law, and prayed towards the South, turning towards a place which they called the Kaabah. And he took possession of Damascus and Syria, and crossed the Jordan, and dammed it up. And the Lord abandoned the army of the Romans before him, as a punishment for their corrupt faith, and because of |493 the anathemas uttered against them, on account of the council of Chalcedon, by the ancient fathers.
When Heraclius saw this, he assembled all his troops from Egypt as far as the frontiers of Aswan. And he continued for three years to pay to the Muslims the taxes which he had demanded for the purpose of applying them to himself and all his troops; and they used to call the tax the bakt, that is to say that it was a sum levied at so much a head. And this went on until Heraclius had paid to the Muslims the greater part of his money; and many people died through the troubles which they had endured.
So when ten years were over of the rule of Heraclius together with the Colchian, who sought for the patriarch Benjamin, while he was fleeing from him from place to place, hiding himself in the fortified churches, the prince of the Muslims sent an army to Egypt, under one of his trusty companions, named Amr son of Al-Asi, in the year 357 of Diocletian, the slayer of the martyrs. And this army of Islam came down into Egypt in great force, on the twelfth day of Baunah, which is the sixth of June, according to the months of the Romans.
Now the commander Amr had destroyed the fort, and burnt the boats with fire, and defeated the Romans, and taken possession of part of the country. For he had first arrived by the desert; and the horsemen took the road through the mountains, until they arrived at a fortress built of stone, between Upper Egypt and the Delta, called Babylon. So they pitched their |494 tents there, until they were prepared to fight the Romans, and make war against them; and afterwards they named that place, I mean the fortress, in their language, Bâblun Al-Fustât; and that is its name to the present day.
After fighting three battles with the Romans, the Muslims conquered them. So when the chief men of the city saw these things, they went to Amr, and received a certificate of security for the city, that it might not be plundered. This kind of treaty which Muhammad, the chief of the Arabs, taught them, they called the Law; and he says with regard to it: «As for the province of Egypt and any city that agrees with its inhabitants to pay the land-tax to you, and to submit to your authority, make a treaty with them, and do them no injury. But plunder and take as prisoners those that will not consent to this and resist you». For this reason the Muslims kept their hands off the province and its inhabitants, but destroyed the nation of the Romans, and their general who was named Marianus. And those of the Romans who escaped fled to Alexandria, and shut its gates upon the Arabs, and fortified themselves within the city.
And in the year 360 of Diocletian, in the month of December, three years after Amr had taken possession of Memphis, the Muslims captured the city of Alexandria, and destroyed its walls, and burnt many churches with fire. And they burnt the church of Saint Mark, which was built by the sea, where his body was laid; and this was the place to which the father and |495 patriarch, Peter the Martyr, went before his martyrdom, and blessed Saint Mark, and committed to him his reasonable flock, as he had received it. So they burnt this place and the monasteries around it.
And at the burning of the said church a miracle took place which the Lord performed; and that was that one of the captains of the ships, namely the captain of the ship of the duke Sanutius, climbed over the wall and descended into the church, and came to the shrine, where he found that the coverings had been taken, for the plunderers thought that there was money in the chest. But when they found nothing there, they took away the covering from the body of the holy Saint Mark, but his bones were left in their place. So the captain of the ship put his hand into the shrine, and there he found the head of the holy Mark, which he took. Then he returned to his ship secretly, and told no one of it, and hid the head in the hold, among his baggage.
When Amr took full possession of the city of Alexandria, and settled its affairs, that infidel, the governor of Alexandria, feared, he being both prefect and patriarch of the city under the Romans, that Amr would kill him; therefore he sucked a poisoned signet-ring, and died on the spot. But Sanutius, the believing duke, made known to Amr the circumstances of that militant father, the patriarch Benjamin, and how he was a fugitive from the Romans, through fear of them. Then Amr, son of Al-Asi, wrote to the provinces of Egypt a letter, in which he said: «There is protection and security for the place |496 where Benjamin, the patriarch of the Coptic Christians is, and peace from God; therefore let him come forth secure and tranquil, and administer the affairs of his Church, and the government of his nation». Therefore when the holy Benjamin heard this, he returned to Alexandria with great joy, wearing the crown of patience and sore conflict which had befallen the orthodox people through their persecution by the heretics, after having been absent during thirteen years, ten of which were years of Heraclius, the misbelieving Roman, with the three years before the Muslims conquered Alexandria. When Benjamin appeared, the people and the whole city rejoiced, and made his arrival known to Sanutius, the duke who believed in Christ, who had settled with the commander Amr that the patriarch should return, and had received a safe-conduct from Amr for him. Thereupon Sanutius went to the commander and announced that the patriarch had arrived, and Amr gave orders that Benjamin should be brought before him with honour and veneration and love. And Amr, when he saw the patriarch, received him with respect, and said to his companions and private friends: «Verily in all the lands of which we have taken possession hitherto I have never seen a man of God like this man». For the Father Benjamin was beautiful of countenance, excellent in speech, discoursing with calmness and dignity.
Then Amr turned to him, and said to him: «Resume the government of all thy churches and of thy people, and administer their affairs. And if thou wilt pray for me, that I may go to the West and to Pentapolis, and |497 take possession of them, as I have of Egypt, and return to thee in safety and speedily, I will do for thee all that thou shalt ask of me.» Then the holy Benjamin prayed for Amr, and pronounced an eloquent discourse, which made Amr and those present with him marvel, and which contained words of exhortation and much profit for those that heard him; and he revealed certain matters to Amr, and departed from his presence honoured and revered. And all that the blessed father said to the commander Amr, son of Al-Asi, he found true, and not a letter of it was unfulfilled.
Thus when this spiritual father, Benjamin the patriarch, sat among his people a second time, by the grace and mercy of Christ, the whole land of Egypt rejoiced over him; and he drew to himself most of the people whom Heraclius, the heretical prince, had led astray; for he induced them to return to the right faith by his gentleness, exhorting them with courtesy and consolation. And many of those that had fled to the West and to Pentapolis, through fear of Heraclius, the heretical prince, when they heard of the reappearance of their shepherd, returned to him with joy, and obtained the confessor's crown. So likewise the bishops, who had denied their faith, he invited to return to the orthodox creed; and some of them returned with abundant tears; but the others would not return through shame before men, that it should be known among them that they had denied the faith, and so they remained in their misbelief until they died.
And after that, Amr and his troops marched away from Alexandria, and |498 the Christ-loving duke Sanutius marched with him. And on that night the father saw in his dream a man in shining garments, clothed in the raiment of the disciples, who said to him: «O my beloved, make a place for me with thee, that I may abide therein this day, for I love thy dwelling.» Now the place, wherein the patriarch dwelt, was a pure habitation without defilement, in a monastery called the Monastery of Metras, which was the episcopal residence. For all the churches and monasteries which belonged to the virgins and monks had been defiled by Heraclius the heretic, when he forced them to accept the faith of Chalcedon, except this monastery alone; for the inmates of it were exceedingly powerful, being Egyptians by race and all of them natives, without a stranger among them; and therefore he could not incline their hearts towards him. For this reason, when the Father Benjamin returned from Upper Egypt, he took up his residence with them, because they had kept the orthodox faith, and had never deviated from it.
And when the ships, containing the provisions and booty of the troops, and the baggage of the believing duke Sanutius and his companions, were about to set sail, his own particular ship remained motionless, and could not be got under weigh. Therefore a great crowd assembled near that ship, supposing that it had grounded, and fastened towing-ropes to it, and pulled at it with all their might; and yet it did not move at all. So they went to the duke, and made this known to him, for he was sailing with the commander. Then the duke was greatly astonished; and he anchored the ship |499 in which the commander Amr was, and returned accompanied by many people, and when he arrived at the ship, he saw by it an innumerable crowd of men who were unable to move it. So he said to them: «Turn the prow of this ship to the city.» And when they turned it round as if to enter the city, it sped towards it like an arrow. Then the duke said to them: «Draw it outwards,» So they drew it until it arrived at its former position, and then it stood still and motionless. Then they turned the ship inwards again, and it sped; and they drew it outwards again, and it stood still. This happened three times. Then the duke said to the captain of the ship: «Bring up to me the baggage of the sailors, that I may search among it, so that I may see what it is, and discover the cause which has forced this ship to stand still alone of all these ships». Then the captain who had taken the head of the holy Mark, the evangelist, was afraid, and threw himself at the feet of the duke, and confessed to him what he had done, and that the head was hidden among his baggage. So they brought up his baggage from the hold, and found the head among it.
Then they went in haste and made known to the Father Benjamin exactly what had taken place. So he mounted his horse at once, and took with him a body of the clergy, and came to the duke, and related to him the dream which he had seen that night; and thereupon they all said: «Truly this is the head of the holy Mark the evangelist». And as soon as the patriarch |500 Benjamin came to the ship and took the pure head, and so released the ship, it got under sail at once and departed in a straight course. So he and the duke and all the people knew the truth of the story, and bore witness to this miracle, and glorified God.
And the duke gave to the patriarch much money, and said to him: «Rebuild the church of the holy Mark, and pray to him for safety for us». And the Father Patriarch returned to the city, carrying the head in his bosom, and the clergy went before him, with chanting and singing, as befitted the reception of that sacred and glorious head. And he made a chest of teak wood with a padlock upon it, and placed the head therein; and he waited for a time in which he might find means to build a church.
And his care was bestowed night and clay upon the conversion of those members of the Church who had been separated from her in the days of Heraclius; and no other business made him neglect that; for he was filled with faith and the Holy Ghost; and the grace of the Holy Ghost, which was with Athanasius the Apostolic, was with him in his words and in his deeds; and, through his agency and through his prayers, the Lord shewed mercy to his people. By his intercession began the rebuilding of the monasteries of Wadi Habib and of Al-Munâ; and the good works of the orthodox grew and increased, and the people rejoiced like young calves, when their halters are unfastened and they are set free to be nourished by their mothers' milk.
When Amr returned to Egypt, he departed thence once more to the army of |501 the prince of the Muslims; and a man named Abd Allah, son of Sa'd, was sent to Egypt instead of him. This man arrived, accompanied by many people; and, as he was a lover of money, he collected wealth for himself in Egypt; and he was the first who built the Divan at Misr, and commanded that all the taxes of the country should be regulated there.
And in the days of Abd Allah, son of Sa'd, a great dearth took place, the like of which had not been seen from the time of Claudius the unbeliever up to his time. For all the inhabitants of Upper Egypt came down to the Delta, in search of provisions; and the dead were cast out into the streets and market-places, like fish which the water throws up on the land, because they found none to bury them; and some of the people devoured human flesh. And if the Lord had not been compassionate, through the multitude of his mercies and the prayers of our Father Benjamin, the holy one, and speedily put an end to that dearth, all the inhabitants in the land of Egypt would have perished; for every day there died of the people countless myriads. But the Lord accepted the prayers of the patriarch, and had mercy on his people, and satisfied them with his good things, and sought out his heritage in his beneficence, as it is written 25: «The eyes of all look unto thee, hoping for thee, that thou mayest give them their meat in its season; and when thou givest it them they live and are satisfied with good things.»
Now the holy Benjamin had with him a man full of grace and wisdom, meek like a dove, whose name was Agathon; and he was a priest in the |502 church, and was a native of Mareotis. And he used to disguise himself at Alexandria in the days of Heraclius in the garb of a layman, and went about at night, comforting the orthodox who were concealing themselves there, and settling their affairs, and giving them of the Holy Mysteries. And if it was in the daytime, he carried on his shoulder a basket containing carpenters' tools, and pretended to be a carpenter, that the heretics might not hinder him, and that so he might find a means of entering the houses or lodgings of the orthodox, that he might give them of the Mysteries, and encourage them to patience, and console them. And 1 so he remained ten years until the time of the appearance of the Muslims. Then, when the blessed Benjamin returned to his see in peace, he adopted Agathon as his son in the administration of the holy Church.
Then the blessed Father Benjamin was attacked by a disease in his feet, besides the old age which had come upon him. And he remained thus sick for two years, until the saints prayed for him that God would release him from the prison of this world, so full of sadness, and would bring him to them in the place wherein is no sadness nor sorrow, but which is full of joy, in the land of the living. And God accepted their prayers, and sent to Benjamin three personages, namely Athanasius the Apostolic, and Severus and Theodosius the patriarchs, who were present at his death, and went before his holy soul, while the holy angels bore it on their pure wings, ascending with it to heaven with glory and honour, with the voices of praise and |503 glorification preceding it, until it reached the land of the saints, as the bridegroom enters his chamber, or the king his palace. So he departed to Christ his king, after finishing his conflict, and accomplishing his course, and keeping his faith, without losing one of his flock, on the th of Tubah, when he had been patriarch thirty-nine years, keeping the faith, wearing the crown of exile, which he received from the Lord Christ, to whom be glory with the merciful Father and the Holy Ghost, the Giver of Life. Amen. Abba Agathon says: «Those whose thoughts are in heaven are enlightened by the glory of God, who is the Father of Light; and the spiritual love of God is in them, as it is written 26: Taste and see that the Lord is good. Such was the Father Benjamin, the patriarch, the teacher of the orthodox, who understood the interpretation of the scriptures, and dwelt in the desert, and grasped many mysteries; for he despised his body and cut off his desires, for the love of the Lord Christ our God who is above all. And as for me, |504 the sinner Agathon, I was the son of the Father Benjamin, and knew much of his virtues through my intimacy with him.
And he told me of the great mystery which he had seen manifestly at the consecration of the holy sanctuary of the glorious father, Saint Macarius, in Wadi Habib, and of the canons and rules which he had drawn up. And to that belongs the following account which he related to me:
When I was in my city of Alexandria, having found a time of peace and deliverance from persecution and from the warfare of the heretics, the festival of the Nativity of the Lord Christ arrived on the 28th of Kihak, and we assembled in the church of the Pure Lady Mary, the Mother of the Light, which is called the Porch of the Angels. And we offered many prayers, in the presence of the clergy, and of the chief men of the city, and of all the people old and young, to celebrate the praises of the Lady and Virgin, who brought forth God the Word, the truly Incarnate in this world, the Lord of Lords and King of Kings, to whom is due glory with the Father and the Holy Ghost, the One God; and to observe at the same time also the festival of the Lord Christ, the Only-begotten Son, who was incarnate and was made man, and was born of the Pure Virgin at Bethlehem of Juda, one undivided Christ. Then I saw certain monks of calm and dignified appearance, like angels, who had entered into the midst of the congregation; and some of them were priests and some of them were from the desert of the holy Macarius; but they |505 could not reach me, on account of the multitude of the people. So one of the priests came towards me, and made their entrance known to me; therefore I said to him: I have seen them; and I bade him go to them, and he invited them to come to me. When they approached me, I enquired of them the cause of their coming so far. Then they said: We are come to thee with the object of praying thy Paternity, with a prostration, for God's sake to undertake the trouble of a journey to the monastery in the Holy Mountain, Wadi Habib, the home of our father, Macarius the Great, in order to consecrate the new church which has been built to him at the foot of the rock among the cells; because many of the old and sick inhabit cells far away, which are near the water, and are wearied if they mount to the top of the rock. Be gracious then to us, O our father, and endure the fatigue, that the fathers and monks may receive thy blessing; for they all long to behold thy Holiness.
When I heard this, I said to them, in my poverty, with joy: Ah indeed may God make me worthy of that task! So they waited until we had finished the festivities of that day, and of its morrow, which is the 29th of Kihak, and of the third day of the feast. Then I said to thee, O Agathon, and to Cosmas, the scribe, thy companion: Provide for us what we need for the journey to Wadi Habib, that we may receive a blessing from the Father Macarius, and from the brethren and monks.
So we undertook this task; and we began our journey on the second day of Tubah. And when we arrived at Tarûjah, the inhabitants thereof met us |506 with great joy. Then we reached the desert of Al-Munâ, which is that of Abba Isaac, near the mountain of Barnûj; and the brethren who were there rejoiced greatly over us, and we remained there two days, after which they took leave of us; but some of them accompanied us to show us the way leading to the desert and to the mountain; and they were holy and excellent men. So they brought us to the extremity of the desert of the mountain of Nitria.
Then we turned to the Monastery of Baramus, or Maximus and Domitius, where we alighted at the Church of the Holy Isidore; and we abode there one day. Then the brethren and monks who had come to visit us in the city of Alexandria departed, and made our arrival known to the monks of the Monastery of Saint Macarius, save two of their priests who remained with us, together with the brethren who had accompanied us from Al-Munâ; and therefore some of the monks came out to us. And on the th day of Tubah we visited the rest of the monasteries, and received blessings from them.
Finally we proceeded to the Monastery of the holy Macarius. And when we drew near to it, the young monks met us with palm-branches in their hands; and after them came old men, carrying smoking censers, and a body of the clergy, chanting like angels, resembling those who came to meet the Lord Christ from Jerusalem on Palm Sunday.
And they began to give to my weakness that of which I was not worthy. And there was with them the great teacher Basil, bishop of Niciu. So I glorified the Lord Christ because he had counted me worthv once more to |507 see this renowned desert, and these holy fathers and brothers, and the manifestation of the orthodox faith; and had delivered me from the persecution of the heretics, and saved my soul from the great dragon, the tyrant who drove me away on account of the right faith; and had vouchsafed to me that I should behold my children once more around me. Then all the monks, the priests and the brethren, went before me until I entered the newly built church of Christ. There I seemed to enter Paradise, the place of meeting of the angels, and the joy of the saints, and the abode of rest for the just.
When the morrow arrived, the th day of Tubah, I said: Bring to me the priest Agathon, who suffered with me for the faith, in the time of the troubles which came upon me, when the Colchian, that enemy of the truth, attacked my weakness. So when thou earnest to me, I said to thee: O my son, bring forth the books which are requisite for the consecration; and accordingly thou didst bring them forth for me. Then we began the prayers; and with me were Abba Basil, bishop of Niciu, and all the clergy surrounding me, and all the monks, as thou sawest. At that time, while I was thus performing the rite of consecration, behold, I saw an old man, with a great light and radiant brilliancy upon his face; and as I gazed upon him and considered him, I said within myself: This man is fit to be made a bishop, to rule over many people; and if the Lord be pleased, as soon as a see is vacant, I will set him over it; for this person is a holy |508 man, fit for that office. So, while I was thinking of this, I saw a seraph with six wings, who appeared to me, and stood beside me. And he said to me: O bishop, why art thou thinking of this old man? This is Saint Miacarius, father of the patriarchs and bishops and monks who have lived in this desert; and he has come for the consecration of this church. Thereupon I was confounded before him, and considered him while he was standing among his sons with great joy; and the voice of that seraph resounded in my ears, and I was afraid of him. Then he said to me: If his sons walk in the straight way in which he walked, then they will enter with him into the place of the king, and rejoice with him. But he that breaks his commandments has no lot with him, but shall be driven out of the flock and shall have no inheritance with him.
Then the holy Macarius said to him: Put not thy seal, O my Lord, upon my sons with these words; for if a single grape be found in a bunch, it shall not perish, because the blessing of God is in it; and so I also trust in Christ, the Lover of my soul, that if he find among my children a single commandment kept, namely the love of one another, or if they raise their eyes to heaven to the Lord Christ even once every day, he will not forget them in his mercy, but will deliver them from the punishment of eternal hell. For the Lord, the Lover of mankind, grants repentance to the sinner, and desires not his death, in order that he may turn and repent, that so he may receive him. |509
Thus when I heard the words of Saint Macarius to the seraph, I understood his love for his children. For the interpretation of the name of the Father Macarius is the Blessed one, honoured by God and man. He, the Father Macarius, the disciple of God the Lord, is the net which gathers together of every kind for the kingdom of heaven. Then I said, so that those that were near me might hear me: Blessed art thou, O Saint Macarius, and blessed is thy order and blessed are thy children, since they deserve that thou shouldst be a powerful intercessor for them before the judgment-seat of God our Lifegiver, when our Ring and our God, Jesus Christ, shall come at his second appearing, to reward everyone according to his works in truth. Thou, O Saint Macarius, art the great ark which carries so many souls, and brings them into the harbour of safety and salvation, and thou art the intercessor for us all. As David says in his psalm 27: Blessed is the man who hath not walked in the counsel of hypocrites, nor stood in the way of sinners, nor sat in the seats of the scornful! Thou art indeed the champion and the prince! Blessed is the womb that carried thee and brought thee forth into the world! Remember me, O thou true saint of God!
Then thou, O Agathon, didst say to me, and the bishop of Niciu said to me: To whom speakest thou, O our father? So I said to you both: I am addressing Saint Macarius, the father of this mountain. For there is a time to speak and a time to be silent. |510
And I went up to the sanctuary, and said the prayer over the chrism, and took it to anoint the holy sanctuary. And I heard a voice saying: Observe, O bishop! So when I marked the sanctuary with the chrism, I saw the hand of the Lord Christ, the Saviour, upon the walls, anointing the sanctuary. Therefore great fear came upon me and trembling, such as thou sawest in me; but thou and those present did not know the cause of it, nor what I had seen and heard. Then I said, with the Father Jacob 28: Verily this is a dreadful place, and this is the house of God in truth, and this is the gate of heaven, and the resting-place of the most High.»
Agathon the priest says: «At that time we had looked upon him, and he was like fire, and his face shone with light; and not one of us could speak a word to him, but we were confounded at him. Then the Father Benjamin said: This is the tabernacle of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. And he walked round the sanctuary three times, saying Alleluia. Then he chanted the eighty-third Psalm, saying: How lovely are thy tabernacles, O Lord of hosts! My soul longeth and pineth after the dwelling-places of the Lord, thy altars, O Lord of Hosts, my King and my God 29. And he finished saying the psalm to the end.
Then, when he had completed the consecration of the dome, he went out into the body of the church, to consecrate its walls and columns; and at the end he returned and sat in the dome. And he said to us: I have been carried away to-day to the Paradise 30 of the Lord of Sabaoth, and I have |511 heard voices that cannot be uttered nor conceived in the heart of man, as the wise apostle Paul says. Believe me, my brethren, I have seen to-day the glory of Christ filling this dome; and I beheld with my own sinful eyes the holy palm, the sublime hand of the Lord Jesus Christ, the Saviour, anointing the altar-board of this holy sanctuary. I have witnessed to-day the seraphim and the angels and the archangels, and all the holy hosts of the Most High, praising the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost in this dome. And I saw the father of the patriarchs and bishops and doctors of the orthodox Church, standing among us here in the midst of the brethren, his sons, with joy, ---- I mean the Father Macarius the Great. Truly this sanctuary is beneath the throne of the Almighty. This sanctuary is that which Isaias the prophet describes, when he says 31: There shall be an altar to God in the land of Egypt, and a platform, and five towns that speak the language of Chanaan.
Arise now, my children, and let us finish the liturgy, and obtain the blessing of the fathers, and glorify God most High».
Agathon the priest says: «The patriarch continued his narrative as follows. When I had finished the divine service and communicated the clergy, I saw again a great grace which I must not hide from thee. For when the old men came up for communion, I saw a vapour of incense ascending like perfume from their mouths, so that I thought that each one of |512 those fathers and monks carried incense when he came up to communion. Then the roof of the church opened, and that perfume ascended from it. And I observed their mouths as they prayed when they approached the Host, and I saw the words and the incense which issued from their mouths ascending to heaven. So I was assured then that it was their petitions and their prayers, which they uttered when they received the Holy Mysteries, which are the Body and Blood of the pure Lord Jesus Christ. And I saw the angels receiving those prayers of theirs, and carrying them up before the throne of the Lord. And, on account of the power of their prayers and supplications, I thought: Verily this is the golden candlestick holding the lamp; and this is the precious jewel; and this is the morning-star which rises and shines upon the whole world. And I sang the hymn of the three young men, Ananias, Azarias, and Misael, which they recited in the furnace of burning fire: Blessed art thou O Lord, God of our fathers, and praised and glorified for ever 32. And blessed in truth is the Lord, the, God of these saints, by whom and by whose like he directs the world. This is the meeting-place of the angels, and the harbour of all the souls which flee to God, the Deliverer of all souls. Then I glorified and thanked the Lord Jesus Christ, who made me worthy to witness what I saw.
And when I fell asleep that night, I saw standing before me a shining |513 personage who said to me: Awake, O bishop, and arise to set in order the canons of this church and this sanctuary together; so that every one, whether priest or deacon, may guard himself in his conduct therein in perfect patience and virtuous tranquillity, because Christ our Lord and all his angels are here; and write these canons as a memorial for this holy church for ever. For there will come a crooked generation who will love the praise of men more than the glory of God, and they will trample down this holy place shamelessly and haughtily, and will barter for gold the grace of the Holy Ghost which he gave to his people, and will break the apostolic canons. For who can desire to have an inheritance in this holy place who is without fear of the Lord and whose soul is not tried at the beginning? And the glory of this holy and renowned and venerated place shall be changed by such, who shall occupy as it were stalls for cattle at their entrance into it; for those who are of this kind have hearts like the hearts of cattle, and neither read nor understand. All of them go out of the way and become abominable; and their care is for their bellies, and their glory is in shame; and they go upon their bellies like serpents, and swell, and bite men, and are insolent, haters of their brethren, occupied with eating and drinking, as cattle which have no understanding or their like; and the Apostolic Church separates them from herself.
CANONS FOR THE MONASTERY OF SAINT MACARIUS.
1. No priest shall ascend to this sanctuary until he has put on his pallium first, before he carries the incense into the sanctuary. |514
[II]. No priest or deacon shall communicate therein until he has vested himself in the epomis or a pallium.
[III]. No priest or deacon shall speak in this holy dome any idle words, nor sit therein to read any book. And he that shall break this canon shall be anathema.
[IV]. If any priest or monk shall enter into this dome, unless he be appointed for the service of this sanctuary, let him be anathema.
[V]. If any of the priests belonging to this place bring a strange priest from Misr or an official into this dome and holy tabernacle, for the sake of human glory, let him be anathema.
[VI]. If any man shall persist in entering into this holy dome, the Lord Jesus Christ shall cast him out.
[VII]. And if any man transgresses in order that he may have a lot in this holy place by means of money or bribe, then let him, and everyone who assists him to enter it for the sake of human glory, be degraded, especially if he be notorious for evil and pride.
Know, my brethren, that not one of these shall receive the lot of Jacob; and the power which dwells in this place and in this holy sanctuaiy will not consent to any of these things. But let a monk be humble, pure, peaceable, perfect in all the approved qualities, as the Teacher Paul testified in what he |515 said about this degree; for he says what is certain in his glorious epistles.
Then this shining personage, by whom I am unworthy to be addressed, said to me: Thy departure, O Benjamin, from this world, which is the separation of thy soul from thy body, will correspond to the day of the consecration of this church. And thou shalt depart to the Lord Christ whom thou lovest, that thou mayest rest in the heavenly Jerusalem, the city of the predestined, together with all the elect. So I said to him: O my Lord, I trust that God may make me worthy of what thou sayest, and may receive me, his sinful servant; and that I may go to him on the said day. And blessed be my Lord Jesus Christ, the Lover of my soul and spirit, because his mercy is abundant towards me. Thereupon the seraph disappeared from me.
And the patriarch Benjamin said to us: Think not, my brethren, that I have written these anathemas for this generation. Nay, rather I have written them because there will come another generation in the last times which will deserve what I have written, according to that which the seraph announced to me, who talked with me. Therefore it behoves every believer to beware of following the praise of men; but let him do what is fitting for the glory of God, and love him with all his heart. And do thou my son Agathon, the priest, write down for thyself the date of this consecration; and remind me of it constantly and every day, that I may remember the words of the seraph on this day, that on the same day will take place my departure from this world, it being the th of Tubah, on which took place the consecration of the holy church in the name of the holy Macarius, our father. |516
Now we will record another miracle which took place on the same day. There was in the city of Niciu a great and eminent official, whose custom it was to enter at all times into the holy monasteries in Wadi Habib; and accordingly he was present on the day of the consecration of the church of Saint Macarius, accompanied by a son of his who was afflicted by disease, in whom was manifested another great and conspicuous wonder, worked by the blessed Father Macarius, who is the father of the holy mountain in Wadi Habib, and the comforter of all the patriarchs and bishops and monks and teachers in the whole world; for the odour of the incense of his works, and the beauty of his deeds have filled the land, and his lamp illumines all that come to him. And it was the custom of this official to come to the monastery always at the feasts of the Nativity and of the Baptism and of Easter; and thus he was present on the day of the consecration together with his son, whom he entrusted to the charge of a holy monk, with whom was a youth who served him. When the consecration and the liturgy were finished, and the people had communicated, the son of the official was sleeping in the holy church; and at that moment he cried out in his sleep so that he frightened the people who were present with his cries. But that monk took courage, and went up to the lad, and awoke him; and when he awoke, the congregation observed him, and behold, he was healed, and seemed like a new creature on that day. So they glorified God for this great miracle which had taken place. |517
The Father Benjamin, the patriarch, said: So when I had finished the communion, I called the official, the father of the lad, and inquired of him concerning the circumstances of his son, and he informed me of his sickness and all that had happened to him. Then I called the lad and said to him: O my son, explain to me what thou sawest in thy dream, and hide nothing of it from me. So the lad said: While I was sleeping, I saw a tall old man with a light beard descending over his breast, and he squeezed my body with his hands, so that I cried out with the pain. Then he grasped with his hand the edge of my garment and drew it up over my head, and I saw all my disease and sores adhering to my garment, and they were stripped off with it from my body. And he said to me: Be of good courage, my son, for behold, thou art cured. So when this father and monk had finished, I rose up healed. This is what happened to me, O my lord and father.
So I, Benjamin, beheld him with my eyes on that day, and he was healed; and I glorified the Lord Jesus Christ, who showed to me his power and wonders by the hand of the holy Saint Macarius, who heals souls and bodies by his intercession with God, and who is become a harbour for the salvation of the world. Blessed therefore is the Mountain of Nitria, which was worthy to be inhabited by Saint Macarius, the intercessor for us and for all who visit him. O mountain in which is the mystery of God! O mountain on which are assembled those elect ones who shine therein more |518 brightly than the light of the sun by day, and whose prayers ascend like a flaming fire! O mountain in which the spiritual fruit bears thirtyfold and sixtyfold and a hundredfold! O mountain which salts souls, and restores them from sin, and purifies them by repentance, so that they are white like snow! Thou art the true mountain on which are assembled the kings and the rich men and the poor, to serve God there. Thou art the mountain of salt in truth, which salts souls that stank with sin and iniquity. It is thou that hast made robbers into teachers and martyrs and saints. Therefore may they pray now without weariness before our Lord Jesus Christ, that he may strengthen us in the orthodox faith, in his illuminating Church, that all of us who are baptized may exult at all times therein. And we pray him to deliver us from the persecutions of those who rule over us, and from the wiles of the hunter and enemy of the truth, Satan, the evil prince.
Glory and power and majesty be to God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, now and always and for ever and ever. Amen.»
With the help of God is finished the first half of the first part of the book of the Histories of the Patriarchs in the great city of Alexandria, successors of Saint Mark the Evangelist. May God grant us the blessing of his prayers and of their prayers! And their number is thirty-eight patriarchs.
[Footnotes moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 1. Eus., H. E., VII, 32; VIII, 13; IX, 6. ---- The seven mss. collated for the preceding fasciculus have been consulted also for the present one, the Paris ms. 4772 being here designated by the letter G. C. like E. contains an abridged text.
2. 1. See the three versions of the Acts of St. Peter, published by Baronius and afterwards Mai. Spicil. Rom., III, p. 673. Rome, 1840; Surius (25 Nov.); and Combefis, Illustrium Christi Martyrum lecti Triumphi, etc. p. 189, Paris, 1660. The last alone is in the original Greek, the others being Latin translations. Cf. Viteau (Greek text), Passions des saints Ecaterine, Pierre d'Alex., etc., Paris, 1897; Bedjan (Syriac version). Acta mart. et sanct., t. V, Paris. 1895, pp. 543-561; Hyvernat, Actes des Martyrs, tirés des Mss. coptes, etc.. Paris, 1886.
3. 1. S. John, xi, 50; xviii. 14.
4. 1. Ps, lxviii, 1 (Sept. lxvii).
5. 1. Psalm cxix, 131 (Sept. cxviii).
6. 1. S. Matth., vii, 7; S. Luke, xi, 9.
7. 1. S. Matth., xxiv, 2; S. Mark, xiii. 2; S. Luke, xix, 44; xxi, 6.
8. 1. Job, vi, 21 (Sept.).
9. 1. S. John, i, 18.
10. 2. S. Matth., i, 23.
11. 3. Is., vii, 14.
12. 4. S. Mark, xiv, 61, 62.
13. 5. I Tim., vi, 13.
14. 6. S. Luke, i, 32-35.
15. 1. Phil., ii, 6, 7.
16. 2. I Thess., i, 10; Hebr., i, 4-6, 13; ii, 5. 8, 9.
17. 1. S. Matth., xvii, 4; S. Mark, ix, 4: S. Luke, ix, 33.
18. 1. III Kings, xii, 16.
19. 2. The Acephali.
20. 1. Acts, viii, 20, 23.
21. 1. S. Matth., iv, 8-10. S. Luke, iv, 5-8.
22. 1. Ps. lviii, 4, 5 (Sept. lvii).
23. 1. Ps. lxxxv, 10 (Sept. lxxxiv, 11).
24. 1. Mukaukas seems to be the Coptic [Coptic], «Colchian» or «Caucasian», and to denote Cyrus, bishop of Phasis. appointed by the emperor Heraclius to be patriarch of Alexandria, and prefect of Egypt. See Dr. A. J. Butler, On the identity of Al-Mukaukis of Egypt in Trans. of Soc. of Bib. Arch. 1901.
25. 1. Ps. civ, 27, 28; cxlv. 15. 18 (Sept. ciii. cxliv.)
26. 1. Ps. xxxiv, 8 (Sept. xxxiii. 9).
27. 1. Ps. i. 1.
28. 1. Gen., xxviii, 17.
29. 2. Ps. lxxxiv, 1. 2. 3 (Sept. lxxxiii).
30. 3. II Cor., xii, 4.
31. 1. Isaias, xix, 19. 18.
32. 1. Daniel, iii. 52 (Greek).
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: severus_hermopolis_hist_alex_patr_03_part .htm
Severus of Al'Ashmunein (Hermopolis), History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic church of Alexandria (1910) Part 3: Agathon - Michael I (766 AD). Patrologia Orientalis 5 pp. 3-215 (pp.257-469 of text).
Severus of Al'Ashmunein (Hermopolis), History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic church of Alexandria (1910) Part 3: Agathon - Michael I (766 AD). Patrologia Orientalis 5 pp. 3-215 (pp.257-469 of text).
HISTORY OF THE PATRIARCHS
OF THE COPTIC CHURCH OF ALEXANDRIA
III
AGATHON TO MICHAEL I (766)
ARABIC TEXT EDITED, TRANSLATED, AND ANNOTATED
BY
B. EVETTS
Chapter 15
Agathon, the thirty-ninth patriarch (661-677)
John III, of Samannûd, the fortieth patriarch (677-686)
Chapter 16
Isaac, the forty-first patriarch (688-689)
Simon I, the forty-second patriarch (689-701)
Chapter 17
Alexander II, the forty-third patriarch (705-730)
Cosmas I, the forty-fourth patriarch (730-731)
Theodore, the forty-fifth patriarch (731-743)
Chapter 18
Michael I, the forty-sixth patriarch (744-767)
|3
CHAPTER XV
AGATHON, THE THIRTY-NINTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 661-677.
In the Name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost, the one God.
The second division of the histories of the holy Church, consisting of six chapters and the lives of fourteen patriarchs.
Agathon was the son of the patriarch Benjamin in the spirit, not in the flesh; and he is the thirty-ninth in the series of the patriarchs.
When the great champion and maintainer of the faith in the Lord Jesus Christ, and teacher of the orthodox creed, Abba Benjamin, returned from banishment, and resumed his seat upon the evangelical throne in the Church of God, he restored that which had been overthrown by Heraclius, and by the impure Chalcedonian Council, in the person of Proterius. For this Father Abba Benjamin reconstructed all things, and set them in order with the help of the Lord Christ, the Good Shepherd, who gave his life for his |4 sheep, according to his words in his pure Gospel 1: «The Good Shepherd gives his life for his sheep». So Benjamin walked in the footsteps of his Lord, and carried his cross and followed him, and endured trials and woes and great temptations till death for the right faith, but neither retreated nor turned backwards in his conflict, until he had finished it; so that he received his reward with the saints, his fathers, who preceded him. As David says 2 in the Psalms: «Precious before the Lord is the death of his pure ones».
So the Father Benjamin died. And the faitful God-fearing people, by the command of the Lord, took that God-fearing priest Agathon, and enthroned him as patriarch, according to the agreement of his name with his actions; for he was good and his conduct was good, adorned with every noble deed, full of the grace of the Holy Ghost and of the orthodox faith.
Now the Muslims were fighting against the Romans furiously. And the Romans had a prince whose name was Tiberius, whom they had made their ruler, and who possessed many islands. So the Muslims took the Romans captive, and carried them away from their own country to a strange land. Thus with regard to Sicily and all its provinces, they took possession of that island, and ravaged it, and brought the people captives to Egypt. And this holy patriarch Agathon was sad at heart when he saw his fellow-Christians in the hands of the Gentiles; and as the conquerors had offered many souls of them for sale, he bought them and set them free. But they |5 were followers of the impure and heretical sects, known as the Gaianites, who do not communicate with the orthodox, and as the Barsanuphians.
And Abba Agathon did not neglect to ordain bishops in every place, that they might bring back the sheep which Satan had led astray to the Church of the Lord Christ. Therefore Satan brought down upon him great trouble on account of his purity of heart and excellence of character.
In those days Alexandria was governed by a man whose name was Theodore 3, who was a chief among a congregation of the Chalcedonians, and was an opponent of the orthodox Theodosians. This man went to Damascus to the leader of the Muslims, whose name was Yazîd, son of Mu'âwiyah, and received from him a diploma giving him authority over the people of Alexandria and Maryût and all the neighbouring districts, and declaring that the governor of Egypt had no jurisdiction over him; for he had given Yazîd much money. Then Theodore returned and tyrannised over the father, Abba Agathon, and troubled him; not only demanding of him the money which he was bound to pay, and taking from him thirty-six denarii as poll-tax every year, on account of his disciples, but that which he spent upon the sailors in the fleet he also exacted from him. And whenever he wanted funds he required the patriarch to supply them. But the community of the Chalcedonians would not associate with this man. The |6 patriarch needed seven thousand denarii to satisfy the demands of Theodore the Chalcedonian, besides the taxes upon his property, and was prevented from leaving his cell by the governor's cruel hostility on account of his orthodox faith, for he even issued a command, saying: «Whoever shall see the pope of the Theodosians going out by night or by day, may stone him to death, and I will be responsible for him». So the Father Agathon lay hid during the days of that impious official, praying for him according to the injunction of the Gospel 4: «Love your enemies, bless those that curse you». In the days of Abba Agathon was built the church which was dedicated in the name of the Father Macarius. And the brethren multiplied so that they built the cells near the Marsh; and they increased by the grace of the Lord Christ, and the believing brethren assisted them. In those days there appeared at the monastery a man, pure in body and clean of heart, learned in the two kinds of wisdom, the ecclesiastical and the secular, whose name was John, a native of Samannûd. While he was making a pilgrimage to the desert he was attacked by a sore sickness, and none of the seniors believed that he would be healed. Then one night he saw a dream as if one in human form giving forth light and in great glory, sitting on the throne of the Seraphim and surrounded by a multitude, |7 alighted near the door of his cell. And he beheld a band of seniors, the holy fathers who live in the desert, going forward to receive the blessing: of him that sat on the throne. And he said in his own mind: «If I had some one who would take me, I also would go forward to this great heavenly king, and receive his blessing, and then perchance I should recover from this sickness and pain». At that moment there approached him one of those who had been standing around the throne and him that sat upon it, a man clothed in the raiment of the patriarchs and apostles, and holding upon his breast a book like the gospel; and he said: «Wilt thou that I bring thee to our Lord that he may grant thee the grace of healing?» Then John prostrated himself before that man with tears and prayed him saying: «Have pity on me, O my Lord, and take me to him, for I am in great trouble». So that holy one answered and said to him, for he was a priest: «O John, tell me that, if thou shalt be healed by the Lord, thou wilt be a son to me, and I will take thee to him». And he promised him in the vision that he would be a son to him until the day of his death; and that man took his hand and brought him to the Saviour of the world. Thereupon John fell prostrate at his feet, and the Saviour said to him: «O John, why love ye vanity, ye sons of men, and neglect the truth, and seek lies 5? Behold, didst thou intend in coming hither to build for thyself a cell of clay which will quickly disappear, or to lay up for thyself treasures in heaven, |8 and erect for thyself in the heavenly Jerusalem, the new city, a mansion which will not perish?» So he fell at his feet and prayed to be forgiven. And the Lord raised him up and said to him: «Now I grant thee the healing of thy sickness for the sake of Mark the Evangelist; therefore depart, and do all that he bids thee». Then the Lord ascended to heaven with glory and majesty.
After that John awoke from his dream, healed of his sickness. And he meditated, saying: «What is this that has now been done?» Then consolation descended upon him from that day. And he went to a monastery in the province of the Faiyûm, accompanied by his two disciples; and he concealed himself there.
Subsequently there appeared to Abba Agathon one who said to him: «Send to John the priest, who is of Samannûd, that he may help thee and assist thee; for it is he that shall sit after thee upon the throne». Accordingly the patriarch despatched some of the clergy to the bishop of the Faiyûm, Abba Mennas, and wrote bidding him send to him the priest John. Now that bishop loved John, and profited by his discourse, but he could not contradict the Father Patriarch. So he sent the messengers to John, and they brought him in a boat, and the bishop despatched him to Alexandria.
When the patriarch saw John he rejoiced over him. because he was very wise; and therefore he delivered to him his church, and gave him |9 authority over it and over the city. And some of the people prayed him to ordain John bishop over Upper Egypt, and others suggested some other see. But God was reserving him for his gentleness like David, that he might accomplish for him what had been promised in the vision in Wadî Habîb.
And that true father, Agathon, was occupied all his days in providing for the ordination of priests who were worthy of the laying on of hands and were fall of the fear of God; while men thanked God for his deeds. In his time lived the blessed bishop Gregory, bishop of Al-Kais, and a Syrian, whose name was Joseph. In his days also appeared the foul heresy of the Monk.
There was a commander among the Muslims, whose name was Maslamah, and he called together seven bishops, and sent them to Sakha on business connected with some people there, who were alleged to have burnt with fire some of the clerks employed there. The bishops were directed to try the accused; and, when they arrived at Sakha, they acted in concert with a man who was a magistrate there, named Isaac, and they corrected the state of affairs; and those men were healed from the burning. And the said Isaac came to an agreement with the governor of Sakha, and together they prevailed over Theodore the Chalcedonian who was at Alexandria. For this Isaac had received authority over the whole province on his account, because of the harm that he had done to the patriarch. |10
Then the patriarch Agathon finished his days in a good old age, and at the end he fell sick after remaining seventeen years upon his throne, and went to his rest on the 16th of Babah. And his body was placed, as it is written in the history of Saint Macarius, with the Father Benjamin. He died keeping the orthodox faith, and is now wearing the crown of righteousness with all the saints in the land of the living for ever and ever. Amen.
JOHN III, OF SAMANNUD, THE FORTIETH PATRIARCH. A. D. 677-686.
When the holy father, Abba Agathon, went to his rest, Theodore the Chalcedonian laid his hand on everything, so that they did not find even bread to eat on the day of the patriarch's death; for he set his seal on all that belonged to Agathon, and on all that they had. But at last the Lord took vengeance on Theodore by a sore plague in his vitals, namely the disease of the dropsy; and he began to eat every day twelve pounds of bread and twenty-four pounds of meat and two baskets of figs, and to drink daily one skin of wine of Maryût; and yet neither his hunger nor his thirst was satisfied, nor was his belly filled. Thus he died an evil death.
And his son was appointed governor instead of him, and became like a son to our father Abba John, for he had confidence in him and love for him. Thus the Father Patriarch led him like a son. At the beginning of his |11 occupation of the see took place the slaying of Tiberius who was prince of Byzantium; and his son took the empire, and his name was Augustus. And when this man began to reign, he made war upon the coasts which the Muslims had taken, and recovered them. And he took many islands of which the Muslims had gained possession, and so likewise he restored Sicily.
At that time there arose one who was no true monk in the city of Constantinople, whose name was Maximus; and he stirred up disturbance and trouble in his country. For he said: «If you truly believe in the faith of Chalcedon, then confess the doctrine of two Natures and two Persons and two Hypostases and two Wills and two Velleities, which the council taught.» So many people followed him; and there arose a great dispute between the two parties. And Augustus the prince was angry with them, and sent this man who was no true monk into exile. And this prince went to Sicily after a time, and was killed there like a slaughtered victim by one of his two attendants.
After him his son Justinian ruled the empire instead of him, and he was a bold prince; and the fear of him fell upon the hearts of the Muslims as when a lion leaps out upon a pack of wolves.
But in those days, after the death of Yazîd, the son of Mu'âwiyah, there arose from the land of the Muslims a prince, whose name was Marwân, who rushed forth like a lion when he comes out of his den hungry, and |12 devours the rest or tramples them under foot. He took possession of the East and of Fustât Misr. And he made his sons governors over all the provinces. To the eldest of them, whose name was Abd al-Malik, he gave Damascus; and to the second, Abd al-Azîz, he gave Egypt.
And there was great enmity between Marwân and the Egyptians, because they had set their hopes on the arrival of another man, whose name was Ibn az-Zubair. But when he arrived, Marwân defeated him. And there were appointed for Abd al-Azîz two secretaries, trustworthy and orthodox, whom he set over the whole of the land of Egypt and Maryût and Marâkiyah and Pentapolis which is Libya. One of them was named Athanasius, and he had three sons, and was a native of Edessa in the land of Syria; while the other's name was Isaac, and he and his two sons were natives of Shubrâ Tani, of a good and orthodox family.
And when Abd al-Azîz became governor of Egypt, the Father Patriarch wrote from Alexandria to Misr to the two scribes who presided over his divan, to make known to them what had been done concerning the seal, which was set upon all the places, and the trouble with the misbelieving Chalcedonians from which he was suffering. Thereupon the said scribes sent messengers to Alexandria with instructions that the seal should be broken in the places named, and that all the property of the Church should be delivered to the Father Patriarch.
Now this father was a saint, and the grace of God appeared in his face |13 as in Moses the prophet, so that none could look upon his face, nor discern its features nor the sockets of his eyes, on account of the great light which was upon it. And the Lord healed many of the sick through his prayers; and he was a virgin in soul and body; and he lived in peace with all men. And his deeds and wonders were manifested, so that even the prince and all in his palace heard of them, and sent gifts to him from Constantinople. And in the first year that Abd al-Azîz became governor, he went to Alexandria, according to the custom of those who were appointed governors, to receive its taxes, which were every day a thousand denarii in cash. Then much money was sent to the prince of the Romans; and there was a truce for ten years without war. When the governor arrived at the city, since his entry was not public but private, the patriarch did not go forth to meet him, because he did not know of his coming. Thereupon he was denounced by many people, misbelievers and heretics, whose leader was a man named Theophanes, the husband of the sister of Theodore the Chalcedonian; for they said that he did not go forth nor meet him on account of the greatness of his pride and haughtiness, and his great wealth. Then Abd al-Azîz sent in anger and summoned the blessed Abba John to the palace, and made him stand before him, and said to him: «What is the cause of thy stiff-necked pride and of thy delay in coming forth to meet me outside this city?» The blessed one answered and said to him: « God knows that I did not |14 do this on account of stiffness of neck, but on account of my weakness, and because I cannot always go forth from the city to another place». Then the Amir was angry and delivered him to certain officers until he should pay a hundred thousand denarii; and he was received into custody by the governor of a castle, who was named Samad, a man without mercy, hard of heart and full of evil. This man received the patriarch on the first day of the Great Week before Easter; and took him and brought him to his dwelling, to torment him until he should pay the money. Afterwards he made him stand before him; and there were with the patriarch two men of good families, namely Arâs the priest, steward of the property of the Church, a man of peace, adorned with every excellence, famous for his gentleness among the inhabitants of the whole city, and the deacon, his secretary, a wise man, loving his fellows, learned in the Scriptures, and virtuous. So when that evil man made our father, the patriarch, stand before him, he said to him: «I require of thee one hundred thousand denarii, which the Amir commands thee to pay». So he answered and said to him calmly and quietly: «Thou demandest of me one hundred thousand denarii, and I have not out of that sum one hundred thousand drachmae. But my God has not put in his law a command that I should save anything for myself, or gain money at all, for it is the root of all evil. Do therefore whatever it pleases thee to do. My body is in thy hands, but my soul and body are both in the hands of my Lord Jesus Christ». When the misbeliever heard this, |15 he was greatly indignant, and he gnashed with his teeth at the saint, and commanded that a brazen vessel full of coals of fire should be brought, and his feet placed in it until he should say that he would pay the money. But God, the ruler of his servants, sent down that night upon the wife of the Amir Abd al-Azîz a sore sickness, so that she was troubled and sent her eunuch to Samad, to say to him: «Take heed that thou do no harm to that man of God, the patriarch, whom they have delivered to thee; for great trials have befallen me on account of him this night». So Samad against his will released the patriarch, as well as his two good and excellent sons, until the morrow, that he might take thought as to what he should do with him.
Then at the time of cock-crow Samad went to the Amir and had an interview with him, and made known to him what had happened, and that he had not put the patriarch to the torture. So the Amir said to him: «Beware of touching his body, because of what has befallen us this night on his account. But whatever thou canst obtain from him, take it from him by gentle means, and if that be impossible, yet do no harm to him, for God has revealed to me that he is his servant».
So Samad returned to his house. And it was now Tuesday in the Great Week. So he summoned John, the holy patriarch, before him, and threatened him with many threats, and brought him the garments of a Jew, and swore that if he would not pay the sum of money that he had first |16 required of him, he would clothe him with those garments, and defile his face with ashes, and lead him round the whole city. But John was not at all afraid, but kept saying to him with a brave heart: «Even if the Lord my God does not save me from thy hand, yet thou hast no power to do aught to me except by his command». Then Samad the misbeliever said to him: «I will yield to thee fifty thousand denarii; and thou shalt pay fifty thousand denarii; and I will release thee to negotiate as thou canst, and raise that sum for me». The saintly patriarch answered and said to him: «The only things that I can dispose of are my garments which are upon my body». After that Samad did not cease to lower his demands until he reached ten thousand denarii. So the patriarch said to him: «I will not promise what I cannot perform». Then when the news came to the secretaries who administered the affairs of Alexandria that the sum demanded had come down to ten thousand denarii, they sent to Abba John and said to him: «Undertake to pay the ten thousand denarii, and we will divide the debt among the bishops and the secretaries and the divans in which we serve, so that nothing may happen to the Church».
Then they went to Abd al-Azîz, and prayed him to summon the patriarch, and hear from him what he had to say. And that day was the Great Thursday. So when the governor had sent for him, and raised his eyes to him, he saw him as if he were in the similitude of an angel of God. Then he commanded at once that an ample cushion should be brought for Abba John; and when it was laid down, he sat upon it. And Abd al-Azîz said to him: |17 «Knowest thou not that the governor may not be thwarted?» The saint answered and said to him: «The governor's command is obeyed in what is right, but his orders are disobeyed when they are displeasing to God. For our Lord says in the Gospel 6: Fear not those that kill the body, and have no power over the soul, but fear him who can destroy the soul and the body together: that is to say God, who alone can do this» Then the Amir said to him: «Thy God loves honesty and truth». The patriarch replied: «My God is all truth, and there is no lie in him; but he destroys all those that speak lies». The Amir answered and said to him: «Thou art honest with me. Therefore whatever the Christians shall give to thee, because I demanded it of thee, give it to me, and I will require no more of thee». So the secretaries said to the patriarch: «Do this». Accordingly the patriarch accepted that proposal, and the Amir released him with honour and joy, while gladness and rejoicing were spread among the orthodox, but sorrow and shame among the enemies of the Church.
And the blessed patriarch rode forth from the governor's palace, amid the acclamations of the people, who walked before him, while he was mounted on his horse, with chanting and singing, until he entered the church. There he blessed the basin of water, and washed the feet of the people; and afterwards he celebrated the Liturgy, and carried the Holy Mysteries, and |18 communicated the people. Then he returned to his Cell, by the mercy and help of God.
Much shame and sorrow came to the heretics from this, and more to those who had accused him than to any other, and especially to Theophanes the governor of Maryût. For in those days the Amir arrested him suddenly, and delivered him to the secretary, who sent him to prison, and afterwards put him to death after severe torments. And he went to Hell.
God, the only worker of miracles, vouchsafed to the Father Patriarch acceptance and favour with the Amir, who commanded throughout the city that none should address the patriarch except with good words nor say any evil of him, and that none should hinder him in what he desired, nor in going out of the city nor coming into it. Then the magistrates and believing scribes and all the orthodox people found their opportunity, and assisted Abba John, until he had paid the Amir the sum that he had finally demanded of him. And after that they assisted him also in the rebuilding of the church of the glorious martyr and evangelist Saint Mark; and he completed it in three years with every kind of decoration, and bought for it house-property in Misr and in Maryût and in Alexandria. And he built a mill to grind wheat into flour for making biscuit, and a press for linseed oil, and many houses which he settled upon the church of the holy Saint Mark. And the Lord blessed him in every way in his deeds and words. In his days also the orthodox received into their community the people of Agharwah and the people |19 of the Xoite nome, who had been Chalcedonians. Thus the grace of Christ helped and strengthened him.
And he prayed the Lord to reveal to him who was fit to sit after him upon the throne. So when he heard of a brother, named Isaac, learned, excellent, clothed with every virtue, who was serving God in the monastery of the holy Saint Macarius in Wadî Habîb, and had been spiritual son to a bishop, named Zacharias, full of the grace of the Holy Ghost in his venerable character and dignity and humility and good deeds, then the holy patriarch John wrote and summoned that brother to himself, and guarded him like the pupil of his eye. And the brother Isaac was engaged in the works of God, and in writing and copying books; but the patriarch notwithstanding that commanded him to become his partner in administering the affairs of the Church.
Then there came a dearth in the days of the holy John, the said patriarch, which lasted three years; but God assisted this father in supporting the poor of the city during three years; for, if he had not done so, they would have perished in the famine. He gave them their food twice every week, and also gave them money; and the mill for biscuit did not cease working night or day, but continued to grind for those that were destitute. |20
And the patriarch's eye was full of affection, and he was great in charity, and used to give alms as abundant as the sea; and he neglected nothing in his works which could please God, like John the Evangelist. At last he was attacked by a disease in his feet, arising from the gout, and he was greatly tormented by it, until the physicians treated him by the advice of his family and of the brethren who surrounded him.
At that time Abd al-Azîz journeyed to Misr, and Abba John travelled in company with him, until he arrived at the capital. There the patriarch suffered from a sharp pain in his side; and when the Amir was informed of it, he was sorry for him, and sent the secretaries to visit him; and they prepared a boat for him, that he might return down the river to Alexandria. And the writer of this history was with him, for he was his spiritual son. When he arrived at the city of Alexandria, the news was brought to the assembly of the bishops that he was prostrate with fever. So they entered to him. And there were in company with them Gregory, bishop of Al-Kais, and Abba John, bishop of Niciu, and Abba James, bishop of Arwât, and Abba John, bishop of Sakhâ, and Abba Theodore, bishop of Metelites, and a body of the laity: and they were all sad because they saw their shepherd called from earth to heaven. For indeed none remained in their generation |21 like him in his deeds. And when he came to the church of the holy Saint Mark the Evangelist, which he had rebuilt by the incomprehensible decrees of God, they carried him and brought him into the great altar. Thereupon he stood up by the power of the Spirit, and said the whole of the prayer of thanksgiving; and then he lost consciousness. After that they carried him and brought him into his chamber; and so he gave up his spirit into the hand of the Lord Christ in glory and honour.
The period during which he remained on the throne was nine years; and he went to his rest on the first day of Kîhak. And his body was laid in the place which he had built for himself before his death, in the church of Saint Mark the Apostle, with chanting and praises ascending to God. To whom belong glory and honour and praise and majesty and power for ever and ever. Amen.
CHAPTER XVI
ISAAC, THE FORTY-FIRST PATRIARCH. A. D. 686-689 7.
This is the father, Abba Isaac, of whom it was revealed to the father, Abba John, that he should sit after him, by his prayers and wishes, |22 according to what has been related before. For the Scripture says 8 that the Lord visits his chosen ones. And it says also 9: «None shall take an honour by himself unless it be given him by the Lord from heaven». And it says in the Psalm 10: «Blessed is he whom thou choosest and receivest unto thee». For when Abba John departed to the Lord in good remembrance, the bishops assembled together under the presidency of Gregory, the bishop of Al-Kais; and James, bishop of Arwât, and John, bishop of Niciu, and a body of bishops and of the Christian laity took counsel with the clergy of Alexandria, and associated with themselves the secretary who was commissioner for the city; and they agreed that they should promote the deacon George, who was a native of Sakhâ, to the dignity of patriarch, without consulting the Amir Abd al-Azîz. For they said: «If he is angry with us or murmurs, we will tell him that Abba John, the patriarch, commanded us that this man should sit in his place after his death, and made us promise and swear to this, and so we could not oppose him». Then they took the deacon George, and ordained him priest, and clothed him with the monastic |23 habit; and they proclaimed in the church that on the morrow the patriarch would be consecrated, forgetting the words of the Scripture 11: «The Lord bringeth the counsel of the heathen to nought, and maketh the thoughts of the people to be of no effect, and hindereth the commands of princes». And when the morrow came, they clothed the deacon George with the vestment of the patriarchal office, and prepared what they needed, and brought him forth in pomp. But while they were intent upon his consecration, they met the archdeacon of the city, whose name was Mark, and who was a man of understanding, virtuous, and of high reputation in the city; and he forbad them, saying: «If you will not come to the church on Sunday, according to the custom prescribed by the canons, when all the people of the city shall be assembled, I will not assist in the ordination of this man». Now this was God's command, that he might promote that man whom he had chosen at first, namely Abba Isaac, the monk, who was a native of Shubrâ.
For when the morrow came, some of the attendants of the Amir arrived and said: «Where is he whom they have appointed patriarch, and where are the bishops and the priests who appointed him, that we may take them to Misr under our charge?» So they took them and departed. Then, when they had enquired into the affair, they found that the documents bore witness that it was not George of whom Abba John had spoken during his lifetime. So the Amir Abd al-Azîz was angry, and cancelled George's nomination, and commanded them to appoint Isaac. And the thing was |24 from God. So the bishops took him, and ordained him, and he sat upon the patriarchal throne for three years.
And the Lord was with Abba Isaac helping him, so that he repaired the Great Church of the Holy Mark, when its walls were sloping in, and also renewed the episcopal residence. And by his means the liturgies in the churches of the orthodox, where they could not be performed before, were restored. And he built a church at Hulwân, because at that place he used to go to visit the Amir Abd al-Azîz, who had commanded the magistrates of Upper Egypt and all the provinces to build, each one of them for himself, a residence at the town of Hulwân.
In those days the patriarch addressed letters to the king of the Abyssinians and the king of the Nubians, bidding them make peace together and praying that there might be no ill will between them; and he wrote this on account of a dispute which there was between the two. Thereupon certain intriguers seized the opportunity of slandering Abba Isaac before Abd al-Azîz, who was greatly incensed, and sent his officers to bring him that he might put him to death. But the secretaries wrote letters different from the patriarch's letters, and gave them to the messengers whom he had sent to the Abyssinians, and took those first letters from them, in fear for the patriarch. This they only did lest evil should befall the Church. And before the patriarch was brought before the Amir, they informed him that the messengers were there, and the letters with them. So he sent |25 in haste to seek them, and took the letters; and when he had perused them, he found nothing in them of what had been told him. Thus his anger was pacified, and he sent at once, and bade the patriarch return to Alexandria, and did not cause him again after this to come up southwards.
Then he commanded to destroy all the crosses which were in the land of Egypt, even the crosses of gold and silver. So the Christians in the land of Egypt were troubled. Moreover he wrote certain inscriptions, and placed them on the doors of the churches at Misr and in the Delta, saying in them: «Muhammad is the great Apostle of God, and Jesus also is the Apostle of God. But verily God is not begotten and does not beget.»
Then the blessed one went to his rest and departed to the Lord in peace, keeping the orthodox faith, and wearing the crown of righteousness with all the Saints; and after his decease, his body was put in the place which he had prepared in the church of Saint Mark, with chanting and hymns. And the people and the priests took care as to whom they should promote after him upon the throne of the patriarchate. And a dispute took place between the clergy of Saint Mark the Evangelist and the clergy of the church of the Angelion in the city. For some said with regard to John, the Hegumen in the Monastery of Az-Zajâj, which is called in Greek To Enaton, that he was worthy of this office, because he was a learned man and a writer, |26 and he was also godfather to the government-secretary; but others spoke of a man, whose name was Victor, Hegumen of the Monastery of Taposiris, who was also an excellent person. When the people of the church of the Angelion were informed of John, they rejoiced, and the secretary supported them, because it was the Great Church, and there were one hundred and forty ecclesiastics attached to it. So Theodore, the magistrate of the city of Alexandria, wrote for them to the Amir Abd al-Azîz, to inform him of John, the Hegumen of the Monastery of Az-Zajâj; saying that the choice of the community had fallen upon him, that he should be patriarch.
Now the period, during which our father, the patriarch Abba Isaac, remained on the apostolic throne, was two years and nine months. And he went to his rest on the second day of Hatûr, and departed to the Lord Christ, keeping the faith, and ruling his flock. According to another copy, however, he is said to have remained in the patriarchal office three years. May the Lord have mercy upon us by his prayers, and the prayers of all whose works he approves! Amen. |27
SIMON I, THE FORTY-SECOND PATRIARCH. A. D. 689-701.
There was with Abba John in the monastery a holy man fearing God, excellent, learned more than many in his generation, whose name was Simon, of the people of the East, whose parents had brought him to Alexandria in his youth, and given him as an offering to the Church like Samuel, for the sake of the body of the holy Saint Severus; for it lies in a shrine in that monastery, and the Syrians used to bring to it gifts and votive offerings. Then the aforesaid Theodore took Simon, who was then a deacon, at the beginning of the days of Abba Agathon, and brought him to Abba John, that he might teach him the art of writing, and the sections of the Scriptures. And by the grace of the Lord Christ who was with him he learnt the Old Testament and much of the New in a short time, for Abba John was excellent as a teacher. So, when Abba Agathon saw that Simon was good in his conduct, he ordained him priest, so that he was the second in rank in the monastery, after his spiritual father John. Then, in consequence of what has been related, the Amir wrote a letter, and sent to summon John, whose spiritual son Simon travelled with him, besides some of the clergy of Alexandria, and Theodore the magistrate in their company. When they arrived, they gave the Amir their letter, containing the name of John: and |28 so the Amir wished to see him. And when the Amir saw John, his heart inclined towards him, because he was a handsome person, beautiful in countenance. Then he asked the priests and bishops concerning him, and they answered: «Yea, he is fit».
But there happened on that day a wonderful thing, like the matter of Phares and Zara, or like Adonias and Solomon, the sons of David. And this was that, after the appointment of John had been confirmed, God raised up one of the bishops like Daniel at that time, without collusion or consultation with anyone, and he said: «This man shall not be our patriarch». Thereupon silence and wonder fell upon all the people, so that none answered him a syllable. So the Amir enquired: «Then who is fit, sayest thou?» Then the bishop said in the presence of the assembly: «Simon is worthy of this degree». So the Amir commanded that Simon should be brought before him. And when he saw him, he asked them and said: «Whence comes this man?» So it was told him: «He is a Syrian of the people of the East». When he learnt this, he said to the bishops: «Then can you not appoint one of your own country?» And they answered him and said to him: «Verily the man whom we chose we brought before thee; but the matter belongs to God, and in the second place to thee». Then he turned to the blessed Simon, and asked him whether he approved this |29 venerable John as patriarch. And Simon gave his assent and said to him: «There is not found in the land of Egypt nor in the East one who is as worthy as this man, and he is my spiritual father, and my master from my youth; and his life is as the life of the angels». So when the Amir heard this, he marvelled greatly. And there was a great multitude assembled; and a shout was raised among the magistrates and bishops and clergy, who cried: «May God prolong the life of the Amir for us many years! Deliver the see to Simon, for he is worthy to be patriarch. As was Abba Benjamin, so is Simon. Verily the Church supports them». When the Amir looked at them, and heard their words with regard to a foreigner whom they had not known at all for more than two days, then he bade them with God's help take him and ordain him patriarch. And he commanded the greater part of the bishops to travel in his company. Accordingly they brought him to Alexandria, and enthroned him upon the apostolic throne in the Great Church, called the Angelion. Thus the orthodox people had great joy and peace and unity in the Church, and her affairs grew in prosperity day by day.
Then Abba Simon set his spiritual father John over the affairs of the |30 Church, while he devoted himself to the study of the holy Scriptures. And as long as John lived, the Father Patriarch did not occupy himself with any of the affairs of the Church, but gave all that up to John his father, in the same way that he used to do with him in the monastery, obeying him and calling him «My Father».
Then Abba Simon wrote a synodical epistle to Julian, patriarch of Antioch, at which the latter marvelled; and Simon sent it by certain bishops, and in it he reminded Julian of unity, and that this one faith and unity were between the two sees, Alexandria and Antioch. Then, when Julian studied it, he found it full of the wisdom of God and of the spiritual books, and he rejoiced greatly; and he preached in his church in the name of the father Abba Simon. He also wrote him an answer to his synodical letter, and sent back his envoys with rich gifts to Egypt.
When Simon had continued three years, his father John went to his rest in peace, and was counted worthy that the blessed Simon the Patriarch should lay his hand upon his eyes, and even shroud him with his own hand. Thus he received his father's blessing and carried him to the monastery, and buried him, and remained beside him forty days, until he had built a tomb for him. And he laid his body in it, and made it large enough to contain his own body, when he should die, that he might be buried with him therein.
Then there came to Abba Simon a trial from God, who proves his elect and purifies them like one who purifies pure silver from dross, so that they |31 become like pure gold; and by the grace of the Lord Christ he endured until he obtained the crown. For he was a man salted with salt, like the salt of the Gospel, having no hypocrisy nor greediness of comfort or of meat or drink, but during his whole life his breakfast was bread and crushed salt with cummin and purslain or such like herbs, that he might weaken the force of his bodily appetites, and make the flesh the servant of the spirit. He used not to associate with the bishops or clergy, because he used to seek solitude so as to observe the times of prayer; and for this reason he was hated by the people of Alexandria. Therefore some of the clergy went to certain magicians, and gave them gold so that they made for them by their magic art a deadly poison, which they put in the vessel in which the Father Simon, the patriarch, used to drink, and brought it to him that he might take some of it. But he had communicated of the Holy Mysteries before he drank of it, and therefore, when he swallowed it, it did not injure him. Then those parricides did the same thing a second time, but it did not hurt him nor do him injury. So when the magicians saw this, they were amazed at what had happened to this saint. Then indeed they took fair figs out of season, and put deadly poison in them, and charged the priests, and said to them: «Give him these to eat, while he is fasting without food, and has not made his communion, and then he will burst asunder in the midst». So they brought him the fruit with cunning and |32 hypocrisy, and begged him and entreated him to eat of them; and there were some who pointed them out to him, and induced him to swallow of the poisoned figs. Accordingly his bowels were moved that night, and he remained forty days in great anguish, so that every one thought his death inevitable. But the Lord who gives life raised him up, and showed forth a miracle in him. And there appeared to him in a vision one who said to him: «For what cause dost thou endure these trials?»
So when the Amir came to the city, he looked upon Abba Simon, and his appearance was changed through that which had happened to him; and when the Amir asked the reason of this change, he was told by the scribes that four of the priests had given the patriarch poison to drink. Thereupon the Amir commanded that they should be burnt alive, and the magician with them, outside the city, on the north side of it, in a place called Pharos. But when they were about to burn them, the patriarch fell upon his face with many tears before the Amir, and interceded with him for them, saying to him: «If anything happens to them on my account, I must be suspended from my office, for it is not right that I should be patriarch after that». Then the Amir marvelled at the goodness of his acts, and commanded that the ecclesiastics should be released, but that the magicians should be burnt alive on account of their former deeds. So they were burnt in the fire.
After this, Abba Simon committed to Abba John, bishop of Niciu, the management of the affairs of the monasteries, because he was conversant |33 with the life of the monks, and knew their rules; and he gave him authority over them. At this time the monks were industriously rebuilding the cells, while the officials took charge of their maintenance. Then, however, some of those who were given up to their appetites took a virgin out of her monastery, and conveyed her to Wadî Habîb and committed sin with her secretly. When this was made known among the monks, there was great distress among them, the like of which had not been heard of in that place. So the bishop took the monk who had committed the sin, and inflicted a painful beating upon him; and ten days after his punishment that monk died. Then when the affair became known, all the bishops in the land of Egypt assembled in secret and enquired of the bishop what had happened to the monk, so he informed them concerning the event, and confessed that it was he who had beaten him; and therefore they condemned him to be deposed, because he had transgressed the limit of what humanity required in him. So they deposed him, and he was silent while they did so; and they had said to him: «It is unlawful for thee henceforth to approach any of the vessels of the sanctuary, but thou shalt receive the Mysteries like a mere monk». Then he cried and said to the people: «Since you have deposed me unjustly, the Lord, the God whose name I know, shall make you |34 all, O ye bishops, strangers to your sees until the end of the time during which you have condemned me». Then they appointed another man, named Mennas, of the monastery of Saint Macarius, to be bishop in his stead; yet he was a man held in honour, powerful in words, loving the brethren.
But after a few days the saying of this holy bishop was fulfilled upon the bishops who assisted to depose him, and upon all the bishops; for a calamity came upon them. There were at that time men who were like the Gentiles, and abstained from their lawful wives, and took unlawful mistresses, showing their subjection to their passions; and yet they said that they were Christians. But the bishops rejected them, and repulsed them from the Holy Mysteries. So some of them went to the Amir and said to him: «We are forbidden to marry, and they have cast us out so that we are forced to commit fornication». Then he was angry, and assembled the bishops from their sees to Alexandria. Accordingly sixty-four bishops were gathered together, but they knew not why they had come nor the cause of their meeting; and they used to pay their respects to the Amir every week. And the heretics, who were no true bishops, also met there, namely, Theophylact, a bishop of the Chalcedonians, and Theodore, who was one of the Gaianite adherents of Eutyches; and of the followers of Barsanuphi there was George, besides a number of others who were called bishops, and who had also been called together. |35
Then when it was Sunday, news came to the Amir that the army of the Romans had risen against the prince Justinian, and deposed him, and had appointed Leontius instead of him. So the governor at once commanded that the magistrates of every province should be gathered together, and the people of Alexandria and the bishops and the Muslims, that he might make known to them the disaster of the Romans. So a great multitude was then gathered together, and they said: «It has always been the custom of. the Romans that one prince is deposed and another takes his seat». Then the Amir commanded on that day that the Liturgies of the Christians should be forbidden. For the Muslims said that the Christians were in error, giving God a wife and a son, and uttering many falsehoods in their religion; and the Amir rebuked their want of agreement in the doctrines of religion.
Then he turned to Theodore the bishop, chief of the Gaianites, and said to him: «Of these three bishops, which is nearest to thee, and whom does thy soul receive?» He answered: «Abba Simon». Then the Amir turned to Theophylact, the bishop, leader of the Melkites, and said to him: «Which is nearest to thee, and whose religion preferrest thou?» So he said: «I prefer the religion of Abba Simon.» Then Abd al-Azîz said to George, the Barsanuphian: «Which is the nearest to thee of these bishops, and whom does thy soul receive?» He replied: «My religion and the religion of Abba Simon are one, and it is he whom my soul loves». Then |36 he turned lastly to the father, Abba Simon, the preacher of the truth, and said: «Which of these is the nearest to thee, and the one whom thy soul loves?» So he answered and proclaimed in the assembly in a loud voice, saying: «Not one of these is near to me, nor do I love one of them, but I excommunicate by writing and by word of mouth them and their vile doctrine and their fellowship; and those who favour them and those who communicate with them I contemn as Jews». Then the people cried with a great voice, saying: «Abba Simon confesses the truth without error». Thereupon those men were overwhelmed with shame.
After this there came a priest from the people of the Indians to Abba Simon, to ask of him that he would ordain for him a bishop for the Indians. Now the people of the Indians were not subjects of the Muslims. So the patriarch said to the Indian priest: «I cannot ordain a bishop for you without the command of the Amir, who is governor of the land of Egypt. Go to him, and make thy need known to him. Then, if he bids me, I will do for thee what thou requirest, and thou shalt return in peace to thy country with companions». So the priest went from the patriarch's house to go to the Amir. Then some of the Gaianites met him. and took him to Theodore, the chief of the Phantasiasts. and told Theodore the cause which had |37 brought the priest from his country. Therefore Theodore said to him: «I will do what thou needest for thee». Then Theodore took a man of Maryût, and ordained him bishop for him, and ordained two priests for him, and sent them away secretly to India. But after they had travelled twenty days, the guardians of the roads, who were employed by the Muslims, seized them, and sent them to the caliph, whose name was Abd al-Malik. The Indian priest, however, escaped, and returned to Egypt; but they brought the three others bound to Abd al-Malik. And when the caliph knew that they were of the land of Egypt, and from Maryût, and were travelling to a foreign country, he cut off their hands and feet, which he sent to Egypt, to Abd al-Azîz, to whom he wrote, reproaching him with incapacity, and saying: «It seems that thou knowest not what takes place in thine own country, namely that the patriarch of the Christians, who lives at Alexandria, has sent information of the affairs of Egypt to India. Now, when thou readest this letter, thou must inflict upon him two hundred stripes, and take from him one hundred thousand dinars, and send the money to us forthwith by the envoys who come to thee, without delay».
Now the patriarch, Abba Simon, was at that time at Hulwân, accompanied by a bishop. When the letters came to the Amir from his brother at the second hour of the night, he sent some Slavonians and summoned the holy Abba Simon, and his two spiritual sons, that is to say, his scribes. And |38 the Amir said to him: «Fear God, and take heed of thyself, and let no lie come forth from thy mouth with regard to that on which I shall question thee». So the patriarch answered: «I fear my God, and govern my soul in my conduct so that it may be saved by doing good at all times; and as for lies, not only to-day, but during my whole life I have despised them, for they come from Satan, the enemy of mankind. Thus I am ready either for death or life. With regard to the truth as far as I know it, I will tell it before God and thy authority». Then the governor's anger blazed less furiously, and he said to him: «Didst thou indeed appoint a man to the bishopric of the Indians?» So he answered and said to him: «There came to me a priest from, their country, and requested this thing of me, but I sent him away, telling him that, unless he would bring me an order from the Amir, I could not do this thing. Then I wrote for him to the secretaries, that they might inform thee of his business; and he left my house, when I was at Alexandria, and has not returned up to now». When the Amir heard these words, he imagined that the blessed one was afraid of death, and for that reason concealed the truth; so he said to him: «Woe to thee! Behold the hands and feet of thy friends, which the caliph has sent to me. And he commands also that I take from thee one hundred thousand dinars, after inflicting upon thee five hundred stripes. Thou hast concealed the truth, therefore I will destroy thee, and kill the bishops with the sword, |39 and pull down all the churches. Yet now this is my sure promise to thee. If thou wilt tell me the truth, I will pay the money instead of thee from my own treasury, and no harm shall befall thee from me. Now be honest with me».
Now this was at night. Then the holy man answered without fear and said to him: «It is the glory of the prince that he love justice, and the lips that are moved in hatred shall be despised. And now, as I think, if a voice came from heaven, bidding me deviate from the truth, I would say no otherwise. But thou wilt not believe me because of what is between us with regard to the coming of the letters to thee, concerning the people whose limbs were cut off, and the men by whom they were cut. Yet now they and the letters will bear witness to me and show the truth. So if I find grace before thee, write that the men may be sent to thee, that the truth of the matter may be known from them and from the letters which were found in their hands, and that they may tell you who sent them. Then if anything appears which contradicts my words, do what thou wilt». But the Amir answered and said to him; «How shall they bring hither men whose hands and feet are cut off? thou think that there is any other patriarch of the Christians in the city of Alexandria besides thee? Why dost thou |40 dispute with me?» Then the holy man Simon answered and said to him: «I am pressed on every side. Thou dost not accept the truth from me, but thou desirest to force me to accuse myself of that which I have not done. Yet by the love of God in thy heart grant me a delay of seven days, and thou shalt know all that took place according to the truth». So he said to him: «Perchance thou desirest to flee or to kill thyself. But this monk, what is he in relation to thee?» The patriarch replied: «He is my son». The Amir enquired: «Hast thou confidence in him?» He answered: «Yea he is as my own life». So the Amir said to him: «As my brother did to the men who were taken while they were travelling to India, so I will do to thee if thou dost not tell me the truth». The holy man answered and said: «Behold, we are before thee with God, therefore do whatever thou wilt. For I have told thee already what took place with me». Then the Amir was silent for a time, and at length said: «I will grant thee a delay of three days. Therefore depart, and beware what thou doest, and perchance God will let know me the truth».
So he went out from his presence and prayed to God humbly with tears, and begged him to show the Amir his innocence of the charge which he laid against him in this matter. And at sunset on the second day his spiritual son, the monk, looked towards the river bank, and saw walking there that black Indian priest and monk, who had come to Abba Simon and asked |41 him to ordain a bishop for him, and who did not know anything of what had happened since then, because he had been a fugitive. So he went to that Indian, and grasped him and brought him to the holy patriarch, and said to him: «O my father, God has accepted thy prayer, and exposed the unjust treatment that we suffered». And he made known to the patriarch that he had taken the Indian priest, and he brought him in. And the Indian told Abba Simon what had taken place, and how Theodore the Gaianite had ordained for him a bishop and priests. So when the morning of the third day came, he took him to the Amir, guarding him and taking thought how to save him, and to save Theodore also from death. When the Amir saw him, he said to him: «Perchance thou wilt now tell the truth without lies». So the holy Simon answered him, after adoring God upon his face, and said: «The authority of men comes from the authority of God, and he who exercises authority in this world must be long-suffering, and willing like God most high to grant respites with generosity. Now I desire that thou give the promise of God to me and to those present with me in regard to this occurrence, that them wilt do them no harm, but wilt pardon them for God's sake; and then the truth shall be made known to thy lordship». So he gave him his hand that he would do him no evil. Accordingly he brought before Abd al-Azîz the Indian priest, who made known to him all that had |42 happened, and that Simon was innocent of this occurrence. When the Amir learnt this, he sent the Indian to prison, and commanded that Theodore should be taken and crucified. And he thanked the holy man, Simon the patriarch, and rejoiced over him, and acknowledged his honesty. He wrote also to Abd al-Malik, his brother, to inform him of what had happened and that the patriarch of the Christians in the city of Alexandria had nothing to do with this matter, but was innocent of it; and he praised him to the caliph, and recounted his goodness and uprightness and chastity. And Abd al-Azîz performed for Abba Simon what he had promised, by sparing for his sake Theodore and the Indian priest; for he had learnt that there was no deceit in him.
And after three years Abd al-Azîz dismissed the bishops to their sees, and commanded them to build two churches at Hulwân. And the bishops spent of their own means upon the building of them; and the governor deputed Gregory, bishop of Al-Kais, to superintend the building of them. Now the Amir loved building, and therefore he built Hulwân, and constructed reservoirs there; likewise at Misr he built houses and market-places and baths; and so he did in every town on the river from Misr to Alexandria. He commanded also to dig the canal of Alexandria on the north of the city near the pool of Nicetas; and he ordered that milestones should be set up along it as far as Alexandria. So also he did in the city itself, for he restored her streets after they were ruined. For he made use of men as |43 Pharao did in his time; and there are many things which he did, but which this biography has no room to relate, for fear of making it too long. Meanwhile this holy man Simon was striving all his life to prevent difficulties between the Christians and the Muslims, so that none might suffer loss through him. And through him the Lord used to show his wonders. He had an oeconomus whom he entrusted with the care of the diaconicon, and who was a priest, and in his charge was all that belonged to the church. And the patriarch used to exhort him at all times and say to him: «O priest Mennas, see that thou be not careless with regard to the church, in leaving in thy house a book or anything that belongs to it, for otherwise trouble will come upon thee». But Mennas was not pleased with these warnings. And the Lord gave this priest no child, as he smote the firstborn of Egypt in ancient times; yet though he thought of repentance he was not converted. Then God sent down upon him suddenly a disease through which his tongue clove to his palate, and his reason left him, and he used to bite his tongue while he was sleeping upon his bed. And three men took him on account of what he did to himself, and carried him to his house. And the Father Simon, the patriarch, was troubled about him and about the property of the church, because it was in his charge, and no one besides him knew the amount of it. So he remained awake, and prayed the Lord Jesus Christ to raise Mennas up from this sickness for the sake of the church. Then when midnight came, news was brought to the Father Patriarch that |44 the priest Mennas was near death. So he sent his son to him, and bade him ask his wife if he had said anything to her about the property of the church; but before the patriarch's messenger arrived at the house, there was heard the voice of one crying that the priest was dead. And when he expired, they dressed him in the priestly garments, and laid him on his bed, according to the custom of the Alexandrians, vested in his liturgical vestments. Therefore when the patriarch's son came to the house in which Mennas was laid out, with a great number of the clergy around him, because of his priestly office and his rank, the brother bent over him to kiss him. And the priest sat up and clasped his hands round his neck, and said: «God is the One, the God of the blessed Abba Simon». So when all those who were around him saw him, they fled in fear from that brother whom he had embraced. Thereupon he said to him: «Be confident and of good courage, and be patient, O priest Mennas». Then he answered and said to him: «Through the prayers of my Lord, the Father Patriarch Abba Simon, God has given me life a second time». Then the brother called the clergy and the rest of those who were in the town, and made known to them that the priest Mennas had spoken; and the priest Mennas said to them as they stood astonished and amazed: «Verily I died like all men who die, |45 and two shining men led me before the throne of Christ, the great and mighty King; and I saw the fathers and patriarchs in their ranks, beginning with the Father Isaac back to the Evangelist Saint Mark. And they reproved me saying: Why didst thou hide the property of the church and all that belongs to it from our successor Abba Simon? Then I was placed before Christ the King, and he said: Take him into outer darkness. And while they were dragging me away, the holy patriarchs prostrated themselves before the Lord Christ, saying with supplications: Have pity on our son, this servant, and release him this time, because he has not given an account of the property of the Church, and this our brother Simon is praying for him. Therefore Christ commanded that I should be brought back a second time, and he said to me: Thus thou diest and art worthy of death, but for the sake of our chosen one and vicar, Simon, I release thee this time. Yet if thou repentest not and takest not heed to thyself, thou shalt return hither, and I will accept no prayers on thy behalf». Then Mennas arose and stood upright, and he had recovered from his sickness. Afterwards he brought forth all the property of the church, and delivered it to the holy Father Abba Simon; and the Father Patriarch delivered it to his spiritual son. And Mennas remained with him to the time of his death in the fear of God. And all the people glorified God, the doer of wonders among his saints, on account of this great miracle.
Then the Father Patriarch, Abba Simon, chose spiritual men, brilliant |46 in their deeds, deeply learned in the scriptures and in wisdom and sciences, and ordained them bishops over every place. And the first of these sons of his was the Father Abba Zacharias, bishop of the city of Sakhâ; and he made Abba Ptolemy, the spiritual brother who was his brother in the monastic life, bishop over the see of Upper Manûf. And there are many others whose names are forgotten. These he ordained and distributed the dioceses among them that they might feed the reasonable sheep. And he remained patriarch nine years and a half. Then he fell ill on the day of Pentecost, and recognised that it was a mortal sickness. So he said to his son: «Let us travel to the holy valley, Wadî Habîb, that I may receive the blessing of the holy fathers and the monks; for I shall not see them again after this time in the body». So he went down from Hulwân, for he had gone thither from Alexandria for the sake of the bishops, until he had dismissed them to their dioceses. And he went down to Wadî Habîb, and received the blessing of the holy fathers, the monks; and then he went on to Alexandria. And he was removed by the incomprehensible decrees of God to the land of the living on the 24th of Abîb, which corresponds to the 18th of July according to the Roman months, in the year 416 of Diocletian, the unbelieving prince, the slayer of the Martyrs. And he bad his sons lay his body in the Monastery of Az-Zajâj, in the place where the body of his |47 father John was laid. Accordingly the monks of the monasteries assembled together at Henaton, until they had finished the prayers over him. And his body was lowered into his tomb with hymns of worship and praise to the Lord Christ, to whom glory and honour are due, with the Father and the Holy Ghost, the Giver of life, for ever and ever. Amen.
Here 12 ends the sixteenth chapter wherein the History of the Fathers is completed, as far as the life of Abba Simon, the forty-second patriarch. May God grant us the blessing of their prayers! Hereafter will follow that which we have translated from the documents in the Monastery of Saint Macarius, namely the history of ten patriarchs, from Michael 13 the Last to Sinuthius the First. We also translated in this monastery the lives of nine other patriarchs, in the year 796 of the Martyrs. This is written by Apacyrus, the deacon, and Michael, son of Apater, of Damanhur. Through the grace of God, which enabled us to find the histories in the Monastery of Saint Macarius, with the help of the brother Theodore, the steward, son of Paul, on Sunday the th of Ba'ûnah, in the year 797 of the Righteous Martyrs. We have compared the manuscripts with one another, and found them |48 corresponding to what we copied; and so we assured ourselves of their authenticity.
CHAPTER XVII
ALEXANDER II, THE FORTY-THIRD PATRIARCH. A. D. 705-730.
We must now record the events which took place after the death of the glorious, venerable, and blessed father, the good shepherd Abba Simon, who heard from the Lord Jesus Christ the words: «14 O thou faithful servant, thou hast been faithful over little, I will set thee over much. Enter thou into the joy of thy Lord». When his death was made known to the Amir Abd al-Azîz and to the scribes at Misr, these latter were afflicted with grief and sadness because all the Christians had lost their shepherd, at a time of difficulty and trials, caused by the civil governors. But the Lord Christ did not cease to govern the Church. And Athanasius, the believer, was president of the Divân; and he protected the interests of the churches. On this occasion he and the scribes went to the Amir with one consent, and said to him: «The property of the Church at Alexandria obliges her to pay |49 a heavy tax. Therefore we pray thee to despatch the bishop Gregory to Alexandria, to watch over the possessions of the Church and everything connected with it. So may God lengthen thy life, O Amir!» Then Abd al-Azîz consented to what Athanasius asked for, and despatched Gregory, bishop of Al-Kais, to Alexandria, and gave him authority over the property of the churches and the establishment of the patriarch, with free power of administration; and accordingly he wrote a decree for him to that effect. So Gregory took the decree and departed. And they began to take thought as to whom they should promote to be patriarch, in accordance with their desire for a man known for wisdom and learning. So they waited three years in this state, until it was the Lord's will; and at length the heart of the civil governors was well disposed in this matter, after much supplication. Then by the will of God, the Lord Jesus Christ, who knows whom he will choose from among the pure and chaste and clean of heart, they brought forward the priest Alexander from the Monastery of Az-Zajâj. He was a monk, a virgin, humble, without defect, learned in the Scriptures from ins youth. And they brought Alexander to the Amir, who saw the grace in his face, and so allowed them by the will of God to promote him to the patriarchal office. |50
So the orthodox laity agreed together, in the presence of an assemblage of bishops and priests and the secretaries of the divan. Then the Father Alexander was consecrated patriarch on the festival of the holy Saint Mark, namely the last day of Barmudah, in the year 420 of Diocletian. And the land of Egypt rejoiced greatly, and especially the orthodox, because the Church had been left in solitude three years, and they were therein like orphans. And the Lord was with the Father Alexander, making all his affairs easy, on account of his humility and chastity and trust in the Lord alone as his ruler. Then when a short time had passed, during which he remained in peace, Satan stirred up strife against the bishops, as we will relate.
Abd al-Azîz, the governor of Egypt, had a son, the eldest of his sons, called Al-Asbagh, and he thought that he would sit in the seat of government in his father's room when he died. So he made him ruler over the whole country as wâli and receiver of the revenue, and all ranks obeyed him with fear, because he was the Amir's son, and because of the authority which he had given him. Now Al-Asbagh was a hater of the Christians, a shedder of blood, a wicked man, like a fierce lion. At that time a deacon, |51 named Benjamin, became attached to him and grew intimate with him; and Al-Asbagh loved him more than all his companions. And he treacherously revealed to Al-Asbagh the secrets of the Christians, and even expounded the Gospel to him in Arabic as well as the books of alchemy. For Al-Asbagh sought out books that they might be read to him, and so for instance he read the Festal Epistles, in order that he might see whether the Muslims were insulted therein or not. And he did not shrink from any cruelly that he could inflict upon the Christians. For as the damned heretics were in the habit of calumniating the Christian monks and saving that they did nothing but eat and drink, he sent one of his trusted friends, named Yezîd, accompanied by another, and mutilated all the monks in all the provinces and in Wadî Habîb and on Mount Jarâd and in other places. And he laid a poll-tax upon them of one dinar from each individual, and commanded that they should make no more monks after those whom he mutilated. Now this tax of the infidel Al-Asbagh was the first poll-tax paid by the monks.
After this, Al-Asbagh compelled the bishops of the provinces to furnish a sum of two thousand dinars besides the taxes on their lands, and this sum they paid every year. And he acted proudly, and compelled the people to pray as he bade them. And Benjamin, the monk and deacon, was a |52 worse enemy to the Christians than any other, and excited his friend to every kind of persecution. So he forced many persons to become Muslims, among them being Peter, governor of Upper Egypt, and his brother Theodore, and the son of Theophanes, governor of Maryût, and a body of priests and laymen not to be numbered on account of their multitude. But the Lord Jesus Christ did not long respite Al-Asbagh, and in a short time hurried him out of the world, because he hated the Christian people. This took place as follows. On the Saturday of Light he entered into the Monastery of Hulwân, and looked at the pictures being carried in procession according to the rule. And there was a picture of our Pure Lady Mary and of the Lord Christ in her lap; so when he looked at it and considered it, he said to the bishops and to several people who were with him: «Who is represented in this picture?» They answered: «This is Mary, the mother of Christ». Then he was moved with hatred against her, and filled his mouth with saliva, and spat in her face, saying: «If I find an opportunity, I will root out the Christians from this land. Who is Christ that you worship him as a God?» And that night God sent down vengeance upon him. For in the morning he came to his father, and found him sitting, surrounded by a body of Muslims and Christians. And the day was Easter Sunday. So Al-Asbagh sat down and said to his father; «O my Lord, the devils have chastised me this night». His father said to him: «How, |53 my son?» He replied: «I looked, and there was One sitting on a great throne, exceedingly awful and terrible; and his face shone with light brighter than the rays of the sun; and round him were thousands and tens of thousands bearing weapons, and their garments were white as snow; and I and thou stood behind him, bound with iron chains. And I asked one in a low voice: Who is this who has taken the government of the land of Egypt from my father? He said to me: Hast thou not known him till now? So I asked him in the dream: And who is he? Then he answered and said: This is Jesus Christ, the King of the Christians, who is more glorious and higher than all the kings of the earth. This is he whom thou didst mock, and in whose face thou didst spit. He shows thee thy weakness in this dream, thou wretched one, together with thy father; and he shows thee his glory and majesty». And while he was saying this to me, behold, one of those bearing weapons came to me, I being naked, and he struck me with a spear in my side, and did not take it out again until I had given up my spirit to them; and they were the devils who mocked me». When his father heard this tale he was very sad. And the young man was immediately seized with a violent fever, and was carried away forthwith; and they laid him upon his bed, and he did not open his mouth after that, nor did he eat or drink. So at the second hour of the night he died. And he was buried; and none could comfort his father because of him. And |54 after forty days his father also died, according to the dream which his unbelieving son had seen.
When these things had happened, Athanasius, the believer and lover of Christ, went with his sons to the sovereign prince Abd al-Malik at Damascus. But Abd al-Malik arrested Athanasius there, and called him to account, and took from him all the gains that he had acquired in Egypt since the collection of the taxes had been left to him. Then the prince sent one of his sons, named Abd Allah, to govern the land of Egypt; and when he came to Egypt, he also did evil deeds; and all the officials feared him on account of the deeds to which Satan tempted him. For he made instruments with which to torture the people, and was like a fierce wild beast; so that often when he sat at table men were put to death in his presence, and perchance their blood spurted out into the dish from which he was eating, and he took pleasure in that. In those days the blessed Alexander went forth, and travelled to Misr to salute Abd Allah, according to the custom among patriarchs and governors. But when Abd Allah saw him, he said: «What is this man?» They replied: «This is the father and patriarch of all the Christians». So he took him, and gave him over to one of his chamberlains, to whom he said: «Humiliate him in whatever way thou wilt, until he shall pay three thousand dinars». So he took him, and he remained with him three days. And the Christians continued to petition |55 the governor that he would remit part of what he had said, but he would not. And all the people in the country were in great distress on this account; and great fear fell upon the bishops and monks on account of the money which he tried to extort from the patriarch. So when George the deacon, a native of Dimru, saw this, that Abd Allah would not set the patriarch free until he had received the money, he went to him and said to him: «O our Lord, dost thou desire the life of the patriarch or money?» He answered: «I wish for the money». So the deacon George said to him: «Trust me with him for the space of two months, that I may go down with him to the North, to beg for him from the officials and Christians, and I will pay thee for him three thousand dinars». So the governor gave the patriarch up to him, and he went round the cities and villages with him, and visited those who believed in Christ, until he had collected the money and brought it to Misr. And he used to assemble to himself the bishops and principal men and monks, and then mock them, and speak proudly with hard words, saying to them: «You are to me like the Romans, and if a man slays one of you, God will pardon him, because you are the enemies of God». And when he received from the people the taxes which they were accustomed to pay, he demanded the double amount from them, requiring a dinar and two thirds from those who were bound to pay one dinar, so that many churches were ruined for that cause; for he loved money greatly. |56
Then Abd Allah commanded that of the youths of his country all those should be gathered together that were twenty years old or under. So they went and assembled together; and the leaders whom he appointed were two men, friends of his, named Asim and Yazîd, and with them a body of officials; and they brought down great trials upon the people, and many were killed on this account. And they branded the strangers whom they found, on their hands and foreheads, and sent them to places which they did not know. Thus there was trouble and confusion in the land. The governor also gave orders that no dead man should be buried until they had paid the poll-tax for him; and he appointed a man named Muhammad over this business, so that even the indigent, who could not buy bread, were not buried when they died, except by his command. How great then were the sadness and misery and sighing in the provinces of Lower and Upper Egypt on account of the deeds of these men, until the Lord took vengeance suddenly on Abd Allah, after he had continued for two years to do such deeds! For the Lord took away the life of his father, Abd al-Malik, whose eldest son, named Al-Walîd, became ruler in his stead. When Al-Walîd took his seat on the throne of the empire, he began to remove the provincial governors, and to nominate others from among his friends. So he appointed as governor of Egypt one named Kurrah. But that infidel Abd Allah did not know of this change; and while he was sitting in his |57 official residence, the governor appointed to replace him arrived unexpectedly, and took his seat in his place. Thus great ignominy and shame came to him on this account.
And Kurrah brought down great trials upon the friends of Abd Allah, both Christians and Muslims, and cast them into prisons where they remained for a year. And there was in his days a man of the orthodox faith, named John, a native of Damirah, who had authority to command or forbid. But Kurrah caused trials among the churches and the monks, as shall be described.
Meanwhile the Roman monarchy was like a game for children. For when the Romans had deposed Justinian the prince, they made Leo their ruler in his place. But Leo was put to death before he had completed the third year of his reign; and after him reigned Apsimarus, who put many patricians to death at Constantinople; and he also killed the patriarch. When Apsimarus came to the throne, he released many captives from his country, and they returned to their own homes; and he provided each one with three dinars for the expenses of the journey. After him reigned Philippicus. Then after two years Anastasius was made prince of the Romans, and is still reigning. (N. B. By 15 saying «still» the writer means at the time of composing the history.)
Now the president of the divan of Alexandria in those days was |58 Theodore; and there was great hostility between him and the Father Patriarch, Alexander. For when Kurrah came to Misr, the Father Patriarch went according to the custom to congratulate him on becoming governor, and to salute him. But Kurrah arrested him on his arrival, and said to him: «Thou must pay me a sum equal to that which Abd Allah, son of Abd al-Malik, took from thee». The Father Patriarch said to him: «Our Law bids us not to lay up treasure and not to multiply gold or silver, but that we spend something day by day on account of what we need for daily use and for the poor and the needy. Abd Allah acted as he did towards me only through the calumnies of evil men, because of which he treated me unjustly and exacted three thousand dinars from me. But he found none of that money in my possession, so that he sent me out into the country like a beggar asking alms, until God gave me what I needed; and even now I owe five hundred dinars. So whence shall I get anything?» Then the Amir said to him: «Wilt thou swear to me then that thou hast no gold?» The patriarch answered: «God has commanded us not to swear at all. Believe me therefore now that the taxes on my property which must be paid are beyond my means, and God knows that I have no gold». Then the Amir said: «These words will not avail. If thou must sell thine own flesh, thou must pay me three thousand dinars, and if not, thou shalt not escape from my hand». So when he saw that he could not escape from him, he begged him |59 to let him travel to Upper Egypt, and whatever God allowed him to collect by the alms of the people he would send it to him. Then Kurrah released him, and he went up to Upper Egypt, and went round the cities and villages, and begged. And the Lord Jesus Christ healed many sick persons by his prayers, and every one rejoiced in him, saying: «Since the time of the Father Benjamin we have not seen a patriarch in Upper Egypt until this father». But he suffered fatigue and trouble and the miseries of travel, and at last Satan, who hates the good, did this thing of which an account follows. There was a hermit, named Petubastes, who dwelt on a rock with two monks, his sons. One day their father, the hermit, bade them clean out for him a place away from the rock; and while they were clearing it and digging, they found five brazen pots full of money in Roman coin. So they hid one of the pots, and showed the other four to the hermit. So the old man said to them in his simplicity: «Is this all that you found?» And when they said that it was all, he was glad at that. Then he said to them: «The Lord has disposed this money for the Father Patriarch, because he is required to pay what he does not possess». Afterwards he sent to the patriarch's steward, whose name was George the monk, and to his scribe, and summoned them both, and delivered to them the four pots, and said to them; «Take these and give them to the governor for the father Alexander, the patriarch ». So they took the pots and went |60 away and buried them dishonestly. And the Father Patriarch was absent collecting money in Upper Egypt. So the monks, the sons of the hermit, took the pot of money, and divided it between themselves, and began to act impiously; for they abandoned the monastic life, and bought fine raiment and maidservants. So the governor of the town and the clerk seized one of them and said to him: «Whence hast thou this money?» And when he was chastised, and the stripes caused him anguish, he said to them: «Promise me that you will do me no hurt, and I will make everything known to you». So they promised him, and he informed them of the affair of the five pots, and that he and his comrade had taken one of them, and that the other four pots were in the possession of the patriarch's steward and scribe. Then they at once informed Kurrah of this, and he commanded that the patriarchal residence should be shut, and all the vessels and gold and silver and books and cattle in it seized. And he brought down great trials upon the friends of the patriarch, and took the four pots of money, besides the vessels of the church and the goods found in the patriarchal residence, and he sent to Upper Egypt, and summoned the patriarch, and was minded to slay him because he had sworn that there was no gold in his possession. And when he took from them the four pots, all the friends of the patriarch fled like the apostles at that time. Then when they brought the patriarch before Kurrah. he gnashed his teeth upon him and wished to slay him, but the Lord restrained him; so he |61 loaded him with iron fetters, and cast him into prison, where he remained seven days. Then after that he compelled him to pay the three thousand dinars, and great trouble and distress came upon him, until one thousand dinars were paid to him after two years; and many trials came to the holy father, but he endured them patiently. Afterwards wicked people went and accused him falsely of having men in his house, who coined dinars, and alleged that he possessed a die for stamping coin. And while he was sitting at the ninth hour of the day, on a certain day, breaking his fast, and ignorant of what was to happen, before he knew anything, they had surrounded the patriarchal residence, and the people of the city of Alexandria with the town-clerk, by command of Kurrah, had seized the patriarch and his companions; and they threw him to the ground, and beat his companions, who were tortured till their blood flowed on the ground, and they almost died by the torture; and after all they found what they had accused him of to be false. And they did not cease from these persecutions till the second day of Amshir, in the year 430 of Diocletian.
Then after these persecutions which the father suffered, the people and clergy of Alexandria rose against him, and demanded that he should pay them some of the dues and church-rates on the third day of the Feast of Easter, but he had nothing to give them. And he said to them: «O brethren, you have seen how we have been robbed of all the property of |62 the church, even of the cups in which the Pure Blood is offered; so that we have been forced to make chalices of glass and patens of wood instead of the gold and silver vessels, because Kurrah has robbed us of them». But they reviled him with many hard words, while he patiently endured their abuse, and prayed to the Lord Christ, the chief shepherd, that he would receive his people from him and grant them salvation.
And the Lord Jesus Christ did in his days wonderful things, because he cares for the salvation of each one among men. For there was a man named John, an official, to whom God gave favour with the governors. So he went to Kurrah and said to him: «It is right that thou shouldst know that the taxes weigh heavily upon the monks and bishops in every place. Here then is an easy matter, for some of them are rich; while others have not the means of nourishment; and we know the state of all the Christians; if therefore thou thinkest fit to set me over their affairs, I will collect the taxes». So he set him over the bishops and monks. And when Kurrah gave him authority, he said to him: «There are among them some who do not believe in the faith of the Coptic Christians, and yet will not pray with the Muslims. What then thinkest thou that I should do to them?» The governor answered: «Do to them according to the law of the Christians, and take a double poll-tax from them». Accordingly John went out from before him, by the dispensation of God, and went first to the |63 diocese of Sa, which was his own diocese, where there were certain heretics, Gaianites and Schematics, living without the blessing of God. He therefore put a stop to their foul heresy, and baptized them in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost, enlightening them with the illumination of baptism; and their souls were filled with joy. Then John went to Al-Munâ, where the bishop of the diocese was Abba Hor, and baptized the monks there, after they had abjured their heresy; and thus the Gaianites and the Barsanuphians, who were there, were led by him into communion with the orthodox. When he left that place, he journeyed to Wadî Habîb, where also the heresy of the Gaianites had existed during a hundred and seventy years, from the time of the schism caused by Julian; and he brought them also back to the orthodox faith. Thus he united all the churches in one body by the grace of the Lord Christ who helped him; not only these, but those in every place in which he found roots of bitterness, that is to say, foul heresies among the monks or others. For in the city of Banâ and Busir and Samannûd and the neighbourhood, and at Rosetta and Damietta, the Lord rooted out their false principles and cast them away; and he united the whole land of Egypt in one faith with true agreement, and brought all the foul heresies to nought. |64
And the Amir Kurrah was a great lover of money; and whenever an official died, he seized all his goods. Thus on the death of the chief of the Divân of Alexandria, and of Apacyrus of Tinnis, who was a clerk, and of an innumerable multitude of officials at Misr, he confiscated their property; and he even took away the endowments of the bishops. By these means he added a hundred thousand dinars to the established revenue of the country. And men began to flee from place to place with their wives and children, but no place would harbour them because of the troubles and the exaction of taxes; and his tyranny was greater than that of any of his predecessors.
Then Kurrah appointed a man, named Abd al-Azîz, of the city of Sakhâ, who collected the fugitives from every place, and brought them back and bound them and punished them, and sent everyone to his own place; and the people endured heavy trials. After this, God sent a great plague upon Egypt, and the number of those who died daily was not known; but the majority of those who died were Muslims. At last the plague entered the house of Kurrah, and his wives and his pages died; and he fled from place to place in fear of death, until he finished the term allotted to him, and then died suddenly a painful death.
Now Julian had been patriarch of Antioch, and had charge of the church from the days of John, patriarch of Alexandria, to the days of the Father Alexander; but he had gone to his rest, and departed to eternal |65 happiness. So the bishops of the East assembled in order to appoint his successor; but their prince, whose name was Al-Walîd, would not allow them to do this. For he said: «I will not permit a patriarch to be appointed in my days». And the bishops were sad because of this; and therefore they took a God-fearing bishop, filled with the grace of the Holy Ghost, named Elias, and seated him upon the throne in the church of Antioch. And he wrote a synodical letter according to the law of the ancient canons, and despatched it by a bishop, named Stephen, to the Father Patriarch Alexander, because of the agreement between the two prelates. But the holy Alexander was visiting various places, so the bishop found him in Wadî Habîb, and delivered to him the synodical letter from the bishop Abba Elias, whom they had seated on the throne of Antioch. And Alexander found the letter in accordance with the orthodox faith, and. therefore he accepted it with joy, and summoned the chief men of the provinces, and made known to them what had happened in the East, and how the prince had forbidden the faithful to appoint a patriarch, but that the bishops had given the late patriarch a successor, so that he might consecrate the bishops until the season of wrath should cease. And a similar occurrence had happened in the time of Gregory Theologus and our Father Theophilus with the Arians and Acacians, and the distress lasted until they called the aforesaid Gregory to Constantinople, and the church was delivered |66 to him. Therefore the bishops of Egypt and the patriarch were consoled, and he wrote an answer to the synodical letter, and gave it to Stephen and his companions; and Stephen departed in peace to his own country. And when Theodore undertook the government of Alexandria in the reign of Al-Walîd and in the days of the Father Alexander, there was there a physician, a native of the city, named Onopes, which means Ass's face. When this man gained influence, he begged the Amir to command Theodore to appoint him patriarch of Alexandria; and he was a Roman, and a blasphemous Chalcedonian. The Amir accepted his petition; and a certain clerk named Anastasius, a native of Alexandria, gave to the Amir a thousand dinars, and so induced him to establish this false Chalcedonian patriarch in the city of Alexandria. And he opposed the right faith and derided Abba Alexander, especially when he was enduring trials at that time. After that the people wished to depose the Chalcedonian, and rose against him; so he fled, and went to the Father Alexander, and prayed him humbly, and begged to be excused for what he had endured through him, and requested him to receive him into the orthodox faith. Therefore Alexander received him with Christian charity, and obeyed the |67 commandments of God, who says 16: «If thou seest the ass of thine enemy lying under his burden, turn not from him until thou hast raised him up». And he did not cease to hold the orthodox faith.
Then there arose trials in the Church, and a wicked edict was issued that the coloured pillars and the marble which were in the churches should be taken away, and they were all carried off. And the Father Patriarch was sad for the sake of his church, because it became a ruin through that which was done with him. But in spite of this he gave thanks to God, and was bravely patient.
At that time two serious disasters happened, in the year 431 of Diocletian, in the 13th year of the Indiction, on account of our sins and our evil deeds. For after the death of Kurrah, Al-Walîd sent to Egypt as his successor a governor named Usâmah. This man, when he arrived at Al-Fustât, demanded a description of the boundaries of all the provinces, and wrote it down in Arabic; and he was a man of great intelligence. Then, when he had begun this, there came a great dearth, the like of which had not been heard of since the earliest ages; and more died in that dearth than had died in the plague, for all the rich and the poor were threatened with death. Afterwards a great abundance came, till wheat sank to twenty-five ardebbs for one dinar. But after a short time the plague returned, and destroyed the people; and |68 if the Lord had not taken pity on those that remained of them on the earth, not one would have survived.
And the Amir continued to do evil, while all the Muslims and Christians feared him. For he commanded that no one should lodge a stranger in the churches or at inns or on the wharfs, and the people were afraid of him and drove out the strangers that were in their houses. And he commanded the monks not to make monks of those who came to them. Then he mutilated the monks, and branded each one of them on his left hand, with a branding iron in the form of a ring, that he might be known; adding the name of his church and his monastery, without a cross, and with the date according to the era of Islam. Thus there was, in the year 96 of the Hegira, trouble among the monks, and oppression of the faithful. If they discovered a fugitive or one that had not been marked, they brought him to the Amir, who ordered that one of his limbs should be cut off, so that he was lame for life; and the number could not be counted of those whom he maimed for this cause. And he shaved off the beards of many, and slew a great multitude, and put out the eyes of many without mercy, and killed many under punishment with scourges. And out of love for money he commanded the governors to put the people to death, and bring him their money; and he wrote to them, saying: «I have delivered up to you the lives of the people, therefore collect all the wealth that you can, from bishops or monks or churches or any of the |69 people, and bring stuffs and money and cattle and all that you find belonging to them, and respect no one. And whatever place you visit, pillage it». Accordingly the officials laid the country waste, and carried off the columns and the woodwork, and sold what was worth ten dinars for one dinar, until silver sank to thirty-five dirhems for a dinar, and wheat to forty ardebbs for a dinar, and wine to forty wineskins for a dinar, and oil to a hundred kists for a dinar. And everyone who possessed anything was afraid to show it, lest he should be put to the torture; and through anguish and distress men were minded to sell their own children. Yet when the Amir was informed of these things, his heart was not softened, and he had no mercy, but increased in his wickedness. For he wrote and said: «Wherever a man is found walking, or passing from one place to another, or disembarking from a boat, or embarking, without a passport, he shall be arrested, and the contents of the boat confiscated, and the boat burnt». And if any Romans were found on the river, they were brought to him; and some of them he slew, and others he impaled, and the hands and feet of some he cut off. At last the roads were made impassable, and no man could travel or sell or buy. The fruits of the vineyards were wasted, and there was no one to buy them for a single dirhem, because their owners remained within their houses for two months, awaiting the passport to release them thence. If a mouse ate a man's passport, or if it were injured by water or fire or any accident, whether part |70 or the whole of it remained to his possession, if its lettering were damaged, it could not be changed for a new one until he paid five dinars as a fee for it, and then it could be changed for him.
Now there was a poor widow who received a passport for her son, who was her only one and fatherless, and to whose labour she trusted for her sustenance. So she departed from Alexandria to go to Aghrawah. But when the young man went out to the river to drink water, a crocodile devoured him with the passport which was fastened to him. And his mother wept and mourned for him, and then returned to Alexandria, where she informed the unbelieving Amir of what had happened to her; but he had no pity on her, and kept her prisoner until she paid ten dinars for the passport, because she had entered the city without a passport. And she sold her garments and all that she had, and went about begging, until she had paid the ten dinars. And Satan, whom the Amir resembled in heart, suggested evil to him all day long. After this he sent his officers to inquire into the state of the monasteries, and found there many monks who had no mark of a ring on their hands; so some of them were beheaded, and some died under the lash. Then he nailed up the door of their church with iron nails, and demanded of them a thousand dinars, and assembled the superiors of the monks, and tortured them, and required a dinar from each one of them, And he said: |71 «If you do not pay this, I will destroy the churches, and turn them into ruins, and make you serve on board the ships of the fleet». So the seniors of the monks were troubled; and they longed for death, and knew not what to do, and could only assemble in the churches, and pray, and humbly entreat the Lord Christ in grief and sadness that he would have pity on them. At last the gracious and merciful God heard their supplication, and delivered them suddenly; for Sulaiman, son of Abd al-Malik, who was at that time the sovereign prince, died and was succeeded by Omar, son of Abd al-Azîz who had been governor of Egypt. And by the will of the merciful God, Omar at once sent a governor to Egypt, who fastened a mass of iron to the feet of Usâmah, the evil one, and a block of wood to his hands, and put him in prison; and he was kept in darkness until he should make up his mind concerning him. Then he took him, and brought him out from Alexandria to Misr. But God took away his life on the way in a grievous and painful manner, as he deserved.
Yet this Omar, son of Abd al-Azîz, though he did much good before men, acted ill before God. He commanded that there should be no taxes upon the property of the church and the bishops, and began to set the churches and bishops free from the impost on land; and he abolished the new taxes, and rebuilt the ruined cities; and the Christians were in security and prosperity, |72 and so were the churches. But after that be began to do evil; for he wrote a letter charged with sadness to Egypt, in which were written the following words: «Omar commands saying, Those who wish to remain as they are, and in their own country, must follow the religion of Muhammad as I do; but let those who do not wish to do so, go forth from my dominions». Then the Christians gave him all the money that they could, and trusted in God, and rendered service to the Muslims, and became an example to many. For the Christians were oppressed by the governors and the local authorities and the Muslims in every place, the old and the young, the rich and the poor among them; and Omar commanded that the poll-tax should be taken from all men who would not become Muslims, even in cases where it was not customary to take it. But God did not long respite him, but destroyed him swiftly, and granted him the government no longer, because he was like Antichrist.
Then Yezîd reigned after him; but we have no wish to relate nor describe what happened in his days, on account of the miseries and trials; for he walked in the path of Satan, and deviated from the paths of God. As soon as he undertook the government, he restored the taxes of which Omar had relieved the churches and bishops for one year; and he required great sums of money from the people, so that everyone was distressed in his dominions. And he was not satisfied with this only, but he even issued orders that the crosses should be broken in every place, and that the pictures |73 which were in the churches should he removed. For he commanded this, but the Lord Christ destroyed him for this reason, and took his soul, after he had endured before his death many sufferings. And the time during which he reigned was two years and four months.
And after him reigned Hishâm his brother, who was a God-fearing man according to the method of Islam, and loved all men; and he became the deliverer of the orthodox. For when he learnt that we Christians had had no patriarch in the East since Julian, the late patriarch of Antioch, in whose stead the bishop Elias had taken his seat, and that Elias also had died, he took a man named Athanasius, full of every spiritual grace, who also was a bishop, and gave him the patriarchate of Antioch. So the bishops laid their hands upon him in turn, and made him patriarch. This Athanasius wrote a synodical letter with learning and great humility to the blessed Father Patriarch Alexander, saying: «Verily I am unworthy of this degree on account of my sins; yet I have not been promoted by my own will, but by that of the prince». For he had known him before this time. So Alexander received the letter with joy, and then wrote an answer to it, asserting the unity of the faith, and containing good wishes and salutations. At the end he wrote thus: «We bless the prince Hishâm, and pray that he may enjoy |74 a reign of many years, and overcome his enemies, so that he may do that which is right before the Lord». And he dismissed the envoys in peace.
After this, Hishâm wrote to Egypt, commanding that a receipt in his name should be given to everyone who paid the taxes, so that none might be unfairly treated, and that there might be no injustice in his dominions. So God gave him a prosperous reign, and he continued to rule for twenty-two years; and no war continued against him, but everyone that rose up against him was delivered by God into his hands, through the prayers of the two glorious patriarchs, Alexander at Alexandria and Athanasius at Antioch. Now the orthodox church at Damascus was adjoining the palace in which Hishâm resided. Then he commanded that the patriarch should build his house next to the prince's reception-hall, because of his great love for him, so that he might hear him pray and read. For he often used to say to him: «When thou beginnest to pray at night I receive great comfort, and I cease to trouble about the affairs of the empire, and then sleep comes to me restfully». And Hishâm loved Athanasius greatly for that reason; and he gave great gifts to the churches and the Christians. And there was at his court a Muslim who greatly loved the orthodox churches, and he was named Ubaid Allah. And when the prince Hishâm saw him act so, he rejoiced greatly, and made him governor of Egypt, and commanded him to act with kindness towards all baptised Christians. When Ubaid Allah came to Egypt, he commanded that the people and the cattle should be numbered, |75 and the lands and vineyards measured with measuring lines, and accordingly this was done; also that a leaden badge should be placed on the neck of every man, from the youth of twenty to those who were a hundred years old; and he had them numbered, and wrote down the names of all of them, and the number of their beasts, young and old, and an account of the bad lands, difficult of cultivation, which produce coarse grass and thorns. And he set up milestones in the midst of the enclosed lands, at the boundaries and on the roads, throughout the land of Egypt; and he doubled the taxes.
So after Ubaid Allah had accomplished all that we have related, and had committed much injustice which we have not related, when he came to Al-Fustât, he went to the city of Memphis and remained there four months. And he commanded that the chief men of the towns should assemble at Memphis. And he had the mark of a lion put on the hands of the Christians, according to the words of the Book, which John the Son of Thunder uttered, saying 17: «None shall sell or buy except those upon whose hand is the mark of the lion». Then, when he had accomplished this, he wrote to the provinces of Egypt, saying thus: «If anyone is found in any place without the mark on his hand, his hand shall be cut off, and he shall be heavily fined, because he has disobeyed the commands of the prince and acted rebelliously towards him». Now he had two sons, one of whom he |76 despatched to the South, and the other to the North, and there was great distress and perturbation in all the land of Egypt. Then Ubaid Allah arrived at Al-Gizah, and built a large house for himself there; and he wrote to the provinces of Egypt, commanding that a body of men should be collected for him, that he might set them to work as long as he wished. And he built at Al-Fustât, until the men perished through fatigue from the great labours which he imposed upon then. In consequence of these things, when the forced labours and the payment of the taxes which he had doubled became grievous, war broke out between the Christians and Muslims, so that much blood was shed in the land of Egypt between the two factions, first of all in the city of Banâ and the city of Sa and the city of Samannûd and their neighbourhood, and in many places in Lower Egypt; and there was likewise fighting on the roads and mountains and by the canals; but if we were to relate the history of it the account would be too long. When the governor of Alexandria entered that city to mark the people, he seized the patriarch in order to brand him, but he refused to be so treated. Yet the governor would not release him, and, though the patriarch requested to be allowed to go to the prince, would not consent to that. Then after a time he sent the patriarch to Misr, with a troop of soldiers who were to bring him to Ubaid Allah; and accordingly, when he appeared before him, he made known to him the cause of his arrival. But Ubaid Allah would not let him go without branding him. Therefore when the Father Patriarch Alexander saw that he |77 could not escape, he said to Ubaid Allah, the Amir: «I pray thee to grant me a delay of three days». So he consented to this, and granted him the respite. Then the patriarch entered his private chamber, and prayed the Lord not to suffer him to be branded, but to remove him from this world speedily; and when God saw the thoughts of his servant that they were good, he visited him; and accordingly he fell sick on the third day, and the sickness increased each day upon him. When he knew that the Lord Christ had heard him and received his prayer, he sent trustworthy persons and certain chiefs of the orthodox, his children, to Ubaid Allah, to beg him to release him, that he might depart to his see before his death. But he would not allow him, suspecting that this was a ruse, and that he was not sick. So when four days had passed, the father said to the brethren: «Prepare the boat at sunset that we may depart, for to-morrow the Lord Jesus Christ will visit me». Accordingly they departed; but not one of the bishops was with him, except Abba Shamul, bishop of Wasîm. Then when they had descended the river in their flight, they reached Tarnût by the morning; and at that hour the blessed Alexander went to his rest at that place. When Ubaid Allah learnt that the patriarch had escaped without |78 leave, he despatched an officer to bring him back with his companions; but when he came up with them and took them into custody to bring them back in wrath, he found that the Father had gone to his rest. So he left him alone, but seized Abba Shamul, and conducted him to Ubaid Allah, who said: «The truth is that thou didst induce him to flee, therefore thou must pay a thousand dinars to the government treasury». But Abba Shamul was poor, in want of sustenance from day to day, and went thinly clad; and he was sweet of countenance and virtuous in conduct; and he used to exhort sinners, and they listened to him; and likewise he confirmed those who were weak in the orthodox faith. So he swore to the Amir that he could not pay a single dinar, and did not possess one; but he would not accept this excuse, and gave him up to two officers of police. Then when those two Muslims, whose names we will not record, had taken him, they gave him up to some Berbers, like lions in their actions, who hauled and dragged him away through the midst of Misr, until they brought him to the door of the church of Saint George, trailing him along. And there was there a great crowd assembled of sellers and buyers; and many began to run after him through Misr. And they demanded a thousand dinars of him in spite of the exiguity of his possessions; and they began to torture him that day without mercy, and stripped him of his garment, and clothed him in a hair-cloth, and hung him up by his arms, thinly clad as he was, while all the people looked on, and scourged him with whips of |79 cowhide until his blood ran on the ground. And the multitude beheld him and what befell him at the hands of the police; but they continued for a week to torture him in this way until the people collected for him three hundred dinars. But when there came down some of the friends of Ubaid Allah to interview him, while the chiefs of the Christians said to them: «He is near death, and he is guiltless of any fault in this matter according to what we know», then upon that they released him after severe torments, for he was near death.
Thus when the Father Alexander, a saint indeed, went to his rest in a good old age, great sadness fell upon the Christians because of his death. For he had remained for twenty-four years and a half upon the throne. And there were during the days of his life certain very holy men in the land of Egypt, in the deserts and monasteries, who wearied themselves in the service of God, and by whom wonders and signs were manifested. For there was a man, who was a priest and at the same time a fisherman, in the province of Isnâ, who laboured with the nets, while he followed the rule of the monastic life. And after a long time he departed and built a monastery on the mountain, and many became monks with him there; and they lived in virtue and poverty. And the fame of that old man went forth through the outer country; and his name was Matthew, and he was a native of Asfant. So God manifested by his means many wonders among the sick and the |80 lepers; and he healed those in whom were unclean spirits, and raised the dead in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. And after some days a great miracle took place in his presence. There was a Copt at Asfant, who had two sons and one daughter, all of whom he kept in his house; and they were pure virgins, serving God. But Satan led the three astray by a vile deed, namely that he entered into the elder of the sons, and said to him: «Since thy father will not give thee a wife, go in to thy sister, and sleep with her, for she will be sufficient for thee for a time». And he made this deed seem pleasant to him, so he committed it. Likewise he tempted the other younger brother to sin with her also. Thus the two brothers did with their sister that foul deed; but the one did not know of the other; and that perverse girl kept this secret, until she speedily became pregnant. And her parents kept her on account of the shame, and they did not know what had been done; so she remained many months without bearing a child. Then they set her upon a beast, and took her to the holy Matthew; and when they drew near to the mountain, the old man came forth, fleeing and tearing the hair of his beard, until he met them at the foot of the mountain. Thereupon the parents made known to him what had happened to her, and wished to give him gifts, that he might pray over her, that she might bring forth; so he bade them take her gently down from the back of the beast; and she alighted, being in great agony. Then he said to her: «Make known to me what thou hast done, thou vile woman!» So she made known to him what we have recorded, |81 and more also. Thereupon he raised his hands to heaven, and prayed; and the earth opened her mouth, and swallowed her up. And many were present, and witnessed this; and one who was present bore witness to us, being a truthful and trustworthy man, of the children of the Church, that that spot became like a dark well, descending into the depths of the earth, and remained so six months, while fire ascended from it into the air, and an evil smell came up from it, so that none could approach it. The place was at some little distance from the monastery, about twenty-five bowshots.
Likewise in the monastery of the holy Abba Sinuthius on the Mount of Adriba, you know that many of the saints were confirmed there, and especially the blessed Archimandrite Abba Seth. For he was a man who walked in a good path during his life; and after his departure to the Lord, we beheld with our own eyes his tomb, which was built over him in gratitude for the many miracles and the healing and the cures, which take place through his holy body to this hour, and are innumerable from their multitude; for wonders are worked by it every day.
In the desert of Wadî Habîb also there were holy men who saw visions and revelations, to whom God disclosed that which took place in the world, so that they beheld it as if they were present everywhere. For to some of |82 them the Lord Christ and the holy Apostles appeared, and raised them up in their poverty and devotion; and to some of them the angels appeared. And there was among them an old man in the monastery of Saint Macarius, named John, a native of Shubrâ Maisinâ, which is also called Arwât. Him the Berbers seized three times, and took, prisoner; and they made him a slave, and ill-treated him and caused him to suffer. But the Lord looked upon his patience continually, and restored him to his holy monastery. After this he became hegumen, for he was a priest; and this was a rule in the desert of Wadî Habîb, that every monk who attained the rank of priest was appointed hegumen. And he never communicated of the Holy Mysteries without seeing the Lord and Saviour in his vision, with our Lady the Virgin; and great secrets were made manifest to him. And there were holy men with him of this desert, whose history we need not relate. And he had a disciple, named Epimachus of Arwât, who was counted worthy of the office of hegumen after him, and was like him in his heart in all his actions; and upon him was much grace, like Moses the prophet in his time; for he healed the sick, and cured every disease, and lived for more than a hundred years.
And the grace of the Holy Ghost descended upon him, and he learnt glorious matters, so that he even knew what he had neither seen nor heard |83 before anyone questioned him upon it. He had two spiritual brothers, one of them being Abba George and the other Abba Abraham, and they were holy and famous for virtuous living and great deeds; and trustworthy men bore witness of them, that they walked in the way of the great Anthony, and brought it to perfection. Now the lay monks at that time worshipped God zealously; and these two holy men beheld the baptized people in the church like white sheep, both old and young. But lo, one of the community became slothful, and went back from the good service of God; and so these two old men beheld him with his colour changed to black in the midst of the brethren. And when the priests had dimissed the brethren, those two went to the cell of that brother, and said to him: «Turn from thy sloth». And they exhorted him and comforted him. So on the morrow, when he came to the church, those two looked upon him, and he had become whiter than all the brethren; and therefore they praised God for his mercy to the race of men, In this way, if thou wilt that I record the deeds of the saints, they would be too many for the time, and too numerous for the pens, and too many for the sheets of paper. Glory be to God for ever and ever! |84
COSMAS I, THE FORTY-FOURTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 730-731.
When the Father Alexander went to his rest, they appointed instead of him a man named Cosmas, who was a holy monk of the desert of Saint Macarius, and a native of Banâ. So they seated him on the throne against his will; but he did not cease to pray night and day to the Lord Christ that he would receive him to himself. And at the end of fifteen months he went to his rest with glory and honour, on the last day of Ba'unah.
Now there was outside Maryût a monastery called Tamnûrah, in which there was an old monk, holy and spiritual, and also a young monk; and they used to chastise their bodies with iron and with chains. For the superior, whose name was John, was endowed with grace and the power of prophecy, and saw wonders many times, and he had a disciple who served him and was named Theodore; and this man envied his deeds, and imitated his life and all his works with spiritual love, and surpassed all in the monastery in his conduct, in the diaconicon and at the table of the brethren and in all the affairs of the monastery and its service, seeking abasement at |85 all times. For Theodore used to follow the words of Christ to his disciples 18: «He among you who desires to be great, let him be to you a servant». And he acted in this manner until he grew old, as he said to us with his own holy mouth when he was counted worthy of the patriarchal dignity; for he taught us and incited us to humility at all times. And in the lifetime of Alexander, his spiritual father said to him prophetically: «O my son Theodore, believe that I do not lie». He answered: «Yea O my father, I have never heard the name of a lie from thy mouth». The father said to him (another copy reads, The old man said to him): «O believer in God, verily in the year in which Alexander dies, I in my meanness shall die with him, and thou shalt sit upon the throne of the glorious Father Saint Mark, not after the Father Alexander, but after him who shall follow him». And the words of that orthodox old man, the Archimandrite, were fulfilled.
For the people of Alexandria, the priests and officials, were taking thought as to whom they should appoint in the room of Abba Cosmas, until the Lord recalled to their minds the memory of the holy father and monk Theodore. Therefore they journeyed to the monastery, and took him and brought him to Alexandria. |86
THEODORE, THE FORTY-FIFTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 731-743.
And an assembly of the holy bishops met together and consecrated the holy Father Theodore patriarch by the command of the Lord Christ. And the affairs of the patriarchate and of the orthodox church grew and prospered during all his days, until they returned to their former state, and became still more flourishing, so that it seemed as if the church had never been plundered. And Theodore was a good man, tranquil, full of charity towards all men, beautiful in countenance like an angel of God; and in his days nothing evil was done.
But Ubaid Allah, the ruler in Egypt, brought punishments and trials and losses upon the people of Egypt, and added an eighth of a dinar to every dinar of the taxes; and through his oppression of the people the dinar grew rare and rose in value. Yet when he continued long in this course, God would not suffer him, but raised up against him some of the chief among the Muslims, who went to Hishâm the prince, and made known to him the evil which he did, and the troubles that he had caused in Egypt. Therefore Hishâm was filled with wrath against Ubaid Allah, and wrote at once to remove him, and despatched an officer with many attendants to Egypt in great anger. And he commanded that he should be banished with his younger son, Isma'îl, to the land of the Berbers in the province of Africa, |87 and that Isma'îl should be exiled thence to the land of the Setting Sun, and punished because he did not do what was commanded him. So this was speedily done to him. Hishâm made Ubaid Allah's elder son, Al-Kasim, governor in Egypt, and set him over her affairs instead of his father, who was banished to the Berbers. When he had remained there a short time he ruled over the Berbers in Africa, where his son Isma'îl was, until he was banished whither the prince commanded. For Ubaid Allah wrote to Hishâm, seeking to conciliate him, and expressing repentance of what he had done, and begging him to make him governor of that country; and so he was made governor over the Berbers in Africa. Yet his deeds were again evil, for he seized the daughters of rich men and the daughters of the chiefs and officers, and sent them to Hishâm the prince as maidservants, writing to him that they were slave-girls whom he had bought for him as maidservants. Likewise the sheep, when they- were near parturition, he ripped them open, and took out the lambs just covered with wool, and took their skins and made pelisses of them, and sent them to Hishâm, saying that he had bought them for him; so that he destroyed large numbers of sheep from that country. Therefore the Berbers conspired against him, forming a plot to kill his son Isma'îl and the people of his house; and they seized Isma'îl and his wives and concubines and all that belonged to him, and killed them all in his presence, while he looked on. And they ripped the women open, and took the infants from them, and threw them down before him. |88
Then they brought Isma'îl to Africa, taking him bound to his father, and killed him in his presence while he looked on, after ripping him open and striking his father on the head and face with his dead body; and afterwards they drove his father away from their country, following and insulting him, while he was sad and weeping. And our father Theodore lived to see all these things.
Then the Lord visited him, and he departed to him in a good old age and in the grace of the Lord Christ. And the Church was growing, without adversaries or internal divisions, all his days. He remained upon the apostolic throne eleven years and a half, and went to his rest on the seventh day of Amshir.
CHAPTER XVIII
MICHAEL I, THE FORTY-SIXTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 744-768.
As the Scripture says in the 77th Psalm 19: «What we have heard we have seen, and our fathers have told us»; and as Moses the Prophet wrote |89 history, for he described what had happened on the earth from Adam the first man to his own time; and after him were the prophets who prophesied what should take place; and after them the holy apostles preached what they themselves had witnessed: so those who followed them did likewise. Then there were the teachings of the inspired fathers of the Church, and the words which confirmed the faith and the baptized brethren who put on the garment of light; and the divinely assisted fathers who gave strength to the firm foundation and to the immovable pillar 20. And we have the Lord Jesus Christ, the Saviour, who delivered us and saved us from our sins by his Incarnation of the pure Virgin, and graciously granted to us the opening of our hearts and understandings by the hearing of his holy Scriptures. Philo and Justus and Josephus, the Jews, were the first who related the destruction of Jerusalem. Those who composed for us the history of the holy Church were Africanus and Eusebius and Sozomenus, who showed us the good and the evil, and the trials which befell the saints and shepherds of the flock of the Lord Christ, and the troubles which they underwent for the sake of the Church and the orthodox people at the hands of the secular governors at all times, not only in Egypt, but also at Antioch and Rome and Ephesus. There appeared the heresy of Nestorius, whose tongue deserved |90 to be cut out at the root, and the false teaching of the other heretics at that time; but God dispersed them all, like the dust before the wind, that is to say, by means of the young lion, Cyril, who excommunicated Nestorius with the rest of the heretics, and whose writings were placed in all the orthodox churches of the world. This is shown to us by that book which begins with the names of the patriarchs as far as the true confessor and champion, Dioscorus, who anathematized Leo, the soul-devouring lion, as his name implies, and excommunicated the six hundred and thirty, assembled at Chalcedon, and Marcian the prince and the vile princess Pulcheria, and all the followers of Leo, and was deposed by command of the princes, and sent into exile, where he finished his fight. Dioscorus brought back many souls to the Lord Christ by his action. And all that happened was written down for us to that point in the twelfth part of the histories of the Church. And for the first history of events subsequent to that, from the time of the Father Cyril when he was in the monastery of Ablah, down to the days of the father and confessor Alexander, we may consult the teacher and scribe in his time, who was the archdeacon and companion and secretary of the Father Patriarch Abba Simon, patriarch of Alexandria, namely |91 the monk, Abba George. For he wrote that history on the mountain of the holy Macarius in the Wadî Habîb, and informed us of what happened in the time of Marcian, the unbelieving prince, and the trouble that overtook our fathers and those that came after them, down to the time of Sulaiman, son of Abd al-Melik, prince of the Muslims, after whom reigned Omar, son of Abd al-Azîz, who drove away Usâmah, the unbelieving governor, who had been before his reign in Egypt. Therefore I, the vile sinner, beg you to pray the Lord Christ for me, that through your prayers he may loose the bond of my feeble tongue, and open my darkened heart, and give me knowledge of words, so that perchance I may be able to show to you, my brethren and my father, what you ask of me, although it exceed my power, not as a teacher and guide greater than you, but as a scholar, since I saw that of which I have written with my own eyes, and its importance imposes a debt upon me, and my hand touched it, besides what I heard from friends older than myself, such as I could trust and believe. God forbid that I should act according to the words of the true gospel 21, concerning the servant who buried his Lord's silver in the ground. I declare to your Holiness, vile sinner among men as I am, that I follow the words of David, when he praises the Creator in the 112th Psalm: «Who raises the poor from the earth and the needy from the dunghill, and sets him with the rich of the people 22 ». He it is who has seated me among the holy fathers, so that |92 I witnessed what befell them in my heart, that I might write it down, although unworthy; for they became shepherds upon the earth, and in many cases gave up their lives for the name of Christ. Let me then record a few of their deeds, for the rest of them the Lord Christ alone knows, with all that took place in former times. But indeed the Lord Christ knows that we have added nothing to the facts, having related what took place down to the death of the blessed Father Theodore, patriarch of Alexandria, and the affairs of state in his days, to the end of the seventeenth chapter of the History, completed above. Now, by the will of God and your holy prayers, we will write the eighteenth chapter of the History of the Church.
When Ubaid Allah left Egypt, Al-Kasim, his son, became governor after him, and was much more wicked than his father, according to the words of the holy gospel; «Every evil tree brings forth evil fruit 23». This man did evil before God and men in his time of government, and walked in the bad path, as I will relate further on. Solomon, the wise son of David, says: «Woe to the people of a kingdom which is ruled by a child 24!» Now this Al-Kasim was a child in age and conduct; and when an ignorant prince rules, all his companions will be like him. The first beginning of his acting thus was that he loved evil and loved women, like horses which neigh one |93 after another. He obtained for himself female slaves of every race without number, and his heart was exceedingly pleased with them, as we witnessed with our own eyes many times. For he used to send for the blessed patriarch Theodore, acting like a wolf in sheep's clothing; and the Father Patriarch was accompanied by my spiritual father, the bishop Abba Moses, who went to bear him company; and the governor loved my father more than all the bishops. Then the governor brought his young female slaves to the patriarch that he might bless them; and I myself saw them; and he said to the Father Patriarch: «These are thy children; lay thy hand upon them and bless them, and give them a benediction, for I bought them recently». This he did on several occasions with the Father Patriarch. Once when we visited him according to custom, the bishop Abba Abraham, bishop of the Faiyûm or Arsinoites, was there on account of important business. And when we also appeared, Al-Kasim called one of his female slaves, who was a native of the West, and said to our father Abraham: «This is thy daughter». And he placed the bishop's hand upon her hand, for his heart was as the heart of babes. And he said to the bishop: «Thou knowest that I have loved thee greatly since my father's |94 time, and all that thou didst ask of my father, I will do for thee». Then the holy Abraham said to him: «It is good». So Al-Kasim continued: «I desire of thee three hundred dinars». Thereupon the father gave directions to the archdeacon Simeon, who was his steward and had come with him, and who was counted worthy of the bishopric in succession to Abba Abraham. And the bishop said to the archdeacon: «Bring the three hundred dinars». And he forthwith brought the money, and the bishop handed it over to Al-Kasim. For he had much property belonging to the churches, since he possessed in his diocese thirty-five monasteries in the Faiyûm, of which he was the administrator; and he was bound to pay a tax of five hundred dinars, which were due to the Public Treasury upon this property. He had authority over all these monasteries, and the merchants of Egypt sold to him and bought of him. Then after the bishop had paid the three hundred dinars, Al-Kasim said to him: «I do thee this great honour that I have even made my wife a daughter to thee, and yet thou wilt not give her anything to honour her therewith». Accordingly the bishop gave her a hundred dinars into her hand, and Al-Kasim reckoned them as part of the taxes due from him.
And Al-Kasim walked in the path of ignorance continually, and the oppression of the people was doubled in his days. He appointed subordinate governors throughout Egypt worse than himself, men who amassed money from strangers from Aswan to Alexandria; and he caused great trouble to |95 the people throughout the land and in all the provinces, both great and small. The great man devoured the small man, and the strong devoured the weak, like the fishes of the sea; and those who collected the strangers' money devoured the poor and seized their property, until everyone was in distress.
After that, Al-Kasim made boats like the castles of kings, and when he had furnished them, he embarked in them his wives and his slaves, and sailed through the land of Egypt, and took them with him to Alexandria and Tinnis and Damietta, in order to take the money of the merchants and of the people and of the officials in those places. And he went up the river to Upper Egypt as far as Aswan, doing the same thing. And a body of troops and armed men travelled in his company; and they entered the theatre at Ansina.
And on a certain day Al-Kasim arrived at the Monastery of Saint Sinuthius, and went up with great pomp, taking with him one female slave whom he loved more than all the rest, besides his mamelukes; and he made her ride a mare, while he rode another mare at her side. He was accompanied also by an old man, who was a chief among the Muslims, named Rayân, son of Abd al-Azîz, the former governor of Egypt. So, when they reached the door, the aged superior of the monastery came out to meet them with all his sons, that they might do honour to the governor on account of his office. After Al-Kasim had passed through the second door, which |96 is in the fortified wall which surrounds the church, while he remained on horseback, then he came to the door of the church, and began to prepare to enter it, still mounted. But the aged superior of the monastery cried aloud and said: «Dismount, O governor! Enter not into the house of God in such pride, and above all in the company of this woman who is with thee; for no woman has ever entered this church, and come out of it alive. Nay she will die on the spot». Yet Al-Kasim gave no heed to his words, but entered, accompanied by his soldiers. Now the church was very large, and capacious enough to contain thousands of people. So when he reached the middle of the church, still riding, the mare on which the female slave was mounted plunged, and fell to the ground by the power of God; and the female slave died on the spot, both she and the horse that was under her. And as for Al-Kasim, there came upon him an unclean Satanic spirit which threw him down and choked him and buffeted him, so that he foamed at the mouth and gnashed with his teeth like a wild boar. But when he recovered a little, he saw that the old man, the superior of the monastery, was grieved for him; and he gave to the church four hundred dinars as a votive offering, as well as the horse which he was riding. And there was in the monastery a chest of teak-wood, inlaid with ivory, fitted with shelves, above which was the body of Saint Sinuthius. This chest had been |97 made for the sake of the votive offerings, for the convenience of those who should put their votive offerings in it; and the books also were placed therein; and it was of handsome workmanship, admirable and beautiful. So Rayân, who was travelling together with Al-Kasim, admired it, and wished to take it away with him. Now Saint Sinuthius had spent much money on it. So they said to that man: «Thou canst not take it, for he who placed it here forbad its removal.» But he answered: «I must take it, either for a price or as a gift.» Then he bade ten men lift it up, but they could not. Then he called thirty men, but they could not move it. So when he saw the miracle, he gave the monks three hundred dinars. Then they all went away in fear and trembling and wonder. And the unclean spirit did not depart from Al-Kasim until the day of his death, but continued to torment him.
Then God sent down a great dearth upon the land of Egypt, on account of the sins of Al-Kasim. In the first year the land was blasted by the scirocco, and so provisions were scarce, and there was no wheat to be found; and many men and cattle died. Afterwards, in the second year, there came a pestilence upon Egypt, such as had not been before. But in spite of all this the wickedness of Al-Kasim did not diminish but increased, and he doubled the taxes laid upon the people. And when a person went to sleep at night he dreaded the light of morning, and yet he could not wish for night that |98 he might rest from his many troubles. After the second year of famine came the third year, in which there was a scirocco, and the Nile did not rise at all; and the people saw no prosperity in the days of that governor, but the years passed in turn in this manner by God's command, a year of plague followed by a year of scirocco, until the end of the year in which the government was taken from him, namely the seventh year. And the plague lasted from the beginning of Hatûr each year until the twenty-second of Baunah, and raged chiefly at Misr on account of the multitude of sins committed there. And from the eighth of Bashans to the first of Baunah the mortality among the people was so great that not even a part of those who died could be counted; for on one day two thousand perished, and another day twelve hundred, and another day two thousand four hundred at Misr and Al-Gizah, among the people who inhabited those places and traders sojourning there; so that the burial of the dead was interrupted, and there were no tombs to hold them. And no male might be buried until the authorities knew of his death; and then his name was written down, and the name of his father, even in the case of young infants. Then our holy fathers prayed to the Lord, and the rich and the poor did likewise, and they besought him with fasting and prayer and weeping and supplication, until the Lord had pity on them, and took away the plague. |99
After this the merchants sold wheat to the people, and there was an abundant supply of it. So some of the corn-merchants went to a deacon, who practised magic, and lived at Memphis, which is the ancient Misr; and they gave him much money, and begged him to enable them by his magic arts to sell their wheat at a high price. So he began to exercise his art in such a manner that God was angered, and to practise his vile sorcery. For there was with him an orphan boy, the son of a widow who had no other children. And he said to the widow: «Thou hast nothing to eat or to feed thy son withal. Give him to me that I may make him my son, and teach him my art». So she delivered her son to the magician with joy. Now that unbeliever had visited many magicians in divers places, until they taught him to practise profound witchcraft; and thus he was able to do that by which the wheat became dear. Then indeed that miscreant took the widow's son, and led him into a chamber, and shut the door upon him, and hung him up by his hands and feet above the ground, and did to him what made God angry; for he did not cease gradually to flay the skin of the youth from his face to the back of his head daily, until he came to his shoulders. Then wheat became rare and scarce, and whereas it had been sold at the rate of fourteen ardebbs for a dinar, and then at two mudds for a dinar, at last it was not to be procured at all. At that time the monitor of the boys in the school went to the widow woman, and said to her: |100 «Thy son has not attended our school for many days. Where then is he?» So she went to that miscreant and enquired after her son, but could not find him. For he said to her: «I have not seen him for many days. He left my house, and returned to thine, and I know nothing about him». Therefore when she heard this from him, she departed in great grief. But the boy was not dead even then, but was still fastened up and partly flayed. And the young monitor saw the magician, his master, entering hour after hour into the closet in which the boy was fastened. So he said in his heart: «What does my master do in these days, entering this closet and coming out?» And he was a sagacious youth. So when the master entered, he followed him secretly. Then he heard that boy, the widow's son, weeping and sighing and imploring his master; but he took no pity on him. And he uttered words in the sadness of his heart such as these: «Alas for thee, my mother, widowed and mourning as thou art, for thou knowest not what has become of me! Alas for thy womb which bore me, and thy breasts which gave me suck! Where dost thou behold the torments of thy orphan son? Would that I had died when thou didst bear me in thy womb, and would that thou hadst never brought me forth upon earth, so that I should fall into this grievous torment! Where are thine eyes beholding me, longing to see me and gaze upon me, who am in this torment?» And the boy said many things like these, in the hearing of the young monitor. So the monitor went away quickly in |101 great terror, stumbling and raising himself again in the extremity of his fear, until he reached the house of the widowed mother of the bov. So he said to her: «I have found thy son.» Then she came speedily, after he had repeated to her what he had heard from her son's mouth, and went to the governor, and repeated to him what had happened and what she had heard. So the governor despatched with her some trustworthy Muslims, and some officials with them, to the house of that miscreant, and they found him within the closet, in which the boy still was, fastened up and flayed from his neck to his shoulders. So they carried the lad away, and led the magician bound before the governor. For at once they fastened his hands and feet, and his ears were cut off in the presence of the governor, and then he confessed all that had been done by him. And they brought in the boy, and beheld him in that state. And they wrote at once to Al-Kasim governor of Egypt; and when he had read the letter, he gave orders that the magician should be stoned and burnt in the fire.
But, in spite of all these things, Al-Kasim did not desist from his evil ways and his love for the amassing of gold. And he used constantly to change the subordinate governors, who acted as his deputies. Now there was a tribe in the mountains in the eastern part of Egypt, from Bilbais to Al-Kulzum and the sea, consisting of Muslims who were called Arabs. And there were among them more than thirty thousand horsemen, roving through those deserts and districts, and they had chiefs in command over them. |102
Al-Kasim, therefore, appointed as their governor a steward of the palace, named Abu Jarah; and his tents were near a monastery named after Our Lady Mary, near Tinnis. In this monastery there were many monks and priests, adorned with good works, and a holy hegumen named Epimachus, who had come from Wadî Habîb, from the Monastery of Saint Macarius, and who was afterwards counted worthy to be made a bishop. And there were with him, among the monks in this monastery, Abba Mennas, who became bishop of the city of Memphis, and Abba James the priest, and many others. And the steward of the palace had two brothers, whom he took up to the monastery; and he entered the church with them, and drove out the monks; and they plundered the church, and seized everything in the monastery, whether stuffs or provisions or furniture. And the steward's younger brother was worse than he. For there was in the cell of the hegumen a cross erected at the east end, with which he drove away the devils who frequently appeared to him. So that youth entered the cell and said to the hegumen: «What is the purpose of this cross?» Whereupon he answered: «It is the cross of Christ, my God.» He said to him: «Dost thou adore him?» The monk answered: «Yea». So the young man spat upon the cross, and treated it insultingly, and reviled the aged hegumen. And the old man went forth from the monastery in great sorrow, saying: «If God do not requite this youth for his deed, I |103 will never return to this church all the days of my life.» Then he departed to another place, and remained there; and he said within himself: «I will wait ten days, and see what will take place; and if nothing occur, I will depart.» So, on the eighth day, that young man went and sat in the privy place, and his bowels gushed out, as it had happened to Arius the unbeliever. Therefore when his brother, the steward of the palace, beheld that punishment, he was afraid, and departed from the monastery; and fear came to all who heard or saw.
Afterwards the steward went round through that district until he found the holy Epimachus, whom he brought back to the church, after entreating him with respect and honour; and he restored to him all that had been taken away. And great fear fell upon the Muslims and long remained among them.
During all this time, the church of Alexandria remained widowed, without a patriarch. Therefore the orthodox Theodosians assembled, and called the bishops together. And a number of the heretical Chalcedonians met together; and they formed a council at Misr. And three men were brought forward, that one of them might be chosen, and enthroned as patriarch. But it did not please the Lord that one of them should receive that degree, but he kept it for him whom he had selected and marked out from the womb, as shall appear further on in our discourse. |104
And God took away the government from Al-Kasim; for the caliph sent to him one who arrested him and carried him away to his master under guard and restraint. And when he reached Bilbais, together with those in charge of him, who were conducting him to the caliph, the bishops and a body of Christians came to him at Bilbais, and begged him to allow them to appoint a patriarch. Then he demanded of them that they should give him money; but they would not give it, and so he refused permission, and would not allow them to appoint a patriarch. Then Abba Theodore, bishop of Misr, who was the chief of the bishops at that time, and was the first of three bishops named Theodore who successively occupied the see of Misr, said to my spiritual father, Abba Moses, bishop of Wasîm: «Behold, Father, the conduct of this Al-Kasim, and the evil that he has done among men, such as thou hast never seen before this day, but which I have beheld during the greater part of my time!» The bishop Abba Moses replied: «Pardon me, my Lord and Father. If this man return to Egypt, then God has not spoken by me the sinner. But thou shalt hear what God will do to this wicked wretch».
After this the commissioners conducted Al-Kasim on his journey. And he never returned to Egypt, but all his goods were seized, while he was |105 tortured and imprisoned. And the caliph sent to Egypt, and seized his male and female slaves, who were carried away to the caliph.
Then the bishops returned with their attendants to Misr, where they found that the Chalcedonians had anticipated then, having chosen a follower of their sect, a man who made needles in the market-place, named Cosmas. For they had collected among themselves gold and silver and plate, and had given them to that perverse governor, Al-Kasim, before he departed; and he had given orders that they should appoint him patriarch. So the Chalcedonians took that man Cosmas, and ordained him patriarch for themselves, and triumphed over the orthodox, because they had elected a patriarch, whereas the latter had not nominated one for themselves.
The governor of Egypt who succeeded Al-Kasim was a man named Hafs, son of Al-Walîd, a native of Hadramaut, of high rank in the army of the Muslims in Egypt, and a Sunnite according to their religion. In those days a council of bishops assembled at Misr, in the year 459 of Diocletian, on the 28th day of Misri. And there were with them the clergy of Alexandria and the chief laymen, who brought men with them, so that the election might fall upon some one. And one of the bishops mentioned a certain name secretly; but God, who knows all, had reserved this degree for him who was worthy of it.
These are the names of the bishops assembled to appoint the patriarch: |106 Abraham, bishop of the Faiyûm; Moses, bishop of Wasîm; Mennas, bishop of Tmai; James, bishop of Busîr; Theodore, metropolitan bishop, bishop of Misr; Victor, bishop of Malîj; James, bishop of Sahrajt; Isaac, bishop of Samannûd; Abraham, bishop of Bilbais; Peter, bishop of Tarnût; Michael, bishop of Atrib; besides the clergy of Alexandria. Then they went to the governor, Hafs, and prayed him to allow them to appoint a patriarch. And he said to them: «When your choice is fixed upon some one, keep him until I have seen him.» So they went out from before him, and proceeded to the church of Saint Sinuthius at Misr, and prayed, and took their seats according to their rank in agreement with the canon of the church, each one sitting with his father and bishop, while the clergy of Alexandria sat in front of the bishops. And all were tranquil and dignified, and none spoke a word unless the bishops commanded; and the faces of all were bent upon the ground, both small and great. And when the sixth hour had passed, the aged bishop, Abba Mennas, bishop of Tmai, lifted up his face, and said in a low voice to Abba Abraham, bishop of the Faiyûm: «O my Father, pardon me. What thinkest thou that we are about, and |107 for what reason are we assembled?» He answered: «My Father, the Lord Christ will settle all matters, and so will Saint Mark, and all of us also, for the chief Shepherd of our souls and bodies is with us.» Then all the people and. the assembly cried with a loud voice together saying: «The Lord Christ will accomplish this matter according to his will.» Thereupon they stood up and prayed; and when they had finished the prayers, they agreed to meet on the morrow; and each one of them departed to his own place. Now some of the bishops, from the North, had mentioned the name of one whom they had selected; and Abba Abraham, bishop of the Faiyûm, heard of it. So Abba Peter, bishop of Tarnût, who had lived all his days in the desert of Father Macarius, and was beautiful in his conduct and excellent in his actions, said to them: «I warn thee not to lay thy hand on him whom they shall bring forward to thee, until the opinion of the assembly shall be unanimous concerning him; for he is not fit for this degree.» Now Abba Peter had grown weak through his great age, and was kept apart from the rest.
And on the second day they assembled and prayed and took their seats. The clergy of Alexandria being present, the archpriest exclaimed: «Bring this matter to a settlement, my Lords and Fathers.» So Theodore said to them: «Who is it that you have chosen, that we also may know him?» Thereupon the archpriest said: «Such and such an one, and here is his name written down.» Then Theodore said to them: «If the assembly approve of |108 him, he is fit.» The archpriest replied: «This affair regards us, not the bishops, who have nothing to do except to lay their hands upon him, and no more; for it is we who elect the patriarch.» Then Abba Abraham, bishop of the Faiyûm, said to them: «Your bishops also may propose to you him whom they choose. Yet if you have proposed one who is worthy, we will ordain him; but if he is not worthy, we shall reject him.» Thus a discussion took place between the two parties on the second day; and after prayer they dispersed. And they continued to act in this way till ten days were over. During this time there was peace between them, and there were many discussions by day and by night; yet they would not give up their views, nor would the bishops of Upper Egypt adopt their opinion in this matter, but remained separated from them, saving: «If this man were the only man possible, we would not appoint him.» But some of the bishops of the northern dioceses were in agreement with the clergy of the Alexandrians with regard to his appointment. Then on the th day of the new month, namely Tût, Satan began to sow dissension among them, so that sadness and weeping came to them on account of it. For the bishops who were in agreement with the Alexandrians cried and said: «If we do not elect this man whose name we have written, we will not elect anyone.» But the Lord Christ, who cared for all these matters, was displeased at their words; while the man whom he approved for this ministry was kept |109 in reserve. Thus there was a quarrel between them that day, as there had been over the matter of the Barsanuphians. And while they were in this plight, God put it into their hearts at that hour to send for the two bishops, Abba Moses of Wasîm and Peter of Tarnût; for they said: «If you do not bring the two aforesaid, there will never be peace between us.» Now Abba Moses was very weak, because he had been confined by sickness for six months in the Monastery of Nahyâ, and Abba Peter likewise at the church of Our Lady on the Holy Mountain of Wasîm, in the Monastery of Nahyâ, which stands on the bank of Al-Gizah to the west of Misr. So the bishop of Misr and the bishop of the Faiyûm went to those two, and informed them of what had occurred. But Abba Moses could not mount a beast or sit upon it on account of the great pain which he was suffering; so the fathers contrived a plan, and had him carried on the bier on which the dead were borne, for they found nothing else there. And some of the faithful bore him on their shoulders, till they brought him to Al-Fustât. But they made Abba Peter ride on a horse; and there was a great company with hiM. When they arrived, the assembly met together on the th day, and the clergy of Misr and the officials with them, that they might settle this business by the will and help of God. And there were with them the archdeacon of the church of Saint Sergius, and the aged officials Mennas |110 and Paul, and many of the Christians of Misr. So they prayed and took their seats, and began to attack one another with words, as at the beginning. As the strife increased, the bishops of the North said: «Wilt thou not appoint this man whose name is written down?» But Abba Abraham, bishop of the Faiyûm, said: «We have no part or lot with him.» Then Abba Abraham said: «If you would listen to me, we would all of us beseech God, as the canons command, and pray him to raise up for us whom he will, that so the Church may not be divided into two parties». Then some of the Northern bishops signified their approval of this proposal, and took their seats with the bishops of Upper Egypt. Now the blessed Abba Moses, bishop of Wasîm, was lying in the midst of the assembly, on account of the severity of the pain which he suffered, and when he heard them speak of schism, he rose up by the power of the Holy Ghost which was with him, and beckoned with his hand to the clergy of Alexandria, so that they drew near to him. Then he said to them: «What are you saying?» They answered: «What Abba Mennas, bishop of Tmai, says, that is our opinion; for it is we that appoint the patriarch, and you have nothing to do with this matter.» Now there was by his side a staff for him to lean upon on account of his infirmity, so he called to mind what the Lord did in the Temple, when he drove out the money-changers therein with the scourge of cords; and he rose up and drove out the clergy of Alexandria, and pursued them, striking |111 them with the staff, till he had forced them out through the door, saying to them: «Depart from the midst of us! Ruin not the church of God through the desires of your hearts!» Then he turned to the bishop Abba Mennas, and the bishops with him, and said: «What have I to do with this man who is not chosen by the Lord Christ, but whom thou desirest and delightest in? If thou knowest any of his virtues, recount them in the midst of the assembly. Then, if they approve of him, it is a thing from God, and he may be appointed.» When Abba Mennas heard this, he said to Abba Moses: «The books forbid this, therefore leave him; but if you know the virtues of any man, then appoint him.» Then he made a prostration, and departed, saying: «Let there be unity and concord among you; I am innocent of this mischief.» Then they separated on that day, after the prayer of the Sixth Hour, in sorrow and great grief, because they had not found anyone to appoint. For the names of many were mentioned, but they would not agree to any one of them.
But at midnight a deacon in the company of Abba Moses awoke and said to him: «Pardon me, my Father, I know one worthy of this office.» He said to him: «Who is he my son?» The deacon answered: «He is the holy and precious one, the priest Michael at the church of Saint Macarius, a pure virgin, brought up in the desert». Then the bishop Abba Peter cried and said: «He who speaks by this deacon is Christ. O my son, verily this priest Michael is worthy of this rank». So on the morrow they assembled, and there was a discussion among them, according to their custom; and |112 then they mentioned the priest Michael, the aforesaid. So all the people cried out, old and young with one voice, saying: «In truth that man is worthy». And before this he had seen a holy man, who received revelations from the Lord, for he bore witness to him of that and said: «I heard a voice from heaven, while I was in the church of the holy Saint Macarius, saying: The priest Michael is worthy to be patriarch».
Then they all rose up and proceeded to the palace, and made known to Hafs what had taken place, and what they had agreed upon, and prayed him to write a letter to the seniors and priests of Wadî Habîb, that they might give up the said Abba Michael to the bishops and clergy. So the governor wrote letters for them, and they took them and went out of his presence. Now the Lord Jesus Christ had already moved the superiors of Wadî Habîb for a certain cause; and they had come forth from the desert with the aforesaid priest Michael in their company; and the reason was that they had met together and taken counsel, saying: «Al-Kasim, the tyrant, increased our land-tax and poll-tax beyond our power to pay. Now a new governor is come, therefore let us go and visit him and pray for him, and congratulate him on his appointment; and let us have |113 confidence in God, and beg the governor to remove these unjust exactions from us». So they arrived at the Island on the 13th of Tût. And on that day the messengers of the council had started with the letters on their way to the desert; and when they had crossed the river, they met the superiors of the monks, and with them Abba Michael, on whose account they had undertaken their journey. Therefore, when they saw him, they were greatly astonished, and wondered and rejoiced exceedingly; and each one of them marvelled at what the Lord Christ had done. So they took him, and conducted him to the governor's palace, with all the clergy of Misr acclaiming him and chanting before him, till they reached the palace. And they said: «The Lord has sent us the trusted shepherd, the new Mark». Then when they informed Hafs of what had happened, he marvelled greatly; and he clapped his hands together and said: «Let us bless the God of the Christians, who has done deeds at which we wonder». And he said to them: «This man is he whom God has chosen for you, to be a father for you. Take him, and depart with him in peace». And Abba Theodore, the bishop of the diocese, went forward and approached the governor and prayed for him, and then departed with the patriarch. And the people cut off pieces of Michael's garments for the sake of a blessing.
And on the morrow, which was the 14th of Tût, the bishops embarked |114 in the boats, and went down the river to Alexandria, which they reached on the night of the 16th of Tût; and many people came forth to meet the patriarch. But as they entered the streets of the city, carrying candles and crosses and books of the gospels before him, rain began to descend upon them; and it lasted three days and three nights, pouring in torrents. And all the tribes in Alexandria said: «This man is from God. Two years have passed without a fall of rain in this city. Blessed is the entrance of this man into our city!» And they consecrated him on the 17th day of Tût. Now we would fain relate a few of his deeds in the monastic life, and his miracles before he became patriarch; but we fear to be tedious, for everything has a measure, as the Scriptures say. Moreover I have related these matters in the book of his biography, apart from this history.
At that time the blessed Athanasius at Antioch departed to the Lord. And Hishâm, the prince, appointed after, him a trustworthy man, named John. Then Hishâm died, and the government of the empire was undertaken by a man named Al-Walîd, son of Yazîd, son of Abd al-Malik. Since, however, his people hated him, he began to build a city named after himself in the desert, for he gave his name to it; but the water was fifteen miles distant from it. He collected workmen from all quarters, and built that city by means of forced labour; and on account of the multitude many died every day from the scarcity of water; for though the water was carried thither by twelve |115 hundred camels daily, yet this was not enough for them; the camels being divided into two bands, six hundred carrying water one day, and six hundred the next. Then Al-Walîd was attacked by a man named Ibrahim, who killed him, and seized the government instead of him. Ibrahim released the enslaved workmen, who departed each one to his own place; and he appointed a new governor in Egypt, named Hassân, son of Atâhiya; and this Ibrahim was a cousin of his. (But according to another copy the governor's name was Isa, son of Abu Atâ.) The new governor had been secretary to Usâmah, and he was acquainted with all that Usâmah had done. Now Egypt, before Hassân was governor, abounded in gold; and a dinar was as common as a dirhem among the people at that time. But when he arrived, a great pestilence broke out in the land, until a young calf was sold for twenty dinars. When Hassan's commissioners and friends informed him of this, he observed: «I know what the people of Egypt do. If I live, I will make them buy a bull for two dinars». And at this time the Egyptians suffered great losses, and trials and troubles were brought upon them, so that the people offered their cattle and their children for sale.
And there was at Misr a young man, a Muslim, named Rajâ, who |116 assembled a body of followers, and seized the government, with the assistance of Hafs the former governor. And they went to Hassân, and wished to kill him; but he fled from them to Damascus. And Hafs commanded that everyone in the provinces of Egypt should pray according to the laws of the Sunnite ritual, and proclaimed that all those, who would give up their own religion and become Muslims, should be exempted from the poll-tax; for that was an impost due from all of them. By means of this procedure Satan did much harm to many people who gave up their religion; and some of them enrolled themselves among the soldiery. And the patriarch, Abba Michael, saw these things with sadness and tears, because he beheld men denying the Lord Christ. And for these causes the bishops left their sees, and departed into the desert, and entered the monasteries, where they humbled themselves before the Lord in prayer.
At that time the Father Moses, bishop of Wasîm, was detained by his spiritual children in his see, and they would not let him depart from it to any other place; but. he prayed for his flock that the wolf might not carry them away from his Church. And he remained at Al-Gizah and in the neighbourhood of Misr, constantly superintending the affairs of his children. And behold, some of the orthodox officials of Misr came to his house in sadness, and said to him: «Father, pray for us earnestly. For we have counted those who have seceded to the religion of Islam from among our brethren, the baptized Christians, in Misr and its neighbourhood, through the |117 persuasions of this governor, and they amount to twenty-four thousand persons». So the father said to them: «My children, be assured that this month you will see with your own eves this unbelieving governor Hafs burnt with fire in the midst of Fustât Misr; and Rajâ will be slain with the sword». And the father's prophecy was speedily fulfilled. Morever this holy man used to heal the sick in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ, and gave to men the gift of repentance.
Then the prince sent a general to Egypt, accompanied by five thousand fighting men, that they might make war upon Hafs. The name of this general was Hautharah; and he gained possession of Egypt, and caused Hafs to be burnt in the fire, and killed Rajâ with the sword, and seized all their goods, as the blessed one had prophesied. So the prince took away the government from those two, because they had driven Hassân away from the country, and had taken the power into their own hands without his orders. And Hautharah sent their property to the prince. And the government was restored to Hassân for these reasons; and he was a wise judge like Solomon, and loved the churches and the bishops and monks; and he loved the patriarch Abba Michael, and used to admit him, and converse with him often, when he visited him, from the first days of his patriarchate. And as for Hautharah, after what had happened, he remained in Egypt with his troops. And he loved the orthodox; and, as he resided at Wasîm with all his army for three years, he used to consult the Father |118 Abba Moses about the salvation of his soul. But there was much disturbance in the outer provinces, and fighting among the Muslims, and they killed one man after another, so that even their governors did not remain in office for a whole year but were slain before it was over. At last there arose a man named Marwân, prince of those Turks; and he brought his army, and seized the empire by force, and ruled it with a strong arm like Pharao; and none could withstand him, but he destroyed them with the sword; and every year he shed much blood of those who fought against him. And there was in Marwân's house a Chalcedonian deacon, named Theophylact, who was a goldsmith and wrought in gold for the prince's household; and he prayed them to gain promotion for him from the prince, by making him patriarch over his fellow-countrymen, the Greeks; for they had no patriarch at that time. So this was done for him speedily; and they appointed him patriarch over the Chalcedonians.
Now peace and prosperity continued in Egypt for five years. Then the governor was removed from Egypt, and a man named Abd al-Malik was appointed. He was a son of Musa, son of Nasir, of the family of Hassân the Jew, who had overrun part of the West. And this governor hated the Christians greatly, and was exceedingly proud, and caused much trouble |119 to the people of Egypt, and gave rise to much disturbance in the country, seizing for the benefit of Marwân the gold and silver and copper and iron, and everything that he could find. This he did by the advice of an evil man, who had learnt these deeds from Satan, and was director of all the arsenals of Egypt, and of the affairs of the government, and was named Abd ar-Rahîm. His labours at last produced results unheard of before, namely that he took linen rags and smeared the ships of the fleet with decoctions of herbs which he mixed up together; so that, when the fire was thrown by the Romans upon the ships, they did not burn. And this I saw with my own eyes; for the ships caught lire, but yet did not burn; and the fire was at once extinguished.
And merchants came from the country, bringing their wares, and collected money among themselves, and gave it to Marwân, and prayed him to allow them to rebuild the churches of Misr; and so he consented to their request. But the friends of Theophylact the Chalcedonian, who was also called Cosmas, said to him: «Verily there are many churches of ours in Egypt, of which the Theodosians, that is to say the Copts, took possession, when the government of the Romans was overthrown; and now we have no church there. We beg the prince to write for us to Egypt, and send by us letters commanding that the church of Saint Mennas at Maryût be handed over to us, so that we may communicate there. » For that church was famous for many |120 miracles, and had been endowed with property in many places. So Theophylact took to Abd al-Malik, son of Musa, son of Nasir, letters which directed him to settle the dispute between the Jacobites and the Chalcedonians, and ordered that the truth concerning the founders of that church should be ascertained, and that it should be handed over to them. And when Abd al-Malik had read the letters from Marwân, he despatched an officer to Alexandria, and commanded that the two patriarchs, the Jacobite and the Chalcedonian, should be brought before him. Now the fast was at hand, so he commanded that they should be summoned.
And when Abba Michael reached Wasîm, the bishop, Abba Moses, went out to meet him, and travelled with him until they came to Abd al-Malik. And there was with us the bishop Abba Theodore, bishop of Misr, who, before he became bishop, had been archdeacon of the church of Saint Macarius in Wadî Habîb. And we attended at the palace together with the Chalcedonians every day, and this we continued to do during the forty days of the fast, from early morning to the end of the day. And the bishop of the Romans, and their patriarch Cosmas went with us. Now the said bishop hated the people of his religion; for he said: «I have not gone so far as to add a fourth Person to the Trinity.» His name was Constantine, and with him was a deacon, named Anastasius, of the church of the Melkites at Alexandria. And Abd al-Malik assembled the Melkites, and read the decree to them, and enquired into the truth of the allegations. And the dispute carried |121 on before him had great results; for the orthodox with their arguments from the Holy Scriptures prevailed over the Chalcedonians, so that Abd al-Malik marvelled. Then he summoned the chief of his Divân, who was a Muslim with two Divâns under his authority, and another man called Isa, son of Amir, and handed them over to him, that he might thoroughly investigate the matter, and make it known; and he ordered that each party should expound its claims in a letter. But the Chalcedonians went secretly to the house of Isa, and offered him bribes, that he might favour them in their claims. And the patriarch, Abba Michael, assembled his bishops, and wrote a letter full of all wisdom and of the grace of God, and of the words of the holy Scriptures of God, giving an account of the foundation of the church of the martyr, Saint Mennas, and of the troubles and banishments endured by our fathers, the patriarchs, at the hands of the Chalcedonians, and of the taking of the churches from them by the hands of the princes of the Romans; and that report was written down in Coptic and in Arabic. Afterwards they assembled together, and gave that report to the aforesaid Isa, who read it and marvelled at the patriarch's eloquence. Then the Chalcedonians sent him a letter a span long, with two words in it; and, when he had read it, he laughed and shook his head; and the two letters were read in public, and all present heard their contents. Then our father the patriarch, Abba Michael, said to Isa: «My Lord Secretary, it is not right that we should allow our enemies, who have no God, to hear our words, so that they |122 may take them as a proof hereafter.» Isa replied: «I will read the letter.» But he only did this in guile, and in his care for the interests of the Chalcedonians, because of the bribe which he had received from them.
Now behold, we will cite a part of the contents of the letter written by the blessed Father Patriarch: «Michael, by the grace of God bishop of the city of Alexandria and of the Theodosian people, to the governors, with regard to the church of the glorious Saint Mennas at Maryût. At that time reigned the faithful and pious princes, Arcadius and Honorius, in the days of the holy father, the patriarch Theophilus. He began to build the church of John the Baptist, and when he had finished it, he built the church of Saint Mennas at Maryût, and another church named after Theodosius, son of Arcadius the prince, who helped him to build the churches. When Theophilus was dead, all his successors added to that church, little by little, until the days of the patriarch Timothy; so that it was he who completed it. After that time there came a diabolical prince, named Marcian; for it was he who divided the church through his corrupt creed, and banished the glorious father, the patriarch Dioscorus, who fought for the right faith of his fathers. And Marcian invented a vile new creed, being assisted therein by Leo, patriarch of Rome, who was anathematised by the patriarch Dioscorus together with his impure writings, which were full of heresy. And the aforesaid prince did wicked deeds against the children of the |123 orthodox church, and was exceedingly tyrannical; for he slew some, and drove others away into exile; and they suffered severely at his hands. Nor did they cease to be oppressed in like manner, until the government was transferred to our lords the Muslims. And to this day we continue to dispute with the followers of that new creed.»
This is a little out of much contained in the letter of the glorious father, Abba Michael the patriarch. But as for the Chalcedonians, they wrote and said: «In the beginning the power was in our hands, and the churches with all their property were ours. But the Muslims, after their conquest of Egypt, handed them over to the Copts».
Isa however, for the sake of the bribe which he had received from the Chalcedonians, was desirous of proving them in the right, and of convicting the Copts of falsehood. So he said: «Neither you nor they have brought any proof of your words. Go therefore and write two other letters besides these two, and bring them to us.» So we did as he said. Then he said again; «These are no arguments. Go therefore and write something besides these two letters.» And he did not cease to put us off for a whole month. Then one of those present said to Abba Moses, bishop of Wasîm: «My advice is that our father, the patriarch, should give something to this man, that he may deliver us from these adversaries who oppose and resist us.» But Abba Moses answered: «My son, it is not right that patriarchs and bishops should offer bribes to anyone, nor is it right that they should |124 take bribes from anyone. And we have not had to endure persecution for a year or two years or thirty years, like our fathers; but we are now living in our own homes, and our churches are in our own possession, and God does not forsake us nor cease to help us.»
And during that week God requited those heretics through the prayers of our father. For the governor deprived Isa of his office of secretary and his Divân; and there came another in his place, a man of the sons of the judges of the Muslims, named Abu 'l-Husain, who was an old man, tranquil, not given to showing favour to anyone, nor to taking bribes; and he was wise in his discourse, and just in his judgments. So they delivered us to him, that he might judge between us. And at the beginning of his judgment he said: «Which among you is the father of the Jacobites?» So those present pointed to Abba Michael, and said: «Behold him here!» Then he said: «The father of the Melkites?» And they showed him the other. Thereupon he said to Abba Michael: «Thou holdest the faith of James, bishop of Jerusalem, one of the disciples of the Lord Christ.» He said: «Yea, that is my belief.» Then he turned to the other and said: «Make known to me, Sir, who is thy father, and what is thy creed.» The patriarch of the Melkites said to him: «I hold the faith of Marcian the prince». Upon that the judge rejoined: «Thou believest in the prince, and |125 not in God?» And he continued: «Tell me who is the father of thy sect, and whence he came, that I may know and judge between you.» The Melkite answered: «My father, who first laid the foundation, was Nestorius. A council was assembled at Ephesus, at which the leader was Cyril, the spiritual father of this man. They had with them a monk from the Mount of Adriba, in the province of Ikhmîm, and they drove Nestorius out of the Church; for they were assisted by the princess at that time. But after that, God speedily raised up Marcian and the patriarch Leo, who agreed with Nestorius and his followers, and everywhere took possession of the churches, over which bishops have ruled up to this day. But our bishop at Alexandria, Proterius, was slain by the Alexandrians; and therefore the prince commanded that an army should be collected, and sent it to Alexandria, and bade the soldiers slay with the sword; and so they killed thirty thousand in one hour.»
When the judge heard that, he clapped his hands together, and said to those around him: «How cruel and tyrannical was that deed!» Then our spiritual father answered and said to the judge: «Behold, we have been occupied with this matter for two months. The governor delivered us over to Isa, son of Amir, as thou knowest, O judge, whom God loves on account of thy just judgments; and we wrote reports and gave them to Isa, but he would not settle our case, but asked of us more than we know». So the judge commanded to bring forth the reports of the Jacobites and Melkites; and he read them and understood their contents, and was filled with |126 astonishment at the difference between them; and he took the documents, and carried them to the governor, who read them, and was also astonished, and commanded him to pronounce his sentence, and dismissed him. Accordingly the judge came forth, and said to Cosmas: «Thou art a man without religion or God. For behold, the reports bear witness against thee that the church belongs to Abba Michael. We understand all that you have written; therefore go and write other reports besides these, and bring them to me».
So we went out from his presence. But the Chalcedonians recognised that they were vanquished, and therefore they invented among themselves words of guile, and sent them to us. And Constantine, bishop of Misr, was with the messengers; and so he said to Abba Michael: «Thy Paternity knows what has happened to us at Alexandria for the sake of the faith; and to this day the dispute about our creed continues Therefore we desire that there be an agreement between thee and us concerning the church, and we wish to make a compact with thee, and to become one flock together. Send a message therefore to the father concerning this matter». Then the blessed Abba Michael said to the bishops: «What do you say on this question? Shall we send a messenger to him, to hear his proposals?» But they said: «He is acting thus with guile deceitfully». And Abba Moses said to them: |127 «O my fathers, in their hearts are seven thoughts, as it is written 25. They think of things that they cannot bring to pass. But let us try them». Then Abba Michael ordered a priest who was his scribe, and me the sinner, the writer of this history, and sent us to the Chalcedonian patriarch to hear his words. So when we arrived, they came out to meet us with joy; and when we had taken our seats, and the priest Mennas had addressed Cosmas with words of Scripture, for he was learned, then Cosmas heard from him the words of the patriarch. For Mennas began with the creed of our fathers, the Three Hundred and Eighteen, and Athanasius and Cyril, and confirmed the matter with a great and terrible oath, before the Melkite patriarch and Constantine, the Melkite bishop of Misr; and they made their confession. And Constantino the Melkite bishop of Misr said: «This was my faith before to-day, and I will hold it to my last breath; one Union, one God, one Lord, one Nature, namely the Lord Jesus Christ. He who does not believe thus is a Jew; and he who says that there are Two Natures in the One Christ, after the Union, is a stranger to the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost, and his lot will be with Judas the Traitor. This then is my creed». But when Anastasius heard that, he was angry and could not speak, and he waited for what was to happen after this. Then we departed to the fathers, and told them all that had taken place, and so they sent us |128 back to them, saying: «This that you have said you shall write down in a letter in your own hand». So when we returned to them, Cosmas their patriarch said: «I have another word which I desire to speak to you». The priest answered: «Hide none of thy thoughts from us, for God looks at the heart, not at the face». So he continued: «If unity be established, what will you do with me?» The priest Mennas replied: «Make known to us what thou desirest». Cosmas answered: «I desire, if unity be established, that my church and your church should be one at Alexandria. And when your father, the patriarch, is present on the days of liturgies, I should be with him; and when he had finished the prayers, each of us should go forth to his own place; and none should hinder me from visiting any of the churches; and so likewise with regard to him». Then the priest said to him: «These are words containing deceit». Cosmas answered: «"What thinkest thou?» So he said: «I will depart to my father, and bring the answer back to thee». Then when the bishops heard this, Abba Moses cried aloud and said: «Our Lord Christ charges us not to call any father upon earth. But now if you approve what they say, then I will speak». The patriarch said to him: «Speak now». So he said: «If he consent to be made by us bishop over the whole of Egypt, and to become our brother, not our father, since Christ will keep thy Paternity that thou mayest guard his holy Church, then we will do it». Then they went to Cosmas |129 and informed him of this their decision; and he rejoiced, and his soul was satisfied. And Anastasius said: «You will surely make me also bishop of some see». But the priest Mennas answered: «Knowest thou not that no man who seeks another degree for himself is fit to be a bishop? But the people of Misr will assist thee in this matter». So Anastasius said to him: «If you do not consent, then be not troubled nor speak at all of this matter». Then we went out from their presence.
After this we all visited Abd al-Malik, who had written a letter at that time to all the provinces of Egypt, commanding that the scribes and officials from every town should assemble before him; and when he admitted them, the palace was crowded with people in such numbers that none could hear anything through the multitude of voices. So we too entered, surrounded by many people. Then, when we had taken our seats, the bishop Constantine separated himself from the Melkites and sat with our bishops, begging them to receive him as one of themselves, and give him a see; and the assembled multitude and the people of the country around us were observing us, wishing to know what would be settled, and looking at the bishops, both orthodox and Chalcedonian. But after a while some of the people from Upper Egypt rushed upon Constantine, when they learnt that he was a Chalcedonian, that they might drive him away, until the |130 orthodox bishops cast some of their garments over him, and surrounded him among themselves; for otherwise the people of Upper Egypt might have killed him. Then the latter cried and said: «Remove the wolves from the midst of the sheep! Flee from the ravenous lions that devour souls! Drive away the foxes that destroy the vineyard of the Lord of Sabaoth! Remove Judas from among the disciples of Christ! Let not your garments touch these unclean ones, O servants of Christ!»
Meanwhile Cosmas hid himself until their anger had abated; and then, after much questioning of our fathers, the people began to be a little pacified. Moreover when our bishops made it known to the people that Constantine had prayed them to receive him among the Theodosians, they rejoiced and cried in the midst of the palace: «Constantine has confessed the right faith, the faith of our orthodox fathers». Then suddenly Ibrahim al-Mâhiki, the official who was governor of Alexandria, appeared, for he had been sitting in an apartment of the palace, and with him a band of heretics, including the deacon Sergius, the patriarch's son, and two of the teachers of the heretics. So the people ran back and wished to flee. But there was a man of Damietta who had been exceedingly wicked, and for that reason I, the sinner, admonished him with a word that I had heard; and he leapt into the midst of the assembly, and stood and reviled me, and blasphemed the Holy Trinity. Then I and all those present saw his garment rent from |131 the top to the bottom in three pieces, and everyone in the palace cried, both Muslims and Christians: «There is no faith except the faith of the father, Abba Michael». And there was a great shouting in the palace, and men rushed to see what had taken place, so that some of the people and the soldiers were injured or killed through the great press. Then Abd al-Malik commanded that all should be sent out of the palace.
And on the morrow he commanded the judge to decide the matter in question, saying: «Settle their affair, and let them depart.» Accordingly the judge sat down with the members of the Divâns, namely the scribes and the chief personages of the government. When they had taken their seats, they said to the patriarch, Abba Michael: «Wilt thou swear that this church rightfully belongs to thee and thy fathers?» The patriarch answered: «Our Law commands me not to swear, whether truly or falsely; but I will write a report, and declare the truth to thee therein». Then the judge said to the heretic Cosmas: «Wilt thou swear that this church is thine, that I may give it over to thee?» So he replied: «Yea, I will swear». Then the judge shook his head, as if mocking him, and said to him: «Where hast thou a witness to this statement that it belongs to thee, even if thou shalt swear to it?» Then he said to our father, Abba Michael: «Hast thou anyone to offer testimony that this church belonged to thy fathers?» He replied: «Yea, I have one who will be my witness to that fact, from the day that it was built until now». The judge asked: |132 «How many days is it since it was built?» Abba Michael answered: «Three hundred and fifty years» So the judge said to him: «And do the witnesses live to this day from that time? Thou speakest to me in parables. Make the truth known to me». Then the patriarch answered and said: «Verily my father Theophilus and his successor Timothy were the builders of this church, and it is they also who testify to me that Theophilus founded it and set up its rows of pillars, for there is his name written upon them; and, when he died, Timothy erected the remainder, since there is his name inscribed. These are my witnesses who testify to this day». Thereupon the judge sent his confidential friends, accompanied by the secretaries and the interpreters, and they ascertained what was written upon the pillars, and found that it was as Abba Michael had declared. And the judge enquired carefully into the truth of the matter, and reiterated his questions concerning it, and discovered that the patriarch's account was correct. So, when he had tested the truth of his words and proved it, he delivered the church to us, and dismissed us with congratulations and honour. Thus we recovered our church once more.
Now our father John, patriarch of Antioch, who had been a bishop, had a dispute during many days with his bishops, and could not make peace with them; therefore he wrote letters to the prince. And he had written a synodical epistle, but had not been able to find means of sending it to Egypt |133 till this time. So when the messengers arrived, and the Father Abba Michael had received the synodical and other letters from them, he read them, and was greatly distressed by the disagreement between the patriarch and his bishops. For they said that he was a mere bishop and no patriarch, and that they had not been able to give him the title of patriarch in the days of Hishâm. Then Abba Michael summoned all the seniors among his bishops in the land of Egypt, and the letters were read to them. Thereupon they said: «We will not write a letter nor despatch it thither, for this is a difficult matter. If they desire to expel their patriarch, the prince will say to them: Nay, for he is a bishop. But if we write and advise them not to depose him, the bishops will be divided, as they have said in their letters. Rather leave the matter, Father, remaining as it was». And accordingly he did so.
Now I desire to record a little out of much that the Lord did by the hand of the bishop Abba Moses, and concerning the gift of prophecy and of the healing of diseases which he received from the Lord. Therefore believe my words with a pure heart!
We were travelling to Alexandria in order that the Father Abba Michael might take possession of the evangelical throne of Mark, and the holy synod disembarked on the way. When we walked through the Christ-loving |134 city of Wasîm, there was in the church a youth, who had been paralysed in his hands and feet from birth. He was now fifteen years old, and the martyr Saint George had appeared to him, and said: «Thou shalt not be healed except by the hand of the bishop, Abba Moses». So this youth came, and would have touched my father's garment; but the multitude around him prevented him. Therefore he cried, saying: «Make the sign of the cross, my Father, over my paralysed limbs». Then the bishop made the sign of the cross over his hands and feet, and we went on our way. But when we returned according to the will of God, that youth came out to meet us, walking and leaping with the people of the city, and recounting what had happened to him, and glorifying God, and thanking his good servant, the bishop. And this bishop also cleansed the lepers, and cast out devils, and did mighty works, like the Disciples.
Now there was in those days great trouble in the East on account of the bishops. Moreover at that time great hosts came against Marwân, and they met in battle; and much blood was shed among them. Then Abd al-Malik assembled the officers of his army at Misr, and imprisoned them for seven days, and also confined the secretaries of state, and the chiefs of the towns and superintendents of inherited property, and required them to send in their accounts, and to pay what they owed. Then he summoned the Father, Abba Michael, to Misr, in order that he might pay the taxes on his churches. But when we came before Abd al-Malik, he demanded of us |135 what we could not pay, and therefore he commanded that we should be put in prison, and that a great block of wood should be fastened to the patriarch's foot, and a heavy iron collar to his neck. And there was nobody with him except Abba Moses, bishop of Wasîm, and Abba Theodore, bishop of Misr, and Abba Elias Paul, son of Abba Moses in the Spirit. Then they put us into a dark chamber, where we could not see the sun, and which had no window, for it was hewn in the rock. And our father, the patriarch, was greatly tormented through being thus loaded with iron, from the 11th of Tût to the 12th of Babah, seeing no sunlight all that time. While he was in the prison, there were besides him three hundred men; and there were women also imprisoned, in greater straits than the men; and there was sadness and weeping, and much distress at the end of the day, when the governor of the prison shut the door upon us, and went away; and he did not return till the seventh hour of the day. The sick used to come to the patriarch in prison, that he might bless them, and then they rejoiced; and Christians and Muslims, and even Berbers, came to him, and confessed their sins which they had committed; and so did the prisoners, some of whom said that they had been in prison three years, and others four. And he consoled them and exhorted them to patience, saying to them: «If you vow to God that you will not return to your former deeds, God will |136 receive your repentance and save you before the end of this year». Then they swore to him that they would not return to their sins. And they were all accordingly rescued from prison before the end of the year by his prayers.
As for our fathers, the bishops, they could not change their garments nor their caps for the space of seventeen days, while they remained close by the father patriarch; for they were chained to him by their souls though not by iron. And the superintendent of the governor's table was a believer and a good man, who provided for the patriarch; and he used to visit us, and brought for us into the prison what we needed; while I, the sinner, was engaged in ministering to those three bloodless martyrs night and day.
And that year there had been a great pestilence among young infants at Misr, so that they all died. And while I was lying at the feet of the patriarch one night, and he was teaching me from the Scriptures, and answering all my questions about them, I asked him concerning the death of the infants. And I said to him: «Thinkest thou, Father, that God takes them on account of the sins of their parents or for some other cause?» Then he answered: «Do not suppose, my son, that this is the cause. But God beholds the human race, and sees that most of them do the will of |137 Satan by their vain devices, and that Hell is full and Paradise empty; and so he takes the infants who are without sin to Paradise, the place of mercy.» Then I asked him: «Why did God expel Satan from Heaven before he created the world or men?» He answered me: «O my son, who am I, the vile sinner, to deal with this problem, that thou shouldst question me about it?» But as I persisted all the more in questioning him on this subject, he said to me: «The holy Gregory Theologus says that Satan was, from the time when he was first created, in the habit of slandering his companions the angels before God; but God granted him a term of trial and was patient with him. Then when God created a new heaven and a new earth, and formed man in his own image and likeness 26, since it lay in God's foreknowledge that Satan loved pride, he bade him behold Adam and the beauty of his countenance. So Satan took with him the host over which God had made him leader, and went to the place where Adam was; and, when he saw it he was filled with admiration of it. And he said to his lollowers: I desire to set up for myself a throne upon the clouds, and the high mountains shall be beneath me, and I will be like the Most High; and the whole world shall be under my power, and I will rule over it. Then when he ascended again to heaven, God said to him: Admirest thou what thou hast seen, and art thou pleased with the world that has been created? For he knew his secret thoughts. Then God said to Satan: I have made |138 thee lord over the world. And God said this to Satan in order that he might not fall from the glory in which he was. But Satan kept evil in his heart, and in his thoughts there was wickedness; and after that he considered and said: I desire to know the nature of the Godhead, so that when I go down to the world I may act accordingly, and may no longer have need of God. For this was the design that Satan had conceived. And, wishing to behold the Godhead, he entered into the midst of the Angels suddenly; but God commanded ten thousand of the heavenly angelic Powers to cast him down to the lowest Hell in outer darkness, him and all his companions. This is what God revealed to Gregory Theologus, who wrote it down for us. Glory be to God for ever and ever. Amen».
Then I questioned the patriarch again, saying: «Will God have patience with these unbelieving rulers who commit these crimes against us at all times, and will not release us from these bonds?» He answered: «Be patient, my son, and be of good cheer. When we go forth from this place, we shall fall into worse misfortunes than this. Therefore be patient now, for none shall receive his reward without suffering; but he who endures to the end shall be saved. And thou wilt see what shall take place hereafter, for in these two rulers there is no good».
Then when seventeen days of the before mentioned month were over, while we were still in this distress, the governor commanded that he should be brought before him. So we came into his presence, and he demanded the money of the patriarch, saying to him: « None of thy |139 churches pays taxes, and I require of thee that which is rightfully due from them.» And he pressed him sorely. Then the patriarch answered: «If it he so, permit me to depart to Upper Egypt; and whatever the Christians may give me and supply me with I will bring to thee.» Then the governor released him, and we quitted his presence, and journeyed to Upper Egypt. At that time we suffered greatly from the cold; for there was hoar-frost at night, and heat in the day-time from the sun. And the people of Egypt had perished through oppression and poverty and taxation. And the father, Abba Michael, was fatigued during our journey, and suffered much. While we travelled, he healed many that were sick, merely by making the sign of the Gross; and he cast out unclean spirits from among the people,and converted many who had gone astray from the orthodox faith, for God helped him. Then we returned to Misr on the night of the 21st of Tubah, the night on which our Lady, the Virgin Mary, went to her rest. And that night there came great wrath from God, for there was a great earthquake in the land, and many houses were ruined in all the cities; and none was saved from them, not a single soul; and likewise on the sea many ships were sunk on that night. This happened all over the East, from the city of Gaza to the furthest extremity of Persia. And they counted the cities that were |140 wrecked that night, and they were six hundred cities and villages, with a vast destruction of men and beasts. But the land of Egypt was uninjured, except only Damietta. And at Misr there was only great fear, without any death or ruin of houses; for though the beams in the doorways and walls were moved out of their places, they went back again to their places after two hours. We were assured by one whose word we trust that none of the churches of the orthodox nor of their dwellings was destroyed throughout the East. But the father, Abba Michael, bade all the inhabitants of Misr and the neighbourhood prolong their fasting and prayers. So when the misbeliever, Abd al-Malik, saw what had taken place through the wrath of God, he accepted the alms given by the Christians to the patriarch, and released him.
Now I have omitted much without writing it down, that the history might not become too long and weary the reader, but I am constrained to record briefly a matter which must not be passed over. That is that there was at Dongola, a city of the Nubians, a king named Mercurius, who was called the New Constantine, for he became by his beautiful conduct like one of the Disciples; and the Lord gave him a son whom he named Zacharias. When king Mercurius died, Zacharias did not choose to become |141 king, but occupied himself with the word of God and the salvation of his soul, and gave up his rank as king, and appointed to the kingly office a kinsman of his named Simon, who was orthodox, and walked in the excellent path of Mercurius. When Simon died, Zacharias adopted a valiant youth attached to the palace, named Abraham, and made him king; but he was proud and wicked. And the bishop of the capital city used to warn him and instruct him, but he paid no heed to him, and therefore a dispute took place between the king and the bishop. So the king wrote a letter to the father patriarch, Abba Michael, in which he said with an oath: «If thou do not excommunicate Cyriacus, I will make all my country worship idols». For he had written concerning that bishop absurd calumnies and false testimonies. But when the patriarch had read this letter, he wrote letters of peace to the king. Yet the king was not satisfied, but wrote other letters worse than the first, full of false testimonies, and despatched them to Alexandria by Cyriacus, the holy bishop. So the father assembled the bishops, and formed a synod in the city of Alexandria. And when they had met together, he produced the letters, which were read aloud; but the bishops recognised that their allegations were absurd. Then indeed they spoke a word concerning the king of that country, fearing lest Satan should bring corruption upon it: and therefore they prayed the bishop Cyriacus to reside |142 in one of the monasteries of Alexandria, until the wrath of the king should subside; but he refused to do that. So, when they saw that he would not listen to them, they said: «Depart whithersoever thou wilt, in order to abide there.» But they would not allow him to celebrate the Liturgy in the churches of Egypt. And they ordained him whom the king had sent to them, a man named John, saying to Cyriacus: «If this matter is not from God, thou wilt see what will happen, and wilt return to thy see once more. For we have not removed thee from thy see by excommunication, but on account of the wickedness of the king, and his evil intentions».
But when they rose up to depart, each to his own place, there appeared a great wonder. For there was a great board over the throne of the patriarch, Abba Michael, on which was a painting of John Chrysostom; and, after the bishop had been removed from his see, the cords of the picture broke, and it fell into the midst of the bishops, and continued to move and leap until it had passed beyond them. Therefore they went and took it up, and restored it to its former place. Then it did the same thing a second and a third time; for as often as they hung it up it fell again, until it reached a certain place in the church and remained there. Now that bishop resembled the picture of John Chrysostom, for his cheeks were almost free from hair, so that he seemed to have no beard, and this was one of the characteristics of John Chrysostom's face. And the bishop Cyriacus was an old man, eighty |143 years of age on that day; and his appearance was like that of an angel of God. Then the bishops dispersed to their own districts; and Cyriacus departed to one of the monasteries of Nubia, while John, the new bishop, went to the capital city. Now trustworthy persons have testified to me that no rain fell upon that city during the remainder of the life of Cyriacus, the bishop, and that every year the people were visited by a pestilence, and that those who bore false witness against him were suddenly struck blind. And he lived to be one hundred and four years old. Then he prayed God to remove him from the body; and, when he was dead, the people of his country visited his tomb, and prayed him with many tears to beseech God to send down rain upon them; and this took place so that their country was fertilized, and the pestilence ceased from them.
So when king Zacharias saw these things, he banished king Abraham to an island in the midst of the river, and appointed a king named Mark instead of him; for Zacharias had been father of the kings up to this time. Then the friends of Mark went secretly with guile, to slay Abraham in his place of exile. But, when the partisans of king Abraham learnt this, they conspired against king Mark; and, while he was praying in the church before the sanctuary, they slew him, in the sixth month of his reign.
Then they set up a king named Cyriacus, an honest and virtuous man, who has remained king to the day on which I write this history. |144
Now letters had been sent to this king from Egypt, and had reached him while the father, Abba Michael, was in prison with us. And Abd al-Malik heard of these communications, and therefore he seized the patriarch, and kept him in custody. Then king Cyriacus marched forth from the land of the Nubians towards Egypt with a great army, including a hundred thousand horsemen, with a hundred thousand horses and a hundred thousand camels. And we were informed by one who had witnessed it with his own eyes that the horses which the Nubians rode used to fight with their forefeet and hindfeet in battle as their riders fought upon their backs, and that they were small horses, no higher than asses. And when they approached Misr that they might capture the city, and had encamped at the Pool known to this day as the Pool of the Ethiopians, they plundered and slew and made prisoners of the Muslims. And they had already treated the Muslims of Upper Egypt in like manner. And the king before he reached Misr had sent an envoy, called the Eparch, one of the great men of the kingdom, to Abd al-Malik, bidding him release the patriarch; but Abd al-Malik seized that envoy and imprisoned him with the patriarch. But when the governor heard of the arrival of the king before Misr, not having any means of resisting him, and being, greatly afraid of him, he released his envoy, the Eparch, from prison. So the latter went forth to meet the king, having, previously made an engagement with Abd al-Malik, and sworn to |145 induce the king to return with his army to his own country, and not to let him approach his fortresses nor besiege him. Now the Muslims were in the habit of kidnapping the Nubians, and selling them as slaves in Egypt. So the king, after carrying off much plunder from the Muslims, led back his army, because the Eparch informed him that the patriarch had been released, and had been kindly treated by Abd al-Malik, and himself bade the Nubians return homewards with his blessing.
Now many of the tribe of Al-Kais worshipped an idol named Salkit, and therefore the king of the Nubians conquered them and plundered them, and his army carried off the booty which they had taken from them. Then Abd al-Malik sent to the patriarch, bidding him write to the king of the Nubians. So Abba Michael wrote letters of peace to Cyriacus, in which he prayed for him, and blessed him and his followers; and the king returned without fighting a battle. Now these events took place in the hundred and thirtieth year after the foundation of the empire of the Muslims. And there were under the supremacy of Cyriacus, king of the Nubians, thirteen kings, ruling the kingdom and the country. He was the orthodox Ethiopian king of Al-Mukurrah; and he was entitled the Great King, upon whom the |146 crown descended from Heaven; and he governed as far as the southern extremities of the earth, for he is the Greek king, fourth 27 of the kings of the earth; and none of the other kingdoms stands up against him, but their kings attend him when he passes through their territory. And he is under the jurisdiction of Mark the Evangelist, for the patriarch of the Jacobites in Egypt exercises authority over him, and over all the kings of the Abyssinians and the Nubians; and he has in his country an orthodox bishop whom the patriarch ordains as metropolitan, and who ordains for the king the bishops and the priests in that land. And when the metropolitan dies, the patriarch of Alexandria appoints another for him, whom he chooses, and ordains him for that people.
Now when we came out of prison, many people came together to us, and prayed the father patriarch to celebrate the Liturgy for them, and to give them with his holy hand the communion of the Body and the Precious Blood. So they conducted him to the church of the two Martyrs, Sergius and Bacchus; and he celebrated the Liturgy for them that day, and communicated to them the Holy Mysteries, and gave them an exhortation and instruction |147 And there came a man seeking to communicate, as soon as the brethren began to make their communion; but the patriarch refused him, and, though he returned, would not give him the oblation. And when. Abba Michael had dismissed the congregation, and sent the people away in peace, that man appeared before the father, weeping, and said: «I desire thee, Father, to tell me for what cause thou didst refuse me communion». The spiritual father answered and said to him: «My son, I also am a sinner. None but the Lord Christ refused thee communion. He it was who forbad thee to receive it. Therefore declare now what thou hast done in the midst of this assembly of thy brethren, lest any of them do like thee». Then that man cried aloud, saying: «I pray thee, my Lord and Father, if it was a sin which I committed, forgive it me, for I will not be guilty of it again». The father said to him: «Thou must confess it». So he said to him: «I have been accustomed to break my fast in my own house, and to come after my breakfast to the church to communicate. Thus I did to-day. And afterwards when I heard that thou wouldst give communion to thy people, I said in my heart: I will go and receive the communion from his holy hand. And I did so out of love for thee in my humility. Now I have declared this to thee who didst refuse me. But in Upper Egypt there are many who do this without knowing that it is a sin». When the Father heard that, he commanded that letters should be written to every place, ordering that none of the faithful should communicate unless fasting, and that none should make |148 his communion twice in one day ». Then he gave his blessing to that man, who departed glorifying God, who does wonders by his saints.
But Egypt found no tranquillity nor rest during the government of Abd al-Malik, for not one of the family of the princes of the Ishmaelites who ruled over them was like him. And he did to the monasteries what was not lawful, because he hated the Christians; for as he pleased to do, so he did. Yet the Lord Christ, in whose hand are the hearts of princes, turned his heart to love Abba Michael the patriarch; therefore he invited him to his palace, and we accompanied him; and he begged the patriarch to pray for him. And the governor's daughter, who was four years old, was possessed by an unclean spirit, and so her father requested the patriarch to pray over her. Then Abba Michael took oil, and blessed it, and anointed her with it; and the devil went out of her immediately. Thus the governor began to love the Christians, because he loved the father patriarch; and he also loved the bishops, and showed them honour.
Now our father, Abba Michael, was sweet in speech, beautiful in countenance, perfect in stature, decent in his attire, well-formed and dignified; and his words were like a sword against the rebellious, and his teaching was like salt to people of virtue and modesty. And the hand of God was with him in those hardships which he endured through Abd al-Malik. And |149 the church at Alexandria had suffered greatly in the time of the late patriarch Alexander, when its marble and glorious woodwork, which were priceless, were taken away from it. So the Father Michael provided money for it, and restored it, and improved it. And he built other churches to the east and west of the town, and his buildings were completed in his lifetime.
And on a certain day the governor of Alexandria desired to launch the ships of the fleet on the sea. And there was a congregation of the orthodox in the Church of our Lady Mary, of about ten thousand persons. And a young man of the Muslims saw, painted on the wall, a picture of the Lord Christ upon the Cross, while the soldier with the spear was piercing his side. So he said to the Christians, tempting them: «What is this man upon the Cross?» They answered: «This is the sign of our God Christ, who died upon the Cross for the salvation of the world.» Thereupon that young man took a rod, and mounted to the upper gallery, and pierced the picture in the other side, namely the left, mocking and blaspheming at the Christian's words. And immediately the form of the young man became stretched, as if he were himself crucified, after the likeness of the picture which he had pierced, and a great pain seized him, as if he had been pierced in the side in like manner, and his hand clove to the rod with which he had pierced it, and no man could take it out of his hand; and he remained fixed in the midst of the congregation, between heaven and |150 earth. So he continued all day, crying aloud: «O ye people, I am pierced in the side.» Then the Muslims cried to the Christians with a loud voice, glorifying God, the doer of wonders, and begged them to pray to God for the man's release. So the Christians prayed, saying Kyrie eleison many times. But that young man could not descend from the place where he was, until one of the Muslims said to him: «Verily unless thou shalt confess the faith of the Christians, and say that this picture is the likeness of Christ, the Son of God, and profess their creed, and believe like them, he will never let thee come down.» Then he accepted the words of that Muslim, and confessed that it was the picture of Christ, and said: «I am a Christian, and will die in the religion of Christ.» After that confession he descended into the midst of the assembly, and departed to the monasteries, and was baptized there.
Now the prince at that time was Marwân, who ruled from Persia to Spain. His hand was very heavy upon his soldiers, and for a time the Muslims fought one against the other, and shed one another's blood, so that on one day twenty thousand or thirty thousand or even seventy thousand were slain. And they did not cease from war during the seven years of Marwân's reign, because he had usurped the government over them. And in the seventh year a young man named Abd Allah had a dream, in which the |151 voice of a certain one said to him three times: «Fight against Marwân, fight. By God thou wilt overcome him.» This young man, Abd Allah, was a Bedouin, and lived in tents in the desert; and his father was an old man, named Abu Muslim, to whom the same vision came in a dream as to the young man, Abd Allah; and the old man wrote an account of the dream, and fastened it on the door of his tent. Therefore, when the Muslims saw it, they came together to him in order to know what had happened; and, when he told them, they said: «We will help thee; and, if God shall give thee the victory, we will make thee prince over us.» Accordingly, many of the tribes assembled to him, when they heard of this; and twenty thousand horsemen gathered together with him. But they had no weapons, and so they cut branches from the palm-trees, and fastened spear-heads to them, and went forth to fight, the power of God being with them. Thereupon Marwân came out against them, accompanied by a hundred thousand fighting men, well equipped, and provided with weapons and coats of mail and helmets; and the two armies met. Then Abd Allah divided his army into two parts; and when Manvan saw them, he said, as Goliath the giant said to David 28: «Hast thou come out to meet me like a dog?» Then Marwân sent out against Abd Allah forty thousand horsemen in many-coloured |152 garments, wearing cuirasses and iron armour, whereas most of Abd Allah's soldiers were footmen. Yet Abd Allah's men slew Marwân's men with God's help, so that not one of them was saved; for God gave to the former the victory over the latter, as the prophet Moses says 29: «One man, if God helps him, shall put to flight a thousand, and two shall terrify a host.»
And Abu Muslim saw the angel of the Lord, with a golden rod in his hand, on the top of which was a Cross, putting his enemies to flight; for, wherever the Cross approached, he saw them fall dead before it. So the followers of Abd Allah and Abu Muslim took the horses and weapons of the enemy.
Then Marwân again sent another forty thousand horsemen against them, at the fourth hour of the day, from behind rocks; but God delivered them into their hands, and they captured their horses and weapons. So, when Marwân saw that, he fled. And he executed the following stratagem. He brought out what he possessed of money and vessels and furniture, and put the gold in bags, and scattered it along the road, while he was fleeing, accompanied by twenty thousand horsemen, who remained with him. But Abd Allah and Abu Muslim did not understand his deceit, and so, as they pursued him, they busied themselves with seizing the money and the weapons for seven days, so that Marwân escaped and crossed the Euphrates. |153 But many of his followers were drowned, and he set fire to the boats, and none reached the shore but he and eight thousand men with him.
So the old man Abu Muslim bade his soldiers make crosses of every kind, and place them on their breasts, saying to them: «By means of this sign God has given us the victory, and it has conquered the empire for us.» And his followers multiplied, for men came to them from every place at which they arrived: from Khorassan and Sidon and the Euphrates and the land of the Romans; and all that heard of them in distant lands. And at every city which they captured, their followers established a camp.
But as for Marwân, he set fire to every place that he reached in his flight, When Abu Muslim and Abd Allah came to the Euphrates, and saw the burnt boats, they put on black garments, and left their heads unshaven, and neglected their wives, and continued to fast and pray for six months, until God gave their enemy into their hands. Then they took the boats that they could get, and crossed the Euphrates, and pursued Marwân. And when they reached a place where there were Christians, they marked it out by the sign of the Cross, which they also had marked on their tents and garments. And the Muslims among them wore black garments. And him who was without these two signs they put to death, because the followers of Marwân were Persians, and therefore did not approve of these things. And so, when they found them, they killed them, |154 and ripped them open. And they used to rip open their pregnant wives, and kill the babes, saying: «We will leave them no offspring on earth to go about the world as beggars.»
Then Marwân went into the public treasury at Damascus, for that was the capital of the Omeyyads, and brought forth much money and jewels and treasures, and burnt the rest with fire. And he went on doing thus, till he had laid waste seven provinces with fire. When Abd al-Malik, the governor of Egypt, heard the news, he feared that Marwân would summon him to fight, and therefore he wrote to him a letter with guile, inviting him to Egypt, and saying: «Thy enemies cannot enter this country.»
Accordingly, Marwân marched thither, slaying the chiefs of the towns and provinces through which he passed, and seizing their money. So also he did in the monasteries of the monks, which he wrecked and robbed of their money. And there was in Palestine a clean and decent monastery, which entertained thousands of travellers, and contained a thousand monks; and it was called Dair Mût, and in Coptic, the Monastery of Abba Harmanus. Maximus and his brother Domitius were first received here; and it was Abba Harmanus who took the Tome of Leo, and went to the tombs of his fathers, accompanied by the soldiers of the prince, and cried over their tombs with a loud voice, saying: «Think not that you are asleep, and that this does not concern you! As the Lord lives, if you answer me not, I will |155 take out your bones and burn them with fire. Tell me what you think. Shall I receive the Tome of Leo, or the Faith of Nicaea? Tell me plainly and speedily.» Then they all answered with one voice, crying and saying: «Cursed be Leo, the misbeliever, the soul-devouring lion, and his foul Tome! And cursed be Marcian, the misbeliever, and the vile Pulcheria! And cursed be the Council of Chalcedon, the six hundred and thirty heretical bishops; and cursed be all that receive them. And cursed be those that make Christ the Son of God into Two Natures after the Union.» So, when the blessed Abba Harmanus heard this, he fell upon the ground. And when the noble who brought the Tome saw him, and heard their words addressed to him, he shaved his head, and became a monk with many others. Afterwards this saint was counted worthy of martyrdom; for when Marcian, the prince, was informed of what he had done, he sent and put him to death. And since that time there has been a body of the orthodox remaining in that glorious monastery. So when Marwân arrived at the aforesaid monastery, he demanded of them a sum of money amounting to three weights; and he severely chastised the superior of the monastery and his assistant, for he killed those two; and he plundered the monastery, and continued his march, accompanied by his army. Then, when they were at a short distance from the monastery, there was a hermit upon a pillar, a very old man, who had been there many years, an orthodox Theodosian. |156 So one of Marwân's friends said: «Verily all that this old monk says comes to pass, for he speaks the truth.» And he came up to that hermit, and asked him what would be his fate. So the old man said in a low voice, like the voice of Jeremias the prophet 30: «If I tell thee the truth, thou wilt slay me; yet will I declare what God has revealed to me. That which God has told me of thee is this. With the measure with which thou hast measured it shall be measured to thee. As thou hast made mothers childless, so shall thy mother be childless. And thy path shall be very terrible to all that behold thee; for thy children and thy wives and all that are thine shall be taken captive; and he who is now pursuing thee shall take thy empire, and none of thy family shall reign after thee for ever. And thine enemies shall put thee to flight, until thou comest to Arsinoites, to Cleopatra. All this shall befall thee this year in the month of Misri.» When Marwân heard this, he commanded that the pillar should be overthrown; and he brought down the old man, and burnt him alive in the fire.
Then Marwân arrived in Egypt on the twentieth day of the month of Baunah, in the year 467 of the Martyrs. And before these things happened, some of the Bashmurites had rebelled against Abd al-Malik, under their |157 leader Mennas, son of Apacyrus, besides other insurgents, inhabitants of Shubrâ near Sanbat. And they seized that province, and refused to pay taxes to Abd al-Malik or to the chief of the Divân of Misr; and at last the Lord visited them, and gave them the victory. For Abd al-Malik brought out an army against them, but they put him to flight by the power of God, and slew his soldiers with the edge of the sword. And he despatched another army, and a fleet of ships on the river, and by the power of God they put all his men to flight or slew them. And when Marwân reached Egypt, all this was made known to him. So he wrote letters and a decree of pardon for those rebels; but as they would not accept him, he despatched against them a great army of Egyptian Muslims, and of those who came in his company from Syria. But this army could not reach them at all, because they fortified themselves in marshy places, which could only he approached by men marching in single file; and if a man's foot slipped from the path, he would sink into the mud and perish. And as the troops watched the Bashmurites from a distance, the latter marched out against them at night by ways which they knew, and took the soldiers by surprise, and killed those whom they could, and carried off their goods and their horses; and as the troops grew tired of these attacks, they marched away and left them. |158
Then Abd Allah, the prince, arrived with a great army in the province of Damascus, and divided his troops between two brave commanders, one of whom was named Sâlih, son of Ali, and the other Abu Aun, his friend, saying to them: «If you shall find Marwân and capture him, I will promote you two to be princes; and to Abu Aun I will give Egypt.» Then he sent with Sâlih sixty thousand horsemen and sixty captains; and he gave to Abu Aun forty thousand horsemen and four hundred officers. So the two arrived at Damascus, the governor of which was Marwân's son-in-law, having married his eldest daughter; but, as he submitted to them, they retained him in office. Then they marched on to Egypt. When they arrived at Gaza, the inhabitants told them: «The people of Damascus have not put on the black, nor remained obedient to you.» So they returned in wrath, and slew a great number of the chiefs of the people of Damascus, and killed the governor, Marwân's son-in-law, and took the daughter of Marwân prisoner. And when the news reached Marwân, he reviewed his troops, and found that those who had come with him were eight thousand in number. Then he gave orders to his subjects, the natives of the land, saying: «If any of the people of Egypt refuse to enter into my religion, and to pray as I do, and to adopt my creed, I will slay him and impale his body. But whoever shall enter with me into my religion I will clothe with a robe of honour, and I will mount him upon a horse, and will place his name in my |159 Divân, and make him rich.» In consequence of these words he was soon followed by a thousand persons, who recited his prayer; and accordingly he gave to each one ten dinars. Then two thousand Muslims of Egypt joined him, besides those whom he had released from prison, and those who served him of the troops of the army of the empire. And he sent his sister's son to Alexandria, accompanied by one of the chiefs of his army, and commanded him to enlist the Ishmaelites, on condition that they recited his prayer. For there was at Alexandria a chief man and leader of the Muslims, named Al-Aswâd, to whom many men had gathered while the Muslims were fighting the Romans; and Marwân had commanded those whom he sent thither to kill him and ten of his officers, because he had not come to him at Misr; but Al-Aswâd had a friend at Misr in attendance on Marwân and an associate of his, who heard of this and wrote to Al-Aswâd to make known to him what had been done, before those men arrived at Alexandria. When the Alexandrians learnt what Marwân intended, they swore fidelity to Al-Aswâd; and he and they became of one heart, and so when Marwân's envoy and his companions arrived, the Alexandrians arrested them, and cast them into prison. Al-Aswâd gathered a large body, from Alexandria and Maryût and Al-Buhairah, of Muslims who lived in those districts, and placed them outside the wall of Alexandria to keep the roads. Therefore when Marwân was informed, he sent a great army under an Amir and |160 chief, named Kauzârâ, who was like a wild beast in form and character, and of great courage, and with him were five hundred fighting men; and Marwân commanded them to lay Alexandria waste. So they encamped at a place named Bakûm at a distance from Alexandria. When Al-Aswâd heard this, he sent against them his brother and five hundred men with him, to reconnoitre; and when Marwân's followers saw them, they thought that they were an army from the town, and that there was none left therein who would fight them except these. So they rose up against them, and killed most of them, and the remainder fled and returned to the city, while the enemy pursued them. When they reached Al-Aswâd and his companions, they cried saving: «Our city is taken.» So they all fled, their number being thirty thousand, and Al-Aswâd escaped and hid himself. And Marwân's army entered the city with Kauzârâ, and took possession of it, and killed many of the inhabitants, and plundered its officials, and their children and wives were taken prisoners, and their goods were seized. And the Father Abba Michael was captured; and Kauzârâ said to him: «How couldst thou permit thy children, the Christians, to fight against us?» By this he meant the Bashmurites. And he reproved the patriarch with many words, and demanded money of him. But, as Abba Michael had nothing, he put him in prison, and fastened a mass of iron to his feet. And. the patriarch's |161 disciples and some of his priests had fled on account of what had happened at Alexandria, and none remained save Abba Mennas, the priest, who was the oeconomus of the church of Saint Mark the Evangelist and Disciple, and Valentinus, the deacon and secretary of the Cell, and Bartholomew, the monk of Samannûd; for they were bound together with Abba Michael. Then Kauzârâ also seized Cosmas, patriarch of the Melkites, and put his feet in the stocks, together with the feet of our father and patriarch. But after five days, Cosmas raised from his congregation and his church the sum of a thousand dinars, and paid them to Kauzârâ, who thereupon released him. And Kauzârâ sent to our father, and said to him: «Do likewise, and I will release thee.» But he answered: «There is nothing in my church; therefore I give myself instead of the money, and thou must do with me what thou wilt.» Then he pressed him sore, till the end of nine days. After that he sent for him, and laid his hand upon him, and dragged him on his face, and threw him on his knees. And there was a rod in his hand, so he struck him with it two hundred times on his head with all his might and main. But the Lord Christ was Abba Michael's helper and protected him, so that he suffered no hurt. Then Kauzârâ commanded that the patriarch's head should be cut off; and they dragged him along like a dumb sheep. And when they had gone a short distance from that misbeliever, Abba Michael drew down his cap over his face, so that his head might be taken off, and then he readily with joy stretched out his neck. |162
And the swordsman put forth his hand, and drew his sword, and cried, saying: «Shall I take off his head?» For it was according to custom that he should ask permission three times. And, when he asked permission for the second time, the Amir gave it to him. Then God put a thought into Kauzârâ's heart, and he said: «How does it profit us to kill this old man? For he forbad the Bashmurites to fight with us, and wrote to them, but they would not listen to him. Rather let us carry him with us to Rosetta, and make him write to them again, and tell them that all that which has happened to him is on their account.» So Kauzârâ commanded that the patriarch should be released.
When the Bashmurites heard of these events, they attacked those who were besieging them, and slew them or routed them, they being at a distance of a two days journey. And those who escaped death went to Marwân, and made known to him what had happened to them. And when Marwân learnt that his enemies were coming after him, and had killed his son-in-law, his daughter's husband, the governor of Damascus, he sent a letter by those who had fled to him in order to escape from the Bashmurites, saying to his followers: «Come to me speedily, for I have need of you. And pillage every town that you reach, and slay the inhabitants». Therefore those miscreants marched into Upper Egypt, and killed many of the officials, and carried off their goods, and took captive their wives and servants and children. And they burnt the monasteries of the monks, and carried off the |163 nuns, until they came to the Eastern district. And there was in those parts a convent of nuns, virgins who lived there as the brides of Christ, thirty in number. So Marwân's troops took them prisoners. And there was among them a young maiden, who had entered the convent when she was three years old; and when they saw her they marvelled at her beauty, saying: «We have never beheld among human beings a form like hers.» So they took her, and removed her from the midst of her sisters, and consulted together as to what they should do with regard to her, some saying: «Let us cast lots for her,» and others: «Let us take her to the prince.» And, while they were saying these things, the maiden asked of them: «Where is your leader, that I may let him know of something that is worth money, so that you may let me go? For I am a servant of God, and it is not lawful for you to profane my service. But, if I make known to you that thing by which you shall gain money, you will send me back to my convent.» So their commander answered her, saying: «I am he.» She said to him: «My fathers were fighting men, brave and strong, and gave me a medicament, with which they used to anoint themselves when they went out to fight, so that iron did them no hurt, but swords and spears became like wax candles before them. If then thou wilt let me go free, I will give this drug to thee. And if thou dost not believe my words, I will anoint my neck in thy presence; then bring the best sword that thy men have, and let the strongest among them strike me, and I shall not be cut at |164 all, so that thou mayest know the truth of my words. » But she only said this because she desired to die by the sword, that she might not be contaminated by the defilements of those miscreants, nor her pure body be: polluted by them. Then she entered her chamber, and brought out a phial containing oil, which the holy men had blessed, and which was preserved in her possession; and she anointed her neck and face and all her body with it, and prayed kneeling upon her knees, and stretched out her neck. So those ignorant men thought that the thing was true, and knew not what was in her heart. Then she said to them: «Let him that is strong among you, and has a sharp sword, display his strength upon me; for you will see the glory of God in this medicament.» Thereupon a young man sprang forward with a sword of which he was proud. And she covered her face with her pallium, and laid down her head, saying: «Strike with all thy. might, and spare not.» So he struck at the holy martyr, and her head fell. Then they recognised what her aim had been, and that she had eluded them; and so they repented and were exceedingly sad, and great fear overwhelmed them. And after her they touched no more of the nuns and virgins, but left them in peace and departed glorifying God.
Then Marwân wrote to Kauzârâ, whom he had despatched to |165 Alexandria, bidding him hasten to him without delay; but, when he reached Rosetta, he was informed that the Bashmurites had slain the Muslims in the town and laid it waste, and burnt it with fire, and also that the enemy was at hand. So he delivered the father patriarch to one of the officers, that he might conduct him to Marwân. Then I journeyed and informed my father, Abba Moses, of what had taken place, on account of the power of prophecy which God had given him, and the miracles which he worked. Therefore ye must believe truly in that which I am about to say, for I saw it with my own eyes. That is that before Marwân came to Egypt, and before there was any fighting there, Abba Moses had made known, by revelation from God, what would become of the princes, and what would happen to the churches and faithful people of Christ. For it was said to him in vision: «Prepare, for thou wilt be with the fathers in the battle.» And that year he multiplied his prayers and devotions and sleepings upon the ground day and night, and his continuance in prayer and sadness and weeping and copious tears. So when I, the sinner, saw him, I begged and implored him to tell me the cause of his doing thus with himself. Now that holy father hated vain glory, and he said to me: «O my son, my sins are many; and, when I remember them, I weep and repent, and offer prayers to God, praying to him for pardon.» But since I, the sinner, enjoyed some freedom with Abba Moses, because I attended him night and day, |166 I grasped his feet and kissed them, and my tears ran over them, and I said: «I will not rise nor lift my face until thou shalt make known to me the truth of this matter.» So he answered: «If thou must know, thou also wilt share my lot with me; ---- for none will be safe in the days of this government; ---- above all in the harm that the people will do to the Church. But I know that the Lord Christ will not abandon her finally, but that she will be delivered from her trouble. For this government will perish with all its armies, and there will be a new government after it.» Thus I heard much from him of these and other matters. And I know that every word he said was true and is fulfilled in its season; and I continued to meditate on this and what would come after it. And after that day, Marwân and his government were driven out, and he came to Egypt, as has been related. For I was pondering and wondering what would happen to the Church of God in the time of peace and prosperity, and other things; and while he was conversing with me, behold, the father patriarch arrived, escorted by the soldiers, at the door of the holy church in the city of Wasîm, on the morning of Sunday, the 10th of Abîb. When my holy father Moses saw them, he said to me: «My son, this day which I was expecting, and of which I spoke to thee, has arrived, and seeing is better than hearing. Now therefore let him who is willing to give up his life follow me. I rejoice to day, because |167 I have long desired this, although I confess that I am not worthy to shed my impure blood in return for the pure blood shed for us. But great is the sadness in my heart, because the generation of the saints is scattered, and we are become exceedingly poor, since we cannot find a man to share with us in this ministry, as I bore witness at the time of the synod.» And my father Moses, in spite of his fasting and prayer and virtue, said: «Woe to me, the sinner! I believe that Christ will not forsake me, but will help me.» After this the soldiers began to molest us. Then we received the holy communion from the hand of the glorious father, Abba Michael, the holy patriarch and chosen martyr. Meanwhile we saw flames ascending from Al-Fustât; and we were informed that Marwân had set fire to the storehouses ot provisions and cotton and straw and to the supplies of barley. So, when the soldiers learnt this, they troubled us much, and cried out upon us with great indignation. And my father Moses laid his arm on mine, and put on an outer garment, and I supported him, and he left all that was in his church, and went out. And there was not one of the bishops or ecclesiastics with the patriarch save me alone and one reader of the church of Saint Macarius, named James, a native of Bilbais.
Now Marwân had commanded that the trumpet should be sounded at Misr, and a proclamation made during three days, saying: «If after three |168 days I find man or beast remaining in Misr, I will put that man or that beast to death, for I will set fire to the whole city of Al-Fustât.» So all the people passed over to Al-Gizah and the Island and other parts, escaping in the boats; even the carefully guarded girls, who had never been out of doors, went away with their families; and the people left all their goods behind. And the caliph caused Misr to be set on fire from the south to the north, until it reached the Great Mosque of the Muslims. And a countless number of men and beasts were drowned in the river, because they could find none to carry them across, when they fled from the fire. For brother fled from brother, and friend from friend; and the blind found none to lead him; and the cripple and the paralytic and the sick and the old man about to die and the aged woman unable to move, ---- all these were burnt in the fire. And people were lying in the streets and lanes and gardens in the district of Al-Gizah like corpses, in consequence of all that they had suffered in their great misery and hunger and thirst. And they found no food on account of the multitude of people; for Marwân had burnt the supplies of provisions in Misr. So the soldiers went to Kauzârâ, whose name in another copy is |169 Hautharah, and reported our arrival to him; and he commanded a man named Azrak to take charge of us, until he should settle what was to be done. At that time Marwân was informed that his enemies, the Khorassanians, had arrived at Al-Faramâ. So he sent troops in boats to the north to every district, that they might burn all the boats that they found on the river; and this purpose they carried out. And he despatched other troops by land, with orders to burn the cities and villages and vineyards and water-wheels and every thing that they could find. So they marched on till they reached Atrib, which they were minded to burn. And there were there five streams of water running westwards, besides canals flowing from the river called Gehon 31, which is the River Nile. And Marwân thought that he could remain on the western side of the Nile, while the Khorassanians were on the eastern bank, and that, when they found the country laid waste, they would retire, because it was empty of men and beasts and provisions and stores, and that they would not find in the land anything to repay their trouble, nor boats by which they might cross over to him, and so that they would not remain there, but would turn upon their heels. But afterwards he learnt that his enemies were approaching near, and that there were fords in the river by which they might reach him. And when this was made known to him, he sent a messenger to bring back those whom he had despatched to Atrib; and therefore they did not burn that town, because they returned speedily to |170 him. And on the 18th of Abîb, in the year 470 of the Martyrs, Marwân burnt a fort at Misr on that night. For he crossed in the boats, he and all his army, and encamped on the bank of the river until he had burnt the fort. But he did not burn the boats which were with him on the western bank. And when the soldiers came to him every day, he said to them: «Take care of the boats.» And wherever he marched he took us about with him, we being in great distress through the multitude of people and beasts, and the crowd and throng.
And at sunset, on the 18th of Abîb, the Khorassanians reached Misr, and he beheld them from the western bank; and he commanded his followers to assemble that night. The Khorassanians marched into Misr next day, heaping foul insults upon Marwân and his sons. These strangers formed a vast host, and they pitched their tents to the north of Al-Fustât, at a place called the Stable; and their camp extended from that spot to the mountains. Thus their vanguard were on the bank of the Nile, while their rearguard reached from Al-Faramâ to Gaza; for these who had arrived at Misr were their scouts.
When Marwân encamped for a time during the night of the 20th of Abîb, being then on the march, he ordered that we should be brought before him; for he was filled with anger and wrath against us on account of what |171 Hautharah had told him of us. How great were the grief and the anxiety which settled upon us at that hour! When I think upon what took place, I fear and tremble for those who would not weep if they beheld what happened to us, nor grieve for what we underwent. For the words of David the Prophet, in the 37th Psalm, were fulfilled upon us, where he says 32: «My acquaintances stood far from me.» All the disciples that had been around us fled with the others, and none remained with us save the priest Mennas, archpriest of the church of Saint Sergius, and the hegumen Theodore, who was afterwards counted worthy to be made a bishop, and the deacon who was the patriarch's secretary, because he had been at Misr. These had left their wives and children and goods, and followed us, saying: «We will die with you.» So, when the Father Michael saw the goodness of their thoughts, he blessed them, and bade them return and not follow us, but this they would not do; and they continued to march with us. And I was wearing the habit of the monks, although unworthy. And my Father Moses, the bishop, took the father's left arm, and I took his right arm.
And when we arrived at Marwân's tent, the swordsman came out to us, and he was very terrible; and he conducted us within by order of the prince. So when Marwân beheld us, he said: «Which of you is the patriarch?» |172 When he was told which was he, he commanded that they should bring the patriarch forward before him; and they delivered my father to soldiers who were devourers of men's flesh; but they set us apart on one side. Then the father, Abba Moses, was thrown upon his knees, and they lifted up his feet, and beat him with brazen clubs upon his sides and neck, saying to him: «Give us money, and we will release thee.» But he answered not a word, for he knew not what they said to him, except what I understood of their words, and repeated to him word by word. And he was prostrate on the ground, thanking God and praying him to make him worthy to suffer for the Church of God. And the officer did not address a single syllable to me, for they considered my dress disgraceful. Now the holy father, Abba Michael, the patriarch, was standing with his face towards Marwân, whose eyes were turned towards Misr, where he saw his enemies; while the Khorassanians were looking in his direction, and all the people of Misr on the bank of the Nile were insulting Marwân, as we said before. And behold, one of the Khorassanians shot an arrow towards the western bank, while we were looking at him. And those that were left of the Christians at Misr said to the Khorassanians: «There is our father, the patriarch, standing before Marwân, the misbeliever; and we know not what he will do with him.» The Bashmurites also had met the Khorassanians at Al-Faramâ and said to them: «Marwân has seized our patriarch, with intent to kill |173 him, because we fought against the prince, and slew his soldiers before you came.» Meanwhile Hautharah, the misbeliever, was with Marwân, and was saying to him: «This patriarch said: Be of good courage, for God will take away the government from Marwân, and deliver it to his enemies.» And many words like this were uttered by him. So when Marwân heard these accusations, his interpreter said to the father patriarch: «Art thou the patriarch of Alexandria?» For that was Marwân's question. Abba Michael answered: «Yea, I am thy servant.» And I heard him say this, because I was near him. So Marwân said to him: «Tell me, art thou the chief of the enemies of our religion?» Then the holy patriarch answered and said: «I am not the chief of wicked men, but of good men; and my people do not work evil, but they have been ruined by troubles, so that they have even been forced to offer their children for sale.» After that, I did not hear another word from his mouth. Then Marwân commanded the officials who were holding him to stretch forth their hands to him forthwith, and pull out the hair of his beard from his cheeks; and they cast his hair into the river, and I saw it with my own eyes floating on the water. Now his beard had been full and handsome, flowing over his breast like the beard of Jacob Israel. And the Khorassanians on the eastern bank were observing what Marwân did to the patriarch; and if they had found means of crossing over |174 to Marwân, they would have killed him because of the tyranny and hardness of heart which they saw in him; but they could not find any boats at all in which to cross. The river, however, did not rise at all before the st of Misri; and the western branch had sunk so low as to be without water; and in the other branch, namely the eastern, there were a few places that could be forded, but the Khorassanians did not know them; and Marwân guarded them because he knew of them; and no boat from the western bank approached Misr.
The sixth hour passed that day while the father patriarch was standing before Marwân beardless with bare cheeks. And while my father Moses was all the time undergoing the torments which we have mentioned before, the Lord opened the eyes of his heart, and he beheld the two martyrs, Sergius and Bacchus, with the grace of God surrounding them, in the likeness of two horsemen of the army of the prince; and they crossed the river, riding their horses, while no man saw them but he alone, until they stood opposite to Marwân, and said to him: «Why dost thou sit here paralysed, when thine enemies have crossed over to the west?» But no man beheld those two, except my father, the bishop Abba Moses, and Marwân, and no other. For the father patriarch was still in the hands of the officials, and they were tormenting him. Then the two holy martyrs disappeared. |175
And Marwân forthwith broke up his camp, and commanded the troops to follow him, ordering that we should be kept till the morrow. Thus we remained the rest of that day on the bank of the river, exposed to the sun, in consequence of the command which the caliph had given to the soldiers, until I thought that my father would not live till sunset, after the severe torment which they had inflicted upon him. Then, on the morrow early, we were visited by bishops, and monks from Wadî Habîb, who had come to see what had been done to us; and subsequently they remained with us. Then Marwân appeared, for he was riding; and he took his seat, and commanded that we should be brought before him early in the morning. So when the sun rose he summoned a swordsman, and sent for our father, Abba Michael, alone, that the officer might bring him into his presence. Accordingly the swordsman took his hand and led him in, saying to us: «Stand here till he calls you». But my father, Abba Moses, cried out, saymg: «As the Lord lives, I will never be separated from my father, but will follow him whithersoever they take him!» Then I also hastened with them, in order to find out what would become of them. But, when the swordsman saw me, he said: «The prince ordered that the patriarch alone should enter.» The bishop said to him: «I have told thee that I cannot |176 be separated at all from my father, for I only came here for his sake; therefore do whatever thou desirest, but I will never be parted from him.» Then the swordsman was angry and said to him in fury: «It is not lawful to disobey the prince; yet thou wilt not hearken». Now he had in his hand a brazen club, which weighed twenty pounds, and he raised it to strike my father upon the head; and he offered his head to him. But when he was about to strike him, a body of his companions, who were in attendance, cried out upon him, and would not let him strike. And all the soldiers said in their language and speech: «Verily what an excellent servant this bishop is to his master!» Then there came a messenger saying: «Bring them all in, for the prince summons them.» So we all entered; and found Marwân sitting on the bank of the river. Then first the blessed father went forward alone, as Marwân ordered; and the prince made him stand before him all that day for about ten hours, confronting him; but the patriarch's heart was with Christ, while his hands were stretched out, and his very limbs seemed to pray; and he made the sign of the cross over his face, without fear of the prince who hated the sign of the cross. And the caliph did not address a single word to him; and there were around him many drawn swords and weapons of war. |177
As for us, Marwân commanded his men to set us on his left hand in a place apart; and again he ordered that we should be brought forward and delivered to certain soldiers, other than those who had conducted us from Alexandria; so they handed us over to men who were like wild beasts. And he bade one of his companions take charge of us, namely Yazîd, a leader of certain men with him, who was braver than any other of his followers. Our number on that day was ten, besides the father patriarch, Abba Michael; and Yazîd put with each one of us three soldiers, who oppressed us sorely. Then, when the sun was burning, that officer prepared for us various instruments of torture; for they had not agreed as to what kind of death they should make us suffer; upon which I and my father Moses begged the father patriarch to say over us the Prayer of Absolution, according to the canon of the church; and so he did. Afterwards we prayed one for another, and the younger of us said to the elder: «If thou shalt find mercy with Christ, remember me.» And we turned our faces to the East and prayed, while the people were looking at us from the eastern bank, and also on the western side, and many of the Muslims wept for us; and Marwân's eldest son, named Abd Allah, was weeping for us also, together with the people.
Then Marwân lifted up his eyes towards the eastern bank, and saw |178 the Khorassanians in great numbers; and he was dismayed for this and said: «How shall I fight them?» For he knew not what to do. Now Abd ar-Rahîm, the misbeliever whom we mentioned before, had discovered a mixture with which he smeared the boats, so that fire could not injure them. Therefore Marwân caused the boats to be thus anointed, and embarked on each boat eighty men, and bade them fight the people; so they threw fire over them, and burnt all the boats that they found. But a boat which was approaching the eastern bank, where stood Sâlih and Abu Aun and their companions, was upset with its occupants, and all were drowned except one man; and the people of Misr picked up the corpses, and took what was on them and the ammunition and money that they had. And the living, who were not drowned, they took as prisoners, and bound them together two and two, with iron chains round their necks, and dragged them to land and delivered them to the Khorassanians. Now the Khorassanians had brought many boats with them to Misr.
And when the tenth hour of that day had passed, Marwân ordered Yazîd, in whose charge we were, to take us to the north of the Island of An-Nuzahât. So we prayed upon the edge of the river, in the enclosure Then, when they took us away, they hurried us along in great wrath. But |179 the Lord beheld our secret thoughts and our faith, and he put into the heart of Abd Allah, the elder son of Marwân, the wish to intercede with his father, Marwân, weeping with copious tears; for he begged his father to let us go, saying: «Behold, thou seest our enemies surrounding us; while we are preparing, if things go hard with us, to escape to the land of the Blacks, who are, as we have been told, the spiritual children of this old man; so that, if thou slayest him, they will not welcome us, but they also will rise up against us and slay us.» When Marwân had heard these words of his son, we were taken back to prison. Now there were in that place four prisons. So, when they brought us into the prison, they made us fast with wood and iron, and we were in great distress. And the first to be fettered with iron was the holy father and patriarch; and after him the bishop, Abba Moses, and I, his son John, the poor sinner and deacon, upon whom he had laid his holy hand without any merit of mine. Then followed the bishop of Tunbuda, Abba Mennas, the patriarch's secretary, and Abba Zacharias, bishop of Atrib, and his spiritual son, the bishop of Busîr, whose name was Peter, and who had recently taken possession of his see, and the deacon George, the son of the spiritual father who received the see of Al-Basrât, and Athanasius, archpriest of the church of Saint Macarius, and Abba |180 James, who was also counted worthy of the bishopric of Sanjâr, and his spiritual brother, the son of the Father Peter of Samannûd. And they fastened to the feet of each one of us eleven a mass of iron, exceedingly heavy, weighing half a Khunjûr; and they put us behind three wooden doors without light or air or means of rest, one looking to the east and another to the west; and the narrow space in which we were oppressed us more than the iron, so that we almost died from crowding, and the gaolers were pitiless; for that misbelieving prince, Marwân, had given orders that we should be closely confined. And our father's sadness on our account was greater than his care for himself; but he encouraged us with the word of God and the holy canons of our ancient fathers. So not one of us hid anything from the others, but we were all one soul, as Paul says 33, awaiting the end; and we prayed God to send it quickly, that we might lay down our lives for the people, rather than that one of them should perish. When the father discoursed to us, he spoke a spiritual language like the music of a harp, while the breath of life came forth from his mouth with spiritual praises; and he persevered in fasting and in prayer day and night.
As for my father Moses, in the first hour after they brought us into the prison and put us in fetters he prophesied to us, saying: «They will not |181 slay us this time; yet we shall not be released from the prison as long as Marwân is alive.» And it was as he said. And when we wished to break our fast, a man named Ibn Kustus sent to us provisions for breakfast; but we had no room to eat, and could not turn to the right or left on account of the narrow space. And there was a great dearth in the district of Al-Gizah through the multitude of people; for wheat was not to be found at all, nor barley, after a waibah had been sold at a high price; but in spite of the distress salt was sold at the usual rate.
Then Marwân, after these troubles which he had brought upon every place, ordered his followers to slay and take prisoners and pillage; and they obeyed him. And he sent to Upper Egypt, and slew all the Christians there; the leader of that business being a man named Marwân, son of Abd al-Azîz the founder of Hulwân. And they laid waste the country from Memphis to the city of Theodosia.
But when the Lord desired to take vengeance upon them, he endured them no longer, after the crimes which they had committed in corrupting and violating women, and polluting many of the virgins. Accordingly there came some men who knew the fords of the river, and made them known to the Khorassanians, whom they guided thither, thus conducting them across to the western bank. And the Khorassanians divided their army |182 into four parts: one part with a man named Sâlih, told off to guard Misr; and one with a man named Abu 'l-Hakam, who was in high favour with the prince; and one in the lower parts of Shatnûf and its neighbourhood, to prevent anyone from crossing the river; and one with Abu Aun, who encamped beside a ford, where the water was low. Then Marwân despatched Hautharah and his men to take up their position opposite to the Khoras-sanians, intending to prevent their crossing. But Marwân's boats were seized by the Khorassanians of the black-robed party, who had destroyed the church of the Martyr Apater. Meanwhile we, in spite of all these events, remained in the prison at Al-Gizah, in bonds and in distress with our companions; and all men were hindered from enquiring after us by fear lest we should be put to torture; but, whenever a man desired to come to us to receive the blessing of the fathers, he bribed our gaoler heavily. After that they oppressed us even more cruelly, as they did to Ignatius, the saint and martyr, when they delivered him to the ten lions. So they acted even when our brethren did good to them, for they tormented us yet more. At that time then we remained with the patriarch ten days and ten nights in this fashion; but when the deacon and reader of Bilbais saw our distress he hastened away to the Monastery of Saint Macarius, in Wadî Habîb, and |183 assembled all the holy fathers and monks; and they began to fast and pray in the church night and day, crying to the Lord Christ to look upon us, and to take away our misery and all that men were suffering by captivity and slaughter and pillage, and o put a stop to the lamentations of young and old. So the gracious God heard them, and raised up the Khorassanians to help them: for Abu Aun crossed the river with his army to the western bank; and when Hautharah and his troops, Marwân's followers, saw him, they took to flight. And the Khorassanians pursued and fought them, and did not cease slaughtering them until they reached Wadî Habîb, in answer to the prayers of the saints; for the army of the Khorassanians crossed over the river on the day on which the monks assembled in the church, which was Saturday, the last day of Abîb. And they slew so many of Marwân's army, that of eight thousand men whom he led out of Misr only four hundred survived and no more.
When Marwân learnt that his enemy's troops had been divided into four parts, he fled two days before they crossed the river, carrying his wives and his goods with him; and thus he escaped secretly. And of the followers of Yazîd three hundred were slain, for he fled from Shatnûf in the direction of Mount Wasîm; and then his own men killed him, and killed his horse that he rode, and went over to the other party, and swore allegiance to them. |184
But the two sons of Marwân were at Al-Gizah when their father fled, and they knew not whither he had gone. For he had sent his younger son to the north of the Island of An-Nuzahât; and he was very wicked like his father. But as for the elder, Abd Allah, our fathers had prayed for him that he might not meet with trials nor troubles because of what he had done for them; and so it was. Now the younger son was fifteen years old; and he fled to An-Nuzahât, accompanied by four hundred horsemen; and he found there a certain oil, called dogs' oil, in marble jars, and he upset it into the river; and after setting fire to An-Nuzahât, he joined his father Marwân. And although he released those that were in the prisons at that place, we were not released, but he wished to burn us in the fire. Then he went into the midst of the boats of the fleet to burn them; and a voice was heard, crying mightily: «Behold, thy enemies are come!» So he and his companions fled quickly., And those who remained at An-Nuzahât of its inhabitants extinguished the fire, and set us free at sunset from the prison, and released us from the irons on our feet. God be witness that some of the Muslims who were on horseback dismounted, and took off the iron from us; and men took women's dresses and put them on, and hid themselves in the storehouses and cellars, through fear of that terrible voice which they had heard. And they took us and led us away to Saint Peter's church at |185 Al-Gizah, while some of the faithful walked with us, it being the night of the first Sunday in Misri.
Now there was no water at all in the canal of Al-Gizah, for it was dried up by God's command; nor did the water rise or stir at all until the day when we crossed over it on our feet. And when the Khorassanians learnt that their enemy had fled, they embarked in the boats that night and crossed to Al-Gizah, taking their horses also on board. So they pursued Marwân. And every man that they met, who was not wearing the black garments, they put to death. And that night the van of the army, which had crossed with Abu Aun from Shatnûf, came southwards with their drawn swords in their hands, and all wearing iron cuirasses, purposing to fight Marwân and to capture him. And as for us, we felt no inclination to sleep that night. For the Khorassanians stayed three days and three nights, joining their forces at the beginning of Misri, and marching onwards; while we beheld them as one host from the mountains to the river. Then Hautharah begged for a safe-conduct; but they would not accept him, saying: «If thou wilt not deliver to us the enemy of God, Marwân, thou shalt have no safe-conduct from us.» So he departed and took Marwân, and acted deceitfully with him, saying: «Behold, our enemies have drawn near to us. Arise, let us take our women and children and goods, and let us embark |186 secretly in the boats, and descend the river, and escape to the Romans; for, if we fall into this man's hand, he will destroy us.» Marwân answered: «Ah Hautharah, thou art acting treacherously with thy master!» And thereupon Marwân took his sword, and cut off Hautharah's head and killed him. And none opposed the Khorassanians nor stood before them, after Hautharah was slain. Then they called upon every man who was a Christian to fasten a cross of gold or silver or copper upon his forehead, or upon his garment, and upon the door of his house, and whoever did not do so was slain; but this was no fault of ours. And the Khorassanians also had crosses of gold and silver on their horse's necks. Then the army of which Sâlih was leader overtook Marwân and his son, after pursuing him for a whole day, and, when they met, the fighting did not cease between them from evening till morning, so that many were slain. And they followed him as far as Mount Abbah to the west of Cleopatra, the city founded by Alexander the Macedonian, the place concerning which the prophecy was uttered by the holy old hermit, whom Marwân burnt alive in the fire, and who told him, before he burnt him, that he would be killed at that place. And with Marwân was killed also Rayân, son of Abd al-Azîz; but the two sons of Marwân |187 escaped. And the Khorassanians took possession of Hulwân and all that was therein, and slew the women, and seized all the money of Egypt that was at Hulwân. And the Persians, Marwân's followers, were slain with the sword; and the enemy seized all that belonged to them, and carried it away in the prince's boats.
And now the Nile began to rise, although it had been sinking till the Khorassanians had crossed over to the bank of Al-Gizah, and had destroyed Marwân, After that it increased again, from the first day of Misri, and rose every day about a cubit, till finally it reached eighteen cubits that year, for which reason men said that the hand of God was with the Khorassanians. Whenever the latter found men bearing the sign of the cross, they lightened their taxes, and behaved kindly to them, and did good to them, in whatever part of the country they might be.
But they impaled Marwân head downwards, after they had killed him. For they took him prisoner at a place called Dâwatun, and we were witnesses of this event; and they cut off the head of his vizier. And when those princes, the leaders of the Khorassanians, inquired after us, we went to them; and they set the holy father and martyr, Abba Michael, free, and honoured him greatly. And his beard had grown again and was more |188 comely than before, by the power of the Lord Christ; and we and all who had witnessed these occurrences glorified God. And the father, Abba Michael said: «Verily I saw a personage while I was in prison, who touched my face with his hand, and my beard grew again handsomer than it had been before.» When the father, Abba Michael, requested of the governor to protect the property of the churches in all the provinces, he complied with his request. And as for the Bashmurites, he made them free of taxation, and gave them other revenues as a gift. Now Marwân had burnt all the books and accounts of the Divâns, so that they did not know the amount of the revenues, whether paid in cash or in kind. In those days great events took place in Egypt; but Sâlih departed with his army to Palestine.
When we were set free, each one of us departed to his own place. And Abu Aun was made governor of Egypt. And a short time afterwards there came to Egypt two men, officials of the divans, sent by the prince. They were Muslims, and one of them was named Atâ, son of Shurahbil, and the other Safi; and they were far from the knowledge of God. And Abu Aun laid before them all the accounts of Egypt, and brought the country back into the state in which it had been under Marwân. Although they were driven away from the palace, the prince sent them back; and they imposed two fresh |189 duties upon Lower Egypt, and one upon Upper Egypt. This was in the second year of security and prosperous government. And they instructed the governor, and taught him how to cause great trouble, through their hatred of us, the Christians, and their love of money; for authority was given to them to do what they would. Now of the revenue of Egypt, after deducting the soldiers' pay, and the expenses of the government offices, and what was needed to carry on the administration, what remained over and was carried to the Public Treasury altogether every year amounted to two hundred thousand dinars 34, apart from the necessary outlay and expenses and what we have already mentioned. And in the third year of the rule of the Khorassanians they doubled the taxes, and exacted them from the Christians, and would not fulfil their promises to them. For the two secretaries aforesaid find the Khorassanians forgot that it was God who had given them the government, and neglected the holy Cross which had gained them the victory. And Abd Allah, the prince, sent letters over the whole of his empire, declaring that every one who would adopt his religion, and pray according to his prayer, should be exempted from the poll-tax. So in consequence of the cruel extortions and burdens imposed upon them, many of the rich and poor denied the faith of Christ, and followed Abd Allah. Then the father patriarch, |190 Abba Michael, went to Abu Aun, the governor, and addressed him with reference to the troubles which had been caused in Egypt, instead of the good administration which he had purposed; and he answered: «The prince gave those orders because wicked men bore witness to him, saying: If the people of Egypt find rest for one year, they will conspire against thee, and make war upon thee, as the Bashmurites made war upon Marwân.» Then Abba Michael prayed the governor to relieve the churches of Alexandria by lightening the taxes on the land which is cultivated for them only; so Abu Aun gave orders to those two secretaries, telling them to do what the patriarch desired; yet they would not obey him, but began to incline his heart to evil. So the father patriarch, and my father, Abba Moses, with him, and I, the mean one, remained for more than a month attending at the palace and interviewing those miscreants. And there was there an old Ishmaelite, who beheld us daily at this business; and he feared God. And he related a story to our father, Abba Michael, saying: «As we, the Muslims who serve God, have grown poor, so I know that you also will be like us.» The father said to him: «Thou speakest truly; but I desire a fuller explanation of the meaning of thy speech.» So the old man replied:
«In my youth, my parents entrusted me to two friends, Ishmaelite merchants, that I might carry goods with them to Africa, to sell them there. |191 When we had journeyed as far as the Five Cities, with our camels laden with the rarities of Egypt and the East, we halted by a lake that was very deep. And each one of us had tied to his belt a purse, containing four hundred dinars. And in consequence of the fatigue of the journey and the heat, one of us stripped off his clothes, that he might go down into the water and bathe. So he threw his belt to his comrade, that he might keep it until he came up from the water; but it slipped from his friend's hand into the water unnoticed by anyone else. The man who had dropped it stripped himself, and went down to seek it, but could not find it. So when he came up again, he gave his comrade his own girdle, instead of that which was lost, without telling him that it was lost. And we journeyed onward into Africa, where we sold our merchandise, and bought other wares suitable for Egypt. Then the elder of my companions said to the younger: Give me the four hundred dinars which thou hast, that I may buy merchandise with them. But he answered: What we have bought is enough for us this time. And though the other insisted, he did not tell him what had happened. So the other bought certain goods with the four hundred dinars which he had. When we returned to the lake, the same thing happened as before; for the elder, to whom the lost money belonged, stripped himself and went down to bathe. And he found his belt, which had been lost; and when he looked at it, he recognised it as his own. So he said to his friend: |192 Tell me what thou hast done. Then his friend made known to him what had happened, and how he had dropped the girdle. But the other did not tell him that he had found it, until they arrived at Misr, and sold their wares. Then the elder gave to the younger the interest of the four hundred dinars as well as the principal, saying to him: God gives thee this money of thine, and thou must also have the interest of it. When he had done this, his comrade discussed with him what had taken place between them; and the thing became known to the governor, and all men marvelled thereat. And both of them took some of their money, and gave it as alms to the poor; and after that they devoted themselves entirely to religion, and I imitated them; and not one of us either sells or buys any more. But at the present day, O holy man, behold, thou seest how all men love injustice, and have set evil as a crown upon their heads; and thou art a witness to this, and knowest that it is true.»
When he had related this tale to us, we departed to our own places. And God did not endure the Khorassanians, but raised up wars against them from every side. First there was Abd ar-Rahman, son of Habîb, brother of Al-Aswâd before mentioned, who seized Africa. For Abd Allah, the prince, sent troops to Africa in order to take it, in the fourth year of his |193 reign; and in the year 470 of the Martyrs he marched from Egypt at the beginning of the month of Abîb. Yet his army did not dare to enter Africa, but remained in the desert, where most of them perished with thirst. And in that year God destroyed Abd Allah, and his son sat upon the throne instead of him. And great fighting took place in Egypt between Sâlih and his brother, who now began to govern. Then the prince sent Sâlih into Egypt to seek his troops, and rescue them from the hand of his brother. Then he brought back the army which he had sent into Africa, and entered Misr on the 19th of Babah. And he marched to Palestine, that they might fight Sâlih's brother. And Abu Aun was there also; and many of his soldiers were killed. And the war continued between them without interruption, for God requited them for the evil which they had done in the land Egypt; and they destroyed one another without the interference of a stranger, and did not cease fighting until Sâlih went away to the sovereign prince in Al-Irak, and Abu Aun returned to Egypt, and Sâlih's brother fled, and did not appear again, after they had destroyed the troops between them. At that time Abba John, patriarch of Antioch, went to his rest, after he had continued in reconciliation with the bishops for three years. And God hindered the water from rising while Abu Aun was in Egypt; for its |194 highest level was below fourteen cubits, where it stopped, whereas the height required by the government for its revenue was sixteen cubits. But God only held back the water on account of those two secretaries, who were like Antichrist in their deeds. And this check to the water took place by God's will, that he might show his wonders which he manifests at all times, and prove the truth of the Christian religion. The bishops had come from their sees to the patriarch, that they might meet together in his presence at the Feast of the Cross, according to their custom of assembling before him and forming a synod twice in the year. So the bishop of Misr and the others went to him. Now God had revealed this matter to my father the bishop, Abba Moses. And orders were given that none should go that year to Alexandria for the synod according to custom. So the bishops assembled at Misr before the patriarch. And on the 17th of Tût, the day of the Feast of the glorious Cross, the clergy of Al-Gizah and An-Nuzahât assembled with most of the people of Al-Fustât, and the old and the young of the laity: and they bore the gospels, and censers with incense. And we entered into the great church, the Catholicon, named after Saint Peter, the foundations of which were laid in the river. But the church could not contain the people through their multitude, so that they stood in the fields and places |195 around. And the patriarch lifted up the cross; while beside him stood Abba Mennas, bishop of Memphis, bearing the holy gospel. And he led us all forth, carrying crosses and books of the gospels; and we stopped upon the bank of the river, it being before sunrise. And the father patriarch prayed, and Abba Mennas, the bishop, prayed; and the people did not cease to cry Kyrie eleison until the third hour of the day, so that multitudes of the Jews and Muslims and others marvelled at our cries to God, the Glorious and Exalted. And he heard us, praised is his glorious name! For the river rose and increased by one cubit; and all glorified and gave thanks to God. And when the news reached Abu Aun, he marvelled and feared, he and all his troops. And by God's inspiration he said to his soldiers and to the people of Misr: «We desire to know which of the religions is the true one». So he gave orders that the Muslims dwelling at Misr should assemble, and go forth to the mountain to the east of Misr. Therefore they gathered together, small and great, old and young, slaves and freemen; and not one of the people of his faith and religion was left; and the multitude were assembling from midnight till the. fourth hour of the day. And they prayed and offered supplications to God, saying thus: «O God, the Only One, who hast no fellow, O Creator of heaven and earth, thou knowest that we associate no other with thee, and worship none besides thee, and that we say not, as the Christians do, that thou hast a Son, or that thou wast |196 born, but we confess thee to be One, and worship thee in Unity. We desire this day to see thy wonders, which thou dost work, that we may know and prove that there is no religion like ours, which we inherit from our fathers; and we pray thee to work a miracle for us, as thou didst yesterday for the Christians, who are our enemies and the enemies of our creed, for they set beside thee another God, begotten by thee from the beginning, whom they call Christ born of Mary, saying that he is thy Son, with the Holy Ghost, and that thou art the Third of them, with many such doctrines. We pray thee to give us a sign and miracle in this water.» And while they were thus employed, behold, one of the men who measure the water ran up and said to them: «The water has sunk just as much as it rose yesterday.» Then great sadness came upon them, and the governor knew not what to say; and the people went away to their own places in great grief. Then Abu Aun ordered that the people of Misr should be tried, and bad the crier proclaim that the Muslims were to go out to the mountain to pray. And on the morrow they all issued forth. And the Jews and the Samaritans went out the second day; but the water neither rose nor sank, but remained as it was. So Abu Aun, the governor, remained in sadness and without faith. But he said: «So that I may see the end of the matter»; and he remained in perplexity, saying: «By the prayers of the Christians the water rose, and at our prayers it sank.» Then he ordered on the third |197 day that no one at all should go out, and that none should ascend to the mountain nor pray. And the water did not rise during the three days at all. After that he gave orders to bring the Christians who were at Al-Fustât, and certain tribes whose names we do not remember; and he commanded Abba Moses to pray, him and his people. So they recited the prayers, and gave thanks to God till the sixth hour of the day, and went down and walked round Misr, and came to the bank of the river, and prayed for the rest of the day. And that night the river rose three cubits, so that altogether it completed seventeen cubits. Then all the people rejoiced greatly, and thanked God and glorified his name.
And as for Abu Aun, for this reason he increased his benefits towards the Christians and their churches, and lightened their taxes. And from that day the Father Patriarch and the bishops, with those who were baptized and the whole Church, lived in security and peace, in great joy and gladness, in the land of Egypt and the Five Cities and all the places under the see of the evangelist, Saint Mark, because of the miracles of the Church which the governor beheld, and her mighty works. And the governor said that the Christians were of one heart, living in agreement together. For the conduct of the fathers in that generation resembled the works of the spiritual |198 angels; for one cured diseases, and another showed forth wonders, and another expounded the scriptures and taught and exhorted, and another exercised his body in works and labours; and all the laity were filled with admiration of them, and sought their blessing. And the father, Abba Michael, for this cause was happy in his bishops and all his flock, and used to go round among them, and enquire into all their circumstances with care, and exhort them with his life-giving words, like the apostles and fathers at the beginning, and like the dwellers in the deserts and caves, encouraging them and teaching them how to fight the Satanic spirits. And to the monks of the monasteries he taught humility and mutual love; and the faithful laity he led to that which God approves, and to those of little faith he taught the doctrines of the gospel, and those who were engaged in disputes he conciliated together, and calmed their malice, and appeased their enmity by his instructions in the Holy Scriptures.
But if we did not aim at abridgment, books would be insufficient to contain the deeds of this holy father, Abba Michael. Now there were two parties of heretics, the followers of Meletius, who lived in ancient times, and of Julian. So the father sent messengers to them, and wrote to them; but they would not answer him. Then he went himself to visit them, but could not bring them back to a right heart. For they denied that they were heretics, and they remained dissidents, some of them in the monasteries and some in |199 the deserts. So he raised his hands to heaven, and said: «If these are they who have denied thee and done evil deeds, show forth a sign speedily without delay, so that all may see them, and glorify thy name.» Accordingly, after a short time, the Lord destroyed them, and caused them to disappear, as he destroyed Sodom. And at the monastery wherein there were three thousand persons, there no longer remained any save ten souls, who were believers and did not walk in their path. And 1, the mean one, addressed them, and visited them, when the wild beasts had dwelt in their habitations through the prayers of the holy father, Abba Michael, during the governorship of Abd Allah. And if anyone, ignorant of the history, asks: «What was the sin of those men, for which they perished?» I will answer you with God's help.
In the days when Dionysius the Wise was patriarch of Alexandria, there appeared the misbeliever, Paul of Samosata, who was patriarch of Antioch, and who angered God by his foul deeds. So, when Dionysius heard of him, he wrote to the pious and faithful princes, to inform them of the news that had reached him concerning Paul the heretic. Therefore they drove him away, and none knew how he escaped. And anyone who desires to know |200 of his foul deeds will find an account of them in the epistle of Athanasius the Apostolic, which he wrote concerning them, and then he will understand and know that matter. And when Abba Moses was first ordained there were many monasteries in his diocese of Wasîm, belonging to those followers of Meletius, in which they dwelt. So he banished them all. But some of them had received the habit from his hand, when they put it on, and became united to us; and for this reason there was friendship between me and them, during the time when I was a layman. So when they stripped off them the spiritual habit, received from my father's hand, there was no longer any affection between me and any of them. And I questioned him about their former deeds, when he was calling them sorcerers and the children of Satan; and he answered me: «I will tell thee of another thing done by those men, who were not worthy to enter among the people of God nor into his kingdom, namely, that they bewitched children, and led them out into the desert, and bound them where none could see them, and sat down near them to guard them; and if they complained of thirst, they gave them nothing to drink; and when their thirst became severe, they poured water over their heads and bodies; and when one of them was near death, and his eyes started out of his head, and his tongue clove to the roof of his mouth, they cut off his head with a knife before he died, so that Satan might speak through those heads without falsehood, and they might |201 lead men astray with their devilish and shameful deeds». Now there was a holy priest in our company, living in the Cell at Wasîm; and on Friday, during the Fast, while I was with him in the Cell, but Abba Moses was seeing no man, since he was employing himself in prayer and self-discipline, except on Saturdays and Sundays, then that priest saw a great dragon in his cell. Therefore he made a cross of silver, and placed it on the spot where he had seen it; and on the morrow he found the dragon dead beneath the cross.
Is there then any power greater than the power of those who worship God with a pure and honest intention and a firm faith?
And there was in those days a great dearth, and so a man came to An-Nuzahât to ask alms, and stole something thence. And another man saw mm, who was a believer; and he wished to reprimand him, so that he might repent of the theft, but was prevented from doing so by his kindness and charitable thoughts. Afterwards that man went again, and stole some corn from his neighbours, and buried it, that he might take and eat it. Then the owner of the corn visited my father Moses, who read to him from the Scriptures, and charged him not to reward evil with evil, but to recompense evil with good. Accordingly he did so, and followed his advice, and therefore God increased his wealth until all who knew him marvelled at him. |202
I have mentioned to you, my brethren, the fate of the accursed people of Palestine, that you might hold yourselves aloof from them. Now I desire to relate another miracle, shown forth by the Father Epimachus, the bishop. One day he was teaching his people in the city of Al-Faramâ, and exhorting them to avoid heretics, and never to associate with them in anything. And behold, a priest of the Chalcedonians appeared before him to tempt him with guile; and the bishop delivered a long discourse, at the end of which the priest said to him: «I believe in thy creed and confess it.» But the bishop Epimachus took holy oil from the body of the holy Severus, the patriarch, and anointed the face of the heretical priest, saying to him: «If thou mockest the Lord, let his power appear in thee!» And immediately a spirit of an unclean devil leapt upon him, and threw him down, and choked and tormented him, so that he foamed at the mouth; and it did not cease to possess and torment him till the day of his death.
Then the bishop gave orders that his flock should never have a stranger as sponsor, but only members of their own family or their parents. And there were there some heretics, who would not obey him; but God requited them speedily, so that every one marvelled at the doctrines of the Lord. And there was a wealthy woman, who took a man who had committed sin with her, |203 and made him godfather to her child. When they returned to their town, while they were on the way, they came to a desert place, and sinful desires were stirred in them according to their custom; so they laid down the child with the garments of baptism upon him, and entered an inn by the way side, and committed their sin; and so the house fell down upon them, and they were killed. And the bishop testified to us that he had beheld those two still together, when the stones were removed from them, and their heads were as they had been, the face of the man and the face of the woman. And many people saw them, and feared. And the news was spread abroad among all men, and the people published it. So the bishop's theology was confirmed among our fathers, and from that day they forbad all men to take a stranger as sponsor, but only their own kinsfolk. And none alter that took a stranger as sponsor. But I in my youth saw many commit sin with their sponsors, during my own lifetime, in consequence of which their lives were cut off and their habitations laid waste.
Now the bishop, Abba John, bishop of Sarsana, used to cast out unclean spirits through the grace given to him for his virginity and asceticism. For he remained monk and bishop all his life, and died in a good old age. So also Abba Cyrus, bishop of Tânah, to whom during his monastic life a wonder was manifested, namely that a heretic deceived him on account of the faith, and took his hand to lead him into the furnace at the baths, but could not |204 induce him, and he escaped from his hand. Then the bishop took his mantle, he being a monk, and threw it into the fire, and it was not burnt.
Now I know that I have made my discourse long, but my only object has been to teach you what took place, that you may understand it. And as for what is said about the deeds of Abba Zacharias, bishop of Atrib, he dwelt from his youth up in the desert, continuing in prayer; and his tears flowed like streams of water, and weeping was sweet to him; and he was assiduons in alms-giving to the anchorites, and everyone loved him; and his spiritual sons walked in his path. So likewise the blessed Stephen, bishop of Shutb, and his fathers who were before him over that see, who were excellent in their lives above the rest of the bishops of Egypt, among whom was the bishop Abba Hesychius, the great Theomantis and confessor, who spoke of divine matters. And to Stephen, who walked in his path, God granted the gift of healing the sick, and knowing what was to happen before it took place; and he showed forth many wonders. Now there was in his diocese a priest, whose wife was pregnant when he died; and she was a pure woman. Yet after his death, her elder sons cast her out, saying that she had conceived by another. But the bishop said to them: «Leave her alone until she brings forth.» So when she was delivered, he took the babe and baptized it, and carried it on his shoulder in the presence of all the people of his diocese, and bade the babe speak before the people, and say who was its father. And immediately it spoke with its tongue, as if it |205 were a lion's cub, saying: «I am the son of such an one, the priest, by whom my mother conceived me nine days before his death, although none knew of that but God who created me. And my brothers wished to cast my mother out wrongfully.» Then the bishop made the sign of the cross over its lips, and bade it speak no more, until the proper age of speech. And so it was. Like these was the aged Abba Paul, bishop of Akhmim, who had been the second superior of the Monastery of Sinuthius, the saint, the star of the desert. There was a magician, who took a maiden, and turned her into an ass by his wicked arts, in the presence of all who saw her. And she remained with him three years, as she related. And when he took her out into the desert, he made her a woman, that she might serve him, and he might commit sin with her. But when he entered the city, he rode upon her, as if she were an ass. Then on the th of Abîb, the feast of the holy Sinuthius, the excellent prophet, the aged Abba Paul met that man, when she was with him, and took her from him, though none knew of her except the accursed misbelieving magician. And Abba Paul took the magician, and gave him up to the governor, who caused him |206 to be burnt in the fire, after he had been put to death. Then the bishop loosed the woman from the bonds of Satan, and delivered her to the superior of the convent of nuns. For there were among them many women of the laity, living with them.
These then are the fathers whom we saw, and whose words we listened to, and whose glorious deeds cannot be counted. And one of them, Abba Cyrus, who was of Jaujar which is the chief of four sees, had been married in his youth, and lived long with his wife in great devotion and reached the age of a hundred and five years. And those two were two pure virgins, sleeping on one bed for a long time; and their food was barley bread and salt; and all that they had or found they gave in alms to the poor. Then, when they advanced in years, Abba Cyrus gave up his pure wife to the convent of nuns. Another of them was the Father Abba Isaac, bishop over the see of Samannûd, and we know what he endured of torments and fighting with the Barsanuphians, until he brought them back to the faith in the see of Saint Mark the Evangelist.
Now the church of Antioch was widowed and without a patriarch. And a man named Abd Allah Abu Ja'far, who belonged to the family of the first princes, was now reigning, and Abu Muslim was called his uncle. And Abu Aun was in Egypt, and Sâlih with Abd Allah. And the Church was prosperous and at peace in the days of the holy patriarch, Abba Michael, in consequence of the troubles and struggles which he had endured, and some of which we |207 have related, until his ministry was ended and he went to his rest, and departed in peace to the merciful Lord Christ, as we have described at the end of this history. And the church of Antioch remained without a patriarch after the decease of Abba John, on account of the wars and the armies, until the Khorassanians took possession of the land. At the beginning of their rule, Isaac, bishop of Harran, went to Abd Allah, and petitioned him concerning the patriarchate of Antioch; for Abba John had died, as his two sons informed us, when they came to visit us. They said that Abd Allah was a native of Harran, and bis wife was barren; and she saw in a dream one who prophesied to her: «Seek Isaac, the bishop, that he may pray for thee, and the Lord will give thee a son.» And this woman served and feared God; and when Abd Allah solicited her to marry him, she made a condition with him that he should marry no other wife besides her, and should take no concubine. For she said to him: «We know that God created us in the beginning male and female, and, if thou wilt not make this compact with me, I will not marry thee.» So he made the agreement with her, and kept it till the day of her death. Therefore they summoned the bishop Abba Isaac to her, on the morning of the next day, and she made known to him what she had seen in her dream. So he appointed a week between her and him, and prayed God to fulfil her request. Then he departed to the monastery in which he had been a monk, and informed the brethren of the matter; so they |208 assembled in the church before the body of the founder of the monastery, and prayed him to intercede with God on her account. And three days afterwards, while they were fasting, the woman saw two men standing near her bed, who resembled Abba Isaac the bishop and the Father of the monastery, saying to her: «Verily God has heard the prayers, and this night thou shalt conceive a male child.» Then they disappeared. So she told this dream to her husband, and they were exceedingly glad. Then she conceived and brought forth a son. And for this reason they loved the bishop Abba Isaac, until God gave the government of the empire to Abd Allah, and then the prince gave Isaac authority to be patriarch of Antioch and the East, and commanded that whoever should oppose him should be slain with the sword. Afterwards indeed the prince slew two great metropolitans of this country, because they said to Abba Isaac: «Thou art bishop of Harran. How canst thou break the canons, and accept the support of the government, in taking the patriarchal throne by violence. Thou forcest us to excommunicate thee, for the canons decree that all who take advantage of the government shall be excommunicated.» Abba Isaac therefore laid a complaint before the prince, who gave orders that those two metropolitans should be slain; and there was great trouble in that country. Then Abba Isaac received a |209 decree from the prince for Abu Aun, governor of Egypt, in which he said; «Obey all that the patriarch, Abba Isaac, writes to thee, and do it for him». Isaac also wrote a synodical letter in his own name to the blessed Abba Michael, patriarch of the city of Alexandria, and sent it, accompanied by gifts, by two sons of his, a priest and a deacon, who were his scribes, and two of the chiefs of the metropolitans, one of them being metropolitan of Damascus, and the other metropolitan of Emesa, that they might receive an answer for him. Therein he wrote salutations to the patriarch of Egypt and his bishops, requesting him to exalt his name among them according to custom and for the sake of unity. He also wrote a letter from himself to Abu Aun, the governor, asking that, if the patriarch refused to comply, he might be sent to Abd Allah, the prince. When the letters reached Abu Aun, he sent to Alexandria and summoned Abba Michael, the patriarch, to Misr by himself; and when the letters and the decree were read to him, he answered, saying: «Do not force me to this, until I have assembled the bishops, and they have taken counsel upon this matter, according to our canons and laws». Then the governor conceded this to him, and allowed him a delay; and the patriarch took up his residence at Misr, and wrote to the bishops of the north and south and of the farther and nearer parts of Upper Egypt, bidding them all assemble to him, and look into this affair, and write him an answer, When they arrived, |210 they answered, saying to the patriarch: «He is thy equal, Father, and thy partner in the ministry; therefore do what seems good to thee with him; for, as for us, we have nothing to do with this matter.» And there was great trouble among them. And there was with him Abba Theodore, the second bishop of Misr of that name, who had been hegumen of Al-Fustât, and priest of the church of Saint Sergius: he and my father Abba Moses, bishop of Wasîm, alone. So they sent to me, the sinner, because they knew that I was one of their members, as it is written 35, not by my knowledge, but by spiritual love. So I went to them as a son, after a month, while they were holding converse with the envoys, in order to seek for answers, and for the sake of the decree of confirmation, that is say, the systatic letter. Now these envoys from the east were men in whom were found religion and charity. So when they saw me, I was wearing the habit of monks, though my conduct was far from that which a monk's ought to be, and they pointed to my fathers, saying: «Art thou here present alone with us, because thou art acting as deputy for thy brethren?» Then when they beheld me sitting with the bishops, and arguing with them in the discussion, they marvelled and said: «We never saw a monk argue with the patriarch, like this man». And the metropolitans said: «His tongue is like a sword, and cannot be opposed.» Then my fathers said to them: «He is in the position of a bishop.» So |211 they marvelled. Then one of the metropolitans said to me: «How many children hast thou in thy diocese and province?» I answered: «I have ten villages in each of which are ten adults, so that they produce every year about fifty human beings.» Then they said: «In truth we see thee worn and weak in body.» And one of them said: «I have under my see nine hundred hamlets, besides cities and villages and small dioceses; and our provinces are few.» And much discourse passed between us; for they were men imbued with religion and charity.
And in the second month they assembled in the church of our Lady, and the affair was settled with the patriarch, Abba Michael, who said: «Sword or fire or casting to lions or exile or captivity, ---- these are things that trouble me not; but I will not enter into what is not lawful, nor incur my own excommunication, which I subscribed with my own hand and initiated, to the effect that no bishop shall become patriarch. For the excellent fathers excommunicated him who shall take a degree in the hierarchy by the help or lavour of the government, and the bishops wrote to me from Antioch, in the time of Abba John, the patriarch, that any bishop who should be established on the throne after him should be excommunicated, and I subscribed my name to that declaration in my own handwriting. How then is it lawful for me to excommunicate myself, and to declare lawful to day what I anathematized yesterday, and to approve to-day what I condemned yesterday, and the holy fathers condemned before me?» Then he broke off the |212 discussion. So they proceeded to Abu Aun, the governor, and said to him: «Wilt thou send the patriarch with us to our own country, as the prince commanded?» But Abu Aun did not wish to send the father, because he loved him and the Christians; and he had found favour before God through them, and through God's acceptance of their prayers for him. So he said to the patriarch: «Thou art advanced in years, and the way is very long. Therefore depart and take counsel with thyself for a few days; and if the matter appears easier to thee, well and good; but if not, thou mayest go or not as thou wilt.»
So we went out from his presence. Then the metropolitans and envoys troubled us, and discoursed with the patriarch concerning the accomplishment of the command to journey with them, and would not leave us. So the father patriarch took thought for the journey, being sad at heart, and saying to my father Moses: «Wilt thou accompany me on this difficult road?» So my father Moses prepared to travel with him, besides Abba Theodore, bishop of Misr; and so also did I, John, the sinner. But when we were ready to start, the news that night arrived at Misr that Isaac, the bishop, who had usurped the throne of Antioch by the help of the government, had died at Antioch, and the see had been occupied by a man named Athanasius, who took his seat that very day before sunset, but died himself also the third day, and both were buried. When the metropolitans |213 and their clerical companions heard this news, they fled, and we knew not how they departed, only that we never beheld them again after that day.
Now I will tell you what was told us concerning this Athanasius. He was one of the chief bishops and a metropolitan, and exercised jurisdiction from the boundary of Harran inwards; and his province was very extensive, so that he used to travel over mountains and rocks and sharp stones on foot, wearing iron sandals, that he might go round every district. And they told us that he was very strong, tall in stature, stout in body; and the privilege had been granted him in synod to ordain the bishops, on account of the distance of the province from Antioch. But as soon as he usurped the patriarchal throne, he died.
And there came to us a Chalcedonian, named George, who was a good man; and he entered with us into the orthodox faith. So the choice of the synod fell upon him, and they made him patriarch of Antioch. But, a little time after he had established himself there, he was attacked by a bishop, named Abba David, whose mother had been nurse to Abu Ja'far al-Mansur, prince of the Muslims. This bishop accused him of that which may not be mentioned in the history of the Church; for our misdeeds and sins require no addition to them. After this the prince arrested this George, and fettered him with iron and wood, and put him in prison in the eighth |214 year of his reign. And from that time to now no synodical letter has reached us, and no such letter has gone from us.
Now I will tell you the strange story of the patriarch of Constantinople, and the prince, and a Chalcedonian, in the year 480 of the Martyrs. There was a man of high rank at Constantinople, named Philip, whom the patriarch persuaded to attack the prince, saying: «If thou fightest against him, thou wilt conquer him, and take possession of the government.» But when the news reached the prince, he banished that patriarch to a distant town, where he was cast into a narrow dungeon; and another was made patriarch. Now this prince committed deeds not fit to be named, and removed the pictures from the churches. And I have related this to you, only that you may know that these things were general, and did not take place at Antioch alone, but throughout the empire. Thus the two patriarchs of Constantinople and Antioch were imprisoned at the same time.
Now we have related a little of the good fight fought by the Father Patriarch, Abba Michael. And there was none who remained with him in. his distress and weakness to assist him, except the father and bishop, Abba Theodore, bishop of Misr, and Abba Moses, bishop of Wasîm. And when he was advanced in age, he prayed God mercifully to remove him |215 from this world, that he might rest with the saints; and God answered his prayer, and he gave up his soul after all his struggles and the good works that he had done, on the 16th of Barmahât. And he remained upon the evangelical throne, according to the statement which we found in the library in the Monastery of Saint Macarius, twenty-three years and a half; and his holy body was deposited with the bodies of our holy fathers, in glory and honour. May their prayers be with us! Amen.
[Footnotes moved to the end and renumbered]
1. 1. S. John. x. 11.
2. 2. Ps. cxvi, 15 (Sept. cxv. 6).
3. 1. Some mss. have «Theodosius».
4. 1. S. Matth., v. 44; S. Luke. vi. 27, 28,
5. 1. Ps. iv. 3.
6. 1. S. Matth.. x, 28: S. Luke, xii. 4, 5.
7. 1. Cf. Amélineau, Histoire du patriarche copte Isaac, étude critique, texte copte et traduction, in Bulletin de correspondance africaine, Paris, 1890. and Bulletin de l'Institut Egyptien, e serie. n° 6 annee 1885. Le Caire. 1886.
8. 1. Gen., L, 24: Exod., xiii. 19.
9. 2. Hebr., v. 4.
10. 3. Ps. lxv. 5 (Sept. lxiv).
11. 1. Ps. xxxiii. 10 (Sept. xxxii).
12. 1. This note was apparently added in the time of Mauhub, son of Mansur, one of the compilers of the history.
13. 2. Michael III. A. D. 881-913.
14. 1. S. Matth., xxv, 21. 23; cf. S. Luke, xix. 17.
15. 1. This note is evidently added by the translator.
16. 1. Exod., xxiii, 5.
17. 1. Apoc, xiii. 17.
18. 1. S. Matth., xx, 26-27; S. Mark, x, 43, 44.
19. 1. Ps. lxxviii, 3 (Sept. lxxvii).
20. 1. I Tim., iii. 15.
21. 1. S. Matth., xxv, 25: cf. S. Luke, xix, 20.
22. 2. Ps. cxiii, 7 (Sept. cxii).
23. 1. S. Matth., vii. 17.
24. 2. Eccl., x, 16.
25. 1. Prov., xxvi, 25.
26. 1. Gen., i, 26.
27. 1. Daniel, vii, 17 ff; viii. 21 ff; x, 20; xi, 2, 5 ff.
28. 1. I Kings, xvii, 43.
29. 1. Deut., xxxii, 30: cf. Lev., xxvi, 8; Jos., xxiii, 10.
30. 1. Jer., i, 6.
31. 1. Gen., ii, 13; Eccli., xxiv, 27 (Vulg. 37; also Jer., ii, 18, Sept.).
32. 1. Ps. xxxviii; 12 (Sept, xxxvii).
33. 1. Rom,, xii. 16; xv, 5; I Cor., i, 10; II Cor., xiii, 11; Phil., ii, 2: iv. 2. etc.
34. 1. The copyists have added another word, making it 200,000,000.
35. 1. Rom., xii, 5; Ephes., iv, 25.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Severus of Al'Ashmunein (Hermopolis), History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic church of Alexandria (1910) Part 4: Mennas I - Joseph (849 AD). Patrologia Orientalis 10 pp. 359-551 (pp.473-665 of text).
Severus of Al'Ashmunein (Hermopolis), History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic church of Alexandria (1910) Part 4: Mennas I - Joseph (849 AD). Patrologia Orientalis 10 pp. 359-551 (pp.473-665 of text).
HISTORY OF THE PATRIARCHS
OF THE COPTIC CHURCH OF ALEXANDRIA
IV
MENNAS I TO JOSEPH (849)
ARABIC TEXT EDITED, TRANSLATED, AND ANNOTATED
BY
B. EVETTS
Chapter 19
Mennas I, the forty-seventh patriarch (767-774)
John IV, the forty-eighth patriarch (775-799)
Mark III, the forty-ninth patriarch (799-819)
James, the fiftieth patriarch (819-830)
Chapter 20
Simon II, the fifty-first patriarch (830)
Joseph, the fifty-second patriarch (830-849)
A = Paris, arabe 301.
B = Brit. Mus., add. 26 100.
C = ---- or. 1338.
D = Vatican, arabe 620.
E = ---- 686.
F = Paris, arabe 4773.
G = ---- 4772.
|359
CHAPTER XIX
MENNAS I, THE FORTY-SEVENTH PATRIARCH. A.D. 767-774.
It is our duty to make enquiries and researches into the whole history of the Church, as our forefathers used to do. For Philo and Justus and Josephus, the Jews, narrated the events that took place at Jerusalem on account of Christ. And those who wrote the history of the orthodox Church were Africanus and Eusebius and Sozomenus; and after them again Mennas the scribe. These men related that which happened to the Church until the time of Dioscorus, the great father, who confessed Christ, and declared the truth, which saved us from the second deluge, and from drowning in the bottomless abyss, and from the six hundred and thirty assembled at Chalcedon, and the miscreant Leo, lord of Rome. An account of such matters has been written for us, in the twelfth part of the History of the Church, by those whose names we have mentioned because |360 they concerned themselves with these things. And so in every generation God has not left us without a record. Thus there was the archdeacon, the spiritual parent of our father, the holy father Abba Cosmas, patriarch of Alexandria, who was his kinsman. And Abba Macarius also, and Macarius the monk. And after them John, the spiritual son of Abba Moses, bishop of Wasîm.
And I, poor sinner, was ordered by my father the monk through a dream which he saw, for he was a holy old man; and he bade me and commanded me to write the history of my blessed fathers, both what I had witnessed and what was reported to me by trustworthy persons. For I was ministering to my father Abba Joseph, and slept at his feet; and he was my spiritual father and was advanced in age. And likewise the father patriarch, Abba Sinuthius, bade me write. So I prayed to the gracious God, and said like David 1: «O Lord open thou my lips, that I may relate that which happened to the blessed fathers with profit to those that shall read it, and with benefit to those that shall hear it. »
When our blessed father, Abba Michael, fell sick through old age, and went to his rest in glory and honour, his body was carried up |361 to be with the bodies of his fathers at Alexandria, in the church of Saint Mark the Evangelist, amid proofs of respect and veneration, while all the people wept for him. And they prayed and besought God to raise up, as successor to Abba Michael, a patriarch who should rule as he did. So the assembly met together, with the bishops, to appoint him whom God, who knows the secrets of all hearts and gives grace to those that are worthy of it, should choose. Then mention was made of the priest Mennas, the monk, of the church of Saint Macarius. Mennas was a man who excited general admiration by his sense and conduct. He had been a monk from his youth, and was the spiritual son of the father Abba Michael, and superintendent of his habitation in the monastery of Saint Macarius. So he was promoted to the patriarchal dignity by God's dispensation, amid the joy of all. And God vouchsafed to his Church this faithful shepherd, who had lived with Abba Michael, witnessing his works, because he was with him from his youth.
When Abba Mennas had taken his seat upon the apostolic throne, he imparted the spiritual doctrine, so that everyone marvelled at the mighty grace which was descending upon him, and at his admirable teaching. And the Lord, who had selected him, gave to the Church increase and protection in all her provinces, until men forgot all that had happened to them in the days of Abba Michael, now at rest; and peace continued in the Church. |362
But after a time Satan, the hater of good, raised up a trial for the blessed father. For he spoke by the tongue of a deacon and monk named Peter, in whom he took up his abode, that he might suggest to him great crimes of which Abba Mennas and the bishops under his see might be accused. This deacon and monk was a native of a village called Dasimah, and had been spiritual son to Abba Michael, now at rest, and was brought up in his cell, And the hater of good put into his heart the thought of soliciting a bishopric, though he was not worthy of it, from our father, Abba Mennas. But the father answered him as Peter the Apostle replied to Simon the magician, saying 2: «He has no lot nor share with us.» Then the deacon would not endure this treatment, but embarked in a ship, and departed to Syria. And when he arrived there, he composed letters, falsely purporting to be addressed by Abba Mennas to the patriarch of the Syrians, Abba George, patriarch of Antioch, and to his bishops and metropolitans, saying in those letters that great trouble and persecution and distress had been caused to the Church in Egypt by the governors. For Peter was skilled in the art of writing letters to patriarchs and metropolitans and bishops. So when the patriarch of Antioch had read the letters, he received Peter with great joy, because he said that he was the envoy of the patriarch's brother, the patriarch of Alexandria. And the patriarch |363 collected money for Peter, and gave him letters addressed to all the metropolitans and bishops subject to Antioch, bidding them also make collections for him and honour him with much attention; for the patriarch was infatuated with him. As soon as a sufficient sum had been raised to give him the assistance that he needed for his evil deed, and the means of reaching the princes, the hater of good still walked with him. And after some days Peter arrived at the capital city, and began with his heart full of wrath and cunning to write letters, containing false reports of the patriarch Abba Mennas. For Peter said in his report that the prince's treasury was empty of money, in spite of all that he needed for the expenses of the army and the administration of the government; while in Egypt there was a person, a great patriarch among the Christians, who knew how to practise alchemy for the permutation of substances into gold; and that by such means he had filled his churches with vessels of gold and silver, in which the holy offerings were presented. «But thou, my prince and my lord», he added, «hast the right to possess in thy storehouse these splendid golden vessels, which are in the churches of Egypt, and with which things displeasing to God are done». When this foul sinner had written this report, he waited for a day on which he might find means of laying it before the prince; and he gave bribes to all the attendants of the prince, in order that they |364 might introduce him. And Satan worked a great wonder for him, as he does for his favourites and followers, like the conjuring of the witch when she raised up the prophet Samuel from the tomb for Saul. Far be Samuel from this imagined likeness! We are only pointing out to you how Satan causes semblances and illusions in all ages.
These events were in the reign of Abû Ja'far Abd Allah, nephew of Abû Muslim, whom we have already mentioned in the eighteenth chapter of the History of the Church. He was the first who took possession of Khorassan. He had married a chaste wife while he was at Harran before he began to reign; and afterwards, when he became caliph, he lived at Damascus. This woman feared God; and she was of high rank in her tribe and nation; and she had made her husband swear, when she was married to him, that he would marry no other wife while she lived, so that she might keep the Law of God. But when he married her, God gave him no child for many years. Afterwards, however, she saw in a dream one who said to her: «Send for Isaac, bishop of Harran, that he may pray for thee; for God will accept his prayers on thy account and give thee a son.» Therefore she obeyed the vision with faith, and caused Abd Allah, her husband, to send and fetch the bishop. And before he arrived, she saw in a second dream a personage, who announced to her that God had heard |365 her petition and would fulfil her desire through the prayers of the bishop Isaac. Then, when he came, he prayed over her, and blessed her. So she conceived and bore two children. And for this cause the bishop stood high in favour with Abd Allah and his wife. So when Abd Allah began to reign, the father and bishop Isaac begged of him authority over the patriarchate of Antioch and the East; and the prince granted his request. And this was the cause of Isaac's fall, because he broke the canons. But since God would not endure to leave him upon the throne, as the holy gospel says 3: «Behold the axe is laid at the roots of the trees, therefore every tree that bears not good fruit shall be cut down and cast into the fire», thus it happened with this Isaac; when he acted foolishly and broke the law of God, and took his seat as patriarch by the power of the government, and transgressed the injunctions of his fathers, God cut off his life from the earth, and he died suddenly before the end of the year. And another man, named Athanasius, sat upon the throne by force on the day of Isaac's death; but he also died that very night, as it has been related in the eighteenth chapter of the History.
When the two sons of Abd Allah and of his chaste virtuous wife, before |366 mentioned, had grown up, one of them died. And the prince was exceedingly sad for him, and his mother mourned with all the household; for they were greatly grieved on his account. And the courtiers knew how much his mother loved her son, so that she never ceased to weep for him one single hour by night or by day, while the prince was very sorrowful. Now the death of this young son of the prince had taken place before the arrival of the deacon Peter, unworthy of that name. And the prince went out of the palace one day with his guards, and rode round the city, seeking distraction from his grief for his son according to the custom of men and princes. And he chanced to look aside and see that unworthy Peter, whom Satan transformed in the prince's eyes into the likeness of his son who was dead, so that he seemed to be the very same, in no wise differing from the young man's appearance even in the hair of his head. Therefore the prince, as soon as he perceived Peter, with joy caused him to be summoned, and embraced him, and kissed his mouth and eyes as if he were his son indeed. And in the excess of his gladness he returned to the palace, and with haste went in to his wife and said to her: «If thou couldst see the living image of thy son, wouldst thou cease from this weeping and sadness?» She answered: «Whence can he come to me?» Then the prince commanded that the deacon in whom Satan dwelt should be brought in to her; and Satan made him in her eyes like the form of her son. So when she saw him, she rose up |367 quickly and went to meet him rejoicing, imagining that he was her son; and more wonderful than this is the fact that Satan removed from her heart the grief that she had felt for her son. Therefore Peter remained with the prince and his wife in the palace some months, while they looked upon his face and were consoled by his presence. And God granted him favour with them, so that the prince said: «If thou hast any need, make it known to me, that I may satisfy it for thee». Then Peter told him what we related above, and after a stay of three months in the palace prayed the prince to send him to Egypt, and to write a decree for him appointing him patriarch over Egypt, and to give him authority over the patriarch Abba Mennas and his bishops, that he might do with them what was wanted. In compliance with this request, the prince drew up for Peter a document, addressed to the governor of Egypt at that time, whose name was Ibn Abd ar-Rahmân, directing him to do for Peter whatever he might bid him do. Then Peter gave orders that a cap should be made for him of splendid and priceless material; and his name was written upon it in Arabic letters thus: «Peter, patriarch of Egypt». And besides his own name the name of the prince also was written upon it; for Peter added in his folly, after putting his own name first: «And servant of the prince».
As soon as Peter arrived at Misr, he gave the document to the governor, who, after he had read it, sent and summoned the holy patriarch Abba |368 Mennas and his synod. When the governor's messengers arrived at the frontier-city of Alexandria and informed the patriarch of what had happened, he was sad and cried to the Lord from the depths of his heart, saying: «O Lord, save me from this snare which is secretly laid for me, for thou art my God; and give me not up to those that oppress me, for false witnesses have risen up against me. And behold, thine eyes, O Lord, are upon those that fear thee and trust in thy mercy, that thou mayest deliver their souls from death». And he did not cease to pray and weep the whole night long until the morning. Then the messengers appeared before him, and urged him to start upon his journey. Therefore he arose, and said with cheerfulness: «O Lord, make me worthy to suffer for thy name's sake; for thou alone art my hope, O Lord my God, and therefore I fear not what man can do to me». And he continued to repeat these words during his journey from Alexandria, until he arrived at Fustât Misr.
Then the governor was informed of the patriarch's arrival, and gave orders that he should be brought before him, and rejoiced when he saw him. For the governor loved the Christians, and had been friendly with the holy father, Abba Michael the patriarch, now at rest. So he said to the father, Abba Mennas: «Thou shalt receive all fair treatment from me, according to that which I used to do for the deceased patriarch who was thy predecessor. But the prince's mandate has arrived, bidding thee obey the bearer of it, who is a follower of thy faith and creed, and forbidding |369 thee to dispute with him concerning that which he shall command thee to do.» Thereupon the valiant one, who had no fear of the awfulness of earthly princes, the truth-speaking Abba Mennas, looked up into the face of the new Judas, I mean Peter the deacon, who relied upon worldly power, and believed himself to be invested with the authority of the patriarchate, and said to him: «Good is that which the true gospel 4 says concerning thee: None shall receive honour from himself unless it be given him from heaven by God. But hear what God says concerning thee and those that act like thee, declaring what thou deservest, where our Lord Christ says with his pure mouth 5: Every tree which my heavenly Father plants not shall be cut down and rooted up. So this name shall be taken away from thee, and thou shalt die in poverty an evil death». Then that fool answered him, and said to the holy father: «Do now what I command thee, that thou mayest escape the punishment, which I shall otherwise inflict upon thee, until I learn that thou dost resist the prince's mandate». And the vile wretch turned and said to the governor: «Instead of answering that as he hears so he will obey the prince's command, behold, he utters words which mean that he prays God to strip me of the authority which the prince has conferred upon me.» Then the governor answered and said to the patriarch: «Do not oppose the command of the prince, but perform what he ordains.» Mennas replied: «I will do so with joy, that |370 I may carry out the Law which bids me obey the king as I would obey God; for it says 6: He who resists and disputes authority, resists God, his Lord.» When the governor heard these words, he was pleased with the patriarch's answer, and said to the wretch: «Bid him do whatever thou desirest.» So he said: «Let him send and summon all the bishops under his jurisdiction, that I may give them in his presence the orders that are necessary.» Then the father begged of the governor that he might be allowed a delay of some days, till he could assemble the bishops. But that heretic said: «Let us send him away to prison, so that I may enter the churches in Misr and go up to their altars, as the patriarchs do. »
So the patriarch was imprisoned with Theodore, bishop of Misr, and ordered the secretaries to write letters to all the bishops, that they might come to him. For that heretic Peter believed that they would obey him and do for him what he had planned, though it was contrary to the canons of the Church. The letter which the father patriarch wrote was full of sadness and grief, but he did not explain any matter to the bishops lest he should discourage them, so that they would shrink from the struggle. The contents of the letter were as follows: «Satan does not at any time leave the Bride of Christ, the Universal Church, without opposition, but raises |371 up persecution and disorder with the object of vanquishing her in the war that he wages against her. But her Bridegroom, Christ the Truth, crushes Satan's power by the words which he said to Peter, chief of the apostles 7, that the gates of Hell shall not prevail against her. You know now that it is the Lord Christ who is the conqueror. Therefore advance to the combat and dispute not, but trust in the Lord; for he will abase our adversary and bring his counsels to nought, and glorify his Church which is his Bride. Let us also rejoice because we have armed ourselves like warriors for battle in this campaign, that we may obtain the heavenly crown, according to the summons which he gives us at all times, as Paul, the sweet-tongued, says 8: A man will not obtain the crown unless he fight. Hasten therefore now, that you may gain that reward, O my friends whom I love in the Lord.»
When the bishops had read the patriarch's letter, so full of consolation for them, they journeyed with all speed, and assembled at Fustât Misr. As soon as that erring son of Satan learnt that they were gathered together in the church on Sunday, he arose in his obstinacy, escorted by a troop of soldiers from the governor's palace, and proceeded without fear, and ascended into the sanctuary, intending to say the prayer of thanksgiving and the prayer of peace like the patriarch, wearing on his head the cap on which the name of the prince was written. But when the fathers and bishops saw him do this, they joined together in the Holy Ghost; and Abba |372 Mennas, bishop of Sanabû, rushed upon him, with Abba Moses, bishop of Wasîm; and they seized the cap and threw it down, and cast him out of the sanctuary, crying: «Ah thou second Julian, the churches of Egypt do not deserve to be defiled by thy presence!» At first that foul wretch was filled with confusion, but afterwards gave way to anger and commanded his escort to lead all the bishops away to prison, and to put irons upon their necks and feet. And when the holy father patriarch beheld them, he welcomed them and comforted them, saying: «O my friends, he who fights for us is greater than he who fights against us; and the Lord will rescue us from our enemies, and save us from those that rise up against us, and deliver us from the workers of iniquity.» The bishops, hearing these words, exclaimed: «Our father, we are ready to die with thee, and we believe and trust that we shall obtain salvation by thy prayers!»
Thus the bishops passed a few days in prison while that foul wretch was considering what evil he should do to them and to the patriarch; and then he ordered the governor to bring them out of confinement and make them stand before him; and the governor did so. Thereupon that miscreant said to the father patriarch: «I will do nothing with thee that thou fearest, such as others in my place have done to others in thy place before thee, from the time of the patriarch Abba Agathon; for he was compelled to build ships for the fleet. So Theodore the Chalcedonian, the governor of |373 Alexandria, treated Agathon in the reign of the caliph Yezîd, son of Mu'âwiyah. Come, bring forth from the church the vessels of gold and silver, that they may be carried to the prince's treasury. For this is the purpose for which I am come». On hearing this the patriarch said within himself 9: «The pains of death have surrounded me, and the terrors of Hell have fallen upon me». This he said because he knew that there was nothing in the churches such as Peter demanded of him. For notorious misfortunes had happened to the fathers before Abba Mennas, and none of the vessels of the churches had been left among their possessions; for the Copts had been robbed of every thing time after time by the adversaries who hated them. And when this glorious father was consecrated and enthroned, nothing had been restored, so that in the city of Alexandria no vessel was found, from which the people could receive the Communion, except a chalice of glass and another of wood. Therefore the holy father answered that miscreant, saying: «Thou knowest not the condition of the church from that time till now». But the wretched infidel replied: «Lo, I know that thou hast a book by means of which thou canst speedily become rich; for it teaches the art of making gold». The spiritual father said in answer to him: «I know nothing of that of which thou speakest. But I will do whatever thou mayest choose to command, and my trust is in |374 God; for I know that there is nothing in the church such as that which thou namest. And thou hast told lies to the prince». Then Peter said to the patriarch: «I will act generously towards thee, nor will I compel thee to spend any sum of money upon the fleet. But, by the prince's truth, none shall work at the task of pitching the ships but thou and thy bishops, with your own hands». Abba Mennas replied: «I will do that gladly, for so I shall act according to the words of Paul the Apostle, who says 10: I work with my own hands. Paul says also: They revile us and we bless them; they drive us away and we bear it patiently; they defame us and we entreat them».
So the father Abba Mennas and the bishops who were with him went out to perform the task allotted to them every day in the arsenal at Misr, working with their own hands at all that was needed for the ships for a whole year, while their faces were exposed to the sun all day during the summer. Thus the patriarch and bishops were labouring among the workmen and the ash-heaps in Fustât Misr, with tears and sighs. At the end of the day the father and all the bishops were taken back to the prison. And all the time Peter continued to demand of them the vessels of the churches, saying to them: «I came hither from the prince's court for this purpose only». But when some days had passed, while they were still in |375 prison, and he repeated his claims, at last the Lord looked upon the sighs of his pure ones, and worked a miracle; and he who has the power to repay took vengeance. We have already remarked that the governor favoured the Christians. Yet although he saw that contemptible person persecuting the patriarch and bishops, he could not hinder him, because he feared the prince, but could only urge upon him that it was not lawful for him to act so with the chief of the Christians. At last Peter answered: «Dost thou also call that man the head of the Christian community, and ignore the prince's decree? Then I will go to the prince, and let him know that thou hast deprived me of the dignity which he conferred upon me». Then, when Peter said this, the words 11 of Solomon the Wise were fulfilled in him: «A fool's tongue is a snare to him». For the governor exclaimed: «Thou desirest to depart to the prince, in order to tell lies to him against me, and present a calumnious report against me in accordance with what thou hast said and done with regard to this old man who fears God. Now after this day I will no longer suffer thee to behold the light of the sun, but all men shall know that God has exacted justice from thee for this old man». Accordingly the governor gave orders that very hour that Peter should be taken away to prison, and thrown into the dungeon, and that his hands and feet should be fettered with iron, and he be kept there |376 in a narrow place. So Peter remained in this condition three years. At the same time the governor gave orders to release the militant patriarch and bishops from punishment. And they began to praise God and to say: «As the prophet Isaias 12 says: God destroys the counsel of the adversaries and hypocrites; and the Lord will not forsake those that trust in him, those who fear God. Now is fulfilled the word of the prophet Malachias 13 in us: Ye who fear my name, upon you the Sun of Righteousness shall shine. Go forth, rejoicing like calves released to their mothers. And ye shall tread down the hypocrites».
Then the father departed to Alexandria; and there he entered the church with joy. And the Alexandrians glorified God with public thanksgivings. And Abba Mennas occupied himself with the care of Christ's flock and the administration of the Evangelical See, through the grace which was with him. Yet in spite of all this he was sad on account of that poor miserable sinner, who had given up his soul to death by sin. And Abba Mennas prayed to God, saying: «Thou art the merciful God who saidst 14: I desire not the death of a sinner, so much as that he should return and be converted. Therefore thou, O Lord, wilt save the soul of this other man, that he may not die in sin. Rather save him, that he may repent and weep for his error, |377 so that his soul may live. For Satan at all times drags down to Hell those who obey him».
Now Satan, the hater of good, filled him who was in prison with evil designs and bad notions, and suggested foul thoughts in his heart concerning the patriarch and concerning the bishops and the Church for his sake. And at the end of three years, while Peter was still in prison, Ibn Abd ar-Rahmân, the governor, was removed from Egypt, and another was sent thither. When the new governor arrived at Al-Fustât, he examined the prisons that he might learn what was the offence of every prisoner; and so, as soon as the case of Peter was reported to him, he commanded that Peter should be brought before him. And the governor recognised Peter on seeing him, and said to him: «Art thou not he whom the prince despatched to Egypt at such a time?» He replied: «Yes, I am he». Then the governor asked him: «What befell thee, and cut off the memory of thee from before the prince, so that thou becamest as one dead?» Thereupon Peter answered by accusing the patriarch and Ibn Abd ar-Rahmân, the governor lately dismissed, of committing great crimes, and added: «For he left the prince's edict without effect, and kept me in prison three years». And Peter brought many charges against the Christians and the Church. The governor said to him: «Thou shalt depart to the prince's court. I will send thee to him». Peter replied: «That is well; for such is my |378 desire, in order to accomplish that which is in my heart». So the governor despatched him in haste, bidding him take with him a letter, in which an explanation of what had happened to him was given. Thus Satan, the hater of good, drove Peter back to his former circumstances, and raised in the prince's heart a greater love for him than before. This was especially because Peter said to him: «I wish to enter into thy religion, and to return to Egypt and claim my rights from my enemies». At this the prince rejoiced. Then the foul wretch denied the name of Christ the Saviour, and confessed the religion of Islam; and for that the prince gave him many gifts on that day, garments and money and horses and female slaves, and named him Abu'l-Khair 15.
But the Lord, whose name is blessed, purposed to give rest to the holy father Abba Mennas, that he might not undergo any punishment from this renegade. For God showed forth a miracle, when he looked upon him who was called Abu'l-Khair, but was in reality father of all mischief and guile. The prince gave him the letters to the governor that he asked for, and he journeyed to Egypt, believing that he was about to do all the harm to the patriarch that lay in his power. Before he arrived in Egypt, however, Abd Allah, the prince, died. So when the wretch learnt that his hopes were thus frustrated, the words 16 of the prophet were fulfilled in him: |379 «Contemptible is the man who trusts in a man.» For in shame he departed to his native town; but as soon as his family and kinsmen and acquaintances saw him, he was hated and detested among them like the Jews who slew their Lord. And they began to reproach him, saying: «Ah thou that art become a son of Satan, and hast strayed from the way of life, where hast thou left the fear of God and of Hell, and the voice of our Creator pronouncing the terrible sentence 17: Whosoever shall deny me before men, him will I deny before the Father who is in Heaven? Thou hast rejected this true voice, and therefore thou shalt hear instead of it 18: Take him away to the fire which is not quenched and the worm which sleeps not. This shall be the reward of thy apostasy. To thee will be spoken also his words addressed to those like thee 19: Depart from me, ye cursed, into the fire kindled and prepared for the Devil and his hosts. Then it will be said to thee that, instead of the bishopric which thou didst demand, there is the gain of rebellion, and instead of the Spiritual Paradise thou hast earned the foulness of apostasy.» And Peter had to listen to many such reproaches every day, filled with sorrow and shame. At last he went away to the bishops of Egypt, whom he had afflicted with such torments; and he begged them to pray to God for him |380 that he might save him from this error, professing that his heart was right. Then he heard from the mouth of the bishops, as the Lord said 20 to his disciples at that time concerning Judas Iscariot, that none should perish except the son of perdition.
After these events it was God's will to give rest to the father Abba Mennas, and translate him to Jerusalem on high from this world full of misery and trouble. So he went to his rest, after occupying the see seven years, on the last day of Tubah, and brought his teaching to a close, preserving the faith of his lathers; and he departed in peace to the Lord Christ, whom he loved, and received the crown of victory together with the assembly of his militant brethren, and entered into joy with them in the land of the living. And after his decease, that rebel returned to the town where he was born, and died there a bitter death in sin and poverty, as our father Abba Mennas had prophesied concerning him. Thus all who witnessed his fate marvelled and glorified God, saying: «That which the father Abba Mennas foretold by the Holy Ghost against this man has come to pass.» And they said, as David, the servant of the Lord, says in the Psalm 21, that he humbles the proud as one that is wounded. David says also in the 118th. Psalm 22: «Cursed are all those that swerve from thy commandments.» |381
So the Church remained a widow without a pastor. But the Lord visited his sheep, whom he had bought with his blood; and the bishops assembled in the city of Alexandria, and consulted together, and prayed the Lord to shew them a faithful shepherd. Many names were mentioned, and they continued to discuss this matter during several days, while the Lord was reserving his chosen one, whom he was about to elect and anoint with the oil of his mercy, that he might be called to the patriarchal office, because it belonged to him. Now our fathers, when they met together in order to come to an agreement upon the appointment of a patriarch, were accustomed to write many names on small sheets which, they laid in the sanctuary. Then the bishops and priests and orthodox laity used to pray to the Lord with a sincere intention, and cry Kyrie eleison. Afterwards they brought a young child, ignorant of sin, which put forth its hand and took one sheet from among the number. And him whose name was drawn they promoted to the patriarchal dignity.
Now they had begun to carry out this procedure. And there was in charge of the church of Saint Mennas a priest named John, the son of the father Abba Michael; and his birthplace was at Bana Busir, and he had become a monk in Wadî Habîb, and had then been, entrusted with the office of oeconomus under the father Abba Mennas, lately gone to his rest. This man was named by an aged deacon of pious character, one of the |382 clergy of Alexandria, who said to the assembly: «Have you remembered the priest John, in charge of the church of Saint Mennas, so as to write his name down?» Now they had not remembered him, but the Lord recalled him to memory by the mouth of the old ecclesiastic. So they wrote down his name, and prayed, and did three times what we have described above. And the name of John was drawn each of these three times. Then all those that were present marvelled; and they cried aloud saying: «Truly he is worthy!» So they appointed John, and he sat upon the throne.
JOHN IV, THE FORTY-EIGHTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 775-799.
After the father Abba John had been enthroned, he wrote a synodical letter full of wisdom to the blessed father, George, patriarch of Antioch, to make known to him his unity with him in the faith and the circumstances of his taking his seat upon the throne. Now a report had been presented to the prince, against this George of whom we speak, by one of his bishops; and in consequence of this report the prince arrested George, and put him in fetters and imprisoned him. And the bishop who accused him sat upon the throne, but had written no epistle nor announced a decree of |383 appointment to the patriarch of Alexandria. Then that bishop died, and George returned, having been released from prison, and sat upon the throne of Antioch with glory and honour, after an absence of ten years. George, therefore, having read the letters of the blessed patriarch, Abba John, upon the arrival of his envoys at Antioch, welcomed those envoys and rejoiced over them; and so likewise the synod of metropolitans and bishops, assembled with their chief, glorified the Lord Christ, with great joy and spiritual gladness, on account of the agreement of the doctrine of the two patriarchs concerning the orthodox Faith, and their common accord after the days that had passed. And George with his metropolitans and bishops composed an epistle in answer to the synodical, and sent it to the father, Abba John, according to the ecclesiastical canons, which are exempt from error.
Now Abba John was beautiful in form, perfect in stature, inspired by God in all his affairs. And everyone desired to behold his welcome form; and it was granted to him to be acceptable to all princes and governors, like Joseph the Truthful, with whom God's hand was, and whom God saved from all his sorrows, and to whom he gave grace and wisdom before Pharao. And the father John was assiduous in doing good, and provided means for the building of a church and a patriarchal residence, which he adorned with all beautiful ornaments. He also embellished the churches |384 at Alexandria with all decoration and adornment. The times were propitious towards him, and the authorities respected him, and enabled him to carry out his desires, and accepted his opinion, and did not hinder him from anything that he wished; and the orthodox people obeyed him, and the Church enjoyed tranquillity and peace in his days. He did not cease from doing good, and his chief care was for the building of the churches of Alexandria, so that he raised a great monument to himself in this city. His conduct was admirable, so that the heretics at Alexandria were jealous of him, according to the custom of those accursed ones in dealing with the orthodox, even in matters relating to the Faith, especially in the days of this holy John, because they beheld his good works in the Church and in all the churches at Alexandria with glory and honour.
The liar, who was at that time the father of the heretics, was a person named Politian. He was a skilful physician, and the prince's of Islam used to treat him with favour on account of his art. And he did not cease to speak of our father John with words of jealousy. But God, who knows that which is secret, was raising up this man day after day, and the sweet odour of his teaching reached all the people. Therefore those who loved God took thought and said: «We will hand over to him our money, that he may build with it the churches of Alexandria, as a memorial for us and for |385 those that shall come after us». Accordingly they used to bring to him, that saint adorned with virtues, large sums of money and gifts, and to pray him to provide for the building of the churches, until that which is said 23 of the prophet David was fulfilled in Abba John: «The zeal of thine house has eaten me up.» And he accepted those gifts from the people, because he knew how great were their charity and their sacrifice of their wealth and their goodness and right faith in God.
And there was with Abba John a deacon, who loved God, and was very vigilant and full of faith and spiritual wisdom. This deacon was named Mark, and was an Alexandrian; and he had grasped with zeal the helm of the Ark, which is the Church, the Ark of salvation from the deluge of the devils. Our father Abba John had known him from his youth. Mark was in charge of the church of Saint Mennas, and the patriarch, because of his acquaintance with him and his family, made him deacon; and wherever the patriarch celebrated the Liturgy or was present, Mark used to chant the gospel, with a voice of tenderness and moving tones, so that the hearts of listeners were touched by their music. For this reason the people used to come early to the church in order to hear his chanting and his beautiful voice, and because he understood the art of chanting, and for |386 the sake of his beautiful countenance; and when he chanted he put every word in its right place. He was also learned in the Scriptures and in the study of all the Mystagogia. So men used to say: «Blessed is the Lord God, who has given a wise son to David 24, as it is said.» The faithful laity used to say, glorifying God: «Blessed is God, who has raised up for us this deacon Mark who loves God. Blessed is the Lord who has made this branch to flourish for us from this blessed tree, ---- our holy father John and his son Mark. Happy is our city which has merited this grace!» And when our father the patriarch beheld this deacon and his actions, he rejoiced over him and thanked God, who had given him this gift for the Church, and had left Mark to him as an adviser in all his circumstances. And Mark, in each step to which the patriarch promoted him, grew more and more humble towards all, both small and great; and more excellent than this was his obedience to the father in all that he commanded him. to do. Then Mark, when he was filled with grace, begged our father to hold him worthy of the Angelic Habit, that is the monastic estate. So Abba John, when he saw Mark's desire, took him with him, on the 27th. of Barmahât, which is the day when Saint Macarius went to his rest, to the monastery of the illuminating father, Saint Macarius, the meeting-place of monks, and the home of high wisdom and of prayer, continuing night and day with |387 glorification of the Holy Trinity. And when Mark had put on the habit, an aged monk, enlightened by the Holy Ghost, looked at him and said: «This deacon, whose name is Mark, is worthy to sit upon the throne of his father, Mark the evangelist.» And Mark began to increase in humility and purity and holiness, till there was accomplished in him that which God says 25: «To whom shall I look, except to the humble of heart who fears me?»
Now when you hear these words from me, brethren, be not angry with me because I have left the discourse of the blessed fathers, and the building of the church in the city of Alexandria, and the narration of their history in spite of its importance to us; for likewise is it incumbent upon us to mention the humble sons, who were saved by their works, and pleased the fathers by their conduct, in order that future generations and peoples may hear of them, and that they too may grow in the grace of the Holy Ghost, according to that which Paul the sweet-tongued wrote 26, where he says in the Spirit: «I am jealous»; and therefore I do not leave this unsaid. The interpretation of the words: «I am jealous», is that they mean jealous in spiritual works.
Hear how our father, the patriarch Abba John, began to take thought for the building of the church, in accordance with the request of those two |388 blessed ones who loved God, Cyrus and Barnabas, when they saw that Christ's people desired this. And the churches possessed endowments. So Abba John called the deacon Mark, and said to him: «My son, it shall be to thee a reward from God that thou shalt superintend the building of the churches; for thou art acquainted with the city and the workmen and their trades. And I know that God is with thee, and I believe and trust that the good care which thou shalt bestow upon this matter in thy faith will be returned to thee in perfection». Mark replied: «Thy Holiness knows that the accursed heretics have many arguments with which they will oppose us. But it would be a sin upon my conscience if I resisted the Holy Ghost who dwells in thee; and now, my father, thou desirest to do a good deed». Then he made a prostration before the patriarch, and said to him: «Pray for me, my father!» And the patriarch answered: «The Lord bless thee and be with thee, until thou shalt complete the building of his holy house, so that thou mayest rejoice in it after we are gone». Thereupon Mark said to the patriarch: «Thy Paternity commands me to lay the foundation as God shall give me light».
Therefore the patriarch supplied all that was needed for the fabric, and assembled the workmen and overseers. And he said prayers, and laid the foundations of the church and of the surrounding habitations. And he delivered all that church needed into the hand of the pious deacon Mark, that he might provide for the construction. Thus Mark was entrusted with the building of the holy church; and God was helping him with grace, and |389 the building grew and advanced daily. Then Satan whispered to the [heart of the lying heretic, the chief of the believers in the Two Natures, that he should accuse the father, Abba John, before the governor of occupying buildings belonging to the government and turning them into churches. This charge was brought by that heretic in envy, that he might stop the building, like the Chaldeans who desired to put an end to the building of the holy house of God. But the father, Abba John, endured patiently and suffered greatly through that which was done to him by that liar, and was forced on account of it to pay a heavy fine to the government. And the wretch rejoiced thereat, and accused Abba John of all sorts of evil deeds and of lies. And as often as his enemies beheld him growing and increasing day by day, while his people were orthodox, and his teaching was uninterrupted, and his churches were flourishing, and he also continued to build and restore in the churches, then they grew yet more wrathful. But they could not resist the power of God, and were as the Chaldeans with regard to the temple of Jerusalem, when God brought their efforts to nought; for so he did likewise in this case, scattering the counsel of the heretics, those new Jews. For by the mercy of the Lord Christ, he put it into the heart of the governor to command the father, Abba John, to finish the church and furnish it as he desired. So he completed the church in the space of five years, and consecrated it in the name of the Archangel Michael. This |390 church is called at the present day, in the city of Alexandria, the church of Repentance. And there was with our father the patriarch a scribe and deacon, named John, who was counted worthy of the bishopric of the see of Sakhâ after the decease of the father, Abba John.
After the completion of the church of the Angel Michael, by the Lord's inscrutable decrees a great dearth came upon the city of Alexandria and Upper Egypt, so that the price of wheat rose to a dinar for three waibahs, and many persons perished. And our father was sad on account of the dead and the mortality that he saw, and prayed with tears, saying, like the prophet Isaias 27: «Thou hast turned away thy face from us, and given us up because of our sins. And now, O Lord, thou art yet our Father, and we are all dust and the work of thy hands. Deal not with us according to our sins, and be not angry with us for ever; and remember not our offences, but turn to as, O Lord, for we are thy people». And he continued in prayer night and day, saying: «O Lord, have mercy on thy creatures and the work of thy hands; deal not with us after our sins. We deserve indeed all chastisement, for we have not walked in the way of thy commandments. But now, O Lord, chastise us not with the rod of thy wrath, and remember not our transgressions before thee».
And the patriarch beheld the distress of the people from the severity of |391 the dearth, and his pity excited him to pray. Then Abba John called his son and partner in his works, the deacon Mark, and gave him authority to distribute alms among all the inhabitants of the city; and the storehouses and the accounts of the church were under his superintendence, for the father, Abba John, had entrusted him with the charge of them, making trial of his conduct. So Mark began to assist all those that were starving, giving them their food morning and evening every day. And he used to see at the patriarch's door many people of every race, whom he would supply with provisions out of the stores of the church; for she had at that time an abundance of good things. Thus the sweet perfume of his good deeds spread, and filled all places. Basil and Eusebius, the two bishops, were those who made almsgiving their uninterrupted occupation, making more of it than of the fulfilment of any other commandment. In the same way this holy man acted as they did, emulating their excellence until he resembled them in that point; but though he did thus, yet he did not neglect any of the precepts of religion: And he visited the officials and the rich men, and said to them: «Be merciful to the needy». And he urged them to alms-giving with arguments from the holy scriptures, saying to them: «Profit by this time and this grace which is glorious before God». |392
And he began to exhort them in the words of the prophet David to his son 28: «Turn not thy face from the poor, and then the Lord will not turn his face from thee». He quoted also the saying of another prophet 29:«Alms saves from death, and raises from Hell, and does not suffer a man to enter into darkness». He reminded them also of that which Paul wrote to Timothy his son, saying to him 30: «Charge the rich in this world that they be not proud, but that they place their trust in God, who gives riches to each one, that they may have enough of all things, and may lay for themselves a foundation, in order that they may take hold of the true life». And he admonished them with these and other words, until the rich men and the officials emulated his works, and began to do as he advised them with their money; and none of them was backward in giving alms, nor in visiting the widows and orphans and prisons and taking to them food and clothing; and so also they did for the clergy and the poor. And many of the officials had fallen into poverty at this time, and they also were assisted. And Mark used to entertain strangers. But at last the Lord took pity on his people and relieved them of the dearth, through the prayers of the holy father, Abba John.
At that time the patriarch of Antioch, Abba George, went to his rest. And a holy man, named Cyriacus, was appointed in his place by a |393 dispensation from God, and through the united votes of the metropolitans and bishops and of all the laity of Syria and the East. He was full of the Holy Ghost, and when he heard of the works of the holy father, Abba John, he summoned his metropolitans and bishops, and said to them: «We must not delay writing to the father, Abba John, who occupies the evangelical throne in the great city of Alexandria, which is an inheritance of ours from our fathers, since the time of the father Severus and of Theodosius, who both fought for the orthodox faith.» Now I have already mentioned the deceased father, Abba George, and observed that in the past years, during which he was in prison, no synodical letter came from him to Egypt to the father Mennas, on account of Abba George's troubles and confinement, and because Abba Mennas also did not write, being otherwise occupied through the persecution which he suffered at the hands of the excommunicated deacon Peter, the apostate unworthy of his name; until the patriarch and bishops escaped from durance, and then the correspondence took place as we have related above. Therefore the father Cyriacus said: «If we should not write, we should be guilty of an offence and a sin, on account of the agreement and unity which exist between us. In the time of our forefathers, they agreed with us in the true faith and in charity; and they commemorate our fathers' names in all the sanctuaries of Egypt. For this reason |394 let us not interrupt the Christian charity and spiritual concord which we share with them. » Accordingly, our father, Abba Cyriacus, patriarch of Antioch, addressed to Abba John, patriarch of Alexandria, a synodical letter, full of the grace of the Holy Ghost, and despatched it by the hand of Anastasius, metropolitan of Damascus, who was accompanied by two bishops of his province. In this epistle Cyriacus spoke of the orthodox union existing between the two sees of Antioch and Alexandria, and announced how he had taken his seat upon the throne of Ignatius, the Wearer of Divinity. And when the letter reached Abba John, and he had read it, he rejoiced greatly, and glorified the Lord Jesus Christ, who always cares for his Church and for his people, whom he bought with his precious Blood.
Afterwards our father, Abba John, commanded that the letter should be read before the people, who marvelled when they heard its eloquence, and because it was a long time since a synodical had arrived; and they gave thanks to God for it. And when the envoys, Anastasius and the two bishops, visited the church at Alexandria, they were filled with admiration of its paintings and decoration, and the marshalling of the patriarch and bishops and clergy, and the seven ecclesiastical orders, and the dignity of all of them and their serenity and piety. And the Syrians wondered and glorified God for the magnitude of the grace which rested upon the clergy of |395 Alexandria, through the holy favour of Saint Mark the evangelist. Therefore, beholding these things, they said what David says in the psalm 31: «As we have heard, so have we seen.» And they rejoiced with a great spiritual joy, according to that which is written in the Acts 32: «A report came to the ears of the Church in Jerusalem concerning them, so they sent Barnabas to Antioch, and when he arrived and saw the grace of God, he rejoiced.»
The envoys remained with the holy father John a few days, and then he bade them farewell with respect and honour, after he had written for them an answer to their letter. So they departed to their own country glorifying God for what they had witnessed.
I desire, my holy fathers, to bring to an end my discourse concerning the deeds of our blessed father Abba John. This I do, not because my faltering tongue could not relate a few more of his actions; but, while I record the names of the holy men who lived in his time, I must describe for your Paternities their good works and their prophecies, that your hearts may be gladdened, as it is written 33: «When the righteous are commemorated, the people rejoice.» There was in those days at Al-Burlus a holy old man, named George, who was beautiful in his conduct. And |396 through the Holy Ghost, he used to see that which was about to happen far away by a great mystery, before the event took place so that he might know it, on account of his excellent virtues. Now Abba George, bishop of Misr had gone to his rest at that time; and he was a holy man, merciful and generous in alms-giving; and he had lived long among the people of Misr, ruling them in purity and justice. Therefore the faithful people mourned for him, and met together and took counsel, and wrote to the father, Abba John, praying him to appoint his son Mark, the deacon, bishop over them at Misr, in the place of George now at rest. When the patriarch read the letter, he was willing that they should obtain their desire because of his pastoral care for their souls; and he commanded that Mark, the deacon, should be promoted to their see. Mark, however, refused the dignity which was offered to him. Thereupon the patriarch caused iron fetters to be placed upon Mark's feet, and ordained him priest, intending to complete his consecration as bishop. But this proceeding was against Mark's will, and he was weeping and sad, saying: «O Lord, thou knowest that I am not fit for this post; therefore I pray thee, O my Lord, to save me from this burden which I cannot bear.» And the Lord, who loves mankind, and chooses those whom he elects for his grace before they are born, heard him; for he said to that faithful one: «Rise, leave this place in which thou art.» So he arose at that moment; and the irons fell from his feet, and |397 the door opened for him, and he escaped; and none of those who were guarding him awoke as he went out. When morning came, the patriarch sent for Mark, but found that he was gone. And Abba John, though he gave orders to enquire after the fugitive, could not discover him, and therefore was indignant. Then the patriarch appointed a son of his, named Cosmas, and ordained him for the people of Misr; but after a short time he died. And there was a person called Michael, of virtuous life; therefore Abba John consecrated him bishop for them.
And the patriarch was angry with Mark the deacon, because he had escaped and disobeyed his father's command. So he wrote a letter to the holy father George at Al-Burlus, whom we mentioned at the beginning of this narrative. The letter was written in order to let him know that the patriarch was displeased with his son Mark, on account of his disobedience to his father, and flight from him, and because Mark had lowered the patriarchal dignity in the eyes of the people of Misr. To this the holy George, the prophet, answered, saying: «Let not thy Paternity be angry with thy son because he resisted thee. For thou didst desire to oppose God's decree, since that which thou didst purpose for Mark was not from God. But God has reserved him, that he may receive thy see and thy primacy after thee.» When the father patriarch heard this prophecy, he marvelled; for he believed all that the holy old hermit said to him. And when Mark learnt this, he returned to the patriarch, and prostrated himself before him and |398 asked his pardon. And he was no longer displeased with Mark, who from that day enjoyed high estimation with the patriarch, and was never separated from him again, but accompanied him wherever he went.
Then the patriarch betook himself to Fustât Misr, on account of the taxes which were imposed upon the Church property; and this was the last time that he went thither. And Satan, the hater of good, contrived that certain persons should attack Abba John. For Satan said: «This old man resists me, and builds churches and memorials; I also will cause his remuneration to be scanty.» There was at that time a governor who hated Christ; and Satan suggested to him that he should demolish some of the churches of Misr. But the Lord who loves mankind speedily took vengeance on that man, and he suddenly died an evil death. And after him there was appointed in his room a person who favoured the Christians. So he directed them to clean out the churches, which his predecessor had begun to pull down; but he did not bid them rebuild. Now the patriarch was at Misr, where he had accomplished all his duties, and was intending to return to Alexandria. But it was the feast of the Lord, the 28th. day of Kîhâk. So the bishops and laity begged him to celebrate the Liturgy for them, and to communicate them, before he separated from them. And this prophecy was current among them, that they should receive the Holy Mysteries from his hand before his departure from this world. |399
And when he entered the church, he saw that it had no roof. Therefore he sighed, saying: «O my Lord and God, Jesus Christ, thou saidst to Peter, the chief of the disciples: I will build my church upon the rock, and the gates of Hell shall not prevail against her. And though some of the hypocritical princes have oppressed her somewhat, yet according to thy word she shall never be destroyed. Proud princes like Diocletian and Julian and such as resembled them have been repulsed, but the Church is exalted in every age, and faith is perfected. O Lord, I pray and implore that thou wilt renew the Church by grace, and overthrow all the hypocritical princes that oppose her, and show them their weakness speedily, and bring their counsels to nought. And grant me a governor, seeking the truth, who will command that the churches be rebuilt, and restored to their former condition of decency and beauty, by making thy light to rise among them.»
And while he was praying with these and similar words, he heard, like the blessed David, a voice saying: «As for thee, I will take thee to myself, and give thee rest from the troubles of this world. But he who shall come after thee is he that shall build and restore the churches.» When the patriarch heard these words, he began the liturgy; and as soon as he had finished the service, he communicated the laity of the Holy Mysteries, and gave them the salutation of peace. Afterwards the bishops returned to their dioceses. At that time our father, Abba John, was attacked by fever, and |400 he began to suffer from pains in his head. Now the fathers and bishops hoped that he might attain his desires, and that his heart might be satisfied; and they said to him: «Our father, let not thy heart be troubled because the church is wrecked! The Lord will raise up for it one who will rebuild it, so that it shall be better than it was before, in return for thy prayers and thy holy life.» But the patriarch did not heed their words, for his heart was occupied with the voice that he had heard, telling him that he was about to depart from this world. So he prayed the bishops, saying to them: «Take me to my city, the place which the Lord chose for me, that I may worship the Lord upon the throne of my father, Mark the evangelist, before my soul leaves my body.»
And they obeyed him, and carried him to a boat. And there were with him of the bishops Michael, bishop of Misr, and George, bishop of Memphis. And on the day of their departure from Misr, a new governor, named El-Laith, son of El-Fadl, was appointed over Egypt; and he was a good man and favoured the Christians. And while we went down the river, the patriarch began to address us, as he sat in the boat, saying: «A thought has come into my mind, which I will tell you for the sake of your holy lives; and I will reveal to you what lies hid from you. You know what trouble I have encountered, and how I have endured even to the shedding of blood. But now I am about to be removed to the place where my fathers dwell. For I prayed God not to take me away suddenly without fruit, but to leave me for one year, and to grant to me that I might turn |401 to him with my whole heart, and repent and weep over my sins. And I prayed him to let me see a just governor in the land of Egypt, who would favour the Christians. And God did not refuse me this request, but granted me life for one year, the end of which will be in these few days. And the tidings has reached me that a governor has been appointed, and that he does all that is good to the churches and the brethren. But I am about to depart to God, and you will see me no more in the body; for my time, of which I have been warned by God, is at hand. Therefore listen now. When I am dead, hasten and place him whom God shall choose upon the throne.»
The fathers and bishops, on hearing these words, were assured of the patriarch's approaching death. Therefore they gave vent to sighs, and could not endure their grief through the abundance of their tears, on account of his saying: «You will see me no more in the body.» And they said to him: «Our father, when God revealed thy departure from this world, of whom did he make known to thee that he would sit upon the throne after thee?» Abba John replied: «It is he whom God has preserved till now, and whom he has chosen to rule his people. I indeed desired to make him a bishop; but it was God's dispensation to keep him for this ministry. It is, namely, my son, the priest Mark.» This the patriarch said, while they were descending the river on the boat. And when he arrived at the city of Alexandria, his sickness and fever grew heavy upon him. And here is another wonder which God manifested to our holy father, |402 Abba John, and which must not be left unnoticed. For on the 16th. day of the month of Tubah, the feast of the holy martyr Philotheus, which was the birthday of this father, as it is generally related, and also the day on which he was ordained patriarch, ---- on that very day he gave up his soul to the Lord.
Abba John remained upon the throne twenty-four years, and his death took place in the year 515 of the Martyrs. So the grief of the orthodox laity was great that day on his account. And when the prayers and the liturgy had been said for him, his holy body was laid with his holy fathers, the Theodosian patriarchs. And the Lord received his pure soul; and he was numbered with the saints in the land of the living. Glory is due to the Lord Jesus Christ and to his merciful Father and to the Holy Ghost, the Giver of life, now and at all times and for ever and ever! Amen.
MARK III, THE FORTY-NINTH PATRIARCH. A. D. 799-819.
Then the two bishops returned in haste to Misr, namely Abba Michael, the bishop of that city, and George, bishop of Memphis, that they might |403 forward the appointment of a successor to Abba John. So when the bishops and orthodox laity assembled at Alexandria, and took counsel together as to whom they should nominate, the bishops said: «We have heard that our father, Abba John, mentioned the name of the priest Mark, and said that it was he that should sit after him.» Then all the clergy cried with one voice: «He is worthy indeed of this rank. He is the saint who has been approved by the Holy Ghost, and was approved by our blessed father John all the days that he remained with him.» Then all the bishops and clergy wrote a letter, addressed to Michael, bishop of Misr, saying thus: «Thy Paternity knows the state of orphanhood into which we are fallen, through the departure of our blessed father, Abba John, to the Lord at this mournful time, and also how the princes are changed. And thy Paternity knows that a flock of sheep without a shepherd is entered and scattered by the wolf, and that every city without a wall is destroyed by the enemy. For this cause we have assembled in the Great Church of Alexandria with the fathers and bishops, and have written with one consent that our hearts approve the priest Mark, that he may be a father to us. For we know that the Lord has chosen him, and that our departed father informed you of this before his death. Therefore we say, as the blessed David said 34: Instead of the fathers there came sons, whom thou shalt make rulers over all the land.» |404
This letter was conveyed to its destination by some of the bishops and the archdeacon of the city. But when the priest Mark received the news of the letter, which had been written concerning him, he was much grieved, and immediately rose up and fled to the monastery of Saint Macarius in Wadî Habîb. Now the desert was at that time like the Paradise of God, inhabited by holy and spiritual men, one of whom prophesied of this saint that he was worthy of this ministry, as we related above. Then when the father, Abba Michael, bishop of Misr, read the letter, he recalled the words of his teacher, Abba John, the deceased patriarch. Therefore Michael summoned all the chief men at Misr, and they went to the governor. And the bishops, that is Abba Michael and the envoys, entered into the governor's presence, for he admitted no other. And he said to them: «What is your business?» Abba Michael replied: «We make it known to thy lordship that our father, the chief and father of our religion, whom we had, is dead.» Then the governor asked: «What then do you desire?» They answered: «May God lengthen thy days! There are heavy taxes upon the property of the Church, and therefore we desire to appoint a successor to him, who may administer the affairs of the Church and the people.» Then the governor enquired: «And what is his name?» They said that it was Mark. So he ordered that Mark's name should be written in the Divan, and then gave them permission to appoint him in the place of Abba John. And they went out from his presence. |405
After this the bishop, Abba Michael, learnt that the priest Mark had fled. Now the bishop, Abba Michael, was superintendent of all matters concerning the monasteries. So he at once despatched the bishops and clergy, and bade them fetter Mark, and conduct him to Alexandria. And this they did to him on the nd. day of Amshir, the feast of the Father Longinus; and Mark arrived at Alexandria on a Sunday. And among the bishops was George, bishop of Memphis.
And Mark was ordained on the aforesaid day in the city of Alexandria. When he had taken his seat upon the evangelical throne, while all the people bore witness of him that he was worthy, then he read before them the Exegesis, which is called among the orthodox the Logos, in which he declared that he was acquainted with their works. And this Logos was full by the grace of the Holy Ghost of the doctrines of the orthodox; and he demonstrated therein how the Council of Chalcedon had fallen and was rejected; and he explained their error as consisting in the worship of a man. He also refuted those who deny the sufferings of Christ our God, who endured them for our sake by his own will in the body, which according to their teaching was a phantom. And when Abba Mark had performed the service of the Liturgy according to custom, he communicated all the congregation of the Holy Mysteries of the Body and the pure Blood. And |406 when all was accomplished, a week after his consecration came the week of carnival; and therefore he departed to the holy monastery, the Monastery of Az-Zajâj, in order that he might live in retirement there for prayer during the days of the Fast. After he arrived there, he received letters from Abba Michael, bishop of Misr, advising him to repair to Misr after the holy feast of Easter, in order to pay his respects to the governor. This was a dispensation from God, because some of the churches were in a state of ruin up to that time, and therefore the people mourned.
Accordingly, when the feast of Easter was over, the father patriarch, Abba Mark, made his entry into Fustât Misr, that he might salute the governor. And when he reached the city, its bishop, the father Michael, and the people were informed of their patriarch's arrival, and went out to him, carrying books of the gospel and crosses and censers, and met him with great rejoicing and shouting and chanting; and they said: «Happy and blessed is thy arrival amongst us, O Mark, son of Mark.» Then he proceeded to his lodging to rest, for it was the end of the day. And on the morrow the patriarch and the bishop Michael, and the rest of the bishops assembled with them, arose, that they might pay a visit to the governor. And when they reached the governor's house, and asked permission to see him, the governor commanded that the patriarch should enter. Then he went in and saluted the governor, who welcomed him; and afterwards |407 the patriarch prayed for him; so that the governor admired the sweetness of Abba Mark's voice and his gracious words and the grace with which he. was surrounded. So God put good will towards the patriarch into the governor's heart, and he bade Abba Mark sit beside him, and conversed with him on equal terms, and said to him: «Take courage and be of good comfort, for I will perform all thy needs, and enable thee to obtain all that thou desirest of me.» The patriarch answered: «God will exalt thy authority and make thy days prosperous, and bring thy subjects into accord with thy rule.» And he went out from his presence in peace.
When they afterwards considered the governor's discourse with Abba Mark, and the interest which the former manifested with regard to the churches, Abba Michael, bishop of Misr, said: «We must take measures for the rebuilding of the churches now, because the governor evidently favours the Christians.» Accordingly, on the morrow the patriarch again visited the governor, and saluted him. And the governor showed respect and honour to Abba Mark, and raised him from the ground and gave him a seat, and addressed him as follows: «I told thee yesterday that I would perform all thy needs, but thou hast asked nothing of me. Now therefore, mention to me whatever thou requirest, and it shall be carried out by me, because I have an affection for thee ». Then the patriarch said to him with soft |408 words: «May the Lord preserve thy days, and exalt thee yet more, and increase thy power! Thou knowest that thy servant has not been made ruler over money and revenue, but over souls and churches. I request then of thy highness, ---- for we have here churches, some of which were demolished by the tyrant before thy arrival in Egypt; and so the Lord demolished his houses, and cut off his life from the earth. If then thy wisdom sees good to order that we rebuild our churches, so that we may pray in them and intercede for thy highness, the matter lies in thy hands». Then God quickly put it into the governor's heart that he should give orders for the restoration of the churches;and accordingly all the churches of Fustât Misr were rebuilt. And all the orthodox rejoiced greatly, and praised God for the great mercy which he had granted to them, and their sadness was turned into joy. And our father Mark uttered praises in the spirit, and sang with David 35: «Blessed is the Lord who has not rejected my prayer, nor removed his mercy from me».
Then Abba Mark returned to Alexandria, and occupied himself with maintaining the unity of the two sees of Alexandria and Antioch. For he wrote according to custom a synodical letter, which was full of all wisdom, and sent it to Cyriacus, patriarch of Antioch, informing him therein of the decease of the father, Abba John, and relating how he himself had taken his seat upon the evangelical throne. And Abba Mark in his epistle reminded Abba |409 Cyriacus of all the heretics, and of the war waged by our fathers for the true Faith, and renounced all schism and all heretics and the impure council of Chalcedon, as being the cause of doubt throughout the world, and abjured the sect of Nestorius, composed of the new Jews. And Abba Mark declared the concord of the two sees, and called Cyriacus Father and Partner in the ministry. This letter he sent by two bishops who understood how to pronounce an oration in Greek, one of them being Mark, the wise bishop of Tinnîs, and the other also Mark, bishop of Al-Faramâ, besides the deacon George, superintendent of the church of Alexandria.
When they had delivered the synodical to the patriarch Cyriacus, and he had read it, he mourned over the departure of the Father John, and rejoiced at the appointment of the father, Abba Mark, and over the holy bishops. And when the letter was read in the church of Antioch, the souls of the people were filled with joy, as they heard Abba Mark's words and the wisdom, full of spiritual perfume, which flowed from his heart, full as he was of the Holy Ghost; and they blessed the Lord, and praised the fathers who were counted worthy to sit upon the throne of Mark the evangelist. Then they admired the bishops, who had brought the synodical from Egypt, for their comely faces and garments, and their humility, and the eloquence of their speech and the sweetness of their words. And the bishops stayed a few days with the patriarch, until he dismissed them with gifts worthy of the patriarchal dignity; and he sent by them a letter of salutation, |410 glorifying our holy father, the patriarch Mark. When they reached Egypt, and the letter of the patriarch Cyriacus was read in the churches of Egypt, the people glorified God and rejoiced over the union of the two patriarchs, the one with the other.
We will now record another work done by the Lord in the days of our father Mark, that your hearts may rejoice, and that you may know that he resembled the father Severus and Cyril and Dioscorus, those men who repulsed the heretics in their time. There was a community in Egypt named after Barsanuphi, and also called Those that have no head; and this sect continued a long time, from the days of the patriarch Peter, who held the see after Timothy the confessor, in the time of Zeno, the pious prince; and afterwards they remained in their opposition to the truth. Therefore the father Mark, who concerned himself with the salvation of men's souls, was sad, and prayed to the Lord for them, saying: «O eternal Lord of hosts, unattainable and inscrutable Light, whom none beholds nor approaches, who seest thy creatures drowned in the depths of sin through their disobedience, thou hast offered us salvation by an incomprehensible mystery, and made earth like heaven by thy death and holy resurrection. As the wise |411 Paul says 36: That he may gather the nations to himself in peace by the power of his Cross, which destroyed the enemy, and announced peace to us, both those that are near and those that are afar off. Who also didst go to the mountain, until thou hadst brought back the sheep that was lost 37, and saved him from the mouth of the cruel wolf, rescuing him not by sword nor scourge, but by thy great mercy. And thou wast not content with his return, but didst summon the heavenly hosts and the sublime orders of the angels to rejoice with thee, saying to them in thy gospel 38: Rejoice with me, for I have found my sheep which was lost. Now, O Lord, hear the prayer of thy servant, and let my prayer enter before thee on behalf of these lost sheep; and let the members of thy Church be gathered together, that they may be one fold and one Shepherd according to the true words of the gospel 39 ». So the Lord heard his prayer speedily, and moved the hearts of the chiefs of that sect. Now their leader was a man named Abraham, whose father in the flesh was a bishop of theirs. And the patriarch taught those two to recognise the error in which the Barsanuphians were living, having left the fount of the water of life flowing from the evangelical see, and dug for themselves a well of error, as the prophet Jeremias says 40. So they rose up quickly, and visited the patriarch, Abba Mark the Younger, and cast |412 themselves down prostrate before him, saying: «Blessed is God, who has enlightened us by the teachings of thy Holiness, which have come to our ears, and converted us from the error which has kept us in darkness during this long period of time. Now we shall be reckoned among thy sheep, as children of thy evangelical see, which is the see of Saint Mark». Then when our father, the patriarch, saw that they had abandoned their former tenets, and had returned to the spiritual flock, he rejoiced greatly and glorified God for that conversion, and uttered the praises that were fitting in the words of David, where he praises God in the Psalm 41: «When the Lord turned again the captivity of his people, we became as those that are consoled. Let Jacob rejoice, and Israel sing praises!»
And through the grace of God, shining forth in our holy father, the patriarch, he desired to prove and examine the faith of the two men, whether they were humble as befits those that wish to return to Christ, or were clothed with pride on account of the high offices which they had occupied. Then he said to them with humility and kindness: «Hear what was said by him in whom was the fount of mercy, Paul, the sweet-tongued, in one of his epistles 42: What portion has the believer with the unbeliever, and what pleasure has Christ in Satan? Therefore now think not that you two will remain in this office which you hold, and which you received from |413 your heretical sect, without ordination according to the canons. For the Holy Ghost did not come down upon you, as he descends upon bishops at the reading of the canonical prayers, established for them by the apostles.» When the two men heard these words of the patriarch, they replied with humility, through the grace which had come to them by the prayers of the holy father, and said to him: «Our holy father, henceforth we are not worthy to be in office nor to remain in it. But we came to thee that we might be under the shadow of thy prayers. Only there is one thing that we beg of thee, that thou wilt pray the Lord to forgive us the offence of our former error and negligence.» This they said in the power of faith and confession. And they requested him to give them ink and paper, as they sat before him; and they wrote in their own handwriting a declaration that they would never, under pain of anathema, solicit of him a bishopric or any clerical office in any place whatsoever. So when he saw how strong their faith was, and that they had returned to the orthodox belief of our holy fathers, who were clothed with light, he blessed them from the depths of his heart, saying like the apostle Paul 43: «May the God of hope fill you with all joy and peace, that you may abound in the right faith by the |414 power of the Holy Ghost!» And according to the custom of charity, and the manifestation of good at all times, and the rewarding of it, God soon declared himself to those two men.
Then Abba Mark commanded that those two men, George and his son Abraham, should be received. And after the patriarch had ascertained their intentions, he ordained them bishops, and read the canonical prayers over them, and clothed them with the episcopal vestments in the church of the martyr, Saint Mennas, at Maryût, on the day of his glorious feast, which is the 15th of Hatûr, when all the orthodox people were assembled to keep the martyr's festival. And the congregation stood upon tiptoe, that they might see what was taking place. And they glorified God, who performed wonders by the hand of this holy man, saying: «Glory be to thee, O Lover of mankind, who hast saved the souls of these two men from the service of Satan, the seducer.» Then when the patriarch had finished the celebration of the holy feast, he returned to the city of Alexandria, accompanied by all the people with great rejoicing; for they praised him because he had presented this offering to the Lord. And he took those two bishops to himself, and attached them to his person. But after a little while two bishops died among those in the land of Egypt, one of them being Apacyrus, bishop of Tunbudha, and the other, Mennas, bishop of Atrîb. Then the patriarch |415 appointed Abraham to Atrîb and George, his father, to Tunbudha; and these two bishops became his elect ones to the day of their death. Glory be to the Lord Jesus Christ, who rejoices over those that return to life!
The Barsanuphians of Egypt, mentioned above, when they saw that their chiefs had returned to orthodoxy, and that no foundation remained for their community, wrote to Abba Mark, praying him to visit them and consecrate their churches. And when he read the letters, he rejoiced exceedingly, and left all his work, and went in haste to Misr, and consecrated their churches and monasteries for them, and established liturgies for them according to the ecclesiastical rule, and gave them the Holy Mysteries of the Body and Blood of the Lord Jesus Christ, our God. So there was at Fustât Misr great joy and spiritual gladness.
And the Lord Jesus Christ did for our holy father Mark all that he asked of him. And all the congregations assembled to hear his discourse and his salutary doctrines. Thus after a few days he found that the church which he had consecrated for the Barsanuphians, the followers of that doctrine, would not contain the congregation, when he went thither to celebrate the liturgy. Therefore he called the workmen, and spent money upon it from his own resources, so that it was rebuilt and became a handsome edifice. For this reason it is called the patriarch's church to the present day. |416
And this wonderful grace increased in his days. But the Enemy would not be patient, when he saw this prosperity and these sublime events, and how the patriarch established the divine precepts in the hearts of the faithful, and the liberation of the captives who returned through his prayers. Therefore Satan discharged his arrows against the Church of the east. For he influenced one of the metropolitans of Cyriacus, patriarch of Antioch, named Abraham, so that he spoke perverse words of the mysteries of Christ, such as we should have no desire to record, were it not necessary, lest the hearing them should defile the ears of the faithful and pure. For I know that you are surrounded by grace at all times through that Light of men, Saint Mark; since by the prayers of our father the evangelist there will never be a lack of grace. The error into which that metropolitan strayed was by blaspheming against the mysteries. Then when our father Mark heard of it, he was greatly grieved and said: «What should we gain if we were at all times of one accord in the faith, when this strange doctrine appears in the Church of Antioch? This grief of mine is on account of the union of the orthodox fathers, to which we and they cleave; and above all on account of Paul's words 44: «If one member of the body suffers, all the |417 members suffer; and if one member of the body is glorified, the whole body rejoices with it.» This the holy Mark, the patriarch, said, while he was praying to the Lord. And because he cared greatly for the Faith and for union with the Antiochenes, he wrote to the Father Patriarch Cyriacus a letter of which here is a copy: «A report has reached us of the seed that Satan has sown in your holy Church in the error of Abraham. Therefore our Church mourned; and we assembled together on that account, because we never heard before these days of anything out of harmony with our union in the orthodox Faith, and with that which the Lord joined together, when he brought us all into the true light. And now we have become like those who have taken a prisoner, and offered him as a gift to the king; but while he is making provision for him, he is attacked by a strange nation, which takes possession of the captive. But I trust in that king, with whose weapons we are armed to fight his enemies, that he will speedily put his enemies to shame, and deliver the captive from their hands. Therefore, O blessed father, neglect not to seek out the erring one, and feed him with the food with which the sick ought to be fed, namely the word of God. As the teacher Paul wrote to us, saying 45: Receive the weak in the faith, and help them, not with disputations on opinions, but by the exercise of the art |418 of healing. Human bodies are cured by those who understand their sickness. Through proper treatment of the sick, they are restored to health and grow strong. Thou art now a physician of souls, and, by the power of the doctrine of our Lord Christ, thou wilt remove the disease implanted by the enemy. Salutation to our holy and blessed Father! Amen. »
When this letter reached Cyriacus, patriarch of Antioch, he admired the solicitude shown by this holy man, and strove with all his might to bring back that sinner, but had no power over him. For Satan continued to incline Abraham's heart; and finally a number of his brother bishops in the regions of Antioch joined him, and went astray with him in this error. Then the people of the east called them Abrahamites; and they separated themselves from the Church and the orthodox Synod.
When our father Mark returned to Alexandria, after the building of the church known by his name, the orthodox rejoiced and were all filled with divine emulation. And Solomon, the pious magistrate, and a band of Christians with him, visited our father, and prayed him earnestly, saying to him: «The whole land of Egypt is filled with joy through the building of the churches, especially that church which thou hast built at Misr. And thou, our father, knowest that during the lifetime of our father, Abba John, we begged him to rebuild the church of the Lord and Saviour, and to enlarge it and increase it, because it stands in the midst of the city. But |419 the work was not done, and the church has remained as it was till now. Therefore we ask thee to let us see this joy in thy days.» But the good shepherd answered and said to them: «You know the jealousy of these neighbours of yours. When we begin to do the work that you have mentioned, they will present petitions to the governor against us, and complain of us; and so we shall fall into trials such as we endured many times from them, I and my father John, during the building of the church of Michael the Angel, also called the church of Repentance.» Nevertheless as often as he spoke to them thus, they begged him again and urged him still more, saying: «Thy holy prayers will be a strong wall for us, so that this monument may be completed». And when he saw the strength and ardour of their faith, he consented to their request.
Then Abba Mark gathered together a body of workmen and architects. And he laid the foundation in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ. And this church stood in the midst of the city. So the patriarch used to rise at the time of prayer and at cockcrow, that he might witness and superintend the progress of the building, as if he were one of the architects; for the Lord had granted him all wisdom. And Abba Mark counted his labour rest, because he loved good works and the building of churches. And while he went on building the aforesaid church, through the grace of the Lord which |420 descended upon him, he adorned it with all kinds of decoration, until it became a sadness to the Chalcedonian heretics, and a joy and delight to the faithful orthodox.
And on the 17th. day of Tût, the feast of the Cross, the bishops who were in the district of Alexandria, with other neighbouring bishops of Egypt, assembled together; and the church was consecrated in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ. How great was the joy on that day, with the singing of hymns and pronouncing of blessings and glorifying of God, as the heavenly orders do in the highest! And the patriarch gave large alms on that day to the poor and needy. How many were the works of the glorious father, Mark the patriarch! For they cannot be counted, nor can my feeble tongue describe them.
In those days the father appointed a superintendent over the patriarchal service. But that superintendent was full of jealousy and malice against all men, and especially against a secretary of our father Abba Mark, whom he accused of all wickedness, in order that our father, the patriarch, might cast out that secretary, and commit the care of the church to the superintendent by himself alone. And although our father restrained him, and forbad him to say such words, yet he would not receive the medicine from the physician. So on a certain day, namely the 16th. day of Tubah, when the holy father was about to commemorate the death of the father John, who went to his rest on that day, that wicked man appeared, and began to calumniate the brother and secretary, as Joseph's brethren did to him. Then the |421 patriarch said to him: «Now is thy malady dangerous. Now we have tried upon thee every means of saving thy soul; but instead of checking thyself thou growest worse. Therefore now let thine injustice rest upon thine own head, as the prophet says in the psalm 46». And there was near them a picture, in which the glorious Lady Mary was painted with the Lord Christ in her lap; and it was set up in the chamber where the patriarch sat. So that superintendent looked upon it, and, stretching out a finger of his right hand, he said: «By her power, if I have told a lie in that which I have related, may this picture take vengeance upon me!» Now hear the bitter fate that befell this wretch according to the denunciation of that holy prophet, who spoke with authority. For he uttered against him words full of terror, like the words of Daniel 47 the prophet to the two old men who contradicted the testimony of the chaste Susanna, saying: «O thou that art grown old in wickedness, the angel of the Lord shall strike thee and cut thee in two, as he did to those who bore false witness against Susanna». And at that moment, when the words which came from his mouth were ended, that wretched man fell at the patriarch's feet upon his right side, that being the side of his right hand, which he had stretched out towards the picture with evil intent; and he was struck with paralysis of one side, which lasted to the day of |422 his death. Therefore, when men saw this miracle and this terrible occurrence, they all feared the patriarch's words, which were like the words of the prophets.
Now my lords and fathers, and ye children of the orthodox, I told you at the beginning that I could never give a perfect account of the deeds of my fathers, as the greatness of those deeds deserves; for I am like the gleaner after the reapers. And I have no illuminating wit, because I am plunged in the darkness of my sins. Yet from reliable and truthful persons, who were constantly ministering to our holy fathers, we have heard the narratives which we are relating in part. I will therefore give a further description of that which was manifested by this father, the patriarch Abba Mark, that you may marvel and glorify God for the mercy and compassion which he shows to his elect. As Paul says 48: «For those that love God he does every excellent work».
There was in the time of this saint a great plague of locusts, which appeared in the province of Al-Buhairah and near Alexandria, and devoured all the fruits of the earth and of the vineyards. As it is written in the Psalm 49: «He spoke, and locusts and grasshoppers came, and ate up all the green things on the earth». So the father was sad when he was informed of this calamity. And he bade the orthodox people proceed forth with incense |423 and crosses and books of the gospel, and pray the merciful God to remove from them the wrath which had descended upon them. And the father went out with them and besought God in his heart with abundant tears. Thus they marched outside the city to the place where the locusts were, as Abba Mark directed them. There they saw the locusts, which had flown up high into the air; and there were so many of them that the air was darkened. And the tears of the people were mixed with their prayers. Then the patriarch said: «O Lord of mercy and pity, destroy us not for our sins and offences, but turn away from our transgressions for thy mercy's sake. As thou didst hear the people of Nineve, hear, O Lord, our supplication, and accept our petition. And as thou didst hear the prayer of Moses in ancient times, and drive away the locusts from the land of Egypt, so hear our request to-day, and look upon the tears of thy people and their sighs which come from the depth of their hearts, and remove this wrath from us». If we did not abhor prolixity, we would fully report all the prayers and humble supplications that they offered, and their ardour and their weeping. And God is the Mighty one, who hears the prayers of his servants, and delivers those that cry to him. How great was that miracle, in no respect less than that which took place in the days of Moses! How great was the power of Christ in our father the patriarch! For at that very hour the locusts flew away over the heads of the people, and afterwards |424 came down again upon the waves of the sea, where they all perished, through his prayers.
Hear now, my fathers and brothers, a thing at which your hearts will rejoice on account of the gift of divine mercy, which God gave to this father. After this event, while he was returning from Misr, and was making a visitation of the people, he passed through a town now called Agharwah, but in former times Aghra. And the clergy came out to meet him according to the custom, that they might chant before him, with a body of the laity, chief men and leaders of the people; and he blessed them and prayed for all of them. And there came out among the others a person possessed by a devil, which threw him down in the midst of the people, and choked him until foam flowed from his mouth. So our father, when he saw that man, pitied him and was sorry, and being filled with the Holy Ghost, said to the people: «Bring him to me.» Then Abba Mark signed that man's face with the sign of the Gross, and said: «O Lord Jesus Christ, the only-begotten Word of the Father, who didst confound the devils and free thy creatures from them, thou art he whom the devils recognised, and thou art he who didst cast them down to Hell, wherefore they cried 50: What have |425 we to do with thee, Jesus, thou Son of God, art thou come to destroy us before the time when we shall be chastised? Now, my Lord Jesus Christ, drive away this unclean devil, and cast him out of this man!» And when he had said this, the man fell upon the ground, and became unconscious and tranquil as if he were asleep; and when he arose, a moment afterwards, the devil had left him through the patriarch's prayers. So that man threw himself at Abba Mark's holy feet, and thanked God for the deliverance thus granted. Then the father repeated to him the words, addressed by Jesus in the gospel to the man with the withered hand, after he healed him: «Thou art made whole, therefore sin no more, lest worse things than this befall thee 51. And beware how thou goest up to receive the Holy Mysteries, and learn that the punishment which overtook thee was because thou didst communicate of the Holy Mysteries unprepared. Therefore guard thyself from vain words, which come forth from thy mouth.»
You have seen then, my friends, this excellent grace of which our father, the patriarch Abba Mark, was counted worthy, and that by the word of his mouth he cast out devils by command and with authority, like the pure apostles and disciples of Christ. He also anointed many of the sick with oil in the name of the Lord Christ, and prayed over them, and they quickly recovered their health. And if any objector say: «Why did he |426 not cure himself of the painful sickness from which he suffered?», let him read in the scriptures, and he will find that God declares that he tries his elect by sicknesses and trials. So, for example, he tried Job the truthful by leprosy; and Joseph by his being cast into the pit by his brothers; and Daniel with the fierce lions; and the three youths in the furnace of fire; and Isaias with the wooden saw. But the prophets and good men of this class are many, and if we were to relate all that each of them suffered, the volumes would not contain it. For if the shadow of the apostle Peter 52 passed over a sick man in the way, he was healed of his sickness; and therefore the sick used to sit in the road which Peter would traverse, and then his shadow passed over them, and they were healed. And Paul 53 had a pustule in his leg, from which he suffered, and which he could not cure; but God only tried him thereby in mercy to him, lest he should magnify himself when he was working miracles in the name of Christ. Simeon, the hermit, also suffered from inveterate ulcers, which he could not cure; although by his prayers he healed the blind, and cleansed lepers, and did many works; and he continued in his sickness three years. And our holy |427 father, Abba Mark the patriarch, continued in his pains twelve years. Yet he used to give thanks to God, saying: «I thank thee my Lord and God, because thou hast counted me worthy of these sufferings like Lazarus the beggar.» And the people and all the land of Egypt remained in peace and prosperity all his days.
But Satan, the hater of good, would not endure patiently, because he saw Abba Mark's works and wonders, which increased every day. Therefore he began to raise up seditions against the land of Egypt, and there was mourning in every place, including Alexandria. And great trouble came upon the patriarch, such that no man who hears of it can refrain from weeping. Now therefore I will relate to you that which happened.
In those days Hârûn ar-Rashîd had died at Bagdad; and his son Muhammad, called Al-Amîn, sat in his father's place. The cause of offence was that Hârûn ar-Rashîd before his death had assembled the chief personages of the empire, and said to them: «After me, the caliphate belongs to my son, the lord Al-Ma'mûn.» But when Muhammad al-Amîn heard of this, he was filled with anger, and gathered a host together, and made war upon his brother. But Al-Ma'mûn killed Al-Amîn, and sat upon the throne of the empire. When the strife broke out between the two brothers, a certain rebel arose, and assembled an innumerable army, and kept the road between |428 Egypt and the East. And he robbed those that were journeying to Misr or Upper Egypt or Abyssinia or Nubia of all their goods; so that travelling was interrupted on the roads and all the tracks through fear of him. This attack upon Egypt lasted long on account of the disturbed state of the government of Bagdad. And the insurgents rose against the government in Egypt, and gathered the taxes for themselves. There was among them a man, called Abd al-Azîz al-Jarawi, who seized the land from Shatnûf to Al-Faramâ, with the eastern province of Egypt, Bilbais and its territory. And there was one named As-Sarî, son of Al-Hakam, who took the country between Misr and Aswan. These two men took possession of the revenues. Moreover those that are called Lakhm and Judhâm, the two tribes, seized the western part of Egypt and the districts of Alexandria and Maryût, and ruled over the whole of Al-Buhairah. These two tribes were generally at war one with the other, and plundered one another; and the country suffered greatly from them. So when they reduced the city of Alexandria to extremities, the inhabitants prayed, and implored the Lord's help, and begged him to deliver them from this tyrannical people.
Now there was in those days to the west of Alexandria a monastery, known as the Monastery of Az-Zajâj, at which there was an aged hermit, endowed with grace to see through the Holy Ghost signs and visions; and his name was John. And he said to the Alexandrians prophetically: «I see that you are distressed by this people. In the same way, believe |429 me, a nation will come from the west, and will destroy without mercy this people and this city, and plunder all that it contains.» And after he had said this, Alexandria was invaded by a host of those who are called Spaniards, laden with much booty from the islands of the Romans. And they continued to make raids from Egypt, as they had done elsewhere, upon the islands of the Romans, plundering them, and bringing the captives to Alexandria, and selling them as slaves. Therefore when our father Mark saw these captives, he was grieved because human beings were sold, as if they were cattle; moreover many of them became Muslims. And because his heart was compassionate he redeemed many of them, such as monks and priests and deacons and virgins and mothers of children, until he had bought as many as six thousand souls. When he purchased one of these prisoners, he wrote a deed of emancipation for him on the spot, and gave into his hand a letter which set him free. And Abba Mark said to those whom he liberated: «If any of you wish to settle with me, he shall be as my son. But to him that desires to return to his native country I will give the means of bringing him to his own people.» And many of them, when they saw his deeds, settled with him. And he placed them with teachers, who taught them the Psalms and the doctrine of the Church. But to those that preferred to go back to their people he gave provisions for the journey and all that they required. Then the report of him and what he did was spread abroad in the kingdoms and among the officials |430 of the various states, and he gained a fair fame among them. Therefore Satan was filled with envy against him on account of his deeds, and brought trials upon him and showed the sting of his wickedness.
There was in the city of Alexandria in those days a governor of high lineage among the Muslims, named Omar son of Mâlik. But the tribes of Lakhm and Judhâm and Madlajah rose against him and sought to slay him, that they might take possession of the city. So they began to fight with him, but could not prevail against him. And there was among the Spaniards a very old man who had come to Alexandria in his youth, and was skilful in all guile and deceit; and he acted as mediator between the tribe of Lakhm and the Spaniards, in order that the latter might assist the former to kill the governor; and they all came to an agreement upon this matter. Accordingly the Spaniards joined the Lakhmites on the 10th. day of Ba'ûnah, in the year 530 of the Martyrs; and, after the old man's suggestions had been accepted by them, he acted as their guide in this deed. Then they killed the governor and took possession of the city. And that which happened subsequently is such as to sadden and grieve us. For on the day after the murder of the governor, namely the 11th. of Ba'ûnah, there was a quarrel between the Lakhmites and the Spaniards; and instead of peace hostility and war broke out. And there was an encounter between |431 them, and the fighting did not cease till night, when the Spaniards were victorious. When the Alexandrians saw these things, they drew their swords and marched into the streets and lanes and baths and houses, and killed any of the Spaniards that they found in any place; and the number of those whom they slew was eighty souls. When the combatants parted, and the Lakhmites fled, the Spaniards enquired after their comrades; and, having been informed that the Alexandrians had slain them, were filled with fury like fierce lions, for they were very courageous, and drew their swords, and sallied forth raging through the city, and killed all the townsmen that they met, whether Muslims or Christians or Jews. And wherever the Spaniards found one of their comrades who had been slain, they burnt that place with fire. Thus when they reached the church of the Saviour, which is called the Soter and was rebuilt by our father Mark, they found some of their nation lying at its doors, because the Muslims had killed them there in the houses, and carried them out and cast them by the door of the church. This sight exasperated the Spaniards; and at that moment there appeared a wicked old man, looking down upon the street from the roof of the houses; and he was Satan who appeared in that form. And he said to the Spaniards: «I saw the master of this church kill your comrades.» Then they |432 set fire to the church; and the conflagration spread so far that it consumed buildings at a distance from the church.
When our father heard of this calamity, he wept bitterly and was exceedingly sad. For those men slew a countless number of people, and pillaged and burnt many buildings. After this narrative we now desire to speak of the sufferings which entered the heart of our father, the patriarch Mark, especially with regard to the church of the Soter. He lamented in the words of the Psalm 54: «O God, the heathen are entered into thine inheritance, and have defiled thy holy temple. They have turned Jerusalem into ruins like the darkness of a prison. They have made the dead bodies of thy servants food for the birds of the air, and the flesh of thy saints for the beasts of the earth, and have shed their blood like water around Jerusalem, and they have none to bury them». Then he descended from his throne, and sat on the ground, and continued this lamentation, as the blessed Job says 55: «I was in peace and he scattered me abroad, and stripped my garment from me, and shot his arrows at me». These and similar words he uttered, and did not break his fast that day nor that night; and none could make him sit upon his throne nor even on a mat; but he lay upon the ground mourning. Then at midnight he arose to pray according |433 to his custom. And early on the next day he went out in company with two of his sons. And he said: «O holy city, in which much slaughter has been committed, and of which the enemy has taken possession! O throne on which I believed that I should never sit! O home of my holy fathers, clothed with light, where they died in joy and gladness, while I have become a stranger therein for my sins!» This he said; and then he went forth from the city, and journeyed from place to place, crossing rivers of waters and passing over difficult ground. In this state of distress he remained during five years after his departure from the city, like one who has been taken captive. Yet all this time he used to thank God day and night.
What trials befell the children of the church at that time, and the fathers and bishops, and the chief of the laity! But they used to come to the patriarch, and console him, and consult him; and each of them begged to be allowed to entertain him as a guest, in order to receive his blessing; but he would never consent. And the pious official Macarius, son of Seth, a native of Nebrûwah, was of the diocese of Samannûd. Therefore when he heard what had happened, he arose and went to the residence of Abd al-Azîz, who was in possession of the eastern provinces, and solicited his protection for the father patriarch, Abba Mark, saying: «The tribes which have conquered Alexandria have robbed him of all his goods, and he has left his |434 see, and is come to live beneath the shadow of God and thy shadow. Therefore, if I have gained any favour before thee, write him a letter in thine own name, that he may be encouraged by thy command to dwell in his place in confidence».
Then Abd al-Azîz wrote an urgent decree, as the pious official requested. At that time the official acted the part of Dorotheus, the magistrate of Sakhâ, with whom the holy father Severus lodged until he died; for he sent messengers from his house with the decree of the Amir to the father patriarch, praying him to come and live in the dwelling of that official. So our father the patriarch arose and prayed, and journeyed till he arrived at Nebrûwah. And the official came forth with all his household to meet the patriarch, in honour of his primacy, and, on seeing the father, prostrated himself before him in the power of his faith, saying: «The Lord has done for me to-day a merciful deed in bringing thy Paternity to lodge at the house of thy servant. For I believe that thy coming to us will be a blessing and a healing to our souls». Thereupon he conducted him to the church, with chanting before him, as the rule for the patriarchs is. Afterwards he established him in a place befitting his primacy, in a building erected by that magistrate's parents, and dedicated to Saint Macarius of Wadî Habîb.
But in spite of all these troubles the holy father did not relinquish his care for the holy churches at Alexandria, and the patriarchate, and the |435 church of the martyr Saint Mennas at Maryût, nor for the union of the separated members of the church of Antioch, who had been led astray by the metropolitan Abraham and his followers. While Abba Mark was taking thought for these matters, the Lord removed the father Cyriacus of Antioch, and he went to his rest. After him an excellent person, named Dionysius, was elected. When he took his seat upon the throne, he began to make gentle advances to Abraham, and brought back many of those who had erred in his company; and they showed signs of repentance, and confessed their error. As soon therefore as our holy father Mark heard of this, he rejoiced greatly, and hastened to write a letter to the father Dionysius, patriarch of Antioch, expressing interest in the conversion of the erring. The opening of the letter was thus: «Blessed be the Lord and God of glory, who has never ceased to care for his flock, that is his Church, those whom he bought with his pure Blood and taught at the beginning. Verily thy Paternity will become by his holy name, as he testified of Paul 56: He shall be for me a chosen vessel in my Name before kings and gentiles. So by his holy will he has elected thee especially at this time to which we have been assigned, and which is the end, as the blessed apostle says 57. Now I beg thy Paternity to offer many prayers and supplications to the merciful Lord Christ, our God, that he may guide us and his Church, since we are in |436 great poverty; for by his inscrutable decrees he will finish what he has begun». Abba Mark continued: «The gentiles have entered his inheritance, and defiled our holy temples, and made the great city of Alexandria like a prison, through the fighting that has taken place therein between the tribes. At last the slain found none to bury them; and many of their corpses became food for the birds of the air and the beasts of the earth». Such were the thoughts which he expressed, because these events were like that which is written concerning Jerusalem in the Lamentations of the prophet Jeremias, with reference to the fate of that city after the Resurrection of the Lord Christ, when, in punishment for the sins of the misbelieving Jews, God sent against them Titus, prince of the Romans, the miscreant Magian, to do to them what is described in the second part of the writings of Josephus, son of Cyrtus, who undertook to compile the history of the Jews. «For this reason,» pursued the patriarch, «we quitted the city because of what we had witnessed therein. For they refrained not from slaying and plundering and burning. And there was none to hinder them. Therefore we have chosen to live in exile, and to pray to the Lord Christ our God. These things we desired to make known to thy Paternity. But there is great sorrow on account of those that have separated themselves from the Church, through the fault of him that is called Abraham! |437 Therefore when we heard recently that some of them have sought repentance, and are returning from their errors, we rejoiced greatly, and forgot the griefs which surround us. For if there were unity in the holy Church, and she remained at peace, graces would be doubled among us. Now, my holy Father, we know the mercy of the Lord Christ, our God, who came into the world not for the sake of the good, but for the sake of sinners. Therefore open to them now the door of repentance, and lead them to the way of truth, that the heavenly orders may rejoice at their return, because they are numbered among the children of light».
When this letter reached the father Dionysius, he, as well as the whole Syrian people, was much pleased by the forethought and goodness of our father, Abba Mark. And by this means the patriarch brought back those that had gone astray in those days, when they heard his letter, all but a few who continued to adhere to Abraham, the source of their error, and who are called Abrahamites to this day. So the Church of Antioch rejoiced greatly.
Then the father Dionysius, patriarch of Antioch, wrote a synodical letter to the father, Abba Mark, to show him the bond of charity which existed between them, and to thank him for his love and care for the salvation of all men. For this there was great joy in the land of Egypt and in the East, on account of this unity; and they glorified God. |438
But when God's favour had thus been shown, Satan, the perpetual adversary of peace and supporter of evil, would not endure it. Therefore he began to bring great trouble upon the desert of Wadî Habîb, which is a place where the Arabs dwell. Now the desert of Wadî Habîb had been like the Garden of Eden. But the Arabs plundered it, and took the monks captive, and demolished the churches and the cells there. And the holy seniors were scattered in every part of the world. When therefore the father, Abba Mark, saw such a calamity, this saint and mine of spiritual charity, whence love and faith abounded towards all men, especially those in the holy desert of our fathers, meditated on these things. And he could not bear this grief, but besought the Lord from the depths of his heart, repeating the words of David in the Psalm 58: «My heart is disquieted within me, and in my reins a fire is kindled. O Lord, let me know my end; for my hope is vanished, and I have no harbour of safety where I can be secure. For the joy of Egypt has ceased, and Wadî Habîb, the Holy of Holies, has become a ruin, the dwelling of wild beasts. The homes of our blessed fathers, who passed their nights in prayer, have become the resort of the owl and the dens of cruel foxes, namely this |439 foul tribe.» Thus our father did not cease to weep night and day for the distress and grief which had come, and especially for the ruin of the holy monasteries and their churches.
So when the Lord saw these trials and griefs which this holy man was enduring, he desired to give him rest from the treachery of this world. Accordingly he was attacked by a fever during a few days. Then Mark the evangelist appeared to him in a dream on the 17th. day of Barmûdah, which was the Sunday of Easter that year, and said to him: «Rejoice, O Mark, my trusted successor; rejoice, O champion of the Truth! Behold the Lord Jesus Christ grants thee this favour, that he will transfer thee to his eternal mansions on the day of his holy Resurrection. Be ready to meet him this night, when thou shalt be parted from this body. And this shall be a sign to thee. When thou shall partake of the Holy Mysteries, God will receive thy soul to himself.» Therefore the holy father on awaking said to the bishops sitting with him: «Hasten to celebrate the Liturgy in honour of the Resurrection of Christ our Lord.» But as the fathers and bishops saw him much agitated, they did not wish to leave him; nevertheless, after he had made the sign of the Cross over them, they did as he desired, and said the Liturgy. And when the Liturgy was finished, they brought the Chalice to him; and he partook of the Body and Blood of Christ our God. Afterwards, having said to them: «I |440 commend you all to the Lord», he opened his mouth and gave up the ghost. O how great was that sorrow which fell upon all the orthodox! Thereupon they gathered around his body, and read the appointed office over him, and enshrouded him, and laid him in a wooden coffin, which they placed in the church of Nebrûwah, until God should permit its removal to Alexandria. Abba Mark had occupied the see twenty years and seventy days; and he died on the 22nd. of Barmûdah, in the year 535 of the Martyrs, ruling the holy Church. He wrote during his pontificate twenty one books of Mystagogia, and twenty Festal Letters. And he went to dwell with the Saints in the Land of the Living. Glory belongs to the Father and to the Son and to the Holy Ghost for ever. Amen.
JAMES, THE FIFTIETH PATRIARCH. A. D. 819-830.
Before the decease of the holy father, Abba Mark, the holy desert of Wadî Habîb had been laid waste; and this devastation had so tried the |441 said father, that he besought the Lord to remove him from this world, and not to leave him to the sorrow which he endured for those monasteries, because of what they suffered at the hands of the miscreant Arabs, through their having taken possession of them and driven out our holy fathers who dwelt there, and killed many, and burnt the churches and the manshûbahs 59, that is to say, the cells, with fire. In consequence of this slaughter, the monks were dispersed among the cities and villages and monasteries, in the various provinces of Egypt and the two Thebaids. Thus none was left in the cells of Wadî Habîb save a few persons, who chose death, that they might redeem the life of their brothers by their own life, and so inherited eternal life by their endurance. And God protected them, so that none did them any further hurt or injury.
At that time there was in the monastery of our father Macarius a priest, called James, who shed light around him by his conduct. When the devastation of the monasteries began, he quitted them and departed to a monastery in Upper Egypt, that he might serve God there, while awaiting a time when he might return to the holy mountain of Mîzân al-Kulûb, or Wadî Habîb. And the Lord, the Lover of mankind, who knows the hidden secrets, which he reveals to his saints at all times, working his will among them, |442 performed a wonderful thing concerning this holy priest James, whom we have named, since he was counted worthy to receive a revelation. For while he was in his cell at prayer according to his custom, he saw a marvellous vision, in which our pure Lady, the Mother of the Light, appeared to him standing beside his head at night, wearing a great crown, and shining with a very great light, and accompanied by two angels. And the Queen of Truth said to him: «O my son James, what harm have I done to thee? It is I that have brought thee up from thy childhood, and preserved thee till now, since my beloved son elected thee from the time when thou wast in thy mother's womb, to set thee over his household; and yet now thou hast departed from me. Do not so, but rise up and return to the place which thou hast quitted. For thou shalt be chief over a great congregation, namely those who have been chosen for the place of rest; and that time is near and not far off». Then a great fear fell upon him. But he had not two minds nor any manner of doubt concerning the dream which he had beheld; nay, he rose up quickly, and returned to the holy desert, Mîzân al-Qulûb. As soon as he arrived there, the Lord desired that he should be comforted, and caused the spiritual father Macarius to appear to him, saying: «Blessed is thy coming hither, O thou in whom the Lord has confidence! See now, be not of two minds, and doubt not concerning the dream which thou hast seen, for through thee my sons shall reassemble in their dwellings, from which Satan has scattered them». |443
Thus James continued among the monks who had remained in their places, comforting and consoling them day after day. After he had seen that dream, he grew in devotion and in good works, until he witnessed great and sublime wonders; and all those that saw the light that shone around him knew that God had chosen him. At that time God granted him a wonderful communication. While he was standing in prayer at night, and spending the rest of the night working with his hands according to his custom, fear and dread came over him, and he wept sore. His companions said to him: «What has befallen thee, my holy Father, art thou not asleep?» And he replied: «My sons, my thoughts have been caught up to high places, and I heard things concerning our holy father, Abba Mark, that he would remain patriarch forty years. But afterwards I heard another thing from the Lord, that he will take our father the patriarch to his rest this year. Therefore I wept with a burning heart. Then I prayed the Lord to choose him whom he will seat upon this throne for his merit». After these words he was silent. And only a short time passed after he had seen that vision before the holy father Mark first fell sick of his mortal sickness, as we have related that he prayed the Lord to remove him to himself. And there were with the father Mark bishops, who prayed him humbly, |444 saying: «Our blessed Father, we beg thee to tell us what the Lord has revealed to thee. Who is worthy to sit after thee upon the evangelical throne?» But the holy father would not reveal nor declare to the bishops that he knew aught of this matter, only answering them thus: «The Lord has lighted the lamp, and set it on the candlestick, that it may give light to all in the house, which is his Church». But one of the bishops, in whom was a firm faith in the father patriarch, stood up and began to beg and adjure him, in the name of the Lord and of the holy see, to declare who it was that the Lord had chosen to sit after him upon the throne. Then he answered in a low voice and said to that bishop: «The holy James of the church of our father, Saint Macarius, is the man adorned by his deeds». And he commanded the bishop not to disclose this secret to anyone, and made him swear this for the sake of the Church, that they might see the glory of God perfected in him. After that the holy father died, as we have before related. O the great glory of the throne of Saint Mark the evangelist, and of all that sit thereupon! For by the grace of the Holy Spirit, the Fire, they are chosen and elected through his descent upon each one of them. As the Lord said to his disciples and apostles 60: «Behold, I am with you all days even unto the end of the world». |445
Now I would recount to you a few of the deeds of the holy James, the priest, while he was a monk, before he was ordained priest, and before he sat upon the throne, if I did not know my incapacity, and that I cannot at all attain to an adequate description of the magnitude of his actions, and of the glory of the Trinity which surrounded him. For this reason I will abridge my discourse. As for his ordination and that which he endured at first, those things were a profit and a blessing to all the orthodox.
When our father, the patriarch Abba Mark, went to his rest, the Church and all the people mourned for him deeply, and above all the God-loving city of Alexandria, because they missed the sight of their father among them, and because of his absence from them. After a time the fighting and conflict ceased in Alexandria and Egypt, and among all the tribes of the Spaniards and Lakhmites and Madlajites. Then the people began to pray and beseech God to remember his Church, which he bought with his Blood, and to show them their shepherd, who should feed and console them in their trouble. So the bishops and the Christ-loving laity gathered together, to seek one who was worthy of this degree. And they mentioned many names, and among them that of the illuminator, James the priest. This was a dispensation from God, who placed this name in |446 their mouths because James was the one worthy of this primacy. Then the blessed bishop, to whom the deceased patriarch Mark had spoken of James, the pillar of light, mentioned this fact, and made the secret known to the assembled bishops. Therefore they cried with one voice: «He is worthy, he is worthy, he is worthy, whose deeds are as the deeds of the angels. He is of earth, and yet he is of heaven». So they hastened, and came to the desert, to the church of Saint Macarius, and took the priest James suddenly, before he knew. And they conducted him to the city of Alexandria, while he wept, saying: «Blessed is the Lord! Alas for me, who am unworthy of this great honour! For I am unfit for this office and the great glory to which I am promoted». And he prayed God the whole of that night and day to remove him from this world, before investing him with this dignity. And behold, while he was weeping and praying for this release, he saw a wonderful dream, as he often did; for God consoled him, and said to him, as he said to Jacob 61, the ancient father: «Fear not James, for behold I go with thee to Egypt; and I will strengthen thee and be with thee in thy conflict, that thou mayest deserve the crown like thy militant brethren Severus and Dioscorus, whose life thine own resembles». Then he awoke trembling. Afterwards he was brought |447 into Alexandria, and consecrated archbishop with full authority and valid ordination. And he was counted worthy of this ---- that an aged monk, who had come out of the desert, when the open book of the gospels was held over the head of Abba James, beheld two forms, one of them like the picture of Dioscorus and the other like that of Severus, which grasped the gospels on this side and on that; and the name of the patriarch James was between them. After he had witnessed this wonder, and while he was thinking upon it, he saw men conversing together, who said: «This man's conduct indeed resembles the conduct of these two men».
O my fathers, the life of this saint was virtuous like the life of the holy Severus! Moreover Abba James was an admonition to the heretics, because they stood in awe of him, and because of the excellence of his faith, and his confession and his office; and they held his words in reverence. For when he was enthroned, he delivered an admonitory discourse, in which he anathematized all the banished heresies, and the impure council of Chalcedon, and the Phantasiasts, that is the Gaianites, who deny the |448 lifegiving Passion of God the Word, which he accepted in the flesh. On a certain day the patriarch communicated the people, and then came to his residence. Now it was the custom of the Alexandrians that the heretics used to pray with them, in order to see their festivals and the glory of the patriarch. And they used to do this, that the orthodox might show the glory that God had given them to the heretics, and the works which he manifested for his people of the fathers, who came and sat upon the throne of Mark the evangelist. So the heretics did the same thing with the father and patriarch James; for a company of them were present, and saw him full of the grace of the Holy Ghost, while they were mixed with the orthodox. Thereupon he exclaimed, like Paul the apostle 62: «What fellowship has truth with error, or light with darkness? Or how does Christ agree with Satan? Or what share has one that believes with a heretic?» Then he added: «Let these heretics and their congregation remain far from this faithful and blessed assembly! For as they have no share with us in spiritual things, so they shall have none in material things!» So all the heretics went out in shame and confusion through |449 the door of the church. And there was among them a rich man, who had been set over the collection of the taxes at Alexandria at that time, and had authority and superintendence among the Spaniards. Therefore that man quickly departed, and informed the superintendent of the revenue of what had happened, and accused the father patriarch, Abba James, declaring that he had excommunicated them. The heretic, on hearing this, was filled with wrath against our father, the patriarch, and uttered violent words, and sent a message to the father, saying: «I will make thee turn round in the church, when thou sayest Peace be with you, and not find a person to answer And with thy spirit». But our father, when he heard these words from the heretic, answered by the grace of the Holy Ghost thus: «Well did Isaias 63 prophesy against this heretic, saying that his wrath and fury and imagination should return upon his own head. And thy violence and anger have come up to me, and therefore I will fasten thee with a bridle between thy lips. And he shall not remove from his place till this judgment be executed upon him; and so his fate shall be. And I tell you truly that I shall not enter the church of the Lord before God shall swiftly carry out this sentence upon him». After that, a lawsuit was brought against this man, and he was put to death, and everything that was in his house was seized, and nothing was left that belonged to him. Therefore, when the heretics of Alexandria saw this wonder that had |450 taken place, and the fulfilment of that which was said by the father, who was overshadowed by the Holy Ghost, not one of them could say a word against him. And their own patriarch respected and feared him, and would not oppose him. And the good works of Abba James increased and grew more than those of his monastic days. And he did not look for the praise of men, but worked the works of God; and his mind was set on high like that of Paul the apostle 64, who did not cease to proclaim and preach the name of Jesus Christ, and to praise God.
And Abba James said to his people: «I hear that there are among you vain idlers. But I pray you to do your work quietly, and eat your bread, according to the words of the apostle Paul 65: I served with my own hand, and was not a burden upon you. And it is good to improve the lot of the needy». And he did not take from anyone, and little of this world's goods sufficed him; nor did he take up arms against misfortunes, as men do; but he ate his bread with tears. Yea, his works shone forth in his face. And all that he asked of God he gave him. And his word was sharper than a two-edged sword.
Now I will inform you, my brethren, that in the days of this blessed father, Abba James, there was a near relation of his, named Macarius, who loved Christ; and he was a prominent official at Nebrûwah. This man, |451 when he heard that Abba James had been enthroned, rejoiced greatly, and glorified God who chooses his elect, and increased in almsgiving and in charity towards his brethren, and sent to Alexandria what was needed by the churches, on the ground that he was a kinsman of the patriarch. And Macarius honoured the bishops and respected them.
But famine and plunder began to reappear at Alexandria; and the patriarch could not find that which he was wont to give to the churches, for nothing was left to him. And the visits of the faithful from all parts to the church of the martyr Saint Mennas at Maryût were interrupted; and with them the patriarch used to trade. The cause of all this was the war and fighting that took place between the Egyptians and the Madlajites and Spaniards; and the scene of these disturbances was at Alexandria. And there was a deacon, named George, who was one of the chief of the clergy of Alexandria, and superintendent of the church of Alexandria. But he began to speak against this father, Abba James, and even said to him: «Thou shalt give us what we need according to custom, or else go back to the desert whence thou earnest». When the father patriarch heard this rebel speak thus, and perceived that he stood in no awe of the patriarchal dignity, but increased in his insolence, he said to him: «Henceforth thy foot shall never again enter through this door into this chamber». And the deacon went out in great wrath from his presence, and departed to |452 his own house, and did not beg for absolution from the holy father, nor did he repent. And a fever, accompanied by shivering fits, attacked him; so that they had to hold him on account of the violent convulsions which seized him; and he died on that very day. When the patriarch was informed, he lamented deeply, and prayed God to absolve the soul of the deacon George from the bonds of excommunication with which he was bound, and to absolve him also from sin. And from the day on which that deacon died, death and dissolution visited all his household, and none of them has remained to this day. Therefore when the multitude saw this wonder, and that the word of Abba James had authority like that of the apostles, they were awestruck, and trembled with tear; and none dared to rebuke him, for he was among them as a prophet.
On the approach of the Forty Days, the holy fast, the father resolved to visit the desert of Saint Macarius, that he might comfort and console the brethren and monks, and remain among them till the feast of holy Easter, as the custom of the patriarchs was. When he reached the desert, the monks rejoiced, and met him, crying: «Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord». And all the fathers and seniors came from their caves and from |453 the mountains, running like deer which long for the waterbrooks 66. And they received his blessing with great gladness. And this desert was like the Paradise of the Lord, through the prayers of the father patriarch and the assistance of the baptized Egyptians. The patriarch had a great affection for the desert, more than the monks had. And he acted there as Cornelius 67 did in his time; for he sent a message to all the fathers and to the cells, saying: «If anyone need anything for his cell, let him come and take it». For the barbarians had robbed them of all their goods, and wrecked the churches, and burnt the cells with fire. So when the monks came together again, they praised the Lord for the renewal of his favour upon them, and glorified God for these mercies. The father also rejoiced, seeing that the doves had returned to their former nest. In the days of his priesthood he had begun to build a sanctuary in the name of Saint Sinuthius, to the south of the sanctuary of Saint Macarius; and there the monks began to assemble instead of the ruined churches. Now he finished it, and restored the other churches. And they praised and glorified the Trinity, as the angels do.
But when Satan saw this, he roared like a lion, and prepared arrows to discharge against the patriarch and the Church. Now the patriarch had at that time a deacon, who was attached to him for his service, and who did |454 what he liked without taking advice. This deacon punished one of the disciples by a severe beating for something that he had done; and the blows were so many that the disciple died. And this accident was caused by the snares of the Enemy, the Devil. When therefore the Madlajites, the protectors of the monastery, heard of this crime, they seized the father patriarch, and troubled him on account of the death of that person, and demanded of him that he should deliver the deacon to them, that they might put him to death in retaliation for the murder. But the father strove hard to save the life of the deacon, whom he had brought up from his youth, and had intented to promote to a higher degree among the clergy. Thereupon the Madlajites, seeing that the father was greatly interested in that deacon, and would not give him up to them, grew violent in their demand, and required a large sum of money. But the patriarch had nothing with which to satisfy them, and therefore the bishops and the God-loving people assisted him, and contributed a sum of money, and so saved him from the hands of that tribe.
After this the blessed father James departed to Upper Egypt, to make a visitation of the people and the monasteries. And whenever the people and the monks came out to meet him, they glorified God, saying: «Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord». And they marvelled at his works, |455 and said: «Blessed is our father, the new Elias». He remained among them a few days, and then returned. But they continued to boast of his deeds and excellent virtues.
And our father remembered the unity and charity and bonds between himself and Dionysius, patriarch of Antioch, and desired to see him either by bodily presence with him or by interchange of letters. But he was hindered in this by the wars, carried on in the land of Egypt and on the roads to Syria; for they lasted fourteen years. And ho used to pray God to confirm the love between the two glorious sees, the Alexandrian and the Antiochene; and he implored God to join them together by personal intercourse and by letters. And God did not disregard the prayer of this father, but granted it by allowing him to behold the father Dionysius in the body. I will give you an account of this event, and of the trouble and distress that came upon the land of Egypt and upon the father James, the patriarch.
The Spaniards had possession of Alexandria, and Abd al-Azîz al-Jarawi ruled over part of the country. And the father was praying and weeping over the devastation of the land and the long continuance of the wars and fighting, and because the bodies of men became food for the birds of the air, and because Al-Jarawi did not cease to slay the people and take their goods. Al-Jarawi used to bury in the ground by night the money that |456 he had seized; and when he had buried it, he killed the men who had helped him to bury it, so that none might be left, who knew where his buried treasures lay. So in him the words of the prophet Michaeas 68 were fulfilled, where he says: «These are they that meditate evil and wickedness; for they raise their hands to this, and take fields, and oppress orphans, and seize a man and his house and his heritage. Therefore, saith the Lord, I will bring evil upon their tribes, and what they purpose shall not be accomplished». For the judgment of God, the high and mighty One, came upon this man in the following way. He had collected the wheat from the whole of Egypt, and stored it in the granaries which were under his own authority, saying: «I will cause a dearth throughout Egypt, and gather in their money, as Joseph's Pharao did, so that all my adversaries will submit to me.» And he did this, and there came a great dearth, so that wheat reached the price of a dinar for one waibah. And he refused to send wheat to Alexandria, aiming at the destruction of the Spaniards, who had taken possession of the city. So a waibah of wheat was sold at Alexandria for two dinars and one dirhem; and the people in the land of. Egypt found nothing to buy, and therefore they perished, especially at Alexandria. Then that proud man heard that the people had perished, and he opened his mouth and said a word, |457 which God did not say: «I will make them sell wheat at a kadah for a dinar». But in him the words of the prophet Nahum 69 were fulfilled, where he says: «God declares: To me belongs vengeance upon my foe, and I will destroy my adversaries and my enemies swiftly». For the Lord pitied the sighs of men, and the dearth which he beheld, and the condition of the people, and took vengeance on that man Abd al-Azîz, as we will now relate. For he departed with his army to Alexandria, to fight the Spaniards; and they fled from him within the walls, and shut the gates. And the blockade lasted until they were driven by hunger to devour the flesh of their horses. Meanwhile Abd al-Azîz was beating upon the walls with catapults, in order to demolish them; and it was his intention to destroy all the inhabitants of Alexandria with the sword. At the same time he was in pursuit of the patriarch, to whom he had sent a message, in order to intercede for a certain person, and to request the patriarch to make that person a bishop. But the patriarch refused to break the canon of the church. Nevertheless the pious Macarius, seeing how angry Abd al-Azîz al-Jarawi was, wrote to the father patriarch, and begged him to ordain that person bishop; and the patriarch consented to do so. Still Al-Jarawi was eager in pursuit of the patriarch, and declared that he would demolish the churches and slay the bishops everywhere, if the patriarch would not meet him. Then Macarius, |458 the magistrate of Nebrûwah, having heard of this threat, wrote a letter to the patriarch, saying: «Thou canst not avoid consenting to an interview with this man; for otherwise he will destroy the churches and kill the people». Macarius also swore to Abba James, saying: «I will give all my money for thee, that thou mayest suffer no distress». Thereupon the patriarch repeated the words of the prophet Isaias: «My life is not precious to me, but belongs to God; therefore let the Lord see to my salvation, for I trust in him, and fear not what men can do to me 70». So he went out to meet Abd al-Azîz. And there was with them a priest, who loved God, named Joseph, of the church of Saint Macarius; and this priest was counted worthy to sit upon the apostolic throne; and we shall record his virtues in this history. So while the patriarch was on the way, after he had finished his prayers, he said to the priest Joseph: «I trust in God, my son, that this man will not see us, nor we see him alive». And when morning came, a stone from the wall fell upon Abd al-Azîz, and his eyes were struck out of his face, and the top of his skull was fractured, and so he died. Thus on him was fulfilled the word of the prophet Zacharias 71: «He purposed evil, but did not attain to the performance of it». And he was extricated from the stones; and when his companions saw this, they carried his body away, and buried it in one of the hamlets. And they stopped their noses for the odour of him and the stench of his corpse. And when the news came to the |459 father, his friends who had been with him glorified God; and, as they had heard what he said to them before the event, they exclaimed: «Our father, what thou didst foretell has been accomplished!» He answered: «My children, God has punished this man thus, because he desired to kill human beings by starvation».
Then the son of Abd al-Azîz became governor after him, and his name was Alî; and he did not act according to the deeds of his father. So there came a great abundance, such that men forgot the dearth, from which they had suffered. Therefore they said: «We praise thee, O God, on this day according to the words of the prophet Isaias 72. For thou hast been angry with us, and then didst turn thine anger from us and have mercy on us; for thou art our Lord and our Saviour, and we trust in thee». At that time God looked upon the dispersion and separation of the monks, the sons of Saint Macarius, in every place, and so he brought them back to their holy dwellings. For this cause the father patriarch gave thanks to God, and glorified him, saying like the prophet David in Psalm 73 83: «Thou hast brought us back to life. Thy people rejoice in thee. Show us, O Lord, thy mercy and grant us thy salvation». And again: «He speaks peace concerning his people and his saints». Now the father, Abba James, saw |460 that the sanctuary of Saint Sinuthius was not large enough to contain the congregation of the monks; and therefore he rebuilt the church which is named after Saint Macarius, and which is the sanctuary of Benjamin. For it was in a state of decay, but Abba James adorned it with every kind of ornament, and, when it was completed, he consecrated it on the first day of Barmûdah. And this edifice became a monument to the patriarch, and a glory to the Lord.
Now Macarius of Nebrûwah, the magistrate, desired to see the father patriarch and congratulate him in his own dwelling, and therefore came to his house. A son had been born to Macarius, in whom he took delight; and he remained with the patriarch, and gave large alms, and did works of charity. And it was God's purpose to glorify the patriarch on this occasion; and so he manifested the following miracle. For after a few days the child fell sick and died. Then his father took him in faith, and brought him to the patriarch's cell, like the ruler of the synagogue, whose daughter Christ raised. And the magistrate said to the patriarch: «Help thy servant, for my son is dying». The patriarch replied: «Bring him to me». So he brought the child, and the patriarch received him, and made the sign of the Cross on his breast and heart and forehead, saying: «O Lord Jesus Christ, who givest life and bestowest grace from thyself, restore this infant to life for his father». Thereupon the breath of life returned to the child, and he |461 opened his eyes and moved his hands and feet. So our father said in a loud voice to Macarius, the father of the child, as the Lord Christ said to the ruler of the synagogue: «Thy son is not dead, but was asleep». And when the magistrate saw this great miracle, he was struck with profound awe of the patriarch, and glorified God, who works wonders among his saints. And at that hour the magistrate increased in his almsgiving and doing good; and his alms flowed from his hands like a running and overflowing river, and he gave a third of his wealth to the widows and orphans, and clothed them with garments, and did all that it was right to do. And a report of these things reached the city of Jerusalem, whither Macarius the magistrate sent, and built a church there, which is now to this day the place of refuge of the orthodox, and of those who make pilgrimages to that city, in order to pray there. Macarius built this church as a monument of himself for ever; and it is called the church of the Magdalene. Therefore God blessed the work of his hands, and doubled his wealth, as he did to the holy Job. Moreover it was God's will to show this man a great and wonderful mystery for his abundant faith and charity, that God might give him the hope of eternal life. And on a certain day Macarius took an oath that he would carry out two resolutions, namely that he would never repulse any one who begged of him, nor shut his door in the face of any one.
Hear now what happened to him! He used to put faith and hope in the |462 intercession of Saint Theodore, who guided him in his conduct, and satisfied his wants. Now under the caliphate of Hârûn ar-Rashîd the taxes which Macarius had to pay were very heavy, because of his large fortune and extensive possessions. So he left his home and went to the prince, in order to pay what was due from him, and was away so long, that he spent all the money that he had with him. For Macarius did not refrain from almsgiving, and could not have an interview with the prince. But there came a day when Macarius was proceeding to the prince's palace, and he perceived on the way a large mansion, highly adorned, which he had not seen before that day. So Macarius said to his servants: «We have missed our way, for we have never seen this house on our road before to-day». And he became like a person bewildered or without his senses. Then he beheld a shining personage, resembling one whom Macarius knew in Egypt, who came out of the house, and said to the official: «O Macarius, many days have passed since thou camest hither, and yet thou hast not visited me». And the magistrate, in the presence of those who accompanied him, answered his acquaintance, who approached and embraced him; and they kissed one another. And the master of the house took the magistrate's hand, and led him into the building through many doors, and brought him into a chamber containing much money, which looked like kings' treasures, and said to him: «Take all that thou needest for thy expenses, and when thou shalt return to thine own country thou shalt repay me. Moreover today I will accomplish what thou requirest with the prince, and do all that |463 is necessary for thee». Accordingly the official, having received the money from the house of that bright being who was conversing with him, went out and handed it over to his servants, who had accompanied him and were standing at the door. And the man mounted his horse, and rode off in haste before the magistrate. So as soon as the latter approached the palace, the courtiers began to call for him, saying: «Where is Macarius, the Egyptian?» Then they took his hand and led him to the prince, who addressed him, saying: «Ask for all that thou needest and whatever thou requirest, so that I may accomplish it for thee this day». So the prince brought to pass that which Macarius desired. But the shining personage, who had accosted him, after having conducted him through the palace, and brought him outside, disappeared from beside him. The magistrate, seeing him no longer, supposed that he had returned to his own house, where the two friends had first met one another. When, however, Macarius reached the spot where the mansion had stood, he found no trace of it at all. Thereupon the man gazed around, and lost his understanding for a moment. But after a time he comprehended that his benefactor was the great martyr Theodore, the commander of the troops, who had acted thus because Macarius had a devotion for him. Therefore Macarius glorified God and increased in charity and almsgiving and good works, and remained steadfast in this way of life until God removed him from this world.
Now let us proceed with the history of the patriarch Abba James. For |464 our only purpose in relating these incidents in the life of Macarius, the magistrate, was to show the value of the orthodox laity, since God does not desert them in this world nor in the world to come. As Paul the apostle says 74: «Cease not to do good, so that thou mayest reap what thou hast sown. As long therefore as our time lasts, let us do good to all men, especially to our brethren, the people of faith». Again he exhorted Timothy, his son, saying to him more concerning the doing of good to the faithful. For he writes 75 thus to him: «Charge the rich of this world that their hearts be not proud, and that they set not their hope and trust on the rich, for there is no profit in riches; but let their trust be in God, who gives us all things richly; and let our actions be good, and let our riches be in laudable works, that we may be upright and loving, so that we may have a firm foundation in the time to come, and may lay hold on the true life». Therefore accept my excuse, and hear from me the remaining deeds of this holy and inspired father, who was a prophet, and to whom God granted the gift of seeing hidden things from afar.
When God remembered the sick land of Egypt, that he might make wars to cease therein, he revealed the matter to the holy father, that it was near and not far off. So Abba James, as he had learnt that his archdeacon was |465 acting against his will in certain matters, called him and said to him: «My son, a governor will come soon to the land of Egypt, and rule over Misr and her chiefs and over Alexandria and all her province. Therefore when we come to Alexandria with the peace of God, beware of listening to any man, or of raising thine eye to anything that belongs to this world. For in that case thou wilt sin against the works of God, and we shall be abased before the heretical tribe, which God has abased before us with their wicked leader. Know then that if thou shalt neglect my advice, the Church of God will fall into great trials». Shortly after he had said this, there came to Egypt from the prince of the Muslims an Amir, named Abd Allah son of Tâhir, who was a good and merciful man in his religion, and loved justice and hated tyranny. Therefore God subdued all rebels under him, and humbled before him the tribe of the Spaniards who were at Alexandria. And he remained some days in Egypt until public affairs were settled.
Now let us return to the story of Abba James and his relations with Dionysius, patriarch of Antioch. Abba James had been unable to send a synodical letter on account of the wars in Egypt and the East. In this way the father patriarch Dionysius, since he was hearing of the works of the father patriarch Abba James, desired to salute him, while he was still in the body. Therefore when this Amir, on his way to Egypt, made an |466 agreement with the patriarch Dionysius, he travelled in his company as far as this country. Our father, Abba James, on seeing Dionysius, rejoiced with a great spiritual joy, and met him with the best of welcomes. And the whole land of Egypt exulted when those two beheld one another. And the Egyptian clergy chanted before them from the words 76 of David: «Mercy and justice have met together, truth and peace have come to us». Then the father Dionysius, patriarch of Antioch, remained many days with the father, Abba James the patriarch, that each of them might be satisfied with the holiness of the other. But the bishops of Egypt began to lay complaints before the father Dionysius concerning the archdeacon of our father Abba James, «because he imparts to him all that we undertake or say». Upon this the father Dionysius began as one who wished to remind this holy man, Abba James, that he should reprove the archdeacon, and that he ought not to be a cause of distress to the bishops, nor to address them unless he were required by the canons to do so. But when the pillar of light, Abba James, heard this, the spirit of prophecy flowed forth from him, and he said to the father Dionysius: «How could the bishops send this message, and accuse one who is the elect of God and preaches him? But blessed is he, like him who worked for one hour in the vineyard 77, together with him |467 who had worked eleven hours, and received the wages for the whole day». When the patriarch Dionysius heard the words of the father, Abba James, and saw the Holy Ghost shining forth in his face, he prostrated himself before him and said, like the prophet David 78: «As we have heard so have we seen. I believe that I have beheld a man who holds with God the post of intercessor for the land of Egypt». Then he prayed our father the patriarch James to let him depart to his see. So Abba James gave him splendid gifts in proportion to his primacy, and then with the bishops bade him farewell in peace, glorifying and blessing God, because they had witnessed his holiness and comeliness and dignity and chastity. And when Dionysius reached the East, the land of Syria, he discoursed on what he had witnessed of the holiness of our father Abba James, and thanked the Lord Jesus Christ, who glorifies his elect.
The Amir Abd Allah, son of Tâhir, on arriving in Egypt, appointed an Amir, who was one of his companions, as governor of Alexandria and collector of taxes there and in the neighbouring districts. And the name of him whom he thus nominated was Elias, son of Yazîd. At that time the |468 deacon of our father James, mentioned above, neglected the advice which he had formerly given him, namely that he should not raise his eyes to any of the things of this world, for he went to certain villages and levied a rate upon them, thinking that he would gain something for the Church thereby. For he did not know that the prophecy of the father James would be accomplished; and therefore both the father and the deacon fell into great sorrow through the taxes which they were compelled to pay, when they had not the means of paying them. And the blessed father repeated to that deacon the words of Paul, the wise apostle, saying: «It was not right for thee, my son, to make for thyself an argument, but to obey what I enjoined thee to do, in faith and love of the Lord Christ. Hast thou not heard, my son, what Paul said 79, that those who desire to be rich fall into trials and errors and foolish longings, which do not profit at all, but cast men into destruction and perdition? For the root of all evil is the love of money, which many have loved; and so they have gone astray from the faith, and drawn upon themselves great cares». Thereupon that deacon wept and begged the patriarch to pardon his disobedience.
Now that Amir began to act harshly towards the father in demanding taxes when he had nothing with which he could pay, as we related, through |469 the poverty of the Church, arising from the interruption of the pilgrimages to the church of Saint Mennas, the Martyr, in consequence of the continual wars. When Abba James found no means of paying the taxes, he brought forth the vessels of the church, to give them to the miscreant tribe. But the Lord, who loves mankind and shows his wonders at all times in his Church, and makes her victorious over princes in all ages, manifested a miracle, at which we must marvel. While the Amir was sitting one day that he might break up the vessels, and the goldsmith was breaking up one of the holy chalices, much blood flowed over his hands, like the blood of a Lamb 80 that had been slain. So when they saw this miracle, great fear fell upon them, and the Amir and all these that were present were afraid. And the Amir commanded that none of those vessels should be broken; and after that he feared to place them in his treasury, and therefore he ordered that they should be restored to the father. But he demanded the taxes with greater severity than before, and the patriarch was in great difficulties before he could pay the taxes that he owed.
Afterwards the Amir in the city of Alexandria was removed, and departed to his own country, where he was attacked by a mortal sickness. Many days later he remembered the great miracle of the issue of blood from the Chalice; and at that time he commanded his sons with insistence to send |470 to Egypt the money that he had taken from the patriarch, that it might be handed over to him who should be found to be patriarch of Alexandria. So his sons obeyed him. And this miracle was accomplished in the days of one who deserved that it should come to pass in his hands, as we will show to your charity at the end of this history.
Now hear another wonder which was also manifested in the days of this holy man, Abba James, the patriarch. While the Amir Elias was governor of Alexandria, a bishop, who held the see of Fau in Upper Egypt, died; and a person was sent to the patriarch, that he might consecrate him as successor to the deceased. But this man feared lest God should make his conduct known to the patriarch, who would then refuse him. Therefore he went to the Amir, and gave him money, and prayed him to command the father patriarch, Abba James, to appoint him. In consequence of this the Amir requested that the appointment might be made; but the father patriarch refused, because his faith and his attachment to the canons were strong. Those that were present, however, asked him, saying: «Wilt thou consent to the request of the Amir, lest evil befall both thee and the Church?» Thus they did not cease to cajole him until he appointed that man. But when the newly made bishop departed, Abba James uttered concerning him the following words, like those of Peter to Simon the Magician in his time; for he said: «In the place where this bishop expected to gain wealth, he shall disappear after a little while, and the wealth which he has acquired |471 shall be far from him». And when that bishop drew near to his diocese, he fell sick on the way; and he died before he could see his diocese. Who now will not fear these wonderful works, and glorify God, who shows them forth in this chosen one? But if we were to record a few out of the many miracles and the noble struggles that we have heard related of this holy man, the account would be long. And we cannot explain such things, because our darkened understanding is too weak to deal with them. Yet we will relate what must be related, and describe the end of his conflict, for the profit of those that listen, and as a blessing to them.
When Abba James proceeded to the eastern provinces, to visit the churches and the people, and came to a village called Bait Tashmat, they brought to him a young man possessed by a devil, which had made him dumb and deaf; and they begged the patriarch to lay his hand upon him. Then the father took a little oil from the lamp which hung over the bones of Saint Severus, and anointed the youth therewith, making the sign of the cross on his face and ears, and saying: «In the name of the Lord Jesus Christ, who delivered his creatures from the service of Satan, may this young man be healed, and may the bonds of Satan be loosed from him!» And the young man was healed on the spot, and his mouth and ears were opened, and he both spoke and heard; and all that saw him marvelled, |472 and glorified God in truth. Now this father was in his holiness like the disciples, through the trials that he endured and the miracles performed by him; for he brought the dead to life, and cast out devils, and cured many that were sick. And our Lady, the Mother of the Light, appeared to him before he became patriarch, and the Lord Christ also, and the Saints whom he was counted worthy to see.
Then Abba James desired to remain a few days in the city of Tandâ, when he passed by it. And when he stayed there, one of the bishops, an honourable and trustworthy man, bore witness to us, saying: «I went to him, to pay him a visit and receive his blessing. And when I stood at the door of his chamber, I heard him say something in a low voice; and the words were: O my Lady, Mother of my Lord, I pray thee to pardon me, for I am ready to carry out what thou commandest me, and to observe it to my last breath». The bishop continued: «And when I was intending to show myself through the door within which he was, and before I could enter, he cried aloud at what he saw, and I was afraid through my respect for his dignity, and turned back. But I heard him say: God pardon thee, my brother, for having hindered me from beholding the glory and light of my Lady, and allowed her to depart from me.»
After the blessed patriarch had seen these great mysteries which were shown to him, he bore witness that no patriarch sits upon this throne except |473 those whom God chooses, but that Satan resists their advancement and hinders their doing good. There are indeed men who say in their hearts: «If we advance so far as to receive this degree, that is on account of our birth». But it is not so, for it is the Lord of glory who chooses. And the father Abba James said this before his death, that it is God who elects the man whom he will appoint; and although Satan tries to oppose him, it is God who prevails.
It was the custom of this patriarch, when he purposed to appoint bishops, to watch and fast strictly, so that God might reveal their deeds to him. He used also to observe the anniversaries of the death of the fathers, from Mark the evangelist to Mark, his own father in the Spirit. On such days he used to keep festival in their honour, and put on his vestments, and celebrate the Liturgy, whether he were in the city or in the monasteries, or in the villages, to the glory of our Lord Christ, and in commemoration of his fathers.
And when God willed to give him rest from labour and translate him to the heavenly mansions of the illuminated, the Lord appeared to him, seated on a cloud of light, and accompanied by the twelve disciples, and said to him: «Have courage, thou good servant, who hast made use of the talents of thy Lord, and gained a profit. Now will I take thee to myself, and give thee rest from thy labours; and thou shalt sit with thy companions, who carried on the warfare like thee, for thou hast become perfect like them». Now before this marvellous vision, Zacharias, bishop of Tandâ, had died; and the archdeacon, whom we have before mentioned, and of whom we said that he |474 would be a chosen vessel of God, had been enthroned in his stead. So our father James fell sick, and his strength diminished; and on the 14th. day of Amshir he went to his rest, that being the day of the death of the holy father Severus. And at the fourth hour of the night they heard him saying: «Happy is your coming, my fathers Severus and Dioscorus». And again he said: «The whole world is absolved through the prayers of the saints». Thereupon he gave up his spirit into the hand of the Lord. And a sweet perfume exhaled from his body, and filled the whole chamber.
When morning came, they enshrouded his body. And they offered the Sacrifice in commemoration of the two blessed fathers, Severus and the father James. Thus the holy monk's vision of the two figures, which he saw consecrating Abba James with the gospel, was fulfilled. And so his life ended in a good old age, when he had held the evangelical see during ten years and eight months. He committed his flock to the Lord of Sabaoth, strong in the faith; and he was worthy to hear the voice saying 81: «Come to me, ye blessed of my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you before the creation of the world». |475
The brother, who had prophesied of him, he ordained bishop; and he was firm and strong, and did not lay by for himself a single dirhem, but was rich in the works of the Lord, and in spiritual writings. He was counted worthy to close the patriarch's eyes, and to receive his last blessing. And in the strength of his faith he laid the body of Abba James in a coffin, and kept it in his city of Tandâ, that he might be blessed by its presence, and offer intercessions at its feet. And after a short time the bishop died, through the prayers which his father offered for him before the Lord Christ. To whom belongs glory, with his Father and the Holy Ghost, the Giver of life, the Consubstantial, now and for ever. Amen.
CHAPTER XX
SIMON II, THE FIFTY-FIRST PATRIARCH. A. D. 830.
After the going to rest and departure to the Lord of the holy and glorious father, the patriarch Abba James, the chosen and elect of the Lord, and the pillar of light, through whose prayers God had scattered the armies and the wars and the ceaselessly fighting tribes, which prevailed over Alexandria and the provinces of Egypt, then a short time after his decease |476 they appointed as his successor, by the command of the most high God, a deacon and monk, whose name was Simon, a native of the city of Alexandria of good family. He was a son of the father, Abba James, and dwelt in his cell; and he had been brought up from boyhood with the late father Abba Mark.
Abba Simon remained upon the evangelical throne five months and sixteen days. And he went to his rest on the third day of Bâbah. During the whole time that he occupied the see he was afflicted by the disease of the gout, from which he suffered greatly until he died.
May the Lord have mercy upon us through the prayers of all of these saints!
JOSEPH, THE FIFTY-SECOND PATRIARCH. A.D. 830-849.
So after the father Simon went to his rest, the orthodox people met in the city of Alexandria, and deliberated together with a view to the appointment of a patriarch, since the see was vacant. For it had remained without a patriarch after the father, Abba James, during a long interval; but then they had received consolation in the appointment of the father, Abba Simon. Then upon his death, their trouble increased; and they said, like the |477 prophet David 82: «Remember not, O Lord, my first offences, but let thy mercy reach us soon, for we are become very poor.» And all of them went about the city, and the community of the Alexandrians and the bishops sought and enquired who was lit to sit upon the throne. You are acquainted with the people of Alexandria, and are aware that they love material pleasures. Accordingly they devised an evil plan in those days, contrary to the canons of the Church. For there was at Fustât Misr at that time a man of family and wealth; and he and his kinsmen possessed gold and silver and furniture. He was the chief of the Divan of the governor of Egypt; and his name was the lord Isaac, son of Anthony. So, when the Alexandrians saw his position and his wealth, together with the consideration in which he was held, they wrote him a letter, saying: «We will not elect any man, to appoint him patriarch, except thee». But he was a layman and married to a wife. So some of the bishops held aloof from this transaction of the hypocritical Alexandrians, who followed this man for the sake of human glory, not remembering that which is written 83 in the fifty-second Psalm of David: «The Lord shall scatter the bones of those that act hypocritically towards men.» And again he says: «They are ashamed because the Lord |478 brings them to nought.» At that time some of the bishops visited Isaac, and paid court to him, saying: a We can have no patriarch except thee». The names of these bishops were Zacharias, bishop of Wasîm, and Theodore, bishop of Misr. These two men next persuaded Isaac to write a letter to Alexandria, promising to confer many benefits on the clergy and people there, when he should become patriarch. For he said: «If I take my seat upon this throne, I will rebuild your ruined churches for you, and restore the dwellings attached to the churches. And I will relieve you of the taxes as long as I live, by paying them out of my own money for the clergy and the poorer laity». And he promised them many other things. Therefore when they heard all this, they were inclined to him, and desired him, forgetting the words 84 of the gospel: «No man takes an honour of himself, unless it be given him from heaven from God».
But there were at that time holy bishops, such as speak the truth, and are filled with grace. Such were Abba Michael, bishop of Bilbais, and Abba Michael, bishop of Sâ, and Abba John, bishop of Bana; and there were many like them, perfect in faith and religion. And when they were informed of what the two bishops and the assembly of the Alexandrians had |479 done, the grace of God stirred within them, and they called together a synod concerning those two. And they proceeded to Alexandria, as the canon prescribes. Having subsequently verified the design of the Alexandrians, they said to them: «Where have you left the fear of the Lord, since you have broken the canons so far as to have recourse to a layman married to a wife, in order to seat him upon the throne of Saint Mark the evangelist, in opposition to custom and to the canons?» Thereupon the people were silent, knowing their fault, and uttered not a syllable in answer to the bishops. Then by the inspiration of God, who visits his people at all times, and makes his face to shine 85 upon his heritage, mention was made of a holy man, perfect in good works; and his name was confirmed in the assembly by the dispensation of God's grace. This man was the shining lamp Joseph, the priest and superintendent of the church of Saint Macarius in Wadî Habîb. And when he was named, my heart rejoiced, and my tongue sang praises.
Now I should desire to relate a little of his life and the works which he did while he was a monk, only I fear to interrupt the description of the events which took place at his enthronement. Yet will I relate those things subsequently, that the hearts of those that hear the history of this holy |480 man may rejoice. When the assembly, together with the bishops and clergy, had accepted him, because they knew him when he was a lamp to the father, Abba Mark, then they sent some of the bishops and Alexandrian clergy to the Wadi. And while they were on the journey, they said thus: «If the Lord approves the appointment of this person, we shall find the door of his cell open». So when they reached the monastery on the morrow, and presented themselves at the door of his cell, they found him standing there, for he had come out to shut the door after his sons, who had gone to draw water. Upon this they marvelled, and looked one at another, saving: «What we said on the way is fulfilled. The Lord has made our journey easy; and we believe that God has chosen this holy man.» When this blessed one, steadfast in purity and humility, saw the visitors, he made obeisance before them, and saluted them, and at once conducted them into his cell. As soon as they were within his chamber, they laid hands upon him, and put the iron fetters over his feet, and said to him; «Thou art indeed worthy of the patriarchal office». But he began to weep profusely, saying: «What is the use of an incompetent man, who takes upon him this heavy yoke?» On hearing these words, they consoled him and pacified him. And they assembled in the church, and partook of the Holy Mysteries; for it was the feast of the Angel Michael, the 12th. of Hatûr. And Joseph received the benediction of the holy fathers, and |481 begged them to pray for him, that God would bring his course to an end. So they all prayed for him, and blessed him from the depth of their hearts, and bade him farewell, weeping because they had lost from their monastery a holy man, full of the Spirit of God.
So they started on their homeward journey. When they reached the top of the rock, Joseph being with them, they heard a voice behind him saying: «The Lord will be with thee, Joseph, and strengthen thee, that thou mayest endure the troubles which will befall thee, and by which thou wilt obtain the crown of life». The holy man and his companions, hearing this great voice, but seeing no one, marvelled and were amazed, and knew that great trials and bitter griefs would come upon him. Then they arrived at the city of Alexandria. And the multitude, as soon as they heard that the envoys had returned, came forth to meet them, singing praises and glorifying God. Then the people learnt from the envoys what had happened to them on the way, and how they had found the door of Joseph's cell open, and how they had taken him prisoner, and of the voice which they had heard behind them near the road of the Cherubim on the top of the rock. Therefore the people glorified God, who alone works wonders at all times.
After this they informed the Amir, who was governor of Alexandria, and was called Abd Allah son of Yezîd, that they had brought this holy man, in order to obtain the governor's consent and order, according to the perpetual custom before they consecrated the patriarch. But the governor |482 refused, and would not authorize them to appoint Joseph, saying: «Isaac, the son of Antony, of Misr, has sent to me, and promised me a thousand dinars, if he shall sit upon this throne. Therefore, if you have elected this man, give me the same sum that Isaac has promised me». Thus Abd Allah prevented them from ordaining Joseph for some days. But the bishops continued to visit the governor's house, begging and imploring him to give them his consent. Yet he refused, because he loved money. Then the bishops from the eastern provinces assembled, and said to him: «We are not under thy authority. Therefore, if thou wilt not grant our request, we will go to Fustât Misr and ordain him there.» So when he saw their firmness, and understood that they would do what they said, he gave them his permission.
So they met together in the Church of Mark the evangelist, as it is customary, on the 21st. day of Hatûr in the year 547 of the Martyrs. And they recited all the prayers in the sanctuary, and inaugurated the elevation of Joseph to the rank of patriarch, blessing and glorifying God.
Now I desire in this place to record the life of that blessed saint from his youth, so that all who hear it may glorify God, before I describe the end of his consecration, and the troubles which befell him, and which he patiently endured. This holy man was of a good family of repute in the city of Upper Manûf, and his fathers were well known among the chief men |483 of Egypt. When his parents were dead and the saint was left an orphan, an official, named Theodore, who had the rank of metwalli in Egypt, and was a native of Nakyus, saw Joseph in this condition, and took him to himself, that he might make him his son for the love of Christ, and on account of his honourable kindred. So the child remained with that magistrate a long time. Then Joseph thought within himself: «Behold, I am now an orphan; therefore there is nothing better for me than the holy desert which is a place of refuge for orphans». So he went to the chief in whose house he lived, and who had brought him up, and begged him humbly for permission to depart to the holy desert. But Theodore replied: «O my son, thou art of an excellent family, and hast been brought up in the midst of wealth. Thou wouldst therefore be overcome by weariness in the desert, and couldst not endure its hardships.» Thus Theodore would not allow him to depart thither, but sent him to the city of Alexandria to the father patriarch, Abba Mark, to whom the magistrate wrote a letter, in which he recounted the history of Joseph's life, and confided him to the patriarch as a pledge.
So the holy Mark rejoiced over him, and put him under the care of a deacon, who had charge of the sons of the Cell at that time and was a learned man, that he might teach the youth to write in the Greek language. And God's assistance was with Joseph, and did not allow him to forget |484 his desire to retire to the monasteries. Accordingly, after a short sojourn with the holy Abba Mark, Joseph made a prostration before him, and prayed the patriarch to send him to the holy mountain. And the patriarch observed how he longed to go thither, and knew by revelation from God that the youth had found grace. For this reason Abba Mark speedily despatched him to the monastery of Saint Macarius, and placed him in charge with a holy priest and hegumen named Paul, whose mode of life was admired by all. For God revealed secrets to him, and enabled him to prophesy. So Paul, when he looked upon the young man, was pleased with him and with his good conduct and humility, and did not cease to nourish him with the holy teachings of the monks, and blessed him by night and by day, especially on seeing his modesty. Then Joseph was counted worthy to be made a deacon, and shortly afterwards to be ordained priest by the father, Abba Mark, the patriarch. As the hegumen Paul grew old, he fell sick of various diseases, and Joseph, the young saint, served him day and night in hope and faith, in order to obtain his blessing. And the old man laid his hand upon Joseph's head, invoking upon him great blessings without number, and, on the approach of death, began to say to this young man, upon whom his spirit rested: «Behold, Joseph, the Lord grants thee his grace and his inheritance that thou mayest inherit it». Afterwards the |485 hegumen added, using the words of the Lord 86 to Peter: «Return some time, thou also, and strengthen thy brethren, who have become thy partners in the labour of this ministry, and promote them among the clergy». For Paul had sons with him, who ministered to him, besides Joseph. And Paul's words were fulfilled when Joseph was seated on the throne, and those brethren of his in service were counted worthy of the grace of the diaconate and the priesthood for a time in the church of Saint Macarius. I have related this incident, that it may be profitable to all who hear it among the young monks, that they may learn that God chooses those who serve him with an honest intention.
Now I will return to the continuation of the history of this holy man, the glorious father Abba Joseph. When he had taken his seat upon the evangelical throne, since the Church had no real property, he began to make monuments, vineyards and mills and oil-presses, which were to belong to the Church. But Satan, the hater of good, as he is wont, would not endure this peace, and stirred up, at the beginning of Abba Joseph's pontificate, a great war in the eastern and western parts of Egypt, which led to universal plunder and slaughter. For there was much fighting throughout the country. In the words of the prophet Amos 87: «This is what the Lord, the Ruler, says. There shall be lamentation in all places». |486
So when the holy father saw these calamities, he mourned, and besought the Lord to protect and preserve the Church and the orthodox people, wherever they were. For the patriarch prayed, saying, like David in the 73rd. Psalm 88: «O Lord, remember thy congregation, which has been from the beginning. And thou hast delivered the rod of thine inheritance, mount Sion wherein thou hast dwelt. Raise up thy hand against their pride for ever, for many are the wicked deeds that the enemy has done». Thus Satan did not cease to stir up wars and murder. Two men at that time were overseers of taxes, one of whom was named Ahmad son of Al-Asbat, and the other Ibrahîm son of Tamîm. These two men, in spite of the troubles from which the people were suffering, persisted in demanding the taxes without mercy, and men were increasingly and incalculably distressed. Their greatest trouble arose from the extortion practised by the two overseers of taxes; for what they could not pay was required of them. After this the merciful God by his righteous judgment sent down a great dearth upon Egypt, so that wheat reached the price of one dinar for five waibahs. Many of the women and infants and young people, and of the old and the middle-aged, died of starvation, in fact of the whole population a countless number, through the severity of the famine. And the overseer of taxes was doing harm to the people in every place. And most of the |487 Bashmurite Christians were severely chastised, like the Israelites; so that at last they even sold their own children to pay their taxes, because they were greatly distressed. For they were tied to the mills and beaten, so that they should work the mills like cattle. And their tormentor was a man named Ghaith. So, after long and wearisome days, death put an end to their sufferings.
But afterward the Bashmurites, seeing that they had no means of escape, and at the same time that no troops could enter their country on account of the abundance of marshes which it contained, and because none was acquainted with the roads except themselves, began to rebel and to refuse to pay the taxes. And they came to an agreement and plotted together over this matter. Now the prince at that time was Abd Allah al-Ma'mûn, son of Hârûn ar-Rashîd. When the state of Egypt and the conduct of the conquerors and the overseers was reported to him, he sent an army thither under the command of an Amir, named Al-Afshîn. Then this man slew the conspirators and rebels, from the eastern parts of Egypt until he reached the great city of Alexandria. He even wished to kill all the inhabitants of Alexandria, since they had not fought, because they had allowed the enemy to enter their city. But God prevented his doing this on account of the tears of the faithful and the prayers of the patriarch, Abba Joseph. For Al-Afshîn used even to put the innocent to death for |488 the fault of the guilty, so that he would have allowed no one that he could see to escape slaughter. And he killed many of the chief men of the Christians in every place.
The patriarch Joseph was grieved by these troubles that he witnessed: the plague and the famine and the sword. Meanwhile the Bashmurites developed their plot, and prepared weapons for themselves, and made war against the government. For they bound themselves not to pay the taxes; and they rose up against any one who came to them for the purpose of acting as mediator in their affairs, and put him to death.
When our father, the patriarch Abba Joseph, saw this rebellion, he mourned over those weak ones, for they had no power to withstand the government, and had deliberately chosen destruction for themselves. And since he was full of anxiety for the salvation of his people, and was their true steward, he began to write to the Bashmurites letters full of fear, and reminded them of the fate that would befall them, hoping that they might return and repent, and give up their disobedience, and cease to resist authority. But they refused to return to their obedience. Yet he continued to write to them every day, and quoted for them passages of the scriptures, saying: «Paul, the sweet-tongued, declares 89 that whoever resists the power |489 resists the ordinances of God, and he that resists him shall be condemned». When the patriarch's letters by means of his bishops were conveyed to the Bashmurites, those wicked men as soon as they saw the bishops assaulted them, and robbed them of all that they had with them, and treated them with ignominy. Therefore the bishops returned to the patriarch, and made known to him what had been done to them. Then he said: «Destruction will not be slow in coming to those men. Yea, the words of the prophet Isaias 90 will be fulfilled upon them, where he says: I will give you up to the sword, and ye shall all fall by slaughter; because I called you, and ye listened not to my words, but disobeyed and did evil before me».
On account of these troubles and sorrows which have been mentioned, the father patriarch was unable to write a synodical letter to his partner in the ministry and in the faith, the patriarch of Antioch. This omission caused Abba Joseph more auxiety than the trials which befell him. For indeed he did not find rest for a single day after he was enthroned, so that he could address to the see of Antioch a letter containing assurances of union in charity and unswerving orthodoxy. Nevertheless the Lover of |490 mankind did not leave him thus in his sadness, for the sake of the union of the two sees, Alexandria and Antioch; for he ordained a wonderful thing, namely that the father Dionysius, patriarch of Antioch, should come to Egypt, and that the two patriarchs should behold one another, as we. will relate hereafter.
The commander Al-Afshîn, seeing that the Bashmurites continued long in their hostility, and would not change their conduct, wrote a letter to the caliph, Abd Allah al-Ma'mûn, to inform him of the events that had taken place.
Listen now to this also. There was on the episcopal throne of Tinnîs a bishop, named Isaac, against whom his people had repeatedly brought serious accusations. They said to the father Joseph: «If thou wilt not remove this bishop, and take him away from us, we will forsake the religion of orthodoxy». There was also at Misr another bishop, named Theodore, and his flock spoke of him in a similar manner. For the inhabitants of Misr wrote to the patriarch, saying: «If thou wilt not remove him and take him away from us, we will stone him to death». The holy patriarch, seeing this rising of the people, was much grieved and troubled, saying: «What shall I do in this distress?» And he prayed, saying: «O Lord, confirm thy people in loyalty to their pastors, and let there be no disaffection in my days! » Moreover he continued to send letters to the people at the two |491 cities of Tinnîs and Misr, saying, from the words of Paul 91: «Why are you glad when we are sick and you are strong? This is what I pray for on your behalf, that you may be saved. And I write this to you, being absent from you, as if I were present with you. I will not pronounce a sentence of excommunication nor suspension, since the Lord commands me to build up and not to pull down». But the people persisted in their conduct, saying with one voice which they never altered: «If these two bishops are not removed, not one of us will remain in the orthodox faith, but we will join the dissident party; and thou art responsible for our action». When Abba Joseph heard this, he hastened to Tinnîs, and begged the people to cease from their wrath; but they refused, and grew still more furious. So also did the city of Misr with its bishop. When the patriarch saw this, he sent and gathered together the bishops from every place, and made the matter known to them. And he said to them: «I and you are innocent of this offence at last. Let us therefore write and suspend the two bishops, Isaac, bishop of Tinnîs, and Theodore, bishop of Misr». |492 Accordingly they deposed those two men from their dignity, and removed them from the rank of. bishop. Yet our charitable father did not cease to pray continually, nor to shed profuse tears, nor to give vent to sighs over the cutting off of these two bishops.
Now Al-Afshîn at Misr was awaiting the answer to the letter which he had adressed to Al-Ma'mûn concerning the Bashmurites. Al-Ma'mûn was a wise man in his conduct, and used to make enquiries into our religion. And wise men used to sit with him, explaining our scriptures for him. In this way he began to love the Christians. So he came to Egypt, and assembled his army. And he invited the patriarch Dionysius of Antioch to accompany him
When the father patriarch, Abba Joseph, learnt that Al-Ma'mûn had arrived, and in his company the patriarch of Antioch, he gathered the bishops together and journeyed to Fustât Misr, to salute the caliph according to the respect which is due to princes. And when the father Dionysius saw the father, Abba Joseph, he rejoiced with great spiritual joy. And this was a dispensation from God, as I said at first, because Abba Joseph had not been able to send the synodical letter to Dionysius. And Abba Joseph was honoured according to his rank at the court of Abd Allah Al-Ma'mûn, |493 who, being informed of his arrival, commanded that he should be brought before him, and when he came into his presence received him with joy, through the divine grace which descended upon the patriarch. Then Abba Dionysius made known to the prince that our father had not delayed to write to the Bashmurites, and to dissuade them from resisting the commands of their sovereign; and this information was gratifying to Al-Ma'mûn. Upon hearing it, he said to the father, Abba Joseph: «Behold, I command thee and thy colleague, the patriarch Dionysius, to pay a visit to those people, and to lay your prohibition upon them, as you are bound to do according to your law, in order that they may return from their disobedience and may submit to my rule. Then if they consent, I will confer upon them all the benefits that they shall ask of me. But if they persist in their rebellion, then we shall be innocent of their blood».
Therefore our fathers, the two patriarchs, obeyed his command, and journeyed to the Bashmurites, and besought them, and admonished them, and reprimanded them, that they might cease from their deeds. But the insurgents refused to listen, and would not accept the entreaties of the |494 prelates. So the patriarchs returned, and informed Al-Ma'mûn of this state of affairs. Then the caliph commanded the amir Al-Afshîn to march against the Bashmurites with his army, and to fight them. But he could do nothing against them, because their districts, which are named At-Tanfir, were fortified by the waters. The Bashmurites, on the other hand, slew every day many of the soldiers of Al-Afshîn. Therefore as soon as this was reported to Al-Ma'mûn, he started with his troops, and went down to that region. And he gave orders to collect from the cities and neighbouring villages and all places all the men who knew the roads of the Bashmurites, and from among the natives of Tandâ and Shubra Sunbût those who were acquainted with the ways through those places. And the troops followed those guides until they betrayed the Bashmurites to them. Then the soldiers destroyed the insurgents and slew them with the sword without sparing any, and plundered them and wrecked and burnt their dwellings, and demolished their churches. Thus the words of the prophet David in the 77th. Psalm 92 were fulfilled upon them: «He delivered their strength into captivity and their wealth to their enemies, and gave his people over to the sword, and had no pity on his inheritance». But when Al-Ma'mûn saw the multitude of the slain, he bad his soldiers hold their swords; and those of the |495 Bashmurites who remained he carried as prisoners to the city of Baghdad, both men and women.
When the father patriarch, Abba Dionysius, asked what was the cause of the rebellion of these people, he was told that it was because of the extortions of the two overseers of taxes from which they had formerly suffered. Therefore his heart was grieved for their destruction, and he approached Al-Ma'mûn, and told him this, relying on the position which he held at court. And there was in the suite of Al-Ma'mûn his brother Ibrahîm, who reigned after him. And Dionysius said to the caliph: «These men were disaffected against the government because they suffered from the tyranny of the two overseers of taxes, who also taunted and insulted them». On hearing these words, the caliph answered: «Take care of thyself, and remain no longer in Egypt; for if this saying be reported to my brother Ibrahîm, he will put thee to death, because the tax-collectors came from among his followers». So when the father Dionysius received this reply, he went forth sadly troubled, and took leave of the father, Abba Joseph, saying to him.: «I cannot stay in Egypt an hour longer». Then he enquired what the reason might be, and the patriarch Dionysius told him what |496 had happened. And he bade him farewell weeping. And when Ibrahîm was informed of this matter, he sought the patriarch Dionysius, and sent after him, but learnt that he had departed to his own city. Thereupon he was greatly enraged, and his wrath overpowered him for many days. And after the death of Al-Ma'mûn and the enthronement of his brother Ibrahîm, the patriarch Dionysius fled, and would not remain in Antioch or its province, until the caliph promised him that he would not slay him. And when Ibrahîm, the prince, returned again to Misr, and the patriarch went out, he took leave of him according to the respect due from him to princes. And he came to Misr, and remained there.
When the patriarch, Abba Joseph, was at Misr, he saw that official, Isaac, who had solicited the patriarchal dignity, burning with inward fire because he and the bishops were mocked by the Alexandrians. But the patriarch, meeting and accosting him, addressed him pleasantly, as was his wont with all men, speaking soft words to him, in order to calm his troubled thoughts. Next he contrived a wise plan, that he might thereby appease him, for he said to him: «O my Lord Isaac, I have been longing after thee, and I have a strong affection for thee. I desire that thou be equal to myself, I wish thee to be my deputy in all my affairs, and hold the |497 patriarchal signet-ring, so that all men may know that thou art my administrator in all my business, both ecclesiastical and civil». When Isaac heard this, he rejoiced greatly, and was consoled, and said to our father, the patriarch: «I am thy servant, and under thy orders in whatsoever thou shalt command me to do». And when the people attended the church of our Lady at Misr, in the Fort of Ash-Shama', on the Feast of Palms, the patriarch ordained the official Isaac deacon. And there was a great congregation in the church on that day, so that the number of those who were present could not be counted.
But Satan the hater of good was there, and stirred up great trouble. For he entered into the two deposed bishops, and made them his vessels. Accordingly they visited Al-Afshîn, who was military commander under the caliph, and said to him: «God has delivered up to thee thine enemies and those of the prince, and thou hast exterminated them. Now it is binding on thee not to leave one surviving of those who were the cause of their rebellion.» He answered: «Who was it then that drove them to conspire against the prince?» And they replied: «It was the patriarch Joseph who did this, and he desired thereby even to slay the prince. And behold, |498 Joseph is now present at the church, accompanied by a large body of men who never disobey him. All that has been done was done by his orders; and thus this great calamity befell the prince and the amir, may God preserve him». Now when the two bishops entered into the presence of Al-Afshîn, he was drunk. So he was filled with wrath, and sent his brother to the church, and many men with him, that he might bring the patriarch to him, in order that he might put him to death. And Isaac, who had been bishop of Tinnîs, acted as their guide, like Judas Iscariot, who betrayed the Lord Christ to the Jews. For he entered into the sanctuary and pointed with his finger at the patriarch, that he might make known to his companions which he was, so that they might seize him. Thereupon the brother of Al-Afshîn drew his sword to cut off the patriarch's head. But when he was in the act, his hand slipped; and so the sword struck against a marble column, and was broken. At this he grew still more angry. And he had at his waist a knife, which he took and aimed at the patriarch's side, intending to kill him. But ah the greatness of the miracle that was worked at that moment in the presence of all, and which God manifested among his saints! When that man struck the patriarch |499 with the knife, it cut the vestments which he was wearing, and penetrated as far as the girdle which was around his waist, and cut that; but his body-was not wounded at all. Then all the congregation in the church were thrown into disorder and shouted loudly, thinking that he was dead. But when he who was clothed in good works saw the confusion, and perceived the anxiety and excitement of the people, he made a sign to them with his hand, and exclaimed: «Be not troubled!». And when they understood that Abba Joseph was alive, they rejoiced greatly, and glorified God, and moved over towards him, to see what had happened to him; and they found him safe and sound, for nothing had been cut save the vestments and the girdle. Therefore they praised God, and cried aloud in the words of the prophet David 93: «The Lord preserves his chosen ones; the Lord preserves the righteous, and will deliver them from the hand of sinners». And they thanked God for the patriarch's safety, and said 94: «If the Lord had not delivered us, my soul would have been in Hell; and if I said that my foot had slipped, thy mercy, O Lord, assisted me. And on account of the multitude of the griefs of my heart thy consolation rejoiced me». |500
The brother of Al-Afshîn, seeing this miracle, and perceiving that the Lord was with the patriarch, took him that he might conduct him to his brother, as he had commanded. And while he was being drawn along, that he might be brought outside, while the people hung upon him, he said to them: «Keep me not back, for we do not resist the government». So he went out, while the people followed him weeping, and kissed his feet and hands, thinking that he would be put to death. And when the brother of the amir saw them holding him, he was greatly enraged, and, lifting up his hand, struck him with a rod on the head with such violence that his eyes were injured.
So the patriarch entered into the presence of Al-Afshîn, who addressed him as it was necessary, and told him what the bishops said of him, and of what they accused him. Thereupon the patriarch said to those present, by the grace of God: «The affair of the two bishops is a strange matter. For the fact is that I deposed them from their episcopal rank. And the cause of that was----». And he proceeded to make the events known to Al-Afshîn, and showed him the falsity of their charges. For nothing that they had said of him was true. Then he told the amir the reason of his |501 removing those two bishops because their people rose up against them. And Al-Afshîn perceived the truth, and saw that the bishops' words concerning the patriarch were lies; and he began to think that those two were responsible for the trouble. And he observed to those that were present: «These two men intended to make me share in a great crime, and put the father of all the Christians to death». Then when the holy man saw that vengeance was descending upon those two for his sake, he said to the amir: «My religion bids me do good to those that do harm to me. God has now shown thee the truth with regard to the accusations that these two men brought; and therefore I pray thee to treat them generously, as thou hast authority to do. Leave them alone then in honour of God». And when Al-Afshîn saw what the patriarch did, he marvelled; and he set the two bishops free. So the people glorified God and gave thanks to him, declaring that he was worthy of praise, because he had raised up as their leader this holy father, who acted according to the divine commandments.
And when Al-Ma'mûn learnt the news from those who visited him, he commanded that a decree should be written, directing that the patriarch should be honoured and respected, and that none should oppose him in his judgments or with regard to those whom he should appoint or depose. Afterwards Al-Ma'mûn gave orders that search should be made for the |502 Bashmurites still remaining in Egypt, and that they should be deported to Baghdad. So they were removed, and remained in the prisons for a long period, until it was God's will to save them from the hand of Ibrahîm, who reigned after his brother. Then some of them returned to their native towns while others remained there at Baghdad, and laid out gardens there, and continued in those parts until the present day, still bearing the name of Bashrûdites.
After this the father Joseph desired to appoint two bishops at Tinnîs and at Misr, in the place of those who had been deposed, that the words of the apostle Paul 95 might be fulfilled: «The greatest of my duties is the care of the churches». Therefore he consecrated as bishop over Wasîm Isaac, the official, whom he had made a deacon and his own deputy. And he appointed a person named Demetrius over Tinnîs. But Fustât Misr was left without a bishop; and the bishop of Wasîm continued to be administrator of the diocese of Misr, and exercised authority over it; and none could resist him because of the influence which his words had with the governors and his brethren and his community, and he remained over the two sees until his death, |503 When the patriarch had recovered his strength a little, he took thought for the affairs of Abyssinia and Nubia, and sent a letter to the people of those countries, and enquired after them and their churches. But he did not succeed in communicating with them on account of hostility between their kings and the Muslim governors of Egypt. And he prayed to God that there might be peace between them, so that he might attain his object, which was to restore the buildings under the jurisdiction of the Father, Saint Mark the Evangelist. And God heard his prayer, and answered his petition. Now this war had lasted fourteen years between them, until Ibrahîm, brother of Al-Ma'mûn, began to reign. He set guards on the road to Abyssinia and Nubia. Now the king over the Nubians was Zacharias. So Ibrahîm sent, and said to him: «If thou wilt do what other kings have done before thee, then send the tribute for the past fourteen years. Otherwise we will make war upon thee.» Now a deacon, named George, was the secretary of the governor of Upper Egypt. So he wrote to the patriarch to make known to him what was contained in the letter of Ibrahîm, the prince. And the patriarch, on hearing it, glorified God, and rejoiced, saying: «This is an opportunity for me also to write to the kings of what |504 concerns the Church». So he wrote a letter, full of the grace of the Holy-Ghost, as it behoved him; and he saluted and praised the kings, and informed them of the kindly treatment that he had received from the princes of the Muslims, since the Lord had seated him upon the glorious and holy throne. And he added: «I am unworthy of this post, but I was desirous of obtaining news of you. Only my sin prevented my communicating with you, on account of the wars which have been waged in the land of Egypt, and the rebellion of the Bashrûdites against the commands of the prince, until he slew them, and laid their dwellings waste, and demolished their churches. But now we have found an opportunity by this correspondence of making known to you what has happened. And now, my. friends, you are bound to accomplish your duty to these princes. And if it were wrong that we should bid you do any of these things, then I have undergone punishment from my brethren, as Joseph, the son of Jacob, suffered from his brethren. And now you are bound to pray that there may be peace between you, O you that love God, and that peace may appear in the Church for your sake».
This epistle Abba Joseph despatched to the governor of the mines near Uswân, that he might forward it. And when this letter reached king Zacharias, and was read to him, he said: «What shall I do concerning the |505 prince's demand upon me? Who will collect for me the tribute of fourteen years in human souls, that I may send them to him? For I cannot leave my capital, lest the savages who are in rebellion against me should take possession of it. Now must I despatch my son to the prince.» So the king sent for his eldest son, whose name was George. And he had the trumpet blown, and appointed a herald who proclaimed that George should reign after him. Then he sent him to Misr, in company with the envoys who had come thence, together with gifts which he had prepared.
And when George arrived at Misr, he was met by the blessed father Abba Joseph. On seeing the patriarch, George, son of king Zacharias, rejoiced greatly, and prostrated himself before him. Then the patriarch gave him his benediction, and informed him of some of the events that had taken place, in order to excuse himself for the delay in sending a letter to the kingdom of the Nubians. But George replied 96: «Blessed is the Lord, who deals not with us after our sins! But it was our fault that hindered thee till this time; and it is thy holiness that has made me worthy to kiss |506 thy holy hands, O thou Lamp, that enlightenest the orthodox throughout the world!»
Then George started upon the road to Baghdad. And he begged the patriarch to pray for him that God might bring him back in safety. On his arrival at Baghdad, the capital of the empire, the prince received him with joy and said to him: «God gives thee the tribute of all the past years, in return for thy coming to my court and thy obedience to me». And George remained with him many days in honour. Afterwards the prince dismissed him with many gifts of gold and silver and garments, and despatched a troop of soldiers with him, that they might conduct him to his own country in safety.
So he returned to Misr with great glory and ceremony, holding a golden cross in his hand, while all the people welcomed him, according to the honour which the caliph had paid him. And George requested leave of the patriarch that he might transport into the governor's palace, where he was lodging, a consecrated sanctuary, made of wood, that could be taken to pieces and put together again. And there were with him bishops from his own country, |507 who celebrated the Liturgy for him, so that the king's son and all his companions made their communion there. And he gave orders that the wooden gong should be struck on the roof of the palace at the time of the Liturgy, as it is done at the churches. And all men marvelled thereat; and all the Christians rejoiced and glorified God for what he had shown forth through the prayers of this holy man, the patriarch. And in his days the said king's son set out and started upon his homeward journey. Therefore our father, the patriarch, proceeded with him, as far as a place called Bûlâk, with great state. And the father was thereby consoled for the trials which he had passed through.
Now who will not marvel when he hears these wonders, namely that every patriarch who sits upon this holy throne directs his care towards three departments of business: the care for the synodical letter to the patriarch of Antioch; secondly our relations with the Abyssinians and the Nubians; and thirdly the carrying out of decrees issued by the governor of Egypt to the patriarch and bishops, that the affairs of the orthodox churches may be kept in good order? And God brought these three |508 departments together for our father, the patriarch Abba Joseph, by the coming of the caliph Al-Ma'mûn from his country and the patriarch's interviews with him, and the arrival of his brother Dionysius, patriarch of Antioch, with whom he held intercourse, and the coming of the son of the king of the Nubians, as we have related, and the prosperity of affairs, and his seeing the great glory in truth, as the prophet David says 97: «All nations shall worship before him».
And God worked for him another wonder, so that he performed for him all that he had prayed for, in order that the see of the illustrious father, Saint Mark the Evangelist, might be glorified. May the blessings of his prayers preserve us! There was at that time a bishop named John, whom the father, Abba James, had ordained for the land of the Abyssinians. Now the king of the Abyssinians had gone forth to war. Then the people became disaffected, and drove away that bishop, and appointed another of their own free choice, thus breaking the canon. And the aforesaid bishop returned to Egypt and took up his abode at the Monastery of Baramus in Wadî Habîb, because he had first become a monk there. But the Lord, who loves mankind, and desires to save them and restore them to the knowdedge of |509 the truth, did not allow that country and its inhabitants to remain in their disobedience, but he raised up against them the evangelical throne once more, that the Lord might show forth wonders in the following manner. For he sent down upon them and upon their cattle a plague with great mortality, and caused their king to be defeated by all who fought against him; and his followers were slain. So, when he came back from the war, great sadness fell upon him. And he did not know what had been done to the bishop, nor how he had been banished from their city. For it was the queen who had caused this mischief, acting as Eudoxia did in her time against John the Golden Mouth. As soon therefore as the king learnt this, he hastened and wrote a letter to the good shepherd, Abba Joseph, saying to him: «I prostrate myself before the evangelical throne, upon which thy Paternity has been counted worthy to sit, and by the grace of which my royal authority is confirmed. Now the people of my country have strayed away from the light of the holy see, and have set their feet in a path full of thorns by driving away thy vicar. Therefore the Lord has sent down the punishment of that deed upon our heads, and has given us a taste of his vengeance through the death of men and cattle by the plague. Moreover he has forbidden heaven to rain upon us. But now, our holy father, overlook |510 our folly, and send us someone who will pray to God for us, and intercede for us, that we may be saved by thy acceptable prayers».
When the father had read this letter, he rejoiced over the king's faith and quickly sent and summoned that bishop from the monastery of Baramus, and having encouraged and consoled him sent him back to the Abyssinians. And he despatched an escort of trustworthy men with him on account of the dangers of the road, and gave him sufficient provision for the journey. And he dismissed the party, giving them his blessing that God might make their path easy. And God heard him; for they safely reached the friendly king, who rejoiced over them with all the natives of the land.
After this, Satan, the enemy of peace, suggested an idea to some of the people of that country. Accordingly, they waited upon the king, and said to him: «We request thy majesty to command this bishop to be circumcised. For all the inhabitants of our country are circumcised except him». And the working of Satan was so powerful that the king approved this proposal, namely that the aged bishop should be taken and circumcised, or else that he should return to the place whence he had come. And when the bishop recollected the hardships of his journeys, both when he departed and when he returned, and then of what he would experience again, he dreaded the difficulties of the road both by land and water. So he said: «I will submit |511 to this, for the salvation of these souls, of which the Lord has appointed me shepherd without any merit of mine. Yet now Paul the apostle enjoins us, saying 98: If any man is called without circumcision, let him not be circumcised». So when he made this concession to them, God manifested a miracle in him, as he wrote to our father the patriarch, Abba Joseph; namely, that when they took him to circumcise him, and stripped him, they found the mark of circumcision in him, as if he had been circumcised on the eighth day after his birth. And he swore in his letter that he knew nothing of this before that day. Thus the king and the people of the country were satisfied, and rejoiced greatly over this wonder, and accepted the bishop with joy.
When the letter containing an account of this matter reached the patriarch, he rejoiced greatly over the return of those erring ones to their shepherd and over the miracle which had been manifested, saying: «Blessed is the Lord, who has turned the captivity of his people and saved them from the hand of the enemy, and has not left them in error for ever». And |512 because this good shepherd took so much care of his sheep and gave his life for them, he appointed many bishops, and sent them to all places under the see of Saint Mark the evangelist, which include Africa and the Five Cities and Al-Kairuwân and Tripoli and the land of Egypt and Abyssinia and Nubia. For he said: «If the shepherds be not many to guard the flock, the sheep will perish; therefore I do not neglect them, lest any of them be lost or destroyed, even one, for whom I should be held responsible by Christ. For with what purpose did he appoint me, unless it were to protect his flock from the lion which is always watching for negligence on the part of the shepherd, that it may seize and devour and destroy. Afterwards I shall say also in the presence of the Lord 99: Not one of those whom thou gavest me has perished». Yet while he was acting thus, the adversary who is ever fighting bestirred himself that he might raise up trials and sorrows for him. But the Lord was with this holy father, and delivered him at all times, and showed him the weakness of his enemies and of the enemies of the Church day after day, according to the words of the Lord, who said 100: «The gates of Hell shall never prevail against my Church».
At that period the prince Ibrahîm sent men to Egypt with orders that |513 the columns and the marble should be taken from the churches in everyplace. He who came to search for these things was a malignant heretic of the Nestorian sect, named Lazarus. So when he arrived at Misr, the people of his foul sect gathered together to meet him; and they were the Chalcedonian heretics dwelling at Alexandria. They did not cease denouncing the churches by night and by day, and they persuaded Lazarus to demolish the churches of Alexandria. And they guided him to the places where there were columns and pavements; and so he carried them off by force and violence. Afterwards they led him out to the church of the martyr, Saint Mennas, at Maryût, in their great jealousy against it, and then they said to him: «None of the churches is like this one, for all that thou hast come to seek thou wilt find herein». So that Nestorian hastily arose, by the advice of the informers, and entered the church of the martyr Saint Mennas. And when he looked at the building and its ornaments, and saw the beauty of the columns and coloured marbles which it contained, he marvelled and was amazed, and said: «This is what the prince needs. This is here, and I knew nothing of it!» Therefore our father, Abba Joseph the patriarch, hearing that this wicked person did not hold back his hand through the evil |514 and malice that was in his heart, and learning what the heretics had found, said to him: «Behold, all the churches under my jurisdiction are before thee. Do with them therefore as the prince commands thee. But this church alone I desire of thee that thou injure not. And whatever thou shalt ask of me I will deliver to thee».
Yet the heretic would not listen to the patriarch's words nor to his request, but answered him face to face with unseemly language, and then set to work and robbed the church of its coloured marbles and its unequalled pavement, which was composed of all colours and had no match, nor was its value known. And when the marble arrived at the city of Alexandria, that it might be forwarded to the court, the father was greatly grieved for the church, and said: «I know that thou art able, O holy Martyr, to exact just punishment for the wrong done to thee by this heretic, who has not respected thy house, although it is a consolation for all the faithful». And he did not cease to mourn thus night and day for the calamity that had befallen this holy church. And he took care to restore it quickly. For he sent for surface decoration from Misr and Alexandria, and began to repair with all beautiful ornament the places from which the pavements had |515 been stripped, until no one who looked at them could perceive that anything was gone from them.
And in those days, while the heretic Lazarus was at Alexandria, the words that are 101 written were fulfilled concerning him: «Who is he that resists the Lord? For he shall be crushed.» For the Lord struck him speedily with a plague in the following manner. His body and his inward parts were swollen with the disease called the dropsy, and the colour of his face was changed, and he remained in a recumbent posture, unable to raise his head. He had also fallen into great poverty, so that he found none to supply nourishment for himself or his beasts, nor to treat him medically. Therefore he begged and implored the father patriarch to give him something to spend upon himself. And this father did what Lazarus asked, according to that which is written 102, namely: «If thine enemy hunger feed him, and if he thirst give him to drink». And the pains grew upon Lazarus greatly, as he lay prostrate, and all who beheld him glorified God and his martyr, Saint Mennas, and blessed the good shepherd, because he had done good |516 to all who did evil to him. And the father's tongue was like a sharp sword. Who would not be filled with admiration on hearing of the virtues of this holy and blessed father, Abba Joseph? Listen now to yet another wonder, my friends, concerning this father. There was at Alexandria a man who was one of the Chalcedonian heretics; and he was very rich, and possessed water-wheels. So when he went out one day to take recreation in one of his vineyards outside Alexandria, he saw a broken water-wheel, and asked for a carpenter. Now there was an old man, a priest, who was also a carpenter. So the Chalcedonian said to him: «Wilt thou come now with me, that thou mayest mend the water-wheel for me?» But the priest replied: «To-day is the Great Friday; and I can do no work to-day, because it is the day on which the Word of God, the Saviour of the world, was crucified». Then that cursed heretic opened his cavilling mouth in answer, and blasphemed God the Word, saying what must not be recorded. So the aged priest reproved him, and went away and left him. Now our father, the patriarch, was staying in the desert of Wadî Habîb, in order to keep Easter in the monastery, and to finish the celebration of the Resurrection of Christ: but as soon as he returned to Alexandria, the aged priest reported |517 to him the blasphemies that had been uttered by the heretic. Thereupon he who was overshadowed by the Holy Ghost answered with the voice of prophecy: «Let the lips which utter blasphemy against Christ my God be struck with dumbness!» And he said also in the words of David 103: «An enemy has invented lies against the Lord, and a foolish people has provoked thy name to anger». Ah that great miracle! At that very moment the heretic became dumb and could not speak; and he remained paralysed to the day of his death. And a great dread fell upon all the Alexandrian heretics who beheld this, so that even their chief, the pseudo-patriarch, whose name was Sophronius, began to have faith and trust in our father, and paid several visits to him, and acted humbly towards him, and saluted him.
In the seventh year after Abba Joseph's appointment, namely the year 554 of the Martyrs, God showed a great sign in the sky. For a great star appeared in the east and reached to the west, like a gleaming sword; and it remained many days. And men said: «We have never seen anything like this. What is likely to happen through this star?» And after some days there came a terrible pestilence upon the cattle, and the beasts began |518 to fall down dead in the enclosures and in all places, until the people of Egypt had not a beast left, and lost the means of carrying on their work. And no one could walk through the streets without stopping his nose for the multitude of dead animals. Thus the cultivation of the land was interrupted, and there was little produce; and the land of Egypt was full of sadness. Afterwards the plague attacked men also, so that they perished like the cattle. As David says 104 of the people of Egypt: «He spared them not from death, nor their beasts». Meanwhile our father did not cease to weep for the men and the beasts, nor to pray to God with tears, saying: «O Lord, thou hast turned thy face away from thy people on account of my sins. Yet deal not with them according to my transgressions; but let thy mercy reach them speedily, and save thy people, and renew the face of the earth, O God, Lover of mankind». And God heard his servant's prayer, and changed his wrath into health for men and beasts, and taught them that He can do all things. For men and beasts multiplied in Egypt, and the people forgot what had taken place; and the beasts even began to bring forth two at a birth, until men and beasts became as if not one of them had died nor any of them perished. |519
I wish to relate to you an incident which occurred during the struggles and labours of this father, that you may hear and glorify God, who worked wonders for him, and saved him from his sorrows and distress. Upon the death of Isaac, bishop of Wasîm, who also ruled the see of Misr, and who had formerly solicited the patriarchate, Abba Joseph appointed in his place Banah the deacon, at the request of the chief men of Misr. But he promoted to the see of Wasîm another of his sons, named Apacyrus, who died after a short time. Now Isaac the deceased had a son named Theodore, a name common to three bishops who sat in succession upon the episcopal throne of Misr. This man solicited the see of Wasîm, but the people did not approve him; and the father did not think it right to appoint him against the will of the people. There was in Egypt at that time a governor named Alî, son of Yahya, the Armenian, acting on behalf of Abû Ishâk Ibrahîm al-Mu'tasim, son of Hârûn ar-Rashîd, and brother of Abd Allah al-Ma'mûn. So Theodore cast aside the fear of God, and paid a visit to the governor, and promised him money that he might compel the patriarch to raise him to the episcopate. Therefore the governor sent and enquired concerning the father |520 patriarch, and interceded with him for Theodore. But the patriarch answered that Theodore should never become bishop, and resisted the governor, saying: «I have no power in this matter». Then the governor was greatly enraged for the sake of the money which Theodore had promised him, and began to pull down the churches of Fustât Misr. And he began by attacking first of all the church which is in the Fort of Ash-Shama', called the Hanging Church. So they demolished its upper part, until they reached the gallery. And the father patriarch and the people were lamenting sadly and in great grief, and were weeping bitter tears. As David the prophet says 105: «O Lord God, God of Hosts, how long wilt thou be wrath against the prayer of thy servant? Thou feedest me with bread with my tears, and givest me tears to drink. Thou makest me a byword to my acquaintances and a sorrow and mockery to my enemies. O Lord God of Hosts, return, O Lord, and make thy face shine upon us, so that we shall be saved». And Abba Joseph gave vent to deep sighs in sadness of heart for the demolition of the church.
But certain persons came to the father, and said to him: «How long wilt thou refuse to appoint this man bishop? Until all the churches are |521 demolished? God has seen thy solicitude and thy struggle for the truth. Deal with this man who relies upon worldly authority as he demands, and God will give him his portion, and his sin shall be on his own head». Then the patriarch consented to that which the people proposed. Yet the governor did not cease from his fury, but required money of the father, saying: «I will not put a stop to the destruction of the churches unless thou give me three thousand dinars». Thereupon the laymen and the bishops present with him were vexed and exclaimed: «O our father be not distressed, we will furnish this money. Therefore divide the debt equally among us, that thou mayest save the churches and no harm may befall them». So the officials proceeded to visit the governor, and gave him sureties that they would pay three thousand dinars. Upon that his anger was appeased, and he commanded that the bishop should be ordained. Accordingly the father ordained him. And he said from the depth of his heart concerning the governor, as the prophet David says in the fifth Psalm 106: «The Lord abhors the wicked man, but does justice to the poor». He quoted also the word which is in the Law of Moses 107: «On the day of vengeance I will reward them, on the day when their feet shall slip». And he added: «On the day of their destruction I will reward them, and |522 will judge the enemies and the oppressors». And all men knew that his words were like prophecy, and said: «What, thinkest thou, will come to pass after this prophecy?» A short time afterwards, indeed, the caliph sent this governor to the land of the Romans, to make a raid upon it; and he took some of them captive, and conquered territory. Then the caliph sent him a second time; and some of the Romans came out against him, and slew him and all his soldiers with cruelty, as the father had foretold with regard to him.
When the trouble ceased from the churches, and that which had been pulled down was restored, and the faithful provided for it and improved it, so that it became finer and more beautiful than it had been before, because the Church is founded upon the Rock, and nothing prevails against her, but she prevails over those who oppose her, and destroys them, then the father said, in the words of the prophet David 108: «O Lord, who is like unto thee? Thou hast shown us great troubles, but thou hast returned and quickened us, and brought us up from the depth of the earth». And again 109: «The Lord has stripped off my sackcloth, and clothed me with gladness, and turned my lamentation into joy». |523
And the bishop of Misr began to request further promotion of the father patriarch. And there was a judge at Misr, named Muhammad, son of Abd Allah, whom that man used to consult in all his business. And this judge was a man to be feared, and one whose words none could resist, for he was looked up to by all the Muslims as a lawyer and a leader, and was learned in their religion. But he secretly did deeds that were worthy of blame, and loved to drink wine and to hear singing, and he purchased beautiful slave-girls, and indulged in amusement and debauchery without fear of God or shame before men, according to the words of the Gospel 110 concerning those like him. Nevertheless God endured him, and allowed him a respite, and added to his days one equal to a thousand years, while he persisted in his folly and insolence against the people of this orthodox religion and the other Christian communities, and swore against Christ. In accordance with this character, he brought lawsuits against the father patriarch several times, and mocked him. So God brought down his deeds upon his own pate, as David says in the Psalm 111: «Pour out thy wrath upon the heathen that have not known thee». Therefore when Banah, bishop of Misr, saw the power of this judge, and his influence over the governor and commanders of the Muslims, he made friends with him, in order that the judge might do what he desired, and that none might oppose him in his administration, just as |524 the judge acted among the Muslims in what he decreed, whether it were honest or perverse or deceitful.
But the father, Abba Joseph, did not cease to fight for the truth, and to declare his trust in God; and therefore he feared none but God, who created him. Now the patriarch knew what had taken place between the bishop and the judge. And the judge began to think what evil he should do to the patriarch. So one day he gave orders that the father patriarch should be summoned. And certain bishops were present at the judge's house that day, and were trying to conciliate Banah, bishop of Misr; and their names were Abba Pachomius, bishop of Bastah, and George, bishop of Taha, and another George, bishop of Ahnâs, and Zacharias, bishop of Al-Buhairah, and Mennas, bishop of Al-Bahnasa, besides others. So when the patriarch appeared before the judge, the latter said to him: «Who gave thee authority to be chief over all the Christians?» The patriarch replied: «God gave me this authority». Then the judge turned to the aforesaid bishops and to the bishop of Misr, who was with them, and said to them: «Obey this patriarch no longer from this day forth, and call him not father; but make this man your father (that is to say Banah, bishop of Misr), and let him be |525 your leader». And the bishops assented to his words, and said: «This that thou sayest is good, O judge, and what thou commandest shall be done». Now this took place by a previous agreement made by them with the judge, and they had promised to give him money. Then Zacharias, bishop of Al-Buhairah, said to our father, the patriarch: «Did I not say to thee yesterday: Hinder not the bishop, Abba Banah, from doing all that he desires, as the judge commands?» Our holy father, Abba Joseph, answered him and said with an awful voice, in the Coptic language: «O you that have no understanding, how have you gone astray thus, how have you accepted these words that have no accomplishment? But true is that which Paul the Apostle prophesied 112 of you; and he showed your folly when he said: We did not do the truth of God with understanding, that we should be converted of ourselves. And you have not obeyed the truth of God». And there were some of the lawyers sitting in the presence of the judge, and among them were some who understood the Coptic tongue, and they discerned the meaning of the patriarch's words, and how he was admonishing the bishops; and so they reported to the judge all that he had said. When the judge heard it, he was furious, and said to the father: «Thinkest |526 thou that my commands will not be carried out?» Our father answered in a humble voice: «Hast thou power to lay thy hand upon the sun, and hide its brightness? For if thou canst do this, then thou wilt be able to do what thou sayest. Or canst thou resist God, or the commands of my lord the prince, whom thou servest? I said before that my primacy is of God, not of man. But now I also hold a decree from the prince which establishes my power. Yet behold, thou sayest these words to these bishops who have no authority over me: whereas my authority over them is from God and from the prince, and the execution of my sentence takes place among my people and my flock; and I have power tocut off and banish all those who err from the right path». When the judge heard these words from the patriarch's mouth he said to him: «Holdest thou a decree from the prince, giving thee power to do what thou wilt?» Our father replied: «Yes, it is so». The judge said to him: «Bring it to me that I may read it». Now Abba Joseph had with him diplomas from the princes, from Al-Ma'mûn Abd Allah, son of Hârûn ar-Rashîd, issued when he came to Egypt, and from Ibrahîm, his brother. And when |527 Hârûn al-Wâthik, son of Ibrahîm, began to reign, he was asked to issue a new decree for our father, and accordingly it was written for him. And it was Harûn al-Wâthik who appointed this judge over Egypt. Therefore our father handed him the decrees; and he read them, and learnt from them the superior strength of those that walk straight over those that deviate from duty and from the right path. And the judge was ashamed and confounded, and bade our father depart with honour, so that all that were present were amazed. Now there were many of the bishops who had disapproved of these transactions, and had remained loyal to the patriarch, namely, Mennas, bishop of Tânah, and Sinuthius, bishop of Sâ, and the rest of the bishops. So he gave them the fruit of his lips 113, praying for them and blessing them. The father patriarch also used to say concerning the bishops who rebelled: «O Lord, lay not this sin to their charge 114».
After this Satan brought upon Abba Joseph another trial. For this father was merciful, and desired not the perdition of any man. So Satan put it into the heart of the unjust judge, who had become his instrument, that he should seize the Roman and Abyssinian pages of the patriarch, who were |528 not yet of full age, and try to make Muslims of them. Now many people used to give information, one against another, for this cause concerning the pages belonging to their households, whom the judge thereupon took and into custody and perverted to the religion of Islam, by means of persecution and intimidation. He also sometimes imprisoned their masters for a time, and when they bribed him, he set them free. Then he made curious inquiries concerning the Roman and Abyssinian pages of the patriarch, who had been sent as presents to him from Africa and the Five Cities and Abyssinia and Nubia. For he was told that the patriarch had pages at Alexandria, who were being taught in the school. So he sent his officers thither in the company of the deposed bishop of Misr, whose name was Banah, the interpretation of which is Fire. The bishop went as far as the city of Alexandria, and entered the house wherein the pages were. And he took them and led them away like lambs to the slaughter, while they wept helplessly until they were brought into Misr, being eight in number. Then when the unjust judge saw them, he rejoiced, saying: «This is a matter which will disappoint and vex the patriarch». Next he said to our father: « It is not lawful for thee to resist the princes' command nor to |529 trample upon their orders; and it is not lawful for thee to attempt to enslave these youths and make Christians of them». The patriarch answered: «I do not resist the prince's command nor any good words, but only unjust orders». The judge said to him: «Then am I unjust in thy opinion?» He replied: «Thou knowest that none of thy predecessors forced any one like these, who are Christians and the sons of Christians, to become Muslims. For they were presented to the churches as gifts, and came from the king of the Abyssinians, or from the Nubians or Romans; and they were sent to me as a present, and given to me». But the judge, through Satan's power over him, would not listen; and, as David says 115, he was like the deaf asp that stops her ears, and will not hear the voice of the charmer. Therefore he gave orders that the youths should be brought in, while the patriarch was there, and intimidated them so that they acknowledged themselves Muslims before him in the patriarch's presence, although he tried to hold them to the Christian faith. So he said, weeping: «Woe is me, my sadness is renewed, and my heart burns within me 116; I have seen my punishment, my limbs are cut asunder from me. Now, O Lord, let me know my end, for the sorrows of Hell encompass me». Then the judge said to the father: «There can be no further communication between |530 thee and these youths, for they are become Muslims. Take their price and leave them». The father replied: «If it is thy desire to make slaves of the free, I have no such wish; for these are free and the limbs of my body; and God will judge thee for them, and thou wilt give an account of them before God, the God of all». After that the judge gave orders that the pages should be separated, and accordingly the Muslims shared them among themselves. And when this compassionate father saw this transaction, he sighed, and said before the Lord: «Thou seekest out blood and rememberest them. Forget not the voice of the poor 117». He said also: «They have humbled thy people, and done harm to thy heritage, and slain the orphans and the strangers, and said: God doth not see 118 ». Thus he ceased not to weep and sigh and lament. And he said: «If any one outrage these youths, may God destroy him!» Further he said: «O Lord, I am a sinful man, but yet, O Lord, thou wilt take vengeance upon this unjust judge in return for his wicked conduct, and thou wilt fulfil upon him the words of wise Solomon: In the day of vengeance 119 the hypocrites shall perish». Such grief did the father endure, while he prayed night and day, |531 saying: «O Lord, them wilt not forsake thy people on account of my sin».
There were in his time faithful men, holy monks, who prayed for him that patience might be given to him under these trials that afflicted him. And there was a hermit among them whose name was Ammonius, at the monastery of Saint John. There was also Abba Mennas, the hermit, on Mount Armûn, who was endowed with the spirit of prophecy, and healed all the sick; many testified of him that he had power over unclean spirits and cast them out of men.
And I, the mean and feeble one, visited him, and he discoursed with me concerning the Church. He was a eunuch from birth, pure unto God, and had been a monk from his youth in the monastery of Saint John. But when the desert was ravaged in the last years of the patriarch, Abba Mark, as we related above, this monk took refuge in a church named after the Disciples, in a certain village. And he showed forth many miracles by healing the sick and casting out devils. And I, the mean one, was present with him, and he taught me writing; and that was in the tenth year of the patriarchate of the father, Abba Joseph.
This holy old man was sitting one day, reading in the history of the ancient churches and of what happened to the fathers, in the seventeenth part |532 of the history of the church, and I said to him in my simplicity, not knowing what I said: «What is this that he says?» And he answered me in the words of the Holy Ghost: «O my son, blessed is he who wrote and provided for the history of the patriarchs. Believe what I say to thee, my son, that none shall begin the eighteenth part of the history of the Church, before he comes, whose name is eighteen. And thou art he that shall take thought for the writing of it, for the Lord calls thee to it». Thereupon I became as if I were absent-minded, and could not ask him anything further. Now this old man remained all his life a hermit. And he frequently gave me his blessing. But I have abridged what I have written, and have left much unwritten through fear of those who will read what I have written concerning this holy old hermit. Here I have left the history of the fathers, and ceased to relate their history. Severus, bishop of Sanabû, dilates in one of his homilies upon the history of this hermit.
But let us now return to that which God did by means of the father patriarch, Abba Joseph, and I will relate the following miracle. When this father was at Misr in the time of the unjust judge, whose dealing with him we have recounted, there came to him a Christian person who said to him: «O my spiritual father, take pity on me! For I have a son who has been |533 possessed many days by a diabolical spirit which torments him. And he cries aloud saying: I will not leave him until Abba Joseph, the patriarch, commands me. Therefore have mercy on my son, thy servant, O father». Now the father was exceedingly humble, and he said to the man with a pure and humble heart: «What have I to do, my son, with these of whom thou speakest? Yet on account of thy faith, thy son shall be delivered». Then the man accepted his words, as the centurion accepted the words of the Lord, exclaiming: «I am not worthy that thou shouldest enter under the roof of my house, but speak the word only, and my lad shall be healed». So this faithful person did not cease to beg and implore the patriarch, saying: «Have pity on me, O my father!» Again the father asked: «What wilt thou that I should do unto thee?» He answered: «I am not worthy that thou shouldest go with me nor enter my house; but wilt thou write for me with thine own hand a sentence in thine own name, and nothing more, commanding the devil to depart? For then he will depart from my son». When our father heard him say this, he marvelled at him, and at the greatness of his faith, and thought that he ought not to allow him to go away without that which he asked of him. And I, the writer of this history, hearing this, became like the God-loving deacon Theopistus, while he |534 was with the holy father Dioscorus in the island of Gangra, on account of the man with the withered arm who was cured by the blood from the confessor's hand. For I believed that the Lord would do by means of this father that which would cure this man's son. And while I was meditating on this, the Lord willed to increase my faith by this holy man. For he bade me take a sheet of paper and an inkstand, and write upon the sheet thus: «Joseph, the mean one, the least of all the patriarchs, speaks and bids thee, unclean spirit, depart from the servant of Christ our God, and forbids thee to return to him henceforth, through the power of the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost, the one God».
Thereupon the father of the youth took this letter, and departed quickly to his house, and read the writing over his son; and at once the devil went out of him, and did not return to him. And while our father remained at Misr, that man came to him and prostrated himself before him with great faith, saying: «I thank the Lord for thy prayers; for by thy words my son was healed». But our father forbad him under pain of ecclesiastical penance to tell anyone of this matter. And the man swore to us that the devil had never returned to his son since that day.
In those days the father Dionysius, patriarch of Antioch, went to his rest. So the metropolitans and the bishops and the orthodox laity took thought |535 and appointed in his place a person, perfect in his qualities, named John. This was in the 15th. year of the patriarchate of Abba Joseph, and in the year 562 of the Martyrs. After John's enthronement at Antioch he wrote to our father a synodical letter according to custom, proclaiming the unity of the two sees, and sent it by two metropolitans, namely Athanasius, metropolitan of Apamea, and Timothy, metropolitan of Damascus, accompanied by others of the clergy. Therefore the father, Abba Joseph, having heard that they were approaching Egypt, with the synodical letter in their charge, travelled to Alexandria, in order that they might meet him there with honour. And as they drew near to the city, he sent to welcome them a body of bishops and clergy, who chanted before them, and conducted them as far as the patriarchal cell with glory and reverence. And when our father had received the synodical letter, he commanded that it should be read aloud to the orthodox people; and they rejoiced exceedingly..
But the perpetual enemy saw this grace, and immediately began to stir up troubles against our father the patriarch by means of one who was his instrument, as he had done with the unjust judge. Now that judge |536 employed a man worse than himself, who acted as his deputy at Alexandria and in the neighbouring province; and this man's name was Muhammad son of Bashîr. So those whom the patriarch had formerly excommunicated went to this man, and advised him to put the patriarch to shame in the presence of the metropolitans. These children of fire contrived this plan, thinking that this action would weigh heavily upon him; whereas he, being clothed with humility, paid no heed, and did not think of what they were thinking. For they thought in their hearts that, if they disgraced him before the metropolitans, his dignity would be lessened, and knew not that their counsels were contemptible; while the ever victorious one conquered, and gained the crown after the contest, and received a blessing for his endurance. And by this his fame and the report of his patience reached the ends of the east, after those righteous metropolitans had witnessed that which was done to him.
At that time the judge of Alexandria sent and summoned the holy father, Abba Joseph the patriarch, and the metropolitans with him. And when he appeared in the judge's presence, he said to him: «I am informed that thou hast pages, whom the judge, my master, commanded thee not to take to thyself again. Some of them are in thy house, and thou hast |537 converted them to thy religion». Then the holy man answered and said to him: «I have none of those of whom thou speakest, nor have I beheld the face of one of them since that day». Thereupon the judge ordered that the patriarch should be beaten upon his neck without mercy; and they belaboured him soundly, and did not cease from beating him for a considerable time. In consequence of this his head was bowed, and he could not raise it for his weakness; and he did not open his mouth to utter a word, except when he said thus: «I thank thee, Lord Jesus Christ». But we, his children, wept bitterly for witnessing what was done to him by this wicked judge. Yet the patriarch did not despair of mercy, but was filled with courage. And so those metropolitans marvelled, and said: «Blessed be God, who has counted us worthy to behold so faithful a champion!» And our blessed father repeated the words of the Lord concerning the unjust judge, that the Lord would show forth vengeance in him, which should come upon him, as Luke says 120: «God shall soon avenge his elect who pray to him day and night, though he is longsuffering concerning them».
After this the patriarch Joseph wrote to the patriarch John an answer to his synodical letter, and dismissed the envoys with the glory and honour |538 which befitted them. And they praised our father Joseph, and began to publish his deeds throughout their country.
And there were in his days grace and peace. A wonderful thing took place in his time; for he beheld the monasteries in every place grow and increase every day, through his prayers and the prayers of the holy men who lived at that time. Above all the monasteries of the Wadî Habîb were like the Paradise of God, especially that of Saint Macarius. And God's assistance was with all the monks, and more than any with that oeconomus Sinuthius, the holy priest, by whose means God manifested countless good works through his faith in Saint Macarius. For Sinuthius raised monuments in honour of Saint Macarius, vineyards and gardens and cattle and mills and oilpresses, and many useful things that cannot be numbered. And when the faithful people beheld what he did, they rejoiced thereat, and were zealous for his deeds, and helped him with good intentions.
And there were in the holy monastery innumerable persons, not only the orthodox, but also heretics, on account of the wonders that were manifested in that church. This was the doing of this oeconomus Sinuthius, who |539 hoped for a reward from God, as Paul, the Apostle, says 121: «We in the spirit in faith wait for a true hope». And when Sinuthius saw the monks increasing in numbers through the grace of God which called them, he began and built a church to the north of the Great Church, and named it after the Fathers and Disciples. And he completed it, and adorned it with every kind of ornament. And he invited our holy father, Abba Joseph the patriarch, to visit this church; and when he saw it, his heart was filled with joy; and he consecrated it on the first day of Barmûdah in the seventeenth year of his patriarchate. And the father did not cease to bless this oeconomus Sinuthius from the depths of his heart, and looked upon the monuments which Sinuthius made day after day, and especially this holy church, which was capacious in size, and beautiful in structure. And we, the sons of this father, had a great affection for this oeconomus Sinuthius, on account of our father's love for him which we beheld. And the father said to us by the power of the Holy Ghost, who descended upon him: «My sons, believe me, this brother has many monuments which he will make, and there is building of churches and chapels for him». When we heard him say this, we |540 said to him: «Thinkest thou that he will build other churches on this mountain?». And his words were like a prophecy, but we did not know it until there was manifested to us after that a thing that we will record.
Our father had in his hand an elegant pastoral staff, which he gave to Sinuthius, the oeconomus, saying to him: «Take this, my son, as a memorial for thyself». On seeing this, we said: «Verily this refers to something that will appear; for all his actions are done by the grace of the Holy Ghost».
In the eighteenth year of Abba Joseph's patriarchate there was made governor of Alexandria an amir, named Mâlik, son of Nâsir al Hadar, who was a wicked man and unjust. So when he entered the city he began to do harm to many people, more than the governor who preceded him. For he interfered with the artisans and the great merchants and dealers in woven stuffs and shopkeepers, ordering them not to sell or buy except within certain limits which he laid down for them. And he made a great measure; and a crier began to proclaim thus: «If anyone is found having a garment less than this measure, I will imprison him and put him to shame and slay him». So when the people of Alexandria saw this, they were sad and |541 said: «We know now that God has abased this city and its inhabitants by the hand of this unjust man». But the poor people, the weavers and the tailors, were left without employment because their means of livelihood were cut off, and their children were forced to be idle, so that they were without food, and were inclined to emigrate and depart to other countries, that they might earn a living. And they were crying out night and day that God would save them from this tyrant.
And God did not neglect their supplication, but heard them speedily. For he said by the prophet David's tongue in the ninetieth Psalm 122: «Cry unto me, and I will answer thee and deliver thee». And again: «The Lord is near those that call upon him 123». So on a certain day that amir mounted his horse and came to the patriarch's Cell, accompanied by certain female slaves; and he ate and drank with them. Then he arose and walked round all the patriarch's chambers, until he reached the closet in which the patriarchs always slept. Thereupon he drove the father out of it, and brought in his slaves and ate and drank with them there, and reposed in that |542 chamber, which was full of the savour of incense and sweet perfume from the prayers of the holy patriarchs. Therefore the holy father, seeing this, was grieved and wept much, repeating the words of David, the prophet 124, in the 78th. Psalm: «O God, the heathen are come into thine inheritance, and have defiled thy holy temple». After this man had done these foul deeds without fear, he departed and returned to his own house. And God, the worker of miracles at all times, took revenge upon him; for that very day he was attacked by a pain in the inward parts, and quickly drew near to death. Yet he did not cease from his injustice and wicked deeds. At that time the children of fire went and laid information against the father, saying: «This man writes letters to the princes of the Romans, and they send him much money». So the amir sent speedily, and summoned our father, and commanded that he should be imprisoned in a narrow dungeon, and entrusted him to the charge of certain guards, who were to watch over him. And he desired to torment the patriarch until he should give him a thousand dinars, while the patriarch patiently endured; and the amir did not cease to threaten him, and finally insisted on the sum of four hundred dinars. But during |543 all this the pains were increasing upon him; and the blood ran from his body, and he could not sleep by night or by day. And he could not find a physician who could treat him, nor did medicine benefit him. Meanwhile the father remained in prison for the sake of the four hundred dinars, and prayed to God night and day, saying: «Let my supplication come before thee, O Lord, and the sighing of the sick and the captives 125 ». And he remained in straits many days, while the governor threatened and intimidated him, in order that he might bring the money. And the patriarch's disciples and friends were in great grief and trouble, and counselled him to pay the money. So he, upon whom the spirit of prophecy rested, said to them, that if he were not to quit that place until he had paid what that tyrant demanded of him, then on the seventh day after they had entered therein, one of God's sudden judgments would be manifested, at which all men would marvel. Then Abba Joseph paid the four hundred dinars, and he and his companions were released from the prison. And I, the mean writer of this history, was with him in the dungeon. And the Lord, who beholds all things, accomplished the words of this holy man; for on the seventh day after he paid the money, while we were with him, certain men entered to him and informed him that the governor was dead, and that the crier was calling in |544 the streets to the people: «Rise up and bury the governor!» And all men praised God, the worker of wonders among his saints. And the people of the city began to respect and honour the father for the troubles and sorrows and straits which he had endured, and because God had saved him from them all, manifesting wonders by his means.
Then on account of the straits and the sorrow and distress that had afflicted Abba Joseph, it was God's will to give him rest from this world, and to call him to the mansions of light, that he might enjoy eternal life. For so God had promised to that saint, saying to him: «Thou shalt be happy for ever, and shalt live eternally». Accordingly after these events the patriarch fell sick of a fever. And on the seventh day of his sickness the Lord visited him, and took him to himself. So he went to his rest on the twenty-third day of Bâbah, in the year 566 of the Martyrs, at the time of the communion of the Holy Mysteries, the day being Sunday. Thus he had remained upon the evangelic and apostolic throne eighteen years and eleven months.
And they carried his body to the city of Alexandria and laid him with his holy fathers, with glory and honour. And the people of Alexandria, both men and women, wept copious tears over him, because they had lost a |545 man who was constant in his fight against evil. And he obtained the crown of victory.
Such were the events which I witnessed with my own eyes; but I have abridged my narrative on account of the multitude of its wonders. We pray the Lord to allow the prayers of that saint to be with us.
Now it is right for you, my holy lords, and my duty also that I should make known to you and you should listen to the fulfilment of a prophecy which he uttered to me, while he was living, and which the Lord accomplished after his death, that those who hear may marvel and glorify God who is glorified in his elect. I related before that, at the time when the unjust judge brought troubles upon Egypt, the patriarch said: «As I am a sinner. God will send down vengeance upon this tyrant for his deeds, yet not in my lifetime, but after my death». And when Abba Joseph went to his rest, there was a prince of the Muslims, named Ja'far, son of Ibrahîm; and he sent to Egypt a man named Ya'kûb, son of Ibrahîm, to enquire into the state of Egypt, and make it known to him. So when Ya'kûb came hither, he was informed, by God's decree, of the conduct of the unjust judge, and of his evil deeds which he committed secretly and openly. Thereupon Ya'kûb suddenly arrested the Superintendent of Public |546 Order without his previous knowledge; and accordingly all the judge's hypocritical acts by which he deceived the people were brought to light, as well as his secret, foul, and reprehensible conduct So Ya'kûb took him, and paraded him through all the streets of Misr, after shaving his beard and baring his bead, while all gazed upon him; then he threw him into prison, and confiscated his goods. And all his companions who surrounded him, and even his children, were scattered in all directions. Afterwards he banished him to the capital city of the empire, and there he died a cruel death. Ya'kûb also dealt with the judge who was the other's deputy at Alexandria, and who commanded that the father Abba Joseph should be beaten, as he had dealt with his superior, and he was imprisoned; but he escaped subsequently and none ever saw him again in the city, nor has anyone set eyes upon him to this day. And all who saw these things or heard of them marvelled, and glorified God on account of these two unjust judges upon whom vengeance was executed as they deserved. As it is written: «The fool and he that is without understanding shall perish together».
We have recorded, on account of your love, the combat of the holy father, Abba Joseph. We will now mention to you what he did during his |547 whole time. As long as he remained upon the patriarchal throne his heart was never preoccupied, nor was he distracted by the troubles that came upon him, but he continued in prayer night and day. And he completed the reading of the whole Psalter every day; seventy-five Psalms in the daytime, and seventy-five Psalms up to midnight. This was in addition to the hymns that he recited, in supplication to the Lord with devotion and humility. These were his qualities all the days of his life, I mean humility and charity and tranquillity and chastity and continuance in prayer and giving alms; so that, after all these years during which he remained patriarch, his cares and thoughts and feelings were like those of one who lives in the corner of a cell in the Wadî Habîb. By these means he gained the crown of his deeds from the Lord Jesus Christ, and entered with the saints into the land of the living. Glory belongs to the Father and to the Son and to the Holy Ghost for ever. Amen.
End of the second division of [the first part of] the Histories of the holy Patriarchs. May their prayers be with us and their supplications protect us! Amen.
[Footnotes renumbered and moved to the end]
1. 1. Ps. li. 17 (Sept. l).
2. 1. Acts, viii, 21.
3. 1. S. Matth., iii, 10; vii, 19; S. Luke, iii, 9.
4. 1. S. John, iii, 27; viii, 54.
5. 2. S. Matth., xv, 33.
6. 1. Rom,, xiii. 2.
7. 1. S. Matth., xvi, 18.
8. 2. II Tim., ii, 5.
9. 1. Ps. cxvi, 3; cf. xviii, 6 (Sept. cxiv, xvii).
10. 1. I Cor., iv, 12,13.
11. 1. Prov., xvii, 20.
12. 1. Is., viii, 10; xix, 3.
13. 2. Mal., iii, 20 (iv, 2).
14. 3. Ezech., xxxiii, 11.
15. 1. Father of good.
16. 2. Jer., xvii, 5.
17. 1. S. Matth., x, 33; cf. S. Mark, viii, 38; S. Luke, ix, 26.
18. 2. S. Mark., ix, 44;Is., lxvi, 24.
19. 3. S. Matth., xxv, 41.
20. 1. S. John, xvii, 12.
21. 2. Ps. lxxxix, 11 (Sept. lxxxviii).
22. 3. Ps. cxix, 21 (Sept.cxviii).
23. 1. Ps. lxix, 10 (Sept. lxviii).
24. 1. III Kings, v, 21 (7).
25. 1. Is., lxvi, 2.
26. 2. II Cor., xi, 2.
27. 1. Is., lxiv, 7, 8, 9.
28. 1. Tob., iv, 7.
29. 2. Tob., iv, 10 (11).
30. 3. I Tim., vi, 17. 19.
31. 1. Ps. lxxviii. 3 (Sept, lxxvii).
32. 2. Acts, xi, 22, 23.
33. 3. Prov.. xxix, 2 (Sept.).
34. 1. Ps. xlv, 17 (Sept. xliv).
35. 1. Ps. lxvi, 20 (Sept. lxv).
36. 1. Eph., i, 10; 11, 16. 17; Col. i. 20.
37. 2. S. Matth., xviii, 12.
38. 3. S. Luke, xv, 6.
39. 4. S. John. x. 16.
40. 5. Jer., ii, 13.
41. 1. Ps. cxxvi, 1; xiv, 7; liii, 7 (Sept. cxxv, xiii, lii).
42. 2. II Cor., vi, 14, 15.
43. 1. Rom., xv, 13.
44. 1. I Cor., xii, 26.
45. 1. Rom., xiv, 1.
46. 1. Ps. vii, 17.
47. 2. Dan., xiii, 52, 55, 59 (Greek).
48. 1. I Cor., ii. 9.
49. 2. Ps. cv, 34, 35 (Sept. civ).
50. 1. S. Matth. viii. 29.
51. 1. S. John, v, 14.
52. 1. Acts, v, 15.
53. 2. II Cor., xii, 7.
54. 1. Ps. lxxix, i, 2. 3 (Sept. lxxviii); cf. I Mach., vii, 17.
55. 2. Job, xvi, 12.
56. 1. Acts, ix, 15.
57. 2. I Cor., x, 11, etc.
58. 1. Ps. xxxix, 4. 5 (Sept. xxxviii).
59. 1. Coptic [Coptic].
60. 1. S. Matth., xxviii, 20.
61. 1. Gen., xlvi, 3, 4.
62. 1. II Cor., vi, 14, 15.
63. 1. Is., xxxvii, 29; IV Kings, xix, 28.
64. 1. Eph., ii, 6; Phil., iii, 20; Col., iii, 1.
65. 2. I Thess., ii, 9; II Thess., iii, 8; cf. I Cor., iv, 12; II Cor., xi, 9.
66. 1. Ps. xlii, 1 (Sept. xli).
67. 2. Acts, x. 2. 31.
68. 1. Mich., ii. 1,2.3.
69. 1. Nah., i. 2. Cf. Deut., xxxii, 35, 41, 43; Ps. xciv, 1 (Sept. xciii); Rom., xii. 19: Hebr., x. 30.
70. 1. Is., li, 12: Ps. lvi, 5, 12; cxviii, 6 (Sept. lv, cxvii); Hebr., xiii. 6.
71. 2. Zach., vii, 10: viii. 17; Job. v. 12; Ps. xxxiii, 10 (Sept. xxxii).
72. 1. Is., lvii. 17, 18: xxv, 9, etc.
73. 2. Ps. lxxxv, 7. 8, 9 (Sept. lxxxiv).
74. 1. Gal., vi, 9, 10.
75. 2. I Tim., vi, 17, 18, 19.
76. 1. Ps. lxxxv, 11 (Sept. lxxxiv).
77. 2. S. Matth., xx, 6 ff.
78. 1. Ps. lxxviii, 3 (Sept. lxxvii).
79. 1. I Tim., vi. 9. 10.
80. 1. Apoc., v. 6, 12.
81. 1. S. Matth., xxv, 34.
82. 1. Ps. xxv, 7, 16 (Sept. xxiv).
83. 2. Ps. liii, 6 (Sept. lii).
84. 1. S. John, iii, 27. Heb., v, 4.
85. 1. Num., vi. 25; Ps. xxxi, 17 (Sept. xxx), etc.
86. 1. S. Luke. xxii, 32.
87. 2. Am., v. 16.
88. 1. Ps. lxxiv, 2 (Sept. lxxiii).
89. 1. Rom., xiii. 2.
90. 1. Is., lxv, 12.
91. 1. ii Cor., xiii. 9, 10.
92. 1. Ps. lxxviii, 61 (Sept. lxxvii).
93. 1. Ps. xcvii, 10 (Sept. xcvi).
94. 2. Ps. xciv, 17, 18, 19 (Sept. xciii).
95. 1. II Cor., xi, 28.
96. 1. Ps. ciii, 10 (Sept. cii).
97. 1. Ps. lxxii, 11 (Sept. lxxi).
98. 1. I Cor., vii. 18.
99. 1. S. John, xviii, 9.
100. 2. S. Matth., xvi, 18.
101. 1. I Kings, ii, 10.
102. 2. Prov., xxv, 21; Rom., xii, 20.
103. 1. Ps. lxxiv, 18 (Sept. lxxiii).
104. 1. Ps. lxxviii, 50 (Sept. lxxvii).
105. 1. Ps. lxxx, 5, 6. 7, 8 (Sept. lxxix).
106. 1. Ps. v, 7; cxl, 13 (Sept. cxxxix).
107. 2. Deut., xxxii, 35.
108. 1. Ps. lxxi, 19, 20 (Sept. lxx).
109. 2. Ps. xxx, 12 (Sept. xxix).
110. 1. S. Luke, xviii. 2.
111. 2. Ps. vii, 17; lxxix, 6 (Sept. lxxviii).
112. 1. Gal., iii, 1.
113. 1. Osee, xiv, 3 (Sept.); Hebr., xiii, 15.
114. 2. Acts, vii, 60 (59).
115. 1. Ps. lviii, 5, 6 (Sept. lvii).
116. 2. Ps. xxxix, 4, 5 (Sept. xxxviii).
117. 1. Ps. ix, 13.
118. 2. Ps. xciv, 5, 6, 7 (Sept. xciii).
119. 3. Prov.. vi. 34.
120. 1. S. Luke, xviii, 7.
121. 1. Gal., v, 5.
122. 1. Ps. xci, 15 (Sept. xc).
123. 2. Ps, cxlv, 18 (Sept. cxliv).
124. 1. Ps. lxxix, 1 (Sept. lxxviii).
125. 1. Ps. lxxix. 11 (Sept. lxxviii).
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2005. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: john_ibn_saba_precious_pearl.htm
John Ibn-Saba: The precious pearl, on ecclesiastical knowledge (2006). Extract
John Ibn-Saba: The precious pearl, on ecclesiastical knowledge (2006). Extract
CHAPTER XVII -- The offering of sacrifices in the tabernacle.
God gave this order to Moses: "Speak to the children of Israel and tell them that whoever has sinned and transgressed the law must bring a ram which will be immolated by a Levite, while the priest holds it by the horns with his hands. The priest will take the blood of this ram, will sprinkle the altar with it, will dip his fingers in it and will put it on him who offers the ram for his sins; then I will forgive him for it." "The sin of man has never been forgiven but by the effusion of blood." The Lord gave them great commandments, as is told in the book of the Torah, but to discuss it would be very long.
CHAPTER XVIII -- The tablets preserved in the Ark of the Covenant.
Among these [commandments], there are those which God traced with the finger of His power on the tablets which came to them by the hand of Moses. These are: "Hear, O Israel, your God, He alone is the Lord. You will serve no others but Him. You will not covet the wife of your neighbour, nor his field, nor his ass, nor the things in his house. God also says: You shall not kill. You shall not commit adultery at all. You shall not steal. You shall not bear false witness. You shall not cheat. Honour your father and your mother. Love your neighbour like yourself. Observe the sabbath of the Lord." And in another place: "You shall not mix wool with cotton, nor cotton with wool. You shall not cook a kid in itrs mother's milk" and other precepts which it would take too long to discuss.
As for this word: "You shall not mix wool with cotton, nor cotton with wool," this expresses the complete justice of God Almighty, who does not wish cotton to be corroded by wool, which is stronger than it. And if God, in the Torah, did not permit mixing wool with cotton, for fear that one would have the advantage of the other, this was to establish among men a justice which would prohibit anyone from doing violence to his neighbour. When He came to save man by His divine power, He did not provoke Satan to anger, He did not treat Him with violence, taking man from him by force; but He abased his grandeur, He hid His divinity from the devil and his minions.
The latter entered the princes of the Jewish priests and pushed them to crucify Our Lord (to Him be glory!), so Christ purchased man at the price of His own shed blood. He did not take Satan by violence, but by justice.
The word: "You shall not eat a kid with the milk of his mother" is said, because God Almighty had ordered that the first fruits of all things be given to Him. This was an way to extract the first-born of the herd, for fear that man, from covetousness, would not want to give it up to Him.
Next, the people forgot the Lord their God, and worshipped idols, while saying that they were the mediators between them and the spirits of the stars.
CHAPTER XIX -- On the sect of the Sabaeans, worshippers of the stars.
The people returned to the sect of the Sabaeans who worshipped the stars. For the call to this worship had been launched earlier by some important personages.
Among these was Feridoun who worshipped Mercury ('Otêrid). He presented him with offerings, sacrificed victims to his spirit and burned incense to him, so that this spirit descended upon him in the form of a spark of fire and spoke to him. Feridoun said to the people that surrounded him what this spirit had said to him: "I will give you power, greatness and the direction of affairs in the eyes of the men. I will provide for your needs and for those of my worshippers, if they and you, you do all that I will order you, if you offer me victims, oblations and incense."
Similarly, the spirit of Saturn (Zohal) appeared to a man named Zoroaster (Zarâdacht). His doctrine has been spread for one thousand five hundred years. He sent out on a mission seventy men on whom seventy spirits coming from the spirit of Saturn had come down and who invited the people to the worship of this star. Zoroaster said to them in the hour of his death: "If you do not eat my body and do not drink my blood, you will have no part in salvation." After his demise, his disciples did therefore boil his body and drank of this turbid fluid. He thus obtained the accomplishment of what he had said to them.
It was the same for Benderitous, born from the two spirits of the moon and Jupiter (Al'Mochtari): he is the king of talismans; he is the first that taught magic to men, sorcery, astrology, the knowledge of white magic, the knowledge of hidden things and who mentioned in reality the conjunctions of the celestial spheres and all the ways in which men can make contact with them, rendering worship to the stars and seeking to make their spirits descend.
Satan suggested making idols that would serve as an intermediary between men and the spirits of the stars. He resided in these idols and, from their interior, spoke with the people, attributing what he said to the spirits of the stars. This last error was worse than the first, for all the ancients believed because of the action of the spirits of the stars and accustomed themselves to render them worship to provide for their needs. These influences propagated themselves among men for long centuries, while the appeal spread of those who attributed to themselves the divinity in this world. The name of [Benderitous] was so great among the philosophers that they believed that all that they did was accomplished only by the glorification of the name of the stars and thanks to the offerings that they made to them and to the adoration of their names.
Because of their power over minds, these ideas left innumerable tracks. Their principles imprinted themselves on the intelligent, and their traces affixed themselves most intimately, holding their place, believing in their words and devoting themselves to the worship of their divinities, with evident signs and the most extraordinary miracles. This is how they saw that might unite the astral forces with ordinary elements in special forms and special duties. And it resulted from this strange consequences that stunned human intelligence. This is thus for example that they made a figure with this rock under such a horoscope, in a valley infested with lions and absolutely no lion would any longer pass through this place. They similarly acted to drive away ferocious beasts, birds, vipers, insects, etc., according to the teaching that they had received from the astral spirits of which we spoke. On the treasuries full of money and of various gems they constructed engines in the form of a sword, or of ferocious beasts, of floods of water or of vipers; and no one could approach unless they had their knowledge. In respect of talismans, enchantments and services obtained from demons, they did what the language is powerless to express.
Aristotle did similar things for Alexander, when the latter went into the country of the Persians, and it is necessary for us to relate this. "Know, O king," said Aristotle, "that Persia is an immense region in which there are waterless and uninhabited deserts. As your army is numerous, you need talismans that will help you to attain your goal and will facilitate your great enterprises. You will carry therefore an iron coffer in which you will place your effigy in iron, as well as the effigies in iron of your army mounted on iron horses. You will carry also the effigies in lead of your enemies each of which will carry, in their hand, a sword of lead curved behind on the back of the hand, and, in the other hand, a lead lance, the point downwards; to each of them you will give a bow of which the string will be broken. You will place, between the army and the coffer, an iron curtain; then you will offer a sacrifice and incense to Benderîtous, king of talismans, you will glorify him and will exalt him the most possible. You will carry this coffer with you in your army wherever you camp, wherever you go; every step you take, you will place the coffer in your hand and no one will touch it but you. Thus, you and yours, you will be secure against the tricks of the enemy, against his pitfalls, against his deceptions and against the stratagems that he will employ against you with all his army. ---. You will carry another talisman to let fountains flow in the waterless deserts. By this means, you will have springs gushing in the dried out deserts; you will be able to quench the thirst, of both your army and all its beasts."
Seeing that the intelligence of men led them to the worship of other gods than Him and that they were accustomed to look at only the things that they could see and touch, as He wanted only their salvation in the abundance of his mercy and of his compassion, God (let him be glorified!) resolved to bring back to him these intelligences by the objects that were familiar to them and He opposed the works of Satan, attributed to sidereal spirits, by similar works derived progressively from his mercy. He opposed to the flame that, coming from the spirit of Saturn, had showed itself to Féridoun and his troop and had said: "I will give you the power and the force and I will provide for your needs," the flame that He showed to Moses in the incombustible bush. When Moses had directed himself towards Him, He heard the voice of God that cried to him: "I am the God of your fathers, the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac and the God of Jacob."
---. It was the same for Zoroaster, when there lived in the seventy men that he had established the seventy spirits originating from the spirit of Saturn and engaging the men to render worship to him. The Christ, the eternal Son, divine person, the Word, sent similarly seventy disciples to urge men to believe in Him and He said to them: "Heal the sick, revive the dead, purify the lepers, expel the demons. You received freely, give freely."
CHAPTER XX -- The signs of God placed in opposition to the signs attributed to the stars.
God put next in opposition the ark, covered with leaves of gold, containing the stone tablets written by his finger, with the iron coffer that Aristotle had made for Alexander against his enemies of the desert. Moses and Aaron established priests for the ark, like those that were intended for the service of this coffer. Moses struck the earth with his staff and the water of twelve fountains gushed forth, in opposition to the talismans that, in the desert, had made waters gush for Alexander.
Thus, the will of Moses accomplished what corresponded to all the things attributed to the sidereal spirits, because mankind was accustomed only to the acts that it could sense. When God (may He be glorified!) had seen that human intelligences were led to another worship than His and that they were accustomed only to the things they could sense and see, He sent His Holy Spirit on the Sages, before the coming of the Law; after the Sages, came the Law and the Prophets.
CHAPTER XXI -- On the Sages established to prophesy about Our Saviour the Christ and on their words.
Among the Sages, one of them, speaking in conformity to wisdom, said: "It is necessary that a man applies his soul to justice and purity and that he strips it of all defilement. In this manner, he disposes himself to know the name of six letters and to see the Word, the son of God, who did not suffer and who suffered."
Commentary on these words. ---. These words: "He disposes himself to know the name composed from six letters" designate the name of the Messiah that contains 'a l m s î h': i.e. six letters. According to these other words: "He will see the Word, the Son of God, who did not suffer and who suffered", [it is necessary to notice that] the Messiah pulls this name from two different sources, the one his divinity, the other his humanity; these two sources form together a single Messiah and a single Lord. The Messiah suffered, during his crucifixion, in His humanity, but He did not suffer in His divinity. He became then the single Messiah, as was prophesied, by an inspiration of the Spirit of wisdom or the Holy Spirit, the Sage in question, when he said that He suffered and that He did not suffer.
Nason (Nêsoun) the Sage said also: "The Father spoke first, when He sent to the world his Son by his will. The latter is the voice of the Father, his unique Word."
Iloun the Sage said: "The very great Son of God will come clothed in flesh and will resemble the mortal ones on earth."
Porphyry (Barfounîs) the Sage said: "The light, the substantial intelligence, when it will have come out and descended, will climb back up; this is a light that would remain inaccessible, if it did not descend into the world."
Batarnêtis the Sage said: "Thus the Word is God, He has everything in His hand. When He descended from the sky and had clothed Himself in flesh, He published his humanity and showed his magnitude. More, He is God, as He always had been before his coming."
Ormuz the Sage said: "The Word [comes] from the first Father. When He was born being already perfect in light, He obtained not a complement in his nature. He is son and agent in his descent [on earth]; his incarnation of a virgin [results] from the shadow on the water."
Manes (Mani) the Sage said: "When the fire that exists before the darkness appears and descends on the earth, when He shows Himself in an earthly body, a lot of people will not understand it. He will return then and will climb back up to his first position of which the glory is sublime."
The Sage Sabla said: "Inthe sixth era, a powerful king will arise who will see in the sky the sign of the cross on which God, son of God, must be suspended. In the east a God will be seen whose mother will not have known man. A king will raise his head who will be incapable to save himself and will kill the young children because of the one that will have been born in a city of Judah."
Ormuz the Sage said: "A star, rising in the east, will travel from the East towards the West, for two years and a half, then will return to his post: this will be the star of the good news. It will travel before the sages that will come from the East towards the eternal King to worship him and to offer him their presents. Because of him, little children will be slaughtered, and that, after hundred eighty-three revolutions of the old Saturn (Kaiwân)."
Commentary on this passage. ---. According to Kaiwân Al-' Atîq, this is the planet of Saturn (Zohal). It is called 'Atîq, because this is the first of the celestial spheres from the top down. It crosses the sky in a revolution that lasts thirty years. If one multiplies thirty by hundred eighty-three one obtains 5490 years; and in the ten years that complete the 5500 years of the age of the world appeared Our Lord the Christ in the flesh, as the other prophets and sages had announced.
Plato said in the Book of the Mysteries: "The Most High will appear on the earth; He will revive the dead and will manifest his divine signs. Then He will return to his redoubtable throne and will be seen no more until the day of the great judgement."
Aristotle said in his book entitled the Treasure of Treasures: "The treasure of life lies in the God Adonaï who will appear in the world in which we live. Those who are in their tombs will hear his voice and will revive."
Such are the indications contained in the words of the Sages.
CHAPTER XXII -- The predictions of the Prophets concerning the coming of our Lord the Christ (to Him the Glory!) OUR LORD THE CHRIST.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely. Translation made from the French in the Patrologia Orientalis 16.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: severus_hermopolis_book_of_councils_cairo.htm
Severus of al-Ashmunein, An unpublished fragment of the "Book of the Councils" from Cairo Coptic Museum Ms. Theol. 196, ff.268v-270v (2008)
Severus of al-Ashmunein, An unpublished fragment of the "Book of the Councils" from Cairo Coptic Museum Ms. Theol. 196, ff.268v-270v (2008)
Georg Graf in his "Geschichte der arabischen christlichen Literatur" refers to 'Cairo 111': "Severus ibn al-Muqaffa' of al-Ashmûnain (10th century) in his polemical "Book of the Councils" (= S) 2...2 In Cairo 111 (1544 AD), ff. 268v-270v. This portion was not included in the printed edition in Patrologia Orientalis III, 2." (Graf vol. 1. p-483-6) Graf nr 111 is found in the Coptic Museum. Its shelf number there is Theol. 196. It is also described in Simaika's catalogue under nr. 53. In the film collection at BYU, it is found in Roll A15-4. Here is an English translation of ff.268v-270v.
English translation
Arabic text
[Translated by Youhanna Youssef]
...Do not hold it because it would be unfair to him. In case his words are correct, grant him words and mysteries,1 so if he keeps that so it would be considered as a supplication. The Just testified in his favour and also said: "The sun will be eclipsed 2 for six to nine hours3; though it was not at the regular time of eclipse but for the sake of the afflicted (man). He will be falsely accused, sought after to be executed by his people. And his people will reward his good deeds with evil. The houses of gods and their altars will fall down. The "sultan" (the prince) of the afflicted men4 will cry out to them and to all the creation: "My son, at that time, the dead (people) will be raised and the wonders will be performed by the afflicted because by his power will tread on earth and will conduct the creation."
Hermes said also from that time till the shining of light of the afflicted to Egypt will be (equal to) fifty of old sheikh Kiwan's cycles. So from the time that Hermes said that to the coming of Christ will be 1,500 years.
Anasolus said: "O my son; the great king is pious5 without sin. You are the great Lord of men, who manages6 everything under your sight.7 You are the powerful, immaculate, almighty, king8 of (all) dead and living9."
He said also: "These powers are three divine names in one by his power and his might. The only God, who is unseen by anybody. Power that nobody is able to contend or to realise its nature. And through these powers everything came to be."
And Arkus said: "One divinity in three names, by which everything came to be."
And Arfush said: "Unique is the unseen10 light, who at all times liberates the thought, and the word born from Him is perfect in everything and by him everything was made."
And Plato (Aflatun) said: "(first) the old reason [fol. 268v] which is the grace above11 every reason. Second the action that creates everything, and third reason is the soul12 which gives life13 to all living."
Ares said: "He is God the Word. When the perfect was born [in every birth, who is working in the nations, the father]14 descended and dwelt in nature. And through nature the water turned to wine."
And Plato (Aflaton) said also: "One is the highest God in the highest, through His own imperceptible Word, a maiden conceived. He passed through her womb like the iron axe goes through the fire. He saves the world by presenting (himself) a sacrifice to His father. The name of the maiden is the Virgin."
Plato said in the book of the mysteries: "The highest of the high will appear on the earth and will raise the dead. His divine wonders will be realised and he will return to his fearful throne and they will not be able to see him again till the great day judgement."
Junius (Yunius) the wise said: "He is the almighty, the great, sitting above the heavens, surrounded by the heat of light, whose kingdom has no end. He will appear on earth and will raise the dead, heal the sick and will demonstrate the divine wonders; then will return to his throne in the highest; for he is in the highest heaven. And the Persians, when he appears on earth, (Faris) will offer their sacrifices to Him, for he is the king of kings, lord of Lords and his kingdom has no end.
And Plato said: "The trinity is one sublime unique God. His unchangeable word in a maiden virgin15 conceived without intercourse, like a fire in the world. [He will come, will hunt to all and offer sacrifice]16. To for him will be this house, I mean the body."
And Nifius the wise said: "The ( )17 thrown in the fire which is the divinity. He is the everlasting life and unchangeable light. He will be seen on earth while He is in Heaven. He commands in heaven and earth, and in him (folio 269r) there is life to all who take refuge."
He said also: "He will descend, manifest himself and the Lord will shine on earth. The inhabitants of Persia will come and glorify him by offering presents. (He is)... 18. The sublime and wonderful God will be manifested on earth, being higher than the speech and superior to the mind. He will endure forever, without end."
Augustus the wise, in the science of astronomy, said: "There is a young Hebrew man, called Christ. He is eternal (of the eternity), by nature; he will appear openly, holding the authority of Lordship. He will raise the dead, purify the lepers, loosen the tongues of dumb."
Aristotle (Aristo) the wise, in his book known as the highest sciences, said: "You do not see the true God without (looking) through his veil (Hijab) that obscures his light from your sights in order that you may not lift up your eyes from his seeing.19 By his appearance, they will recognise the majesty of his authority and by this (appearance) you will know that he is the king of kings and lord of Lords."
He said also in his message to Alexander: "Diligently seek the water of life. You would not find the water of life except by one man who will appear in the world wearing cloth of the world.20 If you find him, you will get from him the water of life and he will feed you, from the eternal tree of life. Through his hands, the water of eternal life will flow."
He in his book called the book of treasures said: "The treasure of life belongs to the Lord (Adonay) God who will appear in the world and those who are in the tombs will hear his voice and raise up."
Nikius (or Niphius) the wise said: "Honour be to you, O threefold blessed, who are God being alive through his death. He will destroy death being risen after three days."
Plato (Aflatun) said: "My father sent me, entrusted for the truth. They are not aware of what they say; that are the priests. They reject his words. The sent prophets of old, who were informed by God in truth (folio 269v) about the manifestation of Lord Christ, to whom is glory, incarnated in the world, and performing miracles and accepting life-giving sufferings for our sake; the believers."
Among those (prophecies) Moses the prophet, may the peace be upon him,21 said: "A star will come forth out of Jacob and son of Man in Israel and will reign on Adam and no end will be to his kingdom." (Numbers 24:17?) He said also: "God will raise up unto you a Prophet from the midst of you, of your brethren like me. All soul would listen to him will perish from its people."(Deuteronomy 18:15) He said also: 'You will see your lives suspended and you would not believe"
Jacob said in his blessing to Judah, his son: " The kingdom nor the leadership shall not depart from Judah from his feet, a prophet descendants until come to whom is the kingdom. (Genesis 49:10) and upon Him all peoples will rely and all nations will hope.
And Ezekiel the prophet said: "The Lord appeared to me in the midst of Zion, veiled with a veil of human flesh like me"
He said also: "I saw a gate facing eastwards and it was shut, sealed with a marvellous seal and nobody enter by it except the lord of Hosts who entered in and came out and the gates was not opened and seal was not changed (Ez.44:1-2 cf. also the Coptic Psalmodia, Lobsh of Wednesday, first two stanzas).
Isaiah the prophet said: "Behold the Virgin shall conceive and bear a son and shall call his name Immanuel which means God with us" (Is 7:14)
Zakariah the prophet said: "They will know that I am the Lord their God when I appear among the people and talk manifestly to them. (XXX)
Isaiah the Prophet said: "It might that I come to you in your dress and cloth and bind the broken -heated (second part Is 61:1).
He said also: When the Lord comes, in those days, the blinds shall see, the dumb shall speak, the lame shall stand up, the lame shall walk and the lepers shall be cleansed, the dead are raised up and the poor preached (Is: 29:18, 35:4-6, 42:7, Mt 11:5).
He said also: "For unto us a child is born, unto us a son is given, the government shall be upon his shoulder and his name shall be called king [fol. 270r] of the great counsel, the mighty God, the prince of peace and the everlasting Father." (Is 9:6)
He said also: "The will be wonder of wonders in Israel from the Lord of angels, who is dwelling in Zion.
He said also: "God will manifestly appear as saviour, he will reject the impiety from Jacob and the transgression from Israel."
He said also: "said to the daughter of Zion that my son will raise up and will be elevated and he will be wonderful, he will make dumb the lips of the kings and teach them what they do not know and to whom the arm of the Lord was announced.
He said also: "I shall send my boy, my beloved, to whom I was delighted, I will put my spirit on him, so that he will teach the nations of the judgment. He will not argue. Nor cry out and nobody in the streets will hear his voice. A bruised reed, he shall not break, and the smoking flax he shall not quench, he shall bring forth the judgement22 unto the victory and upon his name the nations will trust. (42:1-3 Mt 12:19)
He said also: Many will make covenant to you, binding their waist, praying to you, prostrating to you for God is on You. You are truly God.
He said also: "Strengthen you, weak hands and confirm the feeble knees, the fearful heart shall comfort and would not fear for the Lord the reward will come with judgement and save you. Then He will open the eyes of the blinds, the ears of the deaf shall hear, the lame man shall jump like a deer, the tongues of the dumb shall utter. The water shall water in the wilderness, which was thirsty like the water of the sea. (Is 35:3-5)
Jeremiah the prophet said: "God will descend on earth and will walk with people"
Job the just said: " I know that God will appear on the earth, by the end of the time and will walk on the sea as if it was the earth.
Nahum the prophet said: "The Lord will come wearing like my cloth, he will destroy the arrogant and will walk on the sea and will satisfy from bread in the deserts and will (folio 270v) bring forth from his vine twelve branches from the sons of Israel and all the nations will worship him for he is God who wrote on the tablets of Moses the prophet.
He said also: " I shall come and dwell in you said the Lord the almighty."
Zephaniah the prophet said: Comfort you, o Zion, let your hands no be slack for the Lord our God, the mighty, will come in the midst of you and save you (Zephaniah 3:16-17.)
Joel the prophet said: " I saw a virgin from the house of Jacob from the descendant of David becoming a throne to the Lord. I asked the Cherub and said: "Who is this?" He said to me: "This is the chosen throne from the nature of Adam in order to deliver the nations and the sign of my vision is that my hand was burnt from the hand of the angel."
Hosea the prophet said: "God will descend feet from heaven to the earth, he will enter to Egypt and destroy the temples of idols. He will send his disciples. He is God who created me and taught me. Do not reject him, o son of Israel in order that he will not cease your kingdom and your sacrifices and will take the prophecy from you and give it to the circumstanced with his oil and he will make another nation out of you."
He said also: The Lord will truly come and appear on earth."
Isaiah the prophet said: "The word hits 23 and cuts and the Lord will make it to pass24
He said also: There will not be an establish root and will raise from him will be the head of the nations will hope him."
Elisha the prophet said: "The Lord will come from heaven and will walk in the markets, he will command the righteousness and to him will listen all the nations."
Micah the prophet said: "The Word of the Lord will appear in Jerusalem and from Zion will come out the Law 25"
He said also: " But you Bethlehem you are not the least among the kingdom of Judah from out of you will come a notable who will pastor my people Israel (Micah 5:2 Theotokia of Thursday 5)
He said also: "I will make my son God for nations and a king for them...
1 Meaning unclear in Arabic depending on the previous context.
2 The Arabic adds: "and the eclipse will be".
3 Other possibility "from the sixth to the ninth hour".
4 Meaning unclear.
5 The Arabic here is not clear, it could be also read "was exiled".
6 Lit you see, or watch.
7 lit under your light.
8 lit. holding on.
9 lit non-dead.
10 lit. "intangible".
11 reading uncertain.
12 the word is not clear in the Ms.
13 lit adds "which is the life all".
14 Meaning unclear due to the bad condition of the manuscript.
15 Text adds "overshadows".
16 Meaning unclear.
17 Perhaps "axe".
18 I cannot read it.
19 perhaps meaning "in order to protect your eyes from the brightness of his sight"?
20 in the margin.
21 Islamic formulation for the prophets.
22 In the margin.
23 meaning uncertain.
24 meaning uncertain.
25 or the year or the tongues.
فلا يمنعها بيته فانك تظلمه فان يكون كلامه حقا امنحه بالكلام والاشتراك
فان حفظ ذلك كان دعاء فقد شهد له الحق وقال ايضا تنكسف
الشمس ويكون الكسوف من سته ساعات من النهار الى تسعة ساعات
وليس هو وقت كسوف بل من اجل المحزون انه يفتري عليه عليه ويطلب
ويهلك من شعبه ويجازيه شعبه على صنيعه بهم الخير بالشر ويقع
بيوت الالهه وهياكلهم ويصيح سلطان المحزون عليه وعلي جميع الخلق
يا ابني للموتي في هذا الوقت يعيشون والعجايب تظهر من المحزون لانه
بقوته يمشي على الارض ويباشر المخلوقين وقال ايضا هرمس ان
من هذا الحين الى دخول النور المحزون الى مصر يكون في خمسين دورة
للشيخ كيوان العتيق يكون لهذا القول ايضا من هرمس المتكلم
الى مجي المسيح الف وخمسايه سنة وقال سولس يا ابني الملك
العظيم تقيا بلا دنس انت عظيم رب الانام الذي كل شئ من بعد
ضياك تنظره انت الذي ليس فيك دني القوي القادر على كل
شئ ملك المايتين وغير المايتين وقال ايضا هذه القوات ثلاثة
اسماء الاهيه واحد من قوته وجبروته الوحيد الاله الذي لا ينظره احد
وقوة ما يستطيع يلقاها ولا ينظرها بطبعا ومن هذه القوات
كل شئ وقال ارخس قلاقة اسماء في لاهوت واحد بها
كان كل شئ وقال ارقس واحد هو فقط الضو الغير محسوس
وهو في كل فت الذي يحرز الفكران والكلمة المولودة منه
كاملة في كل شئ وصانعة كل شئ وقال افلاطون العلة القديمة
التي هي النعمة التحتة على كل علة ثانية العقل الذي خلق كل شئ العلة
الثالثة النفس الصانعة الحياة التي هي كل حي ويقال ارس
هو الاله الكلمة ان ولد الكامل في كل مولد الصانع في الامم الوالد نزل
وسكن بالطبع وبالطبع امر الماء يحل تاويله ان صار خمرا وقال افلاطون
ايضا واجد هو الاله العلي في العلا الذي بكلمته الغير محسوسة جارية
حبلت بها وهذا مثل الفوس الحديد المتردية بالنار ويسلك في
احشايها ويدخر العالم ويقربه لابيه قربانا اي اسم الجارية العدرا
وقال افلاطون في كتاب الاسرار ان العلى الاعلا يظهر في الارض
ويقيم الموتا وتظهر اياته الربانية ويرجع الى عرشه المرهوب ولا
يعودوا يروه الى يوم الحكم العظيم وقال يونيون الحكيم هو القديم
العظيم الجالس فوق السموات المتردي بلهيب النور الذي لا يفنا
ملكه يظهر على الارض ويقيم الموتا ويشفي المرضي ويظهر الايات الربانية
ويرجع الى عرشه [العلوي] لانه في السموات العلا وعند ظهوره في الارض
ياتون اهل فارس ويقدمون قرابينهم اليه لانه ملك الملوك ورب
الارباب وملكه لا يفنى وقال افلاطون الثالوث الاله واحد عال
وحده الذي كلمته لا تتغير في جارية عذرى ظلته من غير جماع
تحبل وشبيه النار في العالم يحضر ولكل يصيد لابيه يقرب قربانا
وله يكون هذا البيت اعتي الجسد وقال نيفوس الحكيم الفار الذي
مقل النار الذي هو لاهوت وحياة لا تنقضي وضو لا يتغير
ينظر في الارض وهو في السماء ويامر في الماء وفي الارض وفيه
حياة لكلمن يلجا اليه وقال ايضا ظاهر يشرق على الارض
وياتون اهل فارس ومعهم العطايا ويقربونها له تمجيدا بد [الاله عظيم
وعجيب يظهر في الارض وهو ارفع من الكلمة واعلا من العقل والى الانقضاء
ولايزول وقال اوغسطس الحكيم في علم التنجيم ان شاب عبراني يدعى
المسيح هو ذاته ازلي الازلي يظهر علانية وبيده سلطان الربوبية
فيقيم الموتا ويطهر البرص ويطلق الالسنة الخرص وقال ارسطو
الحكيم في كتابه المعروف بالعلوم العلوية انكم لا تشاهدوا الاله
الحقيقي الا بحجابه الذي به يخفي نوره عن ابصاركم ليلا تشخص
عيونكم من نظره فاذا ظهر استدلوا على عظمتة سلطانه وبهذا
تعلموا انه ملك الملوك ورب الارباب وقال في رسالته الى
الاسكندر جد في طلب ماء الحياة وانك ما تجد ما الحياة الا
في رجل واحد يظهر في العالم لابس لباس [العالم] فاذا وجدته ظفرت
عنده بماء الجياة ويغذيك من شجرة الحياة الابدية بطعامه
ومن يديه يجري ماء الحياة الابدية وقال في كتابه المسمى كتاب
الكنوز ان كنز الجياة عند ادوناي الاله الذي يظهر في المسكونة
ويسمع صوته الذين في القبور ويقومون وقال نيقوس الحكيم
فخرا لك ايها المثلث الغبطة الذي الاله ممتد وهو ميت يفني
الموت اذ اقام ثلثة أيام بيانا وقال افلاطون لا والدي ارسلني
امين الحق ما يدرون ما يقولون يعني الكهنة وينكرون كلامه
الذي تقدن وقالت الانبيا المرسلين الذين انباهم الله بالحق
على ظهور السيد المسيح له المجد متجسد في العالم وعمله بالايات
وقبوله الالام المييه لها نحن المومنين من ذلك ما قاله
موسى النبي عليه السلام سيطلع كوكب في يعقوب وابن بشر
في اسراييل ويملك على ادم ولا يكون لملكه امقضا وقال ايضا
ان الله يقيم لكم نبيا من اخوتكم مثلي وكل نفس ما تسمع له تهلك
من شعبها وقال ايضا ستنظرون حياتكم معلقا ور تومنون
وقال يعقوب في بركته على يهوذا ولده لا يزال الملك والرياسة
في يهوذا واقدام نبي مبشرا من صلبه حتي ياتي الذي له الملك عليه
تتوكل الشعوت وله ترجوا الامم وقال حزقيال النبي ان الرب
ظهر لي في وسط صهيون محتجب بحجاب لحم انسانمثلي وقال ايضا
رايت بابا في المشرق مغلق نختوما بخاتم عجيب لم يدخله غير رب القوات
دخل فيه وخرج ولم ينفتح الباب ولم يتغير الخاتم وقال اشعيا النبي
هوذا العذرى تحبل وتلد ابنا ويدعى اسمه عمانويل الذي تاويله
الله معنا وقال زكريا النبي سيعلمون اني انا الرب الاههم اذ ظهرت
بين الناس وكلمتهم باعلان وقال اشعيا النبي لابد ان اتيك في زيك
ولباسك البس واجبر منكسري القلوب وقال ابضا يا بني
اسراييل اذ جاء الرب في ملك الايام العميان يبصرون والخرس
ينطقون والمقعدين ينهضون والعرج يمشون والبرص يطهرون
والموتا يقومون والمساكين يبشرون وقال ايضا ولد ولد لنا
وابنا اعطيناه الذي سلطانه على منكبيه ويدعى اسمه ملك
المشورة العظما الاه مسلما قادر رييس السلامة واب الدهر الاتي
وقال ايضا انه يكون عجيب الاعاجيب في اسراييل من رب
الملايكة الذي هو ساكن في صهيون وقال ايضا ان الله يظهر جهرا
ومخلضا فيرد الكفر عن يعقوب والاثم عن اسراييل وقال ايضا قل
لابنه صهيون ان ابني يقوم ويرتفع ويكون عجبا ويخرس السنة الملوك
ويوريهم ما لم يعرفوه وذراع الرب لم اعلن وقال ايضا هوذا انا
مرسا فتاي حبيبي الذب به سررت اضع روحي عليه يخبر الامم
بالحكم لا يماري ولا يصيح ولا يسمع احد صوته في الشوارع قصبة
مرضوضة لا يكسر وسراج يطفطف لا يطفي حتى يخرج بالغلبة وعلى
اسمه تتوكل الامم وقال ايضا كثيرون يتعبدون لك مربوكين الاوساط
ويصلون نحوك ويسجدون لك لان الله حال فيك وانت الاله
بالحقيقة وقال ايضا يقوى اتيها الايدي المرتعشة والركب المرتعدة
والصغيري القلوب يتعزوا ولا يخافوا فان الرب المجازي بالحكم ياتي
ويتجيك حينيذ يفتح عيني العميان والاذان الصم تسمع ويقفز الاعرج
مثل الايل وتنطلق السن الخرس ويروي الماء في البراري التي
لم تزل عطشا كمثل مل البحر وقال ارميا انبي ان الله سينزل على
الارض ويمشي بين الناس وقال ايوب الصديق انا اعلم ان اله
له سيظهر على الارض في اخر الزمان ويمشي على البحر كاليبس
وقال ناحوم النبي ان الرب ياتي [بصورتي] ولباسه كلباسي فيهلك المتجبرين
ويمشي على البحر ويشبع من الخبز البراري ويخرج
من كرمته اثني عشر قضيب من بني اسراييل وتسجد له كل الامم وهو الله
الكاتب هذه الالواح لموسى النبي وقال ايضا هوذا اجي واسكن فيك
قال الرب ضابط الكل وقال صفونيا النبي تعزى يا صهيون
ولا تسترخي يديك فان الرب الهنا القوي ياتي وتحل فيك وينجيك
وقال يوييل النبي رايت عذرى من بيت يعقوب ونسل داود قد
جعلت كرسيا الرب فسالت الكاروبي وقلت له من هذه فقال
لي هذه كرسي المختار من طبيعة ادم لتخلص الامم وعلامه رؤياي ان
كفي احترق من قبضة الملاك وقال عوزيا النبي ان الله ينزل من
السماء قدميه الى الارض ويدخل الى مصر ويهدم برابي الاوثان
ويرسل تلاميذه وهو الله الذي بناني وعلمني فلا تكفروا به يا بني اسراييل
فيبطل ملككم وقرابينكم وياخذ النبوة منكم ويعطيها للمختونين
بدهنه ويجعل له امة غيركم وقال ايضا ياتي الرب حقا ويظهر
على الارض وقال اشعيا النبي كلمة صرت وقطعت وسيمضيها
الرب وقال ايضا انه سيكون اصل ثابت والذي يقوم منه
رايسا للشعوب واياه ترجوا الامم وقال اليشع اللنبي
ان الرب ياتي من السماء ويمشي في الاسواق ويوصي الامم بالبر ويسمع
له جميع الامم وقال ميخا النبي كلمة الرب تظهره بيروشليم
ومن صهيون تخرج السنة وقال ايضا وانت يا بيت لحم
لست بصغيرة في ملوك بهوذا لان منك يخرج مقدما يرعي
شعبي اسراييل وقال ايضا اجعل ابني الاها للامم وملكا عليهم
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: ms_mingana_syr_481_extract.htm
A first translation of Mingana Ms. Syr. 481, ff.221v-225v (2007)
A first translation of Mingana Ms. Syr. 481, ff.221v-225v (2007)
[Translated by Sasha Trieger]
Samir Khalil Samir's article in The Coptic Encyclopedia says that this text is a fragment of an unpublished commentary on the Creed by Abu al-Majdalus.
"At the article "he was incarnate of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary," Abu al-Majdalus' Commentary cites several messianic witnesses from among pagan philosophers: the Kitab al-Asrar attributed to Plato (cf. Graf, Vol. 1, p. 486, sec. 3); the Kitab al-'Ulum al-'Ulwiyyah and
the Letter to Alexander attributed to Aristotle (cf. Graf, Vol. 1, p. 485, sec. 4); the 'Ilm al-Tanjim attributed to the philosopher Augustus (cf. Graf, Vol. 1, pp. 485, sec. 3, and 486, sec. 4); and a text attributed to a certain Yuniyun or Yuthiyun, depending upon the
manuscripts, as yet unidentified."...
"Furthermore, the Mingana Syriac 481 (Western garshuni, A.D. 1689, fols. 221v-25v) appears to contain a fragment of this commentary (d. cols. 586 and 889 of the Mingana catalog, Vol. 1)."
Translation
With hope in the Holy Trinity, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, we [begin to] write (select?) statements of wise philosophers that they pronounced concerning the coming of our Lord, glory be to Him, many generations before His arrival, from a Book of Secrets famous among them on the science of astronomy. This is about the Incarnation of Christ the Lord, praise be to Him.
The first [statement]: Hermes the wise said in his book entitled Book of the Nine Stones, in which he addresses his son saying: Know, my son Natana, that there must be a descent of the Awesome Cause and the Boundless Fire, rays of the Perfect and Self-Subsisting Cause, who is in no need of anything else. It will walk upon the earth in veils made for It, and thereupon will return to Its elevated state and the footstool of Its throne, without [spatial] motion. O my son Natana, open your eyes and the eyes of your heart and preserve that with which I entrust you in the storehouses of your mind. The Cause of causes will encompass you.
He said also: (222r) Justice (?) will be abolished, and the mighty nation will branch out (?) and demand what does not belong to it in truth. Then the days of the Hidden One will appear. He is the Father who will be upon the earth, and the impure peoples and their sages will conspire untruly against the King of kings.
He said also: Woe, Azur will work miracles in Roman Qaytilun (?). This will be abolished (?) by two wise old men who will be killed therein by its king. These two old men will work many wonders and will remain therein forever, for they are those who annihilate the rule (?) with dreadful wounds. For they are the two [messengers] sent by the Cause and the Fire to appear in the universe.
Hermes the wise said: The eastern star of Sagittarius will move from East to West, and the direction of prayer (will remain there?) for two years and a half. Then it will return to its center and dominion. This is the star called the Star of Annunciation. It will lead the way to the sages coming from the East to [great] the Eternal King who is to appear, to venerate Him (222v), and to present to Him their offerings. Many infants will be killed on His account in the middle of the earth, while the Hidden Fire will enter the land of Egypt. Astrologers will go there. The two peoples will become one, for the [period of] one hundred eighty three revolutions of Saturn, the old man Saturn, which they call Zuhal.1 For it traverses the heavens every thirty years. The number will be (determined?) by the revolutions of the sphere[s], o my son, on account of the appearance of that ancient God, who had been expected for five thousand and five hundred years.
He said also: O my son Natana, take images for yourself mighty (?) as the philosophers. O my son, do not sit in the company of the ignorant, and if you do happen to sit with them, do not speak in their company concerning the wisdom that I have disclosed to you. O my son, look forward toward the Light which is born of the Light which proceeds from the True Light, the Wisdom, the Word, and the Life. If you teach this to someone who is ignorant or unworthy, he will take this from you and mock you. (223r) However, if he is noble, do not deprive him of this, for you would be doing injustice to him. If his speech is true, grant him this by way of speech and in secret. If he memorizes this, this will become a prayer, and will testify for him in truth.
He said also: O my son, there must be a solar eclipse, which will last from the sixth hour of the day to the ninth hour, not in the time [appointed] for an eclipse, but on account of the Hidden One. He will be calumniated, and sought after, and killed by His people. His people will pay him evil for His granting (?) them good. The houses and temples of the gods will fall, and the Hidden One will gain power over them and over the entire creation.
He said: O my son, at that time the dead will come to life, and the Hidden One will work wonders, for He will walk upon the earth with power and give good tidings to human beings.
Hermes said also: From that time, which is the entrance of the Hidden Light into Egypt, after fifty revolutions of the old man Saturn (...?). From Hermes to the coming of Christ there will pass one thousand and five hundred years.
Anasolus said: O my son, the great king, pure without blemish, you are great indeed, the master of human beings, whom everyone sees in your glory (?), you have no blemish, the mighty king who has power over all things, both mortal and immortal.
Anasolus said: These powers are three divine names, one from His power and dominion, of the One God, which no one shall see, and a power that no one can meet, nor perceive its nature. All things came into being from these powers.
Archos the wise said: Three names in one divinity, by which all things came into being.
Arposh (?) the wise said: The imperceptible Light is one only, and it is the Thought in every available moment. The Word born of Him is perfect in all respects and makes all things.
Plato said: The Ancient Cause, which is the grace, [is the one] dispensed to all (?). The second2 cause is the Intellect that created all things (224r). The third cause is the Soul, which created life, which is the life of every living being.
Aristotle said: He is God the Word. When He, being perfect in every birth, was born and created a mother (?) [for Himself] among the nations, He descended and lived in [the realm of] nature, and by nature He commanded water to loosen (?), and it became wine.
Plato said also: One is the Highest God on high, whose imperceptible Word a maid conceived. This, o my son, is like a sharp ax (?) clothed with fire. He goes through her womb and rules the world, and offers it to His Father as an offering. The name (?) of the maiden is the virgin.
Plato said in the Book of Secrets: The supremely High One will appear upon the earth and raise the dead and show his lordly signs. Thereupon He will return to His awesome throne, and will not come back (?) until the day of the Great Judgment.
Yonion the wise said: He is the Ancient the Mighty, who sits over the heavens, clothed in flame[s] (224v) of fire and light; His kingdom shall have no end. He will appear upon the earth, raise the dead, cure the sick, and show His lordly signs. Thereupon, he will return to His celestial throne, for He is in the highest heavens. At the time of His appearance upon the earth, the Persians will come to present Him with their offerings, for He is the King of kings and the Lord of lords, whose kingdom shall have no end.
Plato said: The Trinity is one God, who alone is supreme. His Word indwelled a virgin maiden, without change (?), overshadowing her without intercourse, and she conceived. This is similar to the fire present in the world, who will catch everything and present [it] as an offering to His Father. He will reside in this house, i.e. the body.
Yanfus the wise said: The Thought, which is like fire, which is divinity and life everlasting (?), and an immutable light which will be seen upon the earth. He will (ascend?) into the sky and command (...?).
He said also: He will descend in purity and shine forth [as] the Lord upon the earth, and (225r) the Persians will come with gifts, and He, praise be to Him, will offer guidance of the Great and Mysterious (?) God. He will appear upon the earth, being higher than the Word and superior to the Intellect, and will never cease.
Augustus the wise said in the Book of Astrology: There must appear a Hebrew youth, who will be called Christ and is eternal in His essence. The Eternal will make a public appearance, having the lordly power in His hand. He will raise the dead and clean the lepers and loosen the mute tongues.
Aristotle said in his book, entitled Celestial Sciences: You shall not see the True God except behind a veil by which His light is concealed from your vision, so that your eyes may not (go blind?) from His sight. But when He appears, one will be able to realize the greatness of His rule. By this you will understand that He is the King of kings and the Lord of lords.
Aristotle said also in his letter to Alexander the king: Be earnest, o king, in the pursuit of the water of life. You shall not find water of life except in a Man (225v) who is to appear in the world, clothed in this world's clothes. If you find Him, you will find the water of life with Him. He will feed you with His food from the eternal Tree of Life. Water of life will be flowing from His hands.
He said in his treatise entitled the Book of Treasures: The treasure of life is the God Adonai, who is to appear in the universe. Those in the graves will hear His voice and will rise.
Yanfus the wise said: Glory (?) to you, o thrice-blessed, who is God the eternal (?), who shall die and abolish death clearly, when He will rise after three days.
Plato the wise said: No, by Him who sent me, verily they do not know what they speak, nor what they do. By this he means the priests of the sons of Israel who deny his words cited above.
Zoroaster the Magian said to his disciples in the Book of the Elements of Science:3 Whoever eats my flesh and drinks my blood, will remain in me and I in him.
To the Awesome Father, and to the Son who helped and assisted, and to the Holy Spirit who perfected may there be Glory now and ever and unto ages of ages, Amen.4
Transliteration
وعلى رجا الثالوث المقدس الاب
والابن والروح القدس نكتب اقوال
بقترار(؟) من اقوال الحكما الفلاسفه
الذي (!) قالوه على ظهور سيدنا له
المجد من قبل مجيه باجيال كثيره
من كتاب الاسرار المعروف عندهم
في العلوم الفلكيه وذلك على تانس
السيد المسيح الذي له التسبيح
اول ذلك قال هرمس الحكيم في
كتابه المعروف بكتاب التسعة
احجار يخاطب به ولده قايلا: اعلم
يا ابني ناتانا انه لا بد من نزول العله
الهايله والنار الغير محصوره
شعاع العلة التامه القايمه
بذاتها من غير حاجه منها الى غيرها
ويمشي على الارظ(!) بحجابات صنعه لها
ثم ترجع الى علوها وكرسي عرشها
وليس بانتقال. يا ابني ناتانا
افتح عينيك وعيني قلبك واودع
في خزاين لبك ما انا مستودعك.
علة العل(!) تحوط بك وقال ايظا(!)
(222و)
العدل يبطل والامة القدره تشعب
وتطلب ما ليس لها بحق ايظا(!)
والمخزون تضهر(!) ايامه. وهو اب
يكون في الارظ(!) وتتوامر الشعوب
النجسه بالباطل هم وحكماوهم
على ملك الملوك وقال ايظا(!) ويل
عازور يظهر عجايب في قيطيلون
روميه. يبطل من شيخين حكمين
يقتلان بها من ملكها. واوليك الشيخين
يظهران عجايبا(!) كثيره ويدومان بها
الى الابد وهما المبطلان لرياسة
بالجرايح الهايله. لانهما مبعوثان(؟)
من العله. والنار الطاهره (الظاهرة؟) في
المسكونه وقال هرمس الحكيم.
يسير كوكب قوس الشرقي من
المشرق الى المغرب. والقبله
سنتين ونصف. ويرجع الى مركزه
وملكه. وهو كوكب يسمى كوكب
البشاره. يسير بين يدي الحكما
الاتين من المشرق. الى الملك
الازلي الذي يظهر. ليسجدوا له.
(222ظ)
ويقدمون قرابينهم اليه. ومن اجله
تقتل اطفال كثيره. في وسط الارظ(!).
والنار المخزون يدخل الى ارظ(!) مصر.
وحكما النجوم يدخلون اليها. ويختلطان(!)
الشعبان ويصيران شعبا واحد مايه
وثلاثه وثمانين تدويره. لكيوان
الشيخ العتيق كيوان. هو عندهم
زحل. لانه يقطع الفلك في كل
ثلاثون(!) سنه. يكون العدد عن دوران
الفلك. يا ابني لضهور(!) هذا الاله
العتيق المنتضر(!) خمسه الاف.
وخمسماية سنه. فقال ايظا(!)
يا ابني ناتانا. اتخذ لك صورا. والفلاسفه
عزا. يا ابني لا تجالس الجهال. وان
جالستهم فلا تتحدث بهذه الحكمه
التي اوضحتها لك. فيما بينهم.
يا ابني انظر نحو النور المولود
من النور المنبثق من النور بحق.
الحكمه. والكلمه والحيوه. ان
انت علمت هذه لجاهل او غير مستحق
فانه ياخذها منك. ويستهزي بك.
(223و)
فان كان كريما. فلا تمنعه امنه
فانك تضلمه(!). فان يكون كلامه حق(!)
امنحه بالكلام. والاسرار فان حفض(!)
ذلك كان دعا. فقد يشهد له الحق
وقال ايضا يا ابني لا بد ما تنخسف
الشمس ويكون الخسوف في ستة(!)
ساعات من النهار الى تسع ساعات.
وليس في ذلك الوقت. هو وقت
خسوف. بل من اجل المخزون. انه
يفترى عليه. ويطلب. ويهلك من
شعبه. ومن قومه. ويجازيه شعبه
على رنيعه بهم الخير بالشر وتقع
بيوت الالهه وهياكلهم ويصح سلطان
المخزون عليهم وعلى جميع الخلق
وقال يا ابني الموتى في ذلك
الوقت يعيشون. والعجايب تظهر من
المخزون. لانه بقوته يمشي على
الارظ(!) ويباشر المخلوقين. وقال
ايضا هرمس ان من هذا الحين الذي
هو دخول النور المخزون الى مصر
يكون في خمسين دورة الشيخ كيوان
(223ظ)
العتيق يكون لهذا القول ايضا من
هرمس الى مجي المسيح الف
وخمس مايه سنه وقال اناسولس
يا ابني الملك العضيم(!) نقيا بلا دنس.
انت عضيم(!) رب الانام الذي كلشي(!) من بعظ(!)
طياك(ضياك؟) تنظره. انت الذي ليس فيك دنس
القوي القادر على كلشي(!) ملك. المايتين
والغير مايتين وقال اناسولس هذه
القوات ثلثة اسما. الهيه واحد من
قوته. وجبروته الوحيد الاله. الذي
لا ينظره احد وقوة لا يستطيع احد
يلقاها. ولا ينظرها بطبعها. ومن هذه
القوات كلشي(!) كان. وقال ارخس الحكيم
ثلثة اسما في لاهوت واحد بها كان كل
شي وقال ارفش الحكيم واحد هو فقط
الظو(!) الغير محسوس. وهو فيكل(!) وقت
الذي يجوز الفكر. والكلمه المولوده
منه كامله فيكلشي(!) وصانعة كل شي.
وقال افلاطون العله القديمة التي
هي النعمة المتحننه على كل علة
ثابته (ثانية؟) العقل. الذي خلق كل شي
(224و)
العله الثلثه النفس الصانعه
الحياه التي هي حياه كل حي
وقال ارسطاطاليس هو الاله الكلمه
لما ان ولد الكامل في كل مولد
الصانع في الامم الوالده نزل. وسكن
بالطبع. وبالطبع امر الما.
يحل تاويلها صار خمرا وقال افلاطون
ايظا(!) واحد هو الاله العلي في العلى.
الذي بكلمته الغير محسوسه
جاريه حبلت بها. وهذا يا ولدي
مثل الفوس (=الفؤوس؟) الحديد المترديه
بالنار. ويسلك في احشايها. ويذكر (يدبر؟)
العالم. ويقربه لابيه قربان.
وان اي اسم الجاريه العذرى. قال
افلاطون في كتاب الاسرار ان العلي
الاعلى يظهر في الارظ(!). ويقيم الموتى.
ويظهر اياته الربانية. ويرجع الى
عرشه المرهوب. ولا يعود وايدوه
الى يوم الحكم العظيم وقال يونيون
الحكيم هو القديم العظيم الجالس
فوق السموات المتردي بلهيب
(224ظ)
النار والنور. الذي لا يفنا ملكه.
يظهر على الارظ(!). ويقيم الموتى.
ويشفي المرظا(!). ويظهر الايات الربانيه.
ويرجع الى عرشه العلوي. لانه في
السموات العلا. وعند ظهوره في
الارظ(!). ياتون اهل فارس. ويقدمون
قرابينهم اليه. لانه ملك الملوك.
ورب الارباب. وملكه لا يفنا وقال
افلاطون الثالوث اله واحد. عال
وحده. الذي كلمته لا تغير حلت في
جاريه عذرى. ظللته من غير جماع
تحبل. وشبيه النار في العالم
يحظر(!) ولكل يصيد. ولابيه يقرب قربان.
وله يلكون (يكون؟) هذا البيت. اعني الجسد.
وقال ينفوس الحكيم الفكر الذي
مثل النار الذي هو لاهوت وحياه
لا تنقطي (تنقطع؟). وظو(!) لا يتغير ينظر في
الارظ(!) *** في السما. ويامر في
السماء و*** الارظ(!). وفيه حياه لكل
من يلتن ***. وقال ايظا(!). وينزل
ظاهرا ويشرق للرب (الرب؟) على الارض وياتون
(225و)
اهل فارس. ومعهم العطايا. ويقرس (ويقدس؟)
له تمجيد تدبير الاله العظيم وعجيب.
يظهر في الارظ(!). وهو ارفع من الكلمه.
واعلا من العقل. والى الانقطا (الانقطاع؟) لا يزول.
قال اوغسطس الحكيم في كتاب
علم التنجيم لا بد ان يظهر شاب
عبراني. وهو يدعا المسيح في ذاته
ازلي. الازلي يظهر علانيه. وبيده
سلطان الربوبيه. فيقيم الموتى.
ويطهر البرص. ويطلق الالسنة
الخرس. وقال ارسطوا في كتابه
المعروف بالعلوم العلوية انكم لا
تشاهدوا الاله الحقيقي الا بحجابه
الذي به يخفى نوره عن ابصاركم.
ليلا تشخص عيونكم من نظره. فاذا
ظهر استدلوا على عظمه سلطانه.
وبهذا تعلموا انه ملك الملوك.
ورب الارباب وقال ايظا(!) ارسطوا في
رسالته الى الاسكندر الملك جد
ايها الملك في طلب ما الحياة
وانك لا تجد ما الحياة. الا في رجل
(225ظ)
واحد يظهر في العالم. لابس لباس
العالم. فاذا وجدته ظفرت عنده
بما الحياة. ويغذيك من شجرة الحياة
الابدية بطعامه. ومن يديه تجري
ما الحياة الابدية وقال في كتابه
المسمى كتاب الكنوز. ان كنز
الحياة ادوني الاله الذي يظهر في
المسكونه. ويسمع صوته الذين
في القبور. ويقومون وقال ينفوس
الحكيم فكرا (فخرا؟) لك ايها المثلث ب
بالغبطه الذي هو الاله ممتد(؟). وهو
ميت يفني الموت. اذا قام في ثلثة
ايام بيانا وقال افلاطون الحكيم لا
والذي ارسلني امين الحق ما يدرون
ما يقولون. ولا يدرون ما يفعلون. وذلك
يعني بهم على كهنة بني اسرايل
الذين ينكرون كلامه الذي تقدم وقال
زرادشت المجوسي في كتاب الاستقصات(؟)
العلمية لتلاميذه. من اكل من لحمي.
وشرب من دمي يثبت فيي(!). وانا اثبت
فيه. كمل
ܫܘ ܠܐܒܐ ܕܚܝܠ ܘܠܒܪܐ ܕܣܝܥ ܘܥܕܪ ܘܠܪܘܚ
ܩܕܝܫܐ ܕܫܡܠܝ ܗܫܐ ܘܒܟܠܙܒܢ ܘܠܥܠܡ
ܥܠܡܝܢ ܐܡܝܢ
1 This is the Arabic term for Saturn.
2 MS: stable. But I suspect the original reading was "second" which is easily misread as "stable" in Arabic letters. This would indicate that the MS was copied (directly or indirectly) from a manuscript in Arabic letters.
3 So in the text. However "of the World" is a possible reading, if a small emendation is made.
4 The last sentence (a copyist's addition) is written in Syriac rather than Karshuni.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: ms_mingana_142_extract.htm
The Mingana Collection (Birmingham): MS 142, ff.48a-61b
The Mingana Collection (Birmingham): Ms. Syr. 142, ff.48a-61b
[Translated by Martin R. Zammit (University of Malta)]
(f. 48a)We say, first, in the name of the Father, and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, one God, Amen. We will instruct you, my brethren, about these extraordinary words from which the minds flee. For when we, the Christians, call "Father" God the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ - that is, the name of the Living, the One speaking by the Son - this is the word "Father". And we also say "of the Son" - that is, we mean the power of God. The Holy Gospel attests to this (truth): "... and the power of God shall come upon you, because the child born from you shall be called the Most Holy and the Son of God." And our saying "and of the Holy Spirit", (that is) because the Holy Spirit is the spirit of life of every living person from (?). The Holy Gospel bears witness (to this truth), in the words of the angel Gabriel: "... because the child born from you is from the Holy Spirit."
As regards, our brethren, the way of the foreigners, their original deities (f. 48b.) were three: the First Cause, the Mind born from it, and the Soul emanating from it. For this reason, they made each one of the temples of their deities consisting of three sanctuaries: the sanctuary of the First Cause, the sanctuary of the Mind and the sanctuary of the Soul. They covered them with gold and paintings, and in every sanctuary they set up an idol representing their deity. They said that the soul of the worshipped emanated onto that idol and it became a mediator between them and the humans. They offered sacrifices to them, as attested by their sects. Most of them worship the seven planets in the seven climes. For this reason, the fathers and the prophets opposed them with signs and wonders which transcend the minds. Firstly, the great wonder, such as the splitting of the sea and its rising on two sides (f. 49a) like a great mountain, and the passage of the Israeli soldiers and the loss of the armies of the Egyptians. Despite all these (extraordinary) matters, the divine Book does not attest that any of the foreign peoples returned to the worship of God, the Exalted, but rather the (holy) Books attest that the Children of Israel, who are the people of God, after their ascent from the sea, ahead of the Pharaoh, and having seen those strange signs and the great wonders, they also worshipped the planets, the celestial bodies, the humans persons and the persons of the animals, and they (also) worshipped the calf, whose existence was well-known (to them). They said to the Calf: "This is your god, O Israel, who brought you up from the land of Egypt. All that (happened) because they relied on the things existing in front of them, and the worshipped (deity) was concealed from them. For the demons used to speak face to face with their worshippers.
(f. 49b) The Children of Israel had lived in Egypt and had seen these deeds. They mixed in their blood and in their veins, and were encouraged when witnessing those wonderful matters and the wonderful signs such as magic, - - -, talismans, and divination. All nations went to hell for a number of years, till the enactment of the law of our Lord Jesus Christ. He ordered the Apostles, saying: "Go and teach all nations and baptize them in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit," (this being) an indication against those who used to say that the spirit of the deities emanates onto the bodies so as to be a mediator between them and the worshippers. Moreover, our lords the Apostles made innumerable signs which magicians cannot make, such as the raising of the dead, the lifting up of the crippled, the healing of the blind (f. 50a) and the mad. Their turning (into healthy bodies) is easy unto God, the Exalted. They shattered the idols and destroyed the temples (?). All miracles that the apostles were doing, they were doing them with these three attributes, namely the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit - because they were called by them (the gentiles) "the triunity", because they used to say: "The Creator is the spirit of the celestial sphere." This is found in the book of al-Istāmāsīs. The wise Aristotle said: "There was in the clime of Mercury a man whom the spirit of Mercury had clothed. He was called Afrīdūn the wise, and he was a wise king. Mercury said to him: 'I am choosing you and assuming you as a wise man for me, and I am clothing you with a spirit that will abide with you. I am making you my cultic leader, but you shall make for me a fixed feast. Gather all the people of your reign and call them to (follow) me! (f. 50b) If you (and your people) do that, I shall emanate my spirit upon you, and I shall give you what you demand.' In the morning, Afrīdūn informed the high officials of his state and the people of his reign about the whole vision which he had seen. The people of that clime belonged to different religions, and they did as he had told them. A spirit came, like a torch of fire, and spoke thus: 'O Afrīdūn, behold I am staying with you and helping you in your affair against them.'" Here is Christ the Lord, in the grace of the Holy Spirit which alighted upon the disciples in the upper room of Zion and annulled the spirit of Afrīdūn and his satanic stratagems, with the power of the Holy Spirit and the life-giving spirit of God.
We will also inform you about what Afrīdūn did and (what) God (did) against him, by means of the prophet Moses. The spirit spoke through Afrīdūn and said: "(You are) my clime and my share (f. 51a), and I shall clothe you with my spirit, my rule and my direction. I am making one my spirits between me and you. So protect it and keep it from impurities and filth, and conceal it from the eyes of the common people. When you want anything, enter and ask the spirit, and I shall give that to you." Afrīdūn ordered that a spacious house be cleaned up and a golden throne be placed in it. The people in the house were to offer seven goats. The goats were then skinned and their fat was put around the table. He made special prayers, whilst incensing with that incense. He then took the meat, brought it out and ordered that it be cooked, and he prepared enough bread for the people of that country. When he did that, and invoked those names, that spirit appeared in its well-known form. It made laws and norms for it and ordered that (f. 51b) it shoulb be served by four beautiful youths whose faces are free from hair. Then that spirit remained inside that place, sniffing the fat of that meat. Then Afrīdūn ate, and he ordered them to eat quietly, in silence and without speaking. He ordered that whatever remained of it they should carry it to their houses and distribute it among their households.
God (was) against them by means of Moses, and annulled their action. Firstly, he appeared to Moses from the fire, then he ordered Moses to make the Dome of Time. He ordered that in its midst he should make a stove altar, when the fire of the spirit descended towards it. He charged the sons of Aaron to guard it, and ordered him to sacrifice sacrificial offerings and to put the fat around that place, upon the fire which was on the altar, and to bring out the meat (f. 52a) to the house, and to cook (it) and eat from it quietly and soberly. Then the people, those present, stayed. "O my brethren, consider the greatness of our Lord, how he annihilated the deeds of those who worshipped others instead of him, with his powerful force and the vivifying Spirit of his holiness.
We will also instruct you, brethren, that which the dissidents and the averse have done, and how our Lord opposed them because of it. Aristotle said to Alexander, on his way to the country of the Persians: "You ought to know, O King, that the country of the Persians is extensive and has desolate wastes and dry deserts. Your army is a tremendous one and great in number, and you must have with you talismans which help you attain the desired goal and facilitate for you your great affairs. It is (the following): make an ark of iron (f. 52b) and put inside it a statue made of iron, gold, silver, and copper in your image, and an iron statue representing your armies riding on horses, and make statues of bent lead (?), with its hand (turned) backwards, and in the other hand a lance of lead, reversed backwards. Everyone shall have a bow with broken chord. You shall put between the two of them, in the ark, an iron veil - I mean, between your armies and their enemies - then offer a sacrifice and incense to Bandarītūs, king of the talismans, and glorify and magnify him profusely. Then you shall take it with you wherever you go - with you and with your soldiers - and wherever you go, you shall put the ark in front of you, and nobody shall touch it, except you. Whoever is present with you and offers incense to Bandarītūs, you and whoever is with you shall be safe from all the enemies (f. 53a) and the adversaries."
God, the Exalted, opposed him when he said to Moses: "Make an ark and place in it the tablet of the covenant, the staff of Moses and Aaron, and the container of the manna. Nobody shall touch it, except the priests from the tribe of Levi. Wherever you go to fight the enemies, the priests shall carry the ark in front of the soldiers, glorifying and jubilating, and they shall return behind them (behind the soldiers) and they (your enemies) shall be broken and the movements of their hands shall be lax." Consider, our brethren, the people of God: God annulled with this ark - made on the command of God - the power of the ark made in the name of Bandarītūs, the enemy of God. Consider, our brethren, the wisdom, the power, and the marvels of God.
Moreover we inform you (about the following): Aristotle said to Alexander: "Make four talismans; one of them will make waters gush out in the desolate steppes (f. 53b) and the dry deserts. And it (works in this way): you shall take such and such (a quantity of) lead, and such (a quantity of) gold and make it in such and such a form, and offer a sacrifice to Bandarītūs. When you settle in the dry deserts, put this talisman on your right hand and you shall say this incantation. Offer a sacrifice, there, and burn incense to Bandarītūs. He shall make waters from springs gush out for you, whatever is sufficient to you and to your army, and (the waters) will flow over the face of the earth."
God opposed him with his saying to Moses - when thirst got hold of the people in the desert - Our Lord said to Moses: "O Moses, strike the rock with your staff and it will make water to gush out for the people to drink - they, their riding beasts and their small cattle." Moses did that, and God ordered that stone to be carried wherever they went and wherever they settled. Why did God do this? (f. 54a) Because the people of the Children of Israel were magnifying the gods of the peoples and were inclined towards their worship, because of what they heard about them concerning strange magical matters, and the minds of the Children of Israel inclined towards them.
Aristotle also said to Alexander: "Moreover, O Alexander, there shall be with you talismans preventing fatigue, barefootedness, sicknesses and diseases." The powerful God opposed them by the staying of the Children of Israel for forty years in the desert, safe from sicknesses, accidents and diseases. Their garments did not get torn, neither the shoes of their feet, and their riding beasts did not get tired. He covered them from the sun by the cloud, and at night by the column of fire.
Aristotle also said to him: "Make a trnj (?) fat which will repell the savage beasts, the snakes, the vipers, the insects and the harmful beasts of prey." (f. 54b)God opposed him when he said to Moses: "Make a snake of copper and put it on the head of a lance. Whoever is bitten by a snake shall look at this copper snake and shall be healed. And likewise (they will be safe from) all the harmful animals and the damaging insects." As he said in Ps[alm] 90 that he who relies on God "... shall tread upon the asp and the viper, and shall trample the lion and the dragon, because he has hoped in me, and I shall deliver him, save him and protect him."
He (Aristotle) also told him: "Make a talisman, so that when you enter a city, and its inhabitants escape from you and enter inside their fortresses, fortifying themselves, and keeping themselves inaccessible to you with their stratagems, on a Sunday night you shall place that ark containing the talismans and ask Bandārītūs, and he shall open for you the city without fighting." God opposed him by means of Joshua son of (f. 55a) Nūn. The people of Jericho escaped from him and fortified their fortresses. He ordered the priests to carry the ark of the covenant and to go around the city for six days. On the seventh day, in the morning, the priests carried the ark and Joshua said: "Raise your voices, for God gave you this country!" So they shouted to God, the Exalted, and went around the city, and the seven walls of the city fell and its inhabitants were exterminated.
Aristotle also said to Alexander: "Take a pearl, make it a stone for your ring, put it in your finger and all the people shall obey you. When you seal a letter with your seal to one of the kings, and send it to him, he will not disobey you. You shall offer a sacrifice to Bandarītūs so that he may expedite the granting of your necessity." God opposed him when Joshua went up from the Jordan and the people (f. 55b) were carrying the ark of the covenant in which there was the stone engraved by the finger of God. And they went to the country of their enemies. He said: "When the ark went up, and the Amorites and the Canaanites heard (this) their hearts melted out of fear, as is mentioned in the fifth book: "One Israeli defeats one hundred, and one hundred defeat myriads."
Then we will follow this (account) with a little of that with which God opposed the nations, through our Lord Jesus Christ. We shall, then, instruct you also (that) Alexander asked Aristotle saying: "From which types of spirits is Bandarītūs?" Aristotle said to him: "He is a spirit born from 'Adyūs, the spirit of the moon, and Māmūs, the spirit of Jupiter. That is because 'Adyūs is from the clime of Jupiter and Istahmāmūs, and from it was born (f. 56a) Bandārītūs, the lord of the talismans." And the wise and the philosophers used to magnify Bandārītūs and offer him sacrifices, and they would magnify him exceedingly. This was still going on in their minds until our Lord Jesus Christ, the Saviour of humanity, opposed him with his birth and his baptism, and (with) the breaking of the idols and the destruction of the temples (?), and with his power he annulled the demons' deeds and those cults. In compensation for the birth of Bandārītūs from the spirit of Jupiter, He was born from a pure virgin by means of the Holy Spirit, without seed, and he came (among us) united with the Word of God the Exalted. That (happened) with the annunciation of the angel to our lady the Virgin Mary, peace be upon her. He said to her: "The Holy Spirit shall alight upon you and the power of the Most High shall overshadow you, because he who is born (f. 56b) from you will be called the Most Holy and the Son of God."
We shall also inform you concerning Saturn. Saturn emanated seventy-two of its spirits onto seventy-two men, and taught them sorcery and magic to attract people by sorcery, incantations and talismans. The Lord Jesus Christ opposed them with seventy-two evangelizers and twelve Apostles and sent them to the countries of the earth to attract the people to the worship of God the Exalted. When he sent them out (to preach), he said to them: "Heal the sick, make straight the crippled and expel the demons. Freely have you taken, and freely shall you give." With his saying "expel the demons" He gave them the power to annul the movement of the talismans.
Know that the book of al-Istāmāsīs attested that every one (f. 57a) of the spirits of the seven planets has channels in the human bodies. Firstly, the spirit of the Sun runs in seven veins of the mind. The spirit of the moon runs in seven veins of the lung and the throat, and the spirit of Jupiter in seven veins of the heart. The spirit of Mercury runs in seven veins of the liver, the spirit of Mars runs in seven veins of the gall bladder, and the spirit of Saturn runs in seven veins of the spleen. The spirit of Venus runs in seven veins of the kidney. He said: "The veins of these parts are interconnected and interpose each other. That is similar to the constitutions of the macrocosm and the upper celestial sphere. (f. 57b) And for this reason man has been called the microcosm." And these defiled diabolic spirits continued flowing in these mentioned veins to mislead humanity. Therefore Christ enacted the law of baptism which is bathing in holy water, to expel, with the Spirit of God, the evil spirits. It ordered that the person to be baptized should be anointed with holy oil on the head, the liver, the heart and the kidney, and the rest of the human parts (a lacuna?) which distinguish the mentioned parts, and the mentioning of the cross of Christ when they are anointed. It ordered the godfather to say: "I renounce you, Satan, and all your power, all your filthy commands and your bad sayings." Its completion is (found in) what is written in (f. 58a) the book of baptism. Then the priest blows over his mouth (i.e. the mouth of person baptized) to expel, with the Holy Spirit, all the defiled spirits. Then (Christ) enacted the law of the sacrifice: the holy bread which is the body of Christ and his blood, born of the Holy Spirit, so as to flow, always, in the channels of the aforementioned parts, thus avoiding the arrival and settlement of the bad spirits and the diabolic thoughts, and so that the bodies acquire an overpowering force. For this reason Christ the Lord said to those who become defiled after baptism: "The unclean spirit, when it leaves man, wanders in waterless regions looking for rest, but it finds none, and it says: 'I will return to my house from which I came out.' And it will come and it will find it empty, swept and (f. 58b) put in order. It will (then) go and take seven spirits more evil than itself, and the end of that person will be worse than his beginning." And he made clear that whatever wanders in the aforementioned seven parts of the entire body in the unclean diabolic spirits (a lacuna?)
As regards the sect of the Magians, we also mention to you what Zoroaster did in the days of 'Adyūn (sic), the eighty-second king since Adam. He opened the temples of fire and made manifest miracles which attracted souls to obey him. Among his signs (he used to do the following): he used to be where the people were, so that they find themselves in the temples of fire, and those who look on think that they got burnt. All that was an act of magic. After (some) time the people were seeing that they (f. 59a) were at fault when they were in their temples, as attested in the Book of ZBHR and in other books of the Magians. Zoroaster also said this to his disciples: "Whoever does not eat my body and drink my blood, and mixes with me and I mix with him, he shall not have salvation." When his deeds became great and his call spread throughout existence, they boiled him and drank his brew (?). Christ the Lord, the Saviour of the world, opposed them with the true resuscitation of the dead, the healing of sicknesses and diseases, the cleaning of the lepers and the evildoers, the healing of the chronically ill and the disarticulated, the expulsion of demons and the annulment of the works of Zoroaster from all existence. At the end, our Lord said to his disciples: "Whoever eats my body and drinks my blood, he shall have perpetual life."
He also said, opposing him (Zoroaster?): "Whoever wants to save his life, let him lose it, (f. 59b) and whoever loses his life for my sake and for the sake of my Gospel, shall save it." Then, after that, the Christian believers changed concerning his love (?): a people with the sword and a people with fire, and so on, being certain of their rising from death to life everlasting.
He also ordered the Apostles, saying to them: "Go, teach all the nations and baptize them in the name of the Father, of the Son and of the Holy Spirit." When he sent them to the country of the Jews, in which his name was known, they did not address them with this expression (?), but he ordered them, first, telling them: "Go to the surrounding lands, in the Jordan, and announce to them the good news of the kingdom of God, to whom befits glory and thanksgiving, now and always and for ever and ever, Amen."
He said: "And the divine Book said (f. 60a): 'And Moses came to the enemy, and all the messengers after him, and none of them returned to the worship of the Exalted. Even the Children of Israel, his own people, most of them were secretly worshipping the idols and prostrating themselves before the stars, as attested in the books of the Law. They took for themselves the calf and prostrated themselves before it, saying: This is your god, O Israel, who brought you out of the land of Egypt.'" That (happened) when Moses was (still) present (among them), because they relied on verifying things by the appearance of their senses, and the concealment of the worshipped (deity) from their eyes, and (because of) their inclination towards the worship of idols and the visible things whose existence they can be see. Therefore they worshipped the planets and the celestial bodies whose existence can be demonstrated, and on account of the appearance of their traces and effects. (f. 60b) So they renounced its (i.e. creation's) Originator and its Creator, because of his concealment from their eyes. And on account of his superabundant compassion and mercy towards them, and because he knows that, whenever his existence is not proven by the evidence which comes from the senses, they do not grasp his existence at all, he made himself in human forms to the prophets who were sent to them. The Exalted took upon himself the bodily characteristics and the requirements of humankind. So he appeared to some of them in the form of a whole man sitting upon the seat of the Cherubim, and to some he appeared sitting on the throne, and to Abraham (he appeared) in the form of a man crossing his camp. The Torah said: "And God spoke to Moses face to face, as a man speaks to his friend." And he said in the Torah: "And God descended in the pillar of cloud and stood above the Dome of the Testimony (i.e. the tabernacle)."
(f. 61a) Concerning the ten commandments written in the stone tablets, he said that they were written by the finger of God." Thereupon he said to Moses: "Tell the Children of Israel: 'Today you have heard him who spoke to you from the pillar of cloud. So do not take for yourselves idols.'"
As regards his characterization with human organs, such as the eye, the hand, and the emotional states, such as anger and satisfaction, much is as was written and known. All of that (happens) in order that the Exalted may assert his presence among them by that which is familiar to them. So they worshipped him, as was appropriate, because the Exalted has body members and organs! May he be exalted far above that! When the prophets and messengers succeeded each other, and the people did not renounce their worship of the idols, the celestial bodies, the planets and the animals, (f. 61b) God, the Exalted, warned them that the day shall come when he shall make a most clear appearance. You should know that when God, the Exalted, imposed the law of justice, he supported it with signs (miracles) and, through it, called upon the Children of Israel to affirm only his divinity and existence. He did not expect too much of them concerning that. And since they did not know him as they should, but in most cases they were secretly worshipping idols and offering incense to the planets of the sky, and doing what is not allowed legally and mentally, as attested in the books of the law, he threatened them, through the prophets, that he would cut them off from his aid, and that he would bring forth a nation, instead of them, which would always praise him, and whose conscience will not need the existence of anybody else (apart from God), as he said through (next folio) the prophet... (end of MS).
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Gerasimos, Apology (extract from Ms. Beirut 548 p.243-271) (2008)
Gerasimos, Apology (extract from Ms. Beirut 548 p.243-271) (2008)
[Translated by Sam Noble]
[The following item appears in Beirut, Saint-Joseph University manuscript 548, pp.243-271. It is an extract from book 4 of the 5-book apology of Gerasimus, abbot of the monastery of St. Simeon the Wonderworker near Antioch, and contains a collection of sayings by pagans predicting the teaching of Christ.]
In the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, one God.
We begin with the help of God- may He be exalted- to write the words of the excellent father Gerasimos, abbot of the monastery of Simeon Stylites. He compiled a book and named it al-Kafi fi al-Ma'na al-Shafi and gathered within it testimonies from the Old and New [Testaments], from all the religions, from the books of the sages and the [illegible] and the book of the Muslims which confirm the true religion. Here we copy them. The Old and New [Testaments] we have with us, but the testimonies of the Muslims and [illegible], are not with us and here we copy them with God's help.
We say: the testimonies to the unity of God's substance which is exalted above every substance.
The wise Sybille said: One is God, may He be exalted. His greatness is not varied. He alone sees all, though He is not seen by any mortal body.
Plato: All these are a part of time that was and will be. However, it is not proper for us to attribute these to the eternal substance because we say that it was and it also will be. Rather, what is appropriate for it in true and precise language is that it is only a verbal expression, as 'was' and 'will be' must be predicated upon being in time.
Also among what he wrote to Dionysius about God the Father: Because the existence of all of this and its maker is difficult to grasp, if He exists speech about Him is forbidden to all people because He is not like all the other things.
From the fourth book of Cyrus about the One God and that He does not have a name: There is no name for Him and human knowledge does not grasp Him.
[illegible] said: because He has no need for anything, not for a part nor substance nor words, nor deeds. Rather, He is the cause of all these things.
From the words of Hermes Trismegistos about God: Here is what I recounted about the One God alone. Nothing at all of Him is reached. We say that He is unattainable.
Antisianus: He is not known from the image of his likeness1 and is not seen with the eye. He resembles nothing. Therefore no one can grasp Him from the image of His likeness.
Xenophon: It is evident that the One who shakes all though He is unmoved is a great and powerful god. Any thing is subordinate with regard to form. One who wishes to know the lacking as manifest is in need of faith.
Socrates: O excellent one, we do not need to think about what the many say about us. Rather, we need to heed the righteous and the hypocrites. He is one and the truth itself.
Also Plato: That which the treatise on definition arranges is the god of the beginning. What is below it is the gods.
Tatawus Allakrus: The beginning of all is one and He is not part of being, because if He was under being He is not a beginning.
On the hypostasis of the Son the Word.
Plato: The eternally emanating essence of the Father which does not change or cease has a personal will and power. From it the eternal word took substance and upon its taking substance it alone governed all and graced the giver with the same governance.
Also from him: I swear by the chief of all the gods under existence and the [illegible] their being. After Him are the chief and His son the Lord. He is the one whom you will know if you rightly philosophize.
Aristotle: God's nature is not overcome and its being has no beginning. From it the word took substance, the God who is powerful over all.
From his fourth philosophical book: He came out before all ages from God the cause, complete since he is begotten in himself because his coming out did not only become a movement of that in the begetting2.
Arfaqus: I swear to you O sky, the perfect work of God is wisdom. I swear to you by the word of the Father who by it established the world.
Hermes: The word of the creator is like an eternal begetting, moving in itself without increasing or decreasing. It does not change and does not decay. He alone resembles and is equal to himself, standing upright, steadfast and watchful. He is one after the god the knowledge of whom is prior.
Numithius: God the creator should be thought of as a father, the first god.
The man given to Pharaoh, king of Egypt, in the time of Moses: When Pharoah, whose name was Batsunius, king of Egypt, became enraged with Moses at the release of the People he immediately went to the city of Munif, to the famous temple. When he made a sacrifice he asked the Thibia, saying thus: 'Inform me who the first among you is, the great god of Israel.' So he gave an oracle thus: 'In the great heavens there is a fire that surpasses description, eternally moving and immortal. The earth, the sea, and the depths are shaken by it and the demons are drowned by it. This is a god, the ruler of all, a father to a son, threefold not one. As for us, we are after3 the angels. Go silently.'
Plutarch: Do not conceive of something prior to the cause of all, may it be exalted. From everything which is from every other thing is something else like it because it necessitates a change in it.
Babunius:4 From one intellect and the word which is from it aroseand was differentiated all of this.
Bukididus: The nature of God's begetting is always power and it has no first. From Him himself the word took substance from the one with three hypostases.
Porphyry: The substance of God goes out to three hypostases: the lofty and righteous god, the one who is after him and second to him, the creator, and the third is the soul of the world.
Hermes: In himself he has not ceased to be in his own intellect. His light and his spirit enclose all.
Also by him: There is no god besides him, and no angel and no demon and no other substance because he is the lord and father of all and his is god, source, life, power, light, intellect, and spirit. All is with him and under him.
Another oracle given to Tudi, king of Egypt, in the temple of Africa: First is a god, then after him is a word and a spirit is with them. These agree in nature and their progress is towards the one.
Anthimus: God, the word, and the spirit are together. They do not cease to be one thing, one substance, and one majesty.
The sermon of Darius the Wise: The three divine names are from the power of the one whose lordship is singular, whom no one has seen. He is the cause of all that has being and the cause of all that has a body.
Hermes: I swear to you O sky by the father, the creator of wisdom, the divider of reason and intelligence. I swear to you by the word which created, perfected, caused confusion, and steadied. I swore to you by the spirit which divided the water and formed all that is in it.
When they passed to the house prepared in the city of Muriqus, someone said to them 'who is a man like?' Philo said, 'Know that this house is for a god one and threefold and for his word unbound and unperceived.
What follows this afterwards in the testimonies which pertain to the incarnation of the word:
Philo also: What do you claim? Philo claimed5 one god with three names. One of them is the First Cause. The second is Power. The third is Wisdom pouring out upon all. The second is the word which creates all and the third is the life-giving soul.
The statement on the birth of our lord Christ.
Amilius the philosopher: One who aspires to becoming a philosopher must possess continence and distance himself from all evils and his action must be upright. When you philosophize thus then you will know the name and the one letter and you will behold the son of God who is free of passion and will become manifest.
The words of Sybille the Wise: The maiden will come and with her the heavenly word.
[illegible] The king Manidus gave an oracle and said, 'The word of God the pre-eternal Father will come in the body.' The king said, 'from which womb or from which seed will this appear?' He said to him, 'from the womb of a pure young maiden of short stature, with a light, shining complexion.' The king said to him, 'So without seed or sexual relations?' He said, 'By the wisdom foretold with the father. Then this body will be crucified and at that time doubts will come and minds will weaken.' His disciple said to him, 'Who sowed the seed about whom much will be said and discussed?' He said, 'The hidden will of God shall appear, my son.'
He pronounced another oracle that the word which was born perfect, who is the son and creator and maker came down and was born by a woman and roused the blind.
Dimilitus pronounced an oracle and said, 'The word was with God and was God and made all with his hand. When he came down and was clothed in a robe of flesh man looked upon him and he revealed the substance of the majesty of the divine nature and he was as he was before his coming down.
Severus: In the fifth age the youth will come from the south whose mother was not touched by man. The king will resist him and the children will be killed in the land of Judah for his sake.
Philon: The son of God will come in the flesh, resembling the mortals of the earth.
[illegible] Hermes pronounced an oracle: Hermes, when Pharaoh asked him at the time of his worshipping the star known as Saturn to give him an oracle and to tell him who is greater than it. He said, 'Pardon me,' and he did not pardon him. Then he said, 'Greater and more magnificent is the one who treads upon the heavens. His robe is eternal light and his rays do not change or diminish. He is not disturbed and is not penetrated. Before him are two blazing fires and he is the pre-eternal God and the eternal father. The divine nature is his and from him and in him. He has no father before him. He has a son from him and in him who is from no one but him. Pharaoh set this down on stone tablets and erected them in the temple which is in the city of Murikus. Time passed, and each one said 'this house is mine.' Their grandees gathered and accepted Philon. He pronounced an oracle and said, 'know that this house belongs to one threefold god and his unbounded and imperceptible word. I see a virgin girl with child and it is like a light coming from her. The one born will frequent this house. Then he will be offered as a sacrifice.
Aristotle said: The uncreated is created and the created is uncreated. The father is a father and the son is a son and the one is three. One incorporealbecame incarnate a land which gave birth to the maker of heaven.
Apollo: Do all that leads towards the good and the beautiful. I will confirm three times the one, king of exaltedness, God whose wisdom and word do not decay. He will be born with them from a virgin girl and they will pass through the world like a bow blazing with fire. He will catch all and will offer it as a gift to the father.
On statements about the holy passions of Christ
Solon: In the end, he will come to the earth which is variegated in multiplicity and become flesh, free of sin. Within him will be the power of the unconquered divine nature to heal incurable ailments. For the sake of this he will be born in an unbelieving people in the flesh and will be persecuted by them and hung on a piece of wood.
Giun: At a certain time there will come to this drowning world a certain person free from sin and he will be born in the body without passion afflicting the divine nature. He will heal the corruption of incurable passions and the unbelieving people will be jealous of him. He will be crucified as one condemned to death and by this pleased all with his meekness.
From the stories of the people of the city of Athens: The wise men of the city of Athens upon seeing the darkness which fell during the passions of our Lord Christ asked Dionysius the Areopagite, who was still a pagan, 'O teacher, what do you say about this darkness, because we have determined the correct paths of the sun and moon but we cannot determine the cause [of this].' He said to them, 'The Son of God was slandered by a people.'
Sagharklis on the response of the houses of idols: The god who made the long heaven and earth is one, while mortals are many and wandering in the heart. We have set up idols of stone and brass and images from works of gold and ivory. We offer to them wondrous sacrifices and feasts and think that in this way we perform proper worship.
Porphyry of Tyre said: Now you are surprised if a plague afflicts a city of this size for years, [but] it is because Asclepios and the rest of the gods have no presence and Jesus is honored for no one is granted a deceitful benefit from the gods.
From one of the stories of the Romans: In the fifty-fifth year of the rule of Augustus, he went to the temple and performed a sacrifice. He asked who will rule the Romans after him but he was not given a response by the pythia. He made another sacrifice and asked, 'why do you not speak?' and this was said to him: 'A Hebrew child will take precedence over me as he is a gracious and powerful god. He will spur me on to leave this place and everything attached to it.
From an oracle of Apollo al-Daqnuni: When the maidservants of the temple of Apollo asked him 'Why do you no longer give inspiration and knowledge like you used to?' he responded to them with this response: 'O ones more wretched than the other maidservants of my temples, it was not necessary to ask me this last question which inquires about the wondrous god and the breath of his divine nature which envelopes all creation which hangs from it like a bunch of grapes-- all creation, which is the stars and fire, the rivers and the lower frost, wind and light. [The divine nature] expelled me from Athens, from the temple which is here, and I did not desire this. The works of my three-legged stand which I retain today are emboldened to lose me. Apollo has perished and is extinguished, since the human and heavenly man is angered at me and the one who has suffered is a god and his divine nature itself did not suffer.
The end of what I can explain of the statements of the sages about the truth of the religion of Christ, which is the religion of the Christians, praise be to God forever.
بسم الاب والابن والروح القدس الاه واحد نبتدي بعون الله تعالى نكتب قول الاب الفاضل جراسيموس رييس دير سمعان العمودي صنف كتاب وسماه الكافي في المعنا الشافي وجمع فيه شواهد من العتيقة والحديثة ومن ساير الاديان على تثبيت دين الحق ومن كتب الحكما و وكتاب المسلمين وها نحن كاتبوها: اما كتب العتيقة والحديثة فهي موجودة عندنا وامّا شواهد المسلمين و ليست عندنا وها نحن نكتبها بعون الله فنقول الشهادات على وحدانية جوهر الله المتعالي على كل جوهر قالت سبيلة الحكيمة واحد هو الله تعالى عضمه غير متلوّن هو وحده ناظر الكل وامّا هو فما ينظر من كل جسد مايت افلاطن جميع هذه جزو من زمان كان ويكون واما نحن فما يستقيم لنا ان ناتي بهذه على الجوهر الازلي لانّا نقول انه كان وهو ويكون وامّا اللايق بذلك بمقتضى القول الحقيقي فلفظة هو فقط واما كان ويكون ويجب ان يقالان على الكون في الزمان وله ايضاً مما كتبه الى ذيونيسيوس عن الله الاب لان وجود هذا جميعه وصانعه وادراكه عسر هو فاذا وجد فالحديث فيه عند الكافة فممتنع لان ليس هو كباقي التعاليم من كتاب كريس الرابع عن الاله الواحد وان لااسم له لا اسم يقع عليه ولا معرفة بشرية تدركه لانه لا يحتاج الى شي من الاشيا لا الى جزا ولا الى جوهر ولا قول ولا افعال لكنه انما هو علة لهذه الاشيا جميعها من كلام هرمس المثلث في التعظيم في الله فاذا ما رويت في ذلك الاله الواحد وحده ولا يحصل على شي منه البتّة نقول انه ممتنع انتيسيا نوس من صورة تمايله لا يعرف وبعين لا يرى ولا يشبه شياً فلاجل هذا لا يقوا احد ان يدركه من صورة تماثله كسونوفن ان الذي يزعزع الكل ولو لا يتحرك ظاهر هو الاه عظيم وقوي واما اي شي هو من حيث الصورة فغليب هو فمن احب اذاً ان يعرف العديم ان يكون ظاهر محتاج هو الى امانة سقراط فاذاً ايها الفاضل ما يجب علينا ان نفكّر فيما تقول الكثيرون عنّا لكن ان نسامع الصديقين والمنافقين واحد هو والحق نفسه افلاطن ايضاً امّا ما تنظّمه رسالة الحدّ فالاه الابتدا وما دونها فالهة تطاوس اللكروس مبدا الكل واحد وهو غير متكون لانه ان كان تحت الكون فليس هو مبدا واماعن قنوم الابن الكلمة افلاطن عين الاب المتدفقة دايماً التي لا تحول ولا تزول لها ارادة قوّة ذاتية منها تجوهرت الكلمة الازلية القوية وعند تجوهرها وحدها راست الكل واكرمت المعطي بنفس الرياسة وله ايضاً انا اقسم برييس جميع الالهة الذي تحت الوجود والمستا كونهم وبعده الرييس وابنه الرب هذا الذي ستعرفونه ان انتم تفلسفتم مستقيماً ارسطاطاليس تبعيعة الله لا تقهر ولا ابتدا لكونها ومنها تجوهرت الكلمة الاله القادر على كل شي ومن كتابه الرابع الفلسفي فخرج من قبل كل الدهور من الله العلة متكاملاً اذ هو في ذاته مولود لانه ليس انما صار خروجه محركة من ذلك في الولادة ارفقس اقسم عليك ايتها السماء صنعة الله الكاملة الحكمة اقسم عليك بكلمة الاب الذي الذي بها وطد العالم هرمس ان كلمة الباري كولود ازلي متحرك في ذاته لا يزداد ولا ينقص ولا يتغير ولا يفسد وهو وحده شبيه ومساوي لذاته مستوي حسن الثبات حسن الترتيب واحد هو بعد الاله المتقدمة معرفته نوميثيوس وامّا الاله الخالق فيجب ان يعتقد له اباً الاله الاول الرجل المعطى لفرعون ملك مصر في زمان موسى ان فرعون الذي كان اسمه بتصونيوس ملك مصر لما انغاظ من جهة موسى في اطلاق الشعب للحين مضى الى مدينة منف الى المعبد الشايع ذكره وعندما ضحى استخبر من الثيبيا قايلاً هكذا اخبرني من هو الاول فيكم الذي هو الاه اسرايل المعظم فاعطى زجراً هكذا ان في السموات العظيمة نار تجوز الوصف دايمة الحركة غير مايتة التي منها ترجف الارض والبحر والاغماق ومنها تغرق الجن هذا الاه ضابط الكل اب لابن هذا مثلثاً ليس واحد وامّا نحن فجر من الملايكة اذهب صامتاً بلوطرخس لا تعقل شي اقدم من علة الكل تعالى كل من كل اخر منه مثله اخر لانه يوجب غير به ببونيوس من عقل واحد ومن الكلمة التي منه قام هذا جميعه وافترق بوكيديدوس طبيعة ولادة الله دايماً القوة وليس لها اول ومنه نفسه تجوهرت الكلمة عن المثلثة الاقانيم برفيرويوس انّ جوهر الله تخرج الى ثلثة اقانيم الاله الاعلى الصالح والذي بعده وثانيه الخالق والثالث نفس العالم هرمس في ذاته لم يزل دايماً في عقل ذاته ونوره وروحه تحتوي على الكل وله ايضاً ليس الاه سواه ولا ملاك ولا جنّي ولا جوهر اخر لانه للكل ربّاً واب والاه وينبوع وحياة وقوة ونور وعقل وروح والكل معه وتحته زجر اخر اعطى لتودي ملك مصر في معبد افريقية اولاً الاه ثم من بعده كلمة وروح معهما وهذه فمتفقة في الطبيعة ومصيرتهما الى واحد انثيموس الله والكلمة والروح معا ولم يزالوا وهم شياً واحد وجوهر واحد وعظمة واحدة خطبة ذاريوس الحكيم الاسما الثلثة الالهية من قوة الواحد المتفرد الربوبية ذاك الذي لم يراه احد وهو علة كل متكون وسبب كل متجسد هرمس اقسم عليك ايتها السماء بالاب خالق الحكمة وقاسم العقل والفطنة اقسم عليك بالكلمة التي خلقت فاتقنت وحيّرت فاحكمت اقسمت عليك بالروح التي فرقت على الماء وجبلت كلما فيه ولما جازوا في البيت المنصوب في مدينة موريقس فقيل كمن هو رجل لهم فيلن قال اعلموا ان هذا البيت لاله واحد مثلّث وكلمته غير محدودة ولا محسوسة وما يتبع ذلك فيما بعد عند الشهادات التي تناسب في تجسد الكلمة فيكن ايضاً وفيماذا تدعي وفيلن نفر بالاه واحد ذي ثلثة اسماء الواحد منها العلة الاولة والثاني القوة والثالث الحكمة الفايضة على الكل والثانية الكلمة الخالقة الكل والثالثة النفس واهبة الحياة القول في ميلاد سيدنا المسيح اميليوس الفيلسوف يجب على من رام ان يصير فيلسوف ان يقتني العفة ويبتعد من جميع الشرور وان يكون فعله مستقيماً فاذاما تفلسقت هكذا حينيذ تعرف الاسم والحرف الواحد وتعاين ابن الله الكلمة العرية من الالم العتيدة ان تظهر وان كلام سبيلة الحكيمة سوف تاتي الجارية ومعها الكلمة السمايية ايضاً زجر منيدوس الملك وقال تظهر كلمة الله الاب القديم بالجسد فقال الملك من اي الارحام او من اي الزروع تظهر هذه فقال له من رحم جارية فتاة مقتصدة القامة شقراة اللون بهية طاهرة فقال له الملك فبلا زرع ولا مباضعة قال بالحكمة المكتوبة عند الاب ثم يصلب هذا الجسد وعند ذلك تقع الشكوك وتفسد الظنون قال له تلميذه فمن زرع هذا الزرع الذي من اجله يكثر الاقوال والمجاوبة قال ارادة الاب المستورة ظهرت يا ابني وقال زجرة اخر ان الكلمة الذي ولد كاملاً وهو ابن وخالق وصانع هبط وحمل في امراة وازعج الاميا ديميليطس زجر وقال كان الكلمة عند الله والله كان وبيده عمل الكل ولما هبط وتردا بردا اللحم وانظهر اليه انسان واظهر جوهر جلالة اللاهوت فهو كان قبل نزوله وسويرس في العصر الخامس يظهر من التيمن الفتى الذي ولدته لم يمسها رجل ويقاومه الملك وتقتل من اجله الاطفال ببلد يهوذا فيلن ابن الله ياتي وقد تجسد وتشبه باموات الارض زجر هرمس لان هرمس حيث ساله فرعون وقت تعبيده للكوكب المعروف بزحل ان يزجر له ويعرفه من هو اكبر منه قال اعفني ايها الملك فلم يعفيه فقال اكبر منه وعظم هو الذي يطا السماء ورداه النور الدايم وشعاعه لا تستحيل ولا يضمحل ولا يتكدر ولا ينفذ وامامه نيران تتوقدان وهو الاله القديم والاب الازلي اللاهوت له ومنه وفيه وليس له اب بقدمه وله ابن منه وفيه لا من سواه فاثبت ذلك فرعون في الواح من حجارة ونصبها في الهيكل الذي في مدينة موريكس ومضت الايام وكل يقول هذا البيت لي واجتمعوا اكابرهم ورضيوا بفيلن فزجر وقال اعلموا انّ هذا البيت لاله واحد مثلث وكلمته غير محدودة وغير محسوسة وارا جارية بكر تحبل وكالنار تظهر عنها ويحضر المولود في هذا البيت ثمّ يقرّب قرباناً وقال ارسطاطاليس القديم محدث والمحدث قديم والاب اب والابن ابن والواحد ثلثة واحداً غير متجسد فتجسد ارض ولدت الصانع السماء ابللن كل ما يسوق الى الفضيلة والجمال اصنعوا فانا اثبت ثلث مرات الواحدة ملك العلي الله الذي حكمته وكلمته لا تفسد وسيحبل بها من جارية عذرى وتسلك وسط العالم كالقوس الواقدة بالنار ويصيد الكل ويقدمه هدية للاب في القول عن ام المسيح المقدسة صولن في نهاية امره يصل الى الارض المتفرعة بالكثرة فيصير لحماً خلواً من خطية وهو في حدوده قوة اللاهوت الغير مقهورة ليحل من الام لا شفا لها فمن اجل هذا فولد في الشعب الكافر جسدا ويبتلي منهم وهو معلق على خشبة جيون سيفد وقت ما الى هذه الارض الكثيرة الغرق شخص ما خلواً من خطية ويولد بجسم من غير الم يعرض للاهوت ويحل فساد الالم التي لا شفا لها ويحسده الشعب الذي ليس بمومن ويصلب كمن حكم عليه بالموت ويرضي بذلك اجمع بوداعه ومن قصص اهل مدينة اثيناس ان حكما مدينة اثيناس لمّا روا تلك الظلمة الصايرة في الام سيدنا المسيح سالوا الذيونيسيوس الاروياجنيس وقد كان بعد حنفياً ما قولك يا معلم في هذه الظلمة لانّا قد حسينا حقيقة مسير الشمس والقمر ولم يمكنا ان نصيب السبب فقال لهم ان ابن الله يفتدي عليه من قوم وعن جواب بيوت الاصنام صغر كلس الاله واحد هو صنع السماء والارض الطولة والمايتون كثيرون تايهون في القلب انصبنا اصنام للالهة من الحجارة والنحاس ومن عمل الذهب والعاج رسوماً ونحن نقدم لها ذبايحاً ومافلاً عجيبة ونظن على هذه الصفة اننا نحسن العبادة قال برفيرس الصوري الان تعجبون انكان الو بالحق المدينة سنيناً هذا مقدارها لان من حيث لا حضور لاسكليبيوس ولا لباقي الالهة ويسوع يكرم ولا واحد يحسن بفايدة غاشة من الالهة من بعض قصص اخبار الروم في الخامس وخمسون سنة من ملك افغسطنس توجه الى معبد وعمل هناك ذبيحة وسال من هو الذي يملك على الروم بعده فلم يعطا جواب من البيثيا فعمل ذبيحة اخرى وسال لماذا لا يتكلم فقيل له هذه ان صبي عبراني يزعم عني وهو الاه طوبان متملك يحثني ان اترك هذا الموضع وما يتبع ذلك من زجر لكن الدقنوني ان حاد مات متجسد ابللن لما سالنه ما بالك ما تعمل ما كنت تعمله فيما سلف من الوحي والتعريف احابهنّ بهذا الجواب ايتهن الشقيات اكثر من خادمات باقي مساجدي ما كان ينبغي ان تسالنني عن هذا السوال الاخير المتقضي عن الاله العجيب وعن نسمة لاهوته الحاوية البرايا كلها التي تتعلق بها كالعنقود جميع البرايا التي هي كل النجوم والنور الانهار والزمهرير السفلى والهوا والنار التي طردتني اثينة المسجد الذي هاهنا ولم اكن لذلك موثراً وان ما بقا لي اليوم من افعال طستي الكبير ذي ثلثة الارجل تجسروا على فقدي هلك ابللن وباد اذ كان البشري والانسان السماوي غضبني والذي تالم فهو الاه ولاهوته بعينه فلم يتالم هذا نهاية ما امكن شرحه من اقاويل الحكما في تحقيق دين المسيح وهو دين النصارا ولله السبح الى الابد.
1 Reading تماثل for تمايل
2 This sentence is rather unclear in the Arabic, either due to a copyist's error or a clumsy translation from the Greek.
3 Tentativly reading فجرas فاخر
4 possibly to be corrected to Yunius?
5 This seems to be the sense here.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: al-majdalus_01_translation.htm
Al-Majdalus, Commentary on the Nicene Creed (2009)
Al-Majdalus, Commentary on the Nicene Creed (2009)
Al-Majdalus, Commentary on the Nicene Creed.
[Translated by Samuel Noble.] In the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit, one God. We begin with divine help and the assistance of the Holy Spirit to write the commentary on the Orthodox Creed which three hundred and eighteen blessed spiritual fathers set down by the grace of the Holy Spirit, as it was commented upon by the priest father Abu al-Majdalus, God rest his soul. May we benefit from the movement of his knowledge and his prayers, amen. May the copyist and the reader and the hearer be forgiven. Know, dear brother-- may God aid you with the Spirit of success and write your name in the Book of Life, the registry of the day of reckoning-- that when our three hundred eighteen fathers were aided by Christ and set down this creed according to how Christ deified them, Christ was with them at its setting down and they numbered three hundred nineteen when they sat on their seats. This is according to the words of Christ to them- 'two of you do not gather in my name without me being the third and not three without me being the fourth.' There is nothing in it which is not from the Law of Moses and the prophecies of the prophets, their blessings be upon us, amen. First, the believer says 'we believe in one God.' This expression is taken from the Law of Moses, since God said in it, 'hear O Israel, the Lord your God is one.' They began by confirming God's sole lordship, as in unity He is the God of every thing. No one is His partner, no likeness resembles Him, and no opposite rivals Him. In His eternal essence there is no mass and no breadth because mass is bounded by dimensions and dimension confines it and form touches it. The parts of that which is divided separate and what is described is bounded by its description, but the Absolutely One is not resembled by His works or comparable to His creature. He is not described except by the attributes of His eternity because He was Creator before every attribute and description. His essence is unrestricted and His work is unimpeded. He is veiled from intellects just as He is veiled from vision. He has no bounded description and no numbered time. Shortcomings and defects do not reach Him. Times and seasons do not change Him. Pre-eternal, He remains eternal. His existence has no beginning. Pre-eternal is an expression referring to one before whom there is nothing. The Absolutely One is an expression referring to one who has no second. Just as 'alif' is the first letter and nothing precedes it, the Creator—may He be praised—is the first without beginning, eternally existent with nothing before Him. Everything depends upon His will and comes out of His volition. Moses bore witness in his great Law and all the prophets in their prophecies to the oneness of God and the pre-eternity of His being eternal. God, may He be exalted, said in the Law, 'Hear, O Israel, I am the Lord your God who brought you out of the land of Egypt. Do not worship any god other than Me and do not bow to any god besides Me.' He also said, 'Look, look, I am He and there is no god other than Me. I cause death and I bring life. I strike and I heal. No one escapes from My hand.' The prophet Isaiah said, 'I am the first and the last. There is no god before Me nor will one come after Me.' The one is unique in oneness. No one shares in it. The prophet Isaiah said, 'You are the mighty God, the God of Israel who sits upon the cherubim. You alone are God over all the kingdoms of the earth.' The prophet Jeremiah said, 'Our Lord is one. We do not worship another with Him.' The Holy Gospel said, 'Bow to the Lord your God and worship Him alone.' The believer says: 'Father almighty, the Creator of heaven and earth, what is seen and what is not seen.' These words are taken from the prophecy of the prophet Zakariah, 'O children, love truth and goodness, said God almighty.' Our fathers made known to us that the God whose unity they confirmed and whose lordship they confessed is eternal, everlasting and that the eternal one is the master of all things and holds all in his lofty power and his lordly arrangements. He alone is singular in his creating and fashioning. He is singular in his bringing things into being and originating. Nothing similar resembles Him and no opposite rivals Him. He is the one who reveals and the one who causes to return. He is the master of all of his works through his greatness and their arranger through the loftiness of His word, sensible things of what is seen and intelligibles of what is unseen. Nothing leaves His governance and nothing evades His knowledge. He knows all knowable things and encompasses all created things. Nothing is dependant except on His will and nothing emerges except from His volition. He brought all extant things into being and is self-sufficient in His essence and in the perfection of His attributes. Limits do not confine Him and changes do not change Him. Those sent by Him, the prophets, and the saints, those close to Him, bear witness to this. Zachariah said, 'God almighty says these things: Lo I shall save My people from the eastern and western ends of the earth. I will lead them into their land and settle them amidst Jerusalem.' The prophet Nahum said, 'O Judah, lo I shall come and dwell in you, said God almighty.' As for their saying 'father,' the prophet David said, 'as a father has mercy on his children, so likewise the Lord has mercy on those who fear Him.' He also said, 'I will be a father to him, and he will be a son to Me.' The prophets called God 'father' due to the pre-eternity of his eternity and His having mercy on his creation and they called His Word 'son' not because this sonship was a prophetic term but because it is an eternal sonship from an eternal father. Through it the Word of God is above all the attributes of the sonship of created things, like the begetting of power from one powerful and speech from one speaking. The essence is absolutely one, above attainment, division, or dimension. The believer says: 'We believe in one Lord, Jesus Christ, the only son of God, begotten from the Father before all ages.' Their saying 'the only son of God' is an expression taken from the prophet David: 'The Lord said to me, "you are my son and today I have begotten you."' By their saying 'the only son of God,' they mean that the eternal Word of God is begotten from His eternal essence, as is witnessed by the prophet Micah who said, 'You, oh Bethlehem of Judah, are not small among the kings of Judah because from you will emerge a leader to shepherd my people Israel, whose begetting is before the ages.' The sense of this is that Christ is that eternal Word, begotten from God who said 'be!' at the beginning of eternity, by whom all came into being. His begetting is from the Father in the same way as when one says 'My speech is begotten from my intellect and my tongue speaks of what my thought begets. My thought is begotten from my essence and my essence is one with my reason.' God's speaking is begotten from His eternal essence and not a letter of it is cut off from it. Rather, it is begotten from the essence which eternally speaks it. It comes forth from an eternal essence and is present and subsistent in it. It is described by the pre-eternity and eternity with which God describes His eternity. Just as His will is pre-eternally present in His eternal essence in order to create His creation, so is the Word pre-eternally in the will and present in it in the essence of its Speaker. It was begotten from Him by the eternal command. The Word of God is a pre-eternal characteristic of His eternal essence and is not an essence other than the essence of God who speaks and not a substance other than His substance and not an attribute other than His attribute. His is not a sonship which He added to Himself, separate from His eternal essence. God has one Word by which He devised worship through the power of His eternity. From His divine nature God does with it what He wills. It is the will of God which surpasses all wills. His will is from His substance and the will is one and the sovereignty of his majesty. Its essence is eternal in His divine eternity. The law established for us that God's Word is eternal and all the prophets testified to its pre-eternity and existence and that it is eternal from the eternity of God who speaks by it, that it is uncreated, and that the eternal God alone possesses the Word of His eternity and is satisfied with it. It is not cut off broken up into letters. It is established in the law that Christ is the Word of God. God said about Him, "I will be a father to him and he will be a son to me." Christ, the Word of God, appeared by His lofty will and His lordly economy and his divine volition. He established to the world that He is the Word of God. We found Him to be eternal light from God's eternal light and we saw Him in the sight of His creation as a limited human. God alone possesses His Word. The evangelists announced his appearance and said, "The one who is from the beginning is the one whom we saw and witnessed with our eyes and touched with our hands." When the veil of darkness was removed from our vision, we saw that He had shone light and removed from us the darkness of blindness and enlightened us with His eternal light. He taught us that He is God's eternal Word by whom all things came into being. God's Word is uncreated and is of an eternal essence. There is not anyone from the beginning and to the ages of ages who has the power of divinity while being in the human form other than Christ, the son of the living God. He alone possesses His signs and the majesty of His lordship without comparison to creatures. He is called 'Christ' and 'lord' and 'powerful' and 'worker of lordly signs' and 'maker of the divine powers.' He is described in the books of His prophets by eternity of essence and the working of signs. He appeared by His lofty and lordly will as one upon whose divine essence createdness did not enter and as one who by a mystery too subtle to be understood and too lofty for the imagination was not transported from the majesty of lordship by it. His appearance was through the power of one mighty and eternal, who by it is above relation to creatures and the actions of limited beings because He has an eternal essence and the eternity of the Word and He is above any name by which He could be named or any mention of Him that could be made. One who claims that Christ, the Word of God, is created and attributes servanthood to this creating Word is irrational and has no knowledge of God. He will not see the face of God and He has no place in this world or in the world to come. God will keep him in hell unto the ages of ages. The creator bore witness and His witness is true and His prophets whom He sent and the holy ones dear to Him bore witness that Christ is His eternal Word though whom He created all the worlds and that Christ has active power which comes from one active and capable. His is power and majesty and lofty will and the greatness of divine authority. All his actions are heavenly and not earthly. No created being can perform a single one of his wonders such as raising the dead and great signs. God bore witness and his prophets with him that Christ is his son and his word begotten from his eternal essence. Christ went up Mount Tabor along with his pure disciples and they heard God's testimony and his life-giving voice as he addressed his word, Christ, by saying, "You are my beloved son with whom I am pleased." God is truthful even if all the people disbelieve. The prophets and the one giving the prophets to prophecy bore witness to the eternity of the Word of God who is Christ. One who disbelieves God and the prophets he sent deserves an eternity in hell as well as one who teaches disbelief in the Word of God and does not believe his testimony on account of his ignorance of the divine books and says that Christ, the hypostasis of the Word of God is created and disbelieves the Law of Moses even though the prophecies of the prophets who went before testified that the unseen God appeared to all the prophets in the human form in which Christ appeared to the Children of Israel, and those who denied the prophecies of the prophets and disbelieved the Law of Moses and the prophecies of the prophets and deny the appearance of the Word of God who will appear on the day of resurrection and all human eyes will see him and testify that he is lord and master and judge. He will appear to one who believes in him in this world in the court of the resurrection in the image in which he was seen in this world. This will be counted as great righteousness and a good work which causes him to merit eternal life as the prophet Moses testified in the Law that God appeared to Abraham by the oak tree and Abraham believed and this was counted for him as righteousness. Out of the greatness of Abraham's faith in him he stood before him and prostrated to him and called him 'the judge of the earth.' The Law testifies that he appeared to Jacob in the form of a very powerful man and said to him, "From now on your name will not be called Jacob, but rather Israel, whose meaning is 'one looking upon God.'" God said to Moses when the Children of Israel thirsted in the desert, "Lo I go behind you and stand in Horeb upon a rock. When you see me standing on it, strike the staff with which you struck the sea and water will come out of it for you." God appeared to all the prophets in the form of Christ and they prophesied about his appearance to the world in the human form in which Christ dared to appear to the world and to the Children of Israel just as the prophets saw him in it and confirmed in it the vision of the God of Sabaoth and confirmed through it his presence to them. In it they became certain of his appearing to them openly to them and to the rest of the servants of God. They hope for him and if the people searched the books of the prophets for what they set down relating to the appearance of God the eternal word, they would realize the existence of their creator through the vision of Christ and would behold their creator because God and all the prophets testify to the coming of Christ as his appearing two times: the first time is his appearance in human form from the Virgin Mary and the second time is his coming in human form to sit in judgment and judge the whole world in truth. The book of the Muslims testifies to this when it says, "faces looking to their Lord" and everyone who read the Law of Moses and the prophecies of the prophets and believed in the appearance of Christ the Word of God in human form is called to knowledge of him through it, believing in God and witnessing the truth through the existence of his creator and maker. The prophet David said, "The God of gods will appear in Sion." He also spoke of the birth of the eternal word from the divine essence and its second birth from the Virgin Mary when he said, "From the womb before the morning star I begat you." Isaiah said, "A child is born to us and a sign and a son is given to us and he is the mighty God and the king of great council. His authority is on his shoulders." The prophet Moses said, "This is your father who made you and created you." Solomon said, "Who is the one who went up to heaven and came down to earth and gathered the winds in his fist and the waters in his robe. What is his name and the name of his father, if you knew?" He also said, "He begat me from the beginning and I was with him when he separated the sky and the earth and set his throne upon the wings of the wind. When he gathered the clouds in their storehouses I was with him and he begat me." The believer says: "Light from light, true God from true God, begotten, not created, equal to the Father in essence." This expression is taken from the prophecy of the prophet Isaiah who says, "A light will shine in the darkness," though human vision cannot see that light and it is not a light that lights space and does not accept accident. It is not a light from the heaven of createdness or one of the similar accidents. Rather, it is a light which is above all light, present in the beginning and above being specified with dimensions, a light above all light to which can be attributed spatialiality and movement and rest. Christ is from this light which is above all light because his essence is from the essence of God his father. From his divine light he shown that light from God the eternal father because his essence is from the essence of the greatness of God and his light is begotten from the unattainable uncircumscribable eternal light. That light is not sensed and is not compound. It is a light from the light of God's greatness and his power. Anyone who does not believe that that light is from God walks in darkness all the days of his life and he will not behold the truth, neither in this world nor in the world to come because the light of God did not shine in his intellect. Christ is an eternal light and that light abolishes all darkness since his essence is eternal and subsistent in the eternity of the eternal creator. That light appeared ineffably because he is not bounded by dimension and he is not encompassed by any kind of vision into his essence because he is a light beyond human capability and too holy for dimensions and space. When Christ appeared with his light from the divine light of God's essence, this light was not divided though his divine light is from the substance of the true God. The fathers said, "light from light true God from true God equal to God his father in substance and essence and greatness," just as Christ said from his pure mouth, "I am the light of the world and one who follows me does not walk in darkness." He said to the Children of Israel, "The light is with you for a short time so walk in the light as long as you have the light." When they realized that light, they called it the light of truth. The Law said, "Moses looked at a fire in a tree and its branches were not burning and he said, 'let me see this strange and wondrous sight.' He went forward to see and God called out to him from that fire which is the light of truth, "I am God, the God of your fathers," and taught us that that fire is from the light of truth because the tree did not burn. The Muslims said that God is a light and is like the light which is like a lamp in a niche. The creator, may he be praised, is robed and veiled with light. Human vision cannot see that light nor can it see its eternal divine essence. As the prophet David said, "With you, O lord, is the spring of life and in your light we see the light." He also said, "Your light is great in the eternal mountains." The Prophet Isaiah said, "Shine O Jerusalem! He is present and the grace of the lord has shone upon you. The lord will see in you and his grace will rest upon you and the nations will walk with you in your radiance and the kings by your light. Jeremiah said, "Thus says the lord, 'I will raise up for David the light of light and he will rule over the domain and set up justice in the midst of the earth and on that day I will save Jerusalem from those who combat her. The name of the one who will save her is God.' Thus said the lord, 'A son of David will not cease to sit on his throne until eternity.'" The believer says: "who for the sake of us men and for the sake of our salvation came down from heaven." They took this expression from the prophet David who says, "O lord, incline in your heaven and come down." As for their saying, "came down from heaven," they intend the closeness of the lord to them, the connection of their intellects to knowledge of him and their witnessing his human appearance which all the prophets going before had desired to see with their eyes as the Children of Israel saw him with their eyes because God appeared to all the prophets and He favored them over all mankind. So they prophesied of his coming in the appearance with which they saw him with their eyes, just as the apostle Paul said, "in every way and every form God spoke to our fathers on the tongues of the prophets of old and in these days he spoke to us in his only son whom he made an inheritor of all, the one through whom he made the ages who is the light of his glory and the image of his eternity and he held all in the power of his Word." The expression "descent" is a connection of the soul to the maker of its life and the witnessing of the light of truth without a movement in the divine essence and its descent from the heaven of its dread throne to the passing, decaying material world. By "descent," they intended the creator's drawing near to his servants through his fellowship with them and his appearing to them in human form, since he was high on his heavenly throne above their appearing to him and loftier than them in the high of his heaven, above their seeing his divine essence. When the prophets brought tidings of his coming in human form, this necessitated vision in terms of the human eye achieving vision of the divine essence which is holy beyond dimensions and space. All the books of God that have been sent down testify that he will come down and appear to his servants openly, and it is an expression used in the books of God, even though no one in heaven or on earth can see the light of the greatness of his divine essence because of its loftiness. Just as God said to Moses when he asked to see the divine essence, "No one sees me and lives," this indicates that human vision does not attain his light. When the prophets saw him, as they testified, in his appearance they only saw him in the appearance of the form in which he announced to them him appearing to them as Christ in his material world, just as he will appear in it on the day of resurrection to judge them and pass judgment over them in it. One who understands God's having written his name on the tablets of Moses without the divine essence becoming present in those tablets or being encompassed by them has understood when we point to it with this meaning that the writing was engraved in the tablets and was not God but rather just as God, may he be praised, willed that the writing be engraved it was as he willed, may he be exalted, and the words are subsistent in the essence and preserved in the heart and written on the tablets for Moses without leaving his divine essence. The Lordly Judge has a lofty will which appears by his will a he wishes and how he wishes by his divine will which is connected to his lordly wisdom. The powerful one is powerful and those over whom he has power do not reach him and his lofty will. The thing which is made does not reach the work of its maker. When Moses saw him in the veil of light in the bush though the wonder of sight and God assured him of his presence in it and called out to him from it, "I am the God of Abraham and the God of Isaac and the God of Jacob," Moses realized that that light was calling out to him, "I am God," and that he appeared to him through a veil of fire and made it a veil for his power. Moses did not doubt and did not think that the fire was other than the eternal essence and he believed that the one addressing him by sound was God and that it was his will in his appearance through the veil of fire. We will follow with some of what the prophets testified regarding his descent in human form. The prophet David said, "He will come down like rain upon wool and like the drop of water upon the earth." He also said, "The heavens leaned down and descended and the fog is under his legs. He rides upon the cherubim and flies upon the wings of the wind." He also said in the 143rd Psalm, "O lord, incline in your heaven and come down!" He said about his birth in Zion, "O mother of man, a man is born in her and he is the exalted one who established her forever." He also said, "The God of gods will appear in Zion and in his entering into the city of Zion." The prophet Zachariah said, "Say to the daughter of Zion, behold your king will come to you humbly, riding upon a foal, the son of an ass." The believer says: "and became incarnate of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary." The fathers took this expression from the prophet Isaiah who says, "Behold the virgin will conceive and bear a son and his name will be called 'Immanuel,'" the interpretation of which is, "our God is with us." As for the fathers' saying, "became incarnate of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary," they mention two incarnations and this statement is exalted beyond human understanding or material ideas. The fathers said with the help of the Holy Spirit that when the Spirit of God rested upon the prophets, they learned of the appearance of the Eternal Word and that it took its substance from its eternal essence without being divided into parts and without separation from this essence of its ineffable majesty and it took from the Virgin Mary a sensible body in a manner which human intellects cannot understand, just as the prophet Samuel said when they asked him what form the speech of God takes when it speaks to him in the temple, 'God appears to me in the form of a man like me. In this way he will appear in Sion at the end of days.' The form in which he appeared from the Virgin Mary was not a temple or a veil or a place existent before the union. Rather, he appeared as Lord and Christ and Savior, and as the worker of divine wonders and the receiver of bodily acts, except that the union is beyond human resemblance and psychological notions. The Gospel of God says, 'The Word became flesh and dwelt among us' and we saw his glory insofar as he became incarnate of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary. The word appeared in human form without descending from the seat of his majesty or coming down from its throne, from his dread throne and from his heavenly glory. We learned that the Creator, may he be exalted, is capable of everything and is great in his power. He is able to appear to whom he wishes how he wishes. He decrees as he wishes and his is the lofty will and the divine, lordly power. He appeared from the Virgin Mary as He willed and as his will preceded in his appearing. The prophets prophesied it and the form in which He appeared was a human form to which was united the Eternal Word. His is the lordly authority and his is the will which is above all wills. He is the Lord of the Judgment and He will appear in this form on Judgment Day. He will appear with great and indescribable glory and He will be more majestic than the creatures as He is the judge of those in heaven and on earth. The Gospel of God says that when the angel Gabriel was sent by God to the Virgin Mary, he said to her, 'Rejoice O full of grace! The Lord is with you!' He did not say to her, 'You will bear a son' or 'an apostle' or 'a human'. Rather, he said, 'You will conceive and bear a son and he will be called the Son of the Most High and his kingdom will have no end.' The holy Gospel says in the Gospel of Matthew, 'And Mary was found to be pregnant from the Holy Spirit' and the ineffable divine seed whose way of being is unknowable took its place in her and he revealed to her the mystery of God who sent him to bring tidings of it, saying to her when she asked how there could be seed in violation of what is usual, 'The Holy Spirit will dwell within you and the power of the Most High will overshadow you because the one to be born of you is holy and will be called the Son of God.' When he said this to her, the Spirit of God dwelt in her and purified her with its divine gift through the dwelling of the Eternal Word within her. The indwelling of the Word was without its being split or divided. That light surpasses all light and the light shone in the inner darkness and wisdom built a house for the light by its eternal will and from the Virgin Mary, as Solomon said, 'Wisdom built itself a house and established it upon six pillars,' meaning that that house became incarnate in six dimensions. The book of the pagans bears witness that the Virgin Mary bore the Word of God and that He cast his eternal Word into her and He came from her as a man, just as the Gospel of God says, 'the Word became flesh and dwelt among us.' The book of the pagans honors the Pure Virgin Mary by saying, 'Mary, the daughter of Imran who guarded her virtue, we breathed into her from our spirit and she believed the words of her Lord and was among the obedient.' This agrees with the Gospel of God's saying that in the sixth month the angel Gabriel was sent from God to the city of Galilee which is called Nazareth, to a virgin betrothed to a man named Joseph of the house of David. When the angel announced to her the dwelling of the Word of God within her, she asked him how there could be conception without human seed because there had not been a sign like this. The angel revealed the mystery of God which He had entrusted to him and he informed her that the conception would not be from seed but rather that the one to be born from her would be from the Holy Spirit. All the prophets sent forth prophesied this birth, that it is the Eternal Word of God born from God the Father and from his eternal essence. Many of the ancient wise men and philosophers spoke of this and afterwards the prophecies of the prophets were transmitted. In the book of the wise Hermes on the science of astrology known as the book of the nine stones, he addresses his son saying, 'O my son, the great and uncontainable cause, the rays of the perfect cause, subsistent in itself, not needing anything outside itself, must descend and walk on earth in a veil which it will make for itself and it will return to its heights and the seat of its throne. This is not movement from place to place. He also said, 'A star will go from east to west for two and a half years and will return to its center. It is the star of the good tidings. It will go unto the wise men coming from the east to the eternal king in order to worship him and give their offerings. For his sake the children of Bethlehem and its surroundings will be killed. This is after 183 rotations of Saturn, the ancient Zuhal, because its rotation crosses the sky every thirty years. Plato said in the book of mysteries that the most high would appear on the earth and would raise the dead and would exhibit lordly signs. He would be lifted up to his throne and would not be seen until the day when He judges the world. The wise Jovatian said, 'He is the great one of old, the pre-eternal who sits above the highest of the heavens, the lofty one dressed in flames of fire, whose kingdom does not pass away. He will appear upon the earth and raise the dead and heal the sick and he will exhibit lordly signs and return to his lofty throne. When he appears upon the earth wise men will come to him from the land of Persia and will present their offerings to him for he is the king of kings and his kingdom does not pass away. Augustus, the wise in astrology, said that a Hebrew youth whose name is Christ and who is eternal in his essence will appear openly and bear lordly authority. He will raise the dead and cleanse the lepers and unbind the tongues of the mute. The wise Aristotle said in his book known as the Lofty Sciences, 'You do not behold your God except through the veil in which he appears. He hides his light from your vision lest your eyes become fixed upon looking at Him. If He appeared and you saw Him, his signs would demonstrate the majesty of his authority and by this you would know that He is the Lord of Lords and the King of Kings.' He said in his letter to Alexander when he went off to search for the water of life, 'You will not find the water of life except in one who will appear in the world wearing the clothing of the world. If you find him, you will gain the water of life from him. He will redeem you with the tree of life by tasting him and the water of eternal life flows from him. He said in his book known as the Book of Treasures that the treasure of life is with the god Adonai who will appear in the world and the dead will hear his voice from the graves and they will rise. The prophets whom he gave to prophecy in truth spoke in veiled terms about the appearance of Christ and his incarnation from the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary. The prophet Nahum said, 'God will come in my image and his dress like my dress and his name will be engraved in the books of the name. His vineyard is twelve branches from the Children of Israel. He will have mercy on the nations and provide bread in the wildernesses. He will walk upon the sea and the waves will bow to him. By his hand He wrote the tablets for Moses. The prophet Zephaniah said, 'O daughter of Zion, do not let your hand slacken for our God will come and live in you and will save you.' The prophet Isaiah said, 'Rejoice O daughter of Zion for the one within you is the Holy One of Israel.' He also said, 'A rod will come from the back of Jesse and will sprout a branch from his root. The Spirit of God will dwell in him, the spirit of wisdom and intellect. The evil will retreat from his land and he will smite the earth with the rod of his mouth and he will kill the hypocrite with the speech of his lips.' God said in the Law of Moses, 'Judah, the lion's cub. There will not cease to be in Judah a king ruling and a prophet sent until the one who has authority comes and the peoples will hope in him.' The prophet Daniel said, 'I saw a mountain uncut by a hand and it struck the foot of the idol which Nebuchadnezzar saw in his dream and it broke the clay, the brass, the iron, and the silver and they were like the short-lived dust and. A strong wind blew and no trace of them was seen. The great stone filled all the earth.' The believer says: He suffered and was buried. The fathers took this expression from the prophet Isaiah's saying 'the one in whom was found no lie came to death.' Know my son that Christ, glory to Him, fulfilled the prophecies of the prophets about his receiving passions and death. When the Laws which the Hebrews possess and the prophecies of the prophets prophesied about the coming of Christ, they prophesied about his receiving passions and death, as Isaiah said that Christ would come and be killed because Christ appeared in a sensible body susceptible to passions and death. The body in which he appeared was coarse and he did not want to return that coarse body to heaven. He decided to strip away from it from the corruptible, decaying form and to clothe it in the dress of lastingness and eternity and to glorify it with the eternal resurrection to which no one was magnified except Him and to exalt it with the robe of glory in the resurrection of glory and eternity and to magnify this form with eternal glory. If it was raised to its lofty throne, the form rested in the light of its divine majesty and the form became visible in the light of its eternal essence just as David said, 'The Lord has put on glory and is exalted in loftiness. When he willed by his heavenly will the body, He kept it free from the clothing of being and decay by death and He clothed it in the clothing of eternal kingship in his resurrection from the dead and raised it to his dread throne in the form of everlasting eternity. It will no longer be subject to change. Death and decay do not change it, like the grain of wheat that became through its death a fruitful ear. Its death was the cause of its becoming the fruit of life. Likewise, the death of Christ in the form of Adam which God had condemned to death he raised in the divine form of eternal kingship and lordly majesty. He sat upon his dread throne in his lofty place in which his righteous angels praise Him, just as the prophet Daniel said about Him, 'I saw in the cloud of heaven one resembling the Son of Man go down to the Ancient of Days and He gave him kingship and authority. Thousands of thousands of angels serve him and myriads of myriads stand before him. His rule will not end and will not cease unto the ages of ages.' Death spares his essence; it is only a movement from abode to abode, from the abode of passing away to the abode of eternity. Christ willed by his accepting passions to rise up to his heavenly throne. We have compared the passions of Christ which He accepted by his will and the wonders He worked by his power and we see that one of his signs among all his signs suffices for a thousand of the passions which He accepted in human form. The Children of Israel imagined that the passions of Christ are due to weakness on his part because of their unbelief. The wise looked at the passions of Christ as heavenly and lordly wisdom that is not understood except by those who have been helped, those to whom God has revealed the hidden things of his divine wisdom. The death of Christ which He revealed openly distinguished between the spirit and its body. The word of God is united to the spirit always and eternally from the time of the union and forever because the Word is light from God's eternal essence and the light rests in him eternally, united with him and one with him existing eternally. One in whom is God and whom He has made one with his eternal essence is in the body in which Christ accepted death and in the soul which left its body. They both have eternal life since the union and forever, just as the prophet Isaiah said when he saw with the eye of prophecy, 'God truly rests within you and God is none other and you are the hidden God, the God of Israel and its savior.' The Holy Gospel said, 'The Word became flesh' and the Word is light that does not suffer and is not subject to passions because it is beyond the intellect of humans and it is not a sensible body that suffers. The light of truth does not suffer and is not subject to passions in his lordly essence and the light of truth is the maker who is not attained by creatures. The Maker is present in the form in which he appeared as Christ and the form received passions and the Word does not receive what coarse things receive except that the form is the form of the eternal essence and became one with him in the union and it rose as Christ and lord and judge. If the Wise Maker made a garment and was robed in it while his essence is one and eternal, what does the maker cause to suffer or in what is he ignorant of his creation? He did not enter into it in a garment added to his essence nor with a lacking since his unity is always more majestic than created attributes and corporeal actions. God caused all his prophets whom He sent to prophesy Christ's accepting passions and death, which is a decree of divine wisdom. That which God caused his prophets to prophesy is the passions which the Children of Israel wrought upon him, just as the prophet Moses said that God commanded him when the snakes in their multitude bit the Children of Israel, 'Make a snake of copper and hang it on a piece of wood before them. Let all of those whom the snake bit lift their gaze up to the copper snake and they will be healed.' Then Moses prophesied saying, 'Truly I say to you that you will see the one who gave you life suspended before your eyes and you will not believe.' The prophet David said, 'Why were the peoples disturbed and the nations guided in falsehood? The kings and chiefs of the earth rose up and make orphans of all against the Lord and his Christ. May He break their chains and throw off their fetters. The One who dwells in heaven laughs at them. The Lord despises them. Then He will speak to them in his anger wrath and will forget them.' The prophet Nathan said, 'The Lord will appear in Jerusalem with a rod of three kinds and with it he will save the nations. Their kings will be honored by that wood and He will purify them in the water of the Jordan.' The prophet Isaiah said, 'In difficult straights they think of you and in necessity they seek you.' He also said, 'God gave me the tongue of knowledge because I wore away my cheeks with the flow of tears and I did not turn my face from the contempt of those who spit.' He also said, 'Every man among us has gone astray in his path. The Lord was given up for our sins. Humble, not opening his mouth, like a sheep he was led to the slaughter and like a lamb before the slaughterer. Who can speak of his stories?' The prophet Jeremiah said, 'The Lord will come with great glory and the sign of his coming is that the nations will bow to the wood of the tree and the ark.' The prophet Amos said, 'When three pieces of wood are nailed together outside of Jerusalem and the sign of salvation is planted upon it, then the Children of Israel will return to hunger and famine and shame.' He also said, 'The Lord will come with his saints. There will not be light on that day, but rather there will be hail and ice. It is a single day known to the Lord. There will not be in it day or night and at evening there will be light.' The prophet Obadiah said, 'God will come down from the heaven of his holiness to the earth and will scatter the Children of Israel to the ends of the earth and make them a curse in the mouths of the nations. They will kill him but he will rise on the third day and raise the dead by his tree.' The prophet Jothan said, 'When you see the stone cry out with a voice then the end has drawn near and the hope of the hopeful has drawn near. When you see the nations with their loins girded then fear will come forever to Israel.' The prophet Habakkuk said, 'God will come from the south and the Holy One from Mount Pharan, which is the shaggy mountain, and they will know him among wild beasts.' The prophet Amos said, 'God will appear veiled and will renew Adam by rising upon a tree. He will cause the life of the world to appear and He will cause bread to be tasted in the desert and make a new creation. The dead will hear his voice and come to life. He is the Holy One who will appear from the tribe of Judah.' The prophet Zachariah said, 'God will save Adam by the tree and the feet of the ark when he rides upon it in the middle of the earth and there will be fear upon Zion.' The prophet Malachi said, 'The Lord will appear from Judah and mix with the house of David and manifest his glory to the ends of the earth. His food from the people of Israel will be will be vinegar and myrrh and they will stab him with a spear though he is their God.' The prophet Daniel said, 'After seven weeks the Christ will come and will be killed. Jerusalem has no savior but him.' David said, 'Many dogs surrounded me and a group of evil people enclosed me. They pierced my hands and my feet. They counted all my bones. They divided my robes among them and drew cast lots over my clothes.' He also said, 'They all took council against me and plotted to take my soul.' He also said, 'They put myrrh in my food and gave me vinegar to me when I was thirsty.' He also said, 'They hated me unjustly.' He also said, 'They rewarded me with evil rather than good and cast me away, the beloved one, as one rejected and nailed my flesh with nails.' The prophet Zachariah said, 'The ones who pierced him will know their recompense from the Lord.' The believer says, 'and rose on the third day'. The fathers took this expression from the prophet David who said, 'The Lord rose like one sleeping, like the mighty one drunk with wine.' Know, my son, that Christ put his body to death by his will and brought it to life by the power of his majesty. He cast off of it the robe of passing away and dressed it in the robe of eternity and the majesty of his lordliness. He raised it to the seat of majesty and the pure angels bowed to him, just as the prophet Daniel said with the true eye of prophecy, 'I saw in the cloud of heaven one resembling the Son of Man go down to the Ancient of Days and he gave him kingship and authority and all tongues worship him and his authority is forever.' Christ said to his pure disciples after his resurrection from the dead, 'I have been given all authority in heaven and on earth.' He aided them after his resurrection with the greatness of his authority and said to them, 'Raise the dead' and they raised them and 'cleanse the lepers' and they cleansed them and 'heal the sick' and they healed them. They worked great signs by his power with which He aided them after his resurrection. He lived among them for forty days after his resurrection, teaching them his life-giving law. He granted them his heavenly help and they subjugated the demons beneath their feet. Their shadow raised the dead and their speech put the spirits of devils to death. Then He rose to the seat of majesty and sat on the right hand of the lordly power. 'The right hand' is an expression referring to the power which is beyond all majesty and all authority. The Creator, may He be exalted, is not in his eternal essence a compound body and He has no right or left. The right and left hands of power are not sensible and are not compound because God, may He be exalted, is exalted above the attributes of created beings and the actions of limited beings. His saying to us, 'He sat at the right hand of the father in the heights' is like the Book's saying 'he sat upon the throne'. If our saying this was not an expression then we would not be able to distinguish God's right hand from his left. Christ rose up to the essence of majesty which is an unattainable place and cannot enter into the human intellect. Its essence is unattainable. Human bodies are created from dust and will return to their first element, as God says to Adam, 'You are created from dust and to the dust you will return.' For this reason Christ put to death that in which He appeared to the world and raised it and did not let the dust corrupt it, as the prophet David prophesied about him, 'O Lord do no let your pure one see corruption.' The bodies of Moses, Abraham, David and all the prophets decayed in the soil while Christ is in heaven above the highest of the heights of honor. The soil did not corrupt his body and the changes that God previously decreed to Adam when He said, 'You are created from dust and to the dust you will return' did not change him. There has been no one in the world from Adam until eternity who died by his own will and rose by the power of his own authority other than Christ. For this reason we realized that He is the King of Kings and Lord of Lords. Only He lifted up his body as an offering to God his father for the sin of Adam and his seed. This pure and holy sacrifice is for the forgiveness of sins and their redemption from the prison of hell and for returning them to the paradise of blessedness. When He accepted the passions—which are his economy and divine wisdom—He manifested with them things that dazzle the minds of the philosophers: earthquakes and the disturbance of the inhabited world and the distress and sadness which befell the people upon his rising up on the cross, the covering of the world with darkness. The mountains shook and the sun hid its light. The rocks split and the graves opened. The dead rose from their graves and left their graves and cried out weeping in the streets of Jerusalem. When the Children of Israel did all this to their creator, if He had not been the Lord of the sun it would not have veiled its light at his passions and if He were not Lord of the temple then the temple's veil would not have split on account of Him. At his resurrection from the tomb it shined upon the entire inhabited world with the light of his resurrection. The sun multiplied its light seven times. The light of his resurrection shone with it upon the believers. This is because the light shone to those sitting in darkness and the shadows of death. He released those imprisoned in the prison of hell and took them out of the darkness, just as Hannah, the mother of Samuel, said, 'The Lord will go down to hell and release those who are bound from its mouth.' We follow with some of what the holy prophets have said about his resurrection. The prophet David said, '"Now I rise" said the Lord, "and I work salvation openly."' He also said, 'Rise up O Lord and destroy your enemies.' He said, 'The Lord will rise and scatter all his enemies.' He also said, 'The Lord rose in the assembly of the gods and in the midst of their assemblies He judges them.' He also said, 'The Lord rose with the decree and saves the humble of the earth.' Isaiah said, 'The Lord said, "Now I will rise and go up."' He also said, 'If the Lord rises the earth will indicate it and they will cast away the idols of gold and silver which they adopted for worship.' He also said, 'The Lord of Sabaoth will arise and raise in righteousness his paths.' He said, 'Those who think evilly of the Most High will know. The body will give forth drops of water and blood and the voice of the servant will be heard from the wood of the tree. He will be buried and will rise from the dead and from the earth, ascending to heaven. He will be eternal and rise to the right hand of the Most High and will be above the cherubim where he was in the beginning. The holy ones in him will be proud.' The prophet David said, 'The Lord went up with praise. The Lord went up with the sound of the horn. Sing to our Lord! Sing, sing to our king!' He also said, 'The Lord went up with the sound of triumph.' He also said, 'I looked at the Lord in front of me at all times. For this reason my heart is joyous and my tongue gives praise.' He also said, 'The Lord went up to the heavens and thundered and He will judge the ends of the earth.' The prophet Hosea said, 'We will return to the Lord whom we smote and He will heal us. After two days, on the third day He will rise alive and He will give us life.' The believer says, 'He ascended into heaven and sits at the right hand of the Father in the heights.' The fathers took this expression from the prophet David who said, 'He sits upon the wings of the winds.' He ascended into heaven as the gospel of God said, 'no one ascends to heaven except the one who came down from heaven, the Son of Man who is still in heaven.' There has not been anyone who came down from heaven and ascended to heaven except Christ alone. All the prophets and the friends of God remain in the earth until the day of resurrection. When it is the day of resurrection Christ will come, the one who ascended to heaven in the greatness of his dread glory with all his holy angels. Then he will call to the dead with his voice and all the dead will arise and stand before his throne. He will judge them in truth. He will judge them because when Christ ascended to heaven He ascended to the unlimited space, to the seat of his ineffable majesty. 'The right hand' is an expression referring to the unlimited right hand of the majesty of the Creator because the right hand is lordly power without bodily sensation because if we raise or hands to heaven we gesture towards the height of his majesty and intend an unlimited essence that is not lacking in anything. The one who ascended to this majesty is the eternal Word of God and the Word of God does not cease to be with God and God is the Word. Its ascent is to its eternal essence and it sits upon its throne in the place which is unattainable. The light that does not dawn is begotten from the light of the eternal essence of God who dawned on us with his lordly light as Lord and Christ with the meaning which He desired. It happened in his lordly knowledge and He appeared by his lordly will which is incomprehensible to the human mind. That light appeared in the world and shone in the darkness. He guided the world to knowledge of his lordship and He ascended to his throne unto the completion of divine will. He sat at the majesty of the right hand of his father ineffably and without delimited dimensions. His sitting in his lofty place is in the form in which he appeared as Christ but it subsists in the divine light which vision does not apprehend. This is the form in which he will appear on the day of resurrection. On that day their faces will gaze and just as I cannot explain how He sat upon his throne likewise I cannot explain his place at the right hand of the majesty of the ineffable lordship other than that we indicate his majesty and the place of the indescribable divine power. No one defines the creator or delimits his ineffable essence. If we said that the king unsheathed a sword and killed his enemies with it, then the essence of the king is not defined and sight does not attain it. The king returned the sword to its scabbard in the majesty of his glory and his original glory shines forth. Who can comprehend the direction to which the king raised his sword when the king's light is above all things? The pagans say that God raised Christ and cannot discern the direction to which God raised him. Our minds cannot reach knowledge of Christ's ascension to his lofty place and his sitting at the right hand of the divine majesty except what we have read and we do not attain any knowledge of his appearing in the bodily world except what we have explained and what the prophets who have been sent said to us. If we went far into uncovering the depths of this mystery then no man's intellect will attain it. The good disciple and evangelist John said, 'The one who is from the beginning is himself the one whom we saw with our eyes and touched with our hands on account of the word of life.' The prophets spoke openly about Christ's ascent. The prophet Jeremiah said, 'The Lord will go up from Sinai and will come with great glory.' Also, the prophet David said, 'The Lord went up with praise. The Lord went up with the sound of the trumpet. Sing, sing to our king, sing for the Lord has gone up to the seat of his glory.' He also said, 'Rise up, you eternal gates to let the King of Glory enter in. Who is the King of Glory? The mighty Lord, He is the King of Glory.' The prophet Zachariah said, 'From the Mount of Olives the feet of the Lord arise towards the east and from the Holy House He ascends to heaven.' The prophet David said, 'The Lord said to my lord, "Sit at my right hand so that I put your enemies under your feet."' The prophet Daniel said, 'I saw one resembling the Son of Man go up to heaven and draw near to the Ancient of Days and He gave him eternal dominion.' The believer says, 'and He will also come in glory to judge the living and the dead, whose kingdom has no passing away or end.' The fathers took this expression from the Law of Moses because God said, 'I will come and judge and recompense in truth.' Know, my son, that no one at all has seen God, as the gospel of God says his light enlightens all light. If He appeared to creation with his divine light then the creatures would not have been able to see him and their vision would be rent by the light of his awesomeness, as He said to Moses when he asked to see Him, 'No one will see me and live.' The creator's essence, may He be exalted, is unattainable and far above resting in space. The vision by which Moses and Abraham and Jacob saw him in bodily form as Christ is a kind of divine wisdom. That in which He appeared to them was not fantasia and was not imaginary. His appearance affirmed his existence and the necessity of his wisdom and if He relied on an unseen judge and perfect wisdom in his appearance on the day of resurrection in the bodily form of Christ in which they denied his lordship, He will chastise those who opposed him for their denial of his lordship in it. He will judge him for their works and for how they opposed his words and commandments. When they see him on the day of resurrection in that form of Christ, He will appear in it as Lord and Christ and Judge. He will judge them as the judge who fashions his judgment's acceptance. They will realize that that form is the vision of God and the image of his eternity and the mirror of his eternal essence and they will realize that it is the vision of the judge who judges righteousness, just as the prophet David said, 'He will judge the inhabited world with true judgment.' He also said, 'Out of Zion comes the law and the Word of God from Jerusalem and he will judge the peoples.' He also said, 'The Lord reigned and the earth gives praise. The islands rejoice, the fog and clouds around him. A just judgment is before his face.' He said, 'They said on the earth, "the Lord has reigned and established the inhabited world."' The prophet Isaiah said, 'The Lord will arise and judge his people. He is the Lord who judges the elders of his people.' Solomon said, 'The Lord said, "vengeance is mine and I will repay." The prophet Malachi said, 'Lo the Lord comes ruling all and those who endure to the end, to the day of his coming. His appearing is like fire and he will sit in judgment, to purify mankind like silver.' He also said, 'Our God, God is the judge and blessed are those who rejoice with Him.' The believer says, 'We believe in the Holy Spirit, the Lord, the giver of life, who proceeds, whom we worship and glorify with the Father and the Son, who speaks in the prophets.' The fathers took this expression from the Law which says, 'the Spirit of God hovers upon the waters' and 'the Spirit of God created me.' David said, 'Your mighty Spirit established me.' Know, my son, that the Holy Spirit is the Spirit of God by which He gives life to every living thing because it is the Spirit of corporeal and spiritual beings. When the fathers confirmed the unity of the Creator, they showed that He is above having human attributes, and attested to his unity in the attributes of his subsistence and established his existence with eternal essential attributes. He has two essential attributes by which his essence is described, may He be exalted. He exists in silences except for these two attributes which, if they did not exist, H e would not exist. They established that He is subsistent in himself, living. Since nothing is alive without the Spirit of God, it is an eternal essential attribute of God who is subsistent in himself. Then they said that his one living, rational hand is a living Lord and a rational God and when the one Creator is described by these two attributes by which they established his existence they said, 'We believe in the Holy Spirit,' meaning that the Holy Spirit is the Spirit of the true God who comes out of Him, who causes the prophets to prophesy. When Isaiah gazed upon Christ with the eye of prophecy he said, 'the Spirit of the Lord is upon me for the sake of the one who anointed me and sent me to bring good tidings to the poor and to heal the broken-hearted and to warn those imprisoned in annihilation and those blinded in vision and I will bring good tidings in the year received by the Lord.' The prophet Joel said, 'In those days I will pour out my Spirit upon all those who have bodies and your sons and will prophesy and your old men will dream dreams and your youths will see visions.' The prophet David said, 'You established me by your mighty Spirit.' He also said, 'Send your Spirit and they are created and renew the face of the earth.' The prophet Ezekiel said, 'The Spirit of God has reached me and the Spirit of God has removed me.' The believer says, 'we confess one baptism for the forgiveness of sins.' The fathers took this expression from the prophet Isaiah who said, 'They were given to drink with joy from the fountain of salvation.' Know, my son, that the water of holy baptism is the water of life upon which the Holy Spirit blows just as God said in the Law, 'the Sprit of the Lord blows upon the waters.' It blows upon the baptized and gives light to their darkness and enlightens their essences. The universal soul rests upon the particular soul and the Holy Sprit rests upon everyone who is baptized and by this they merit entrance into God's heaven and rise from the world of darkness to the world of light. Those who are not baptized do not rise to heaven and do not enter into the kingdom of God and God does not count them among his righteous or write their name in the Book of Life, as Christ said by his truthful mouth, 'anyone who is not born of water and the Spirit will not enter the kingdom of God and he will not count him with his righteous or write his name with the righteous.' The pure gospel said, 'one born from flesh is flesh and one born of the Spirit is spirit.' Christ has given us two births: a birth from the flesh from mothers and fathers and a birth from the Spirit. The birth from the flesh decays and changes while the birth from the Spirit does not decay and does not change because it is the birth of life, the birth from God to perfect the human form by this second birth because the Spirit of perfection is in baptism and brings the salvation of the soul from the darkness of the body. The Spirit of God rests in the temple of God and if the Spirit of God rests in it, then it opens its eyes so that it might witness the truth. Just as the soul of the body gives it the life of acting in the corporeal world, so too the Spirit of God gives those baptized the eternal life of action in the eternal heavenly world because the birth of the flesh is susceptible to corruption and change, just as God said to Moses, 'my Spirit will not rest upon them because they are flesh.' The apostle Paul said, 'flesh and blood will not enter into the kingdom of God' because the unbaptized soul must be in the world of darkness. Baptism washes the soul from the effects of sin and enlightens the essence of the soul so that it may be worthy to rise to eternal bliss, as David said, 'sprinkle me with hyssop and I will be cleansed. Wash me with it and I will be white like snow.' The prophet Ezekiel said, 'I will take you out from the worldly and put you into your land. I will sprinkle you with pure water which will purify you from your sins and your transgressions. I will take out of you the heart of stone and give you a merciful heart.' The believer says, 'We hope for the resurrection of the dead and the life of the age to come, amen.' The fathers took this expression from the prophet Isaiah who said, 'The dead will rise from the graves.' Know, my son, that God created two abodes: the abode of this world and the abode of the world to come. This world is the abode of change and decay but the world to come is the abode of eternity and lastingness. He created the body coarse, temporary and susceptible to destruction through death. He compounded within it a rational intelligent soul, abstract and indestructible. It uses the body in obedience to its Creator and intends its elevation within its own spiritual world after its purification from the filth of corporeal nature so that it might rise with it in the resurrection of life because the rational soul is bounded within the body. Death is the perfection of the human form- and the resurrection its second existence unto eternity- because when the wise builder destroys a house he builds one better than it and when the planter wants plants to grow, he sows it in the earth and rejoices at its death in the earth so that pure fruit might come out. God created the element of earth and created his creation from that element and decreed that it will return to its element. The elements are in his mastery and they obey his command to return what they absorbed for He alone is unique in creating out of nothing by generosity. The rational soul of man which He compounded within the body will only receive the gift of God in the beatitude of paradise through its good works in the abode of this world. He caused its temple which was taken from the elements to live with the soul but it is the house of its darkness and quick to decay. Just as it was in the darkness of the belly, turning about in the enclosure of vileness, so the soul turns about in the body, in the darkness of the elements in which it grew. However, it does not know what will become of it in its turning about in the corporeal world. So too, the when the soul leaves the house of its darkness, it leaves to a spacious world of light and looks upon the spiritual world and the heavenly nations with their lofty ranks and spiritual levels. At that hour, it will see that which it deserved on account of its actions. If it was good in the obedience of its Creator, then it will go among the enlightened spiritual ones. He will raise it on the day of resurrection and the light of its works will shine upon it if they were righteous. Likewise, the gospel of God says, 'the righteous will shine in the kingdom of their Father' because the resurrection of the dead is eternal life for the happiness of those in whose righteousness He is pleased while the one who is proud of his ignorance sin will be tormented. The scriptures of God and the scriptures of his prophets bear witness to the resurrection of the dead and the recompense of each soul for what it did, just as the priest Ezra said, 'God will resurrect those in the grave all at once after death unto the judgment. He will announce that truth and justice will know the people's works and He will chastise them for their evil works.' The prophet David said, 'O Lord of Mercy who recompenses each one according to his works.' Solomon said, 'God will recompense everything you do in the abode of the world to come, what you have done secretly and what you have done openly, if they were good and if they were evil.' Isaiah said, 'The day of the Lord is near. He comes without forgiveness because He comes in anger and wrath and will destroy the sinners. The stars of the sky will not give their light and the sun will go dark at its rising.' Ezekiel said, 'God said to me, "O son of man, will you say how the dead will arise? Come to the place of worn-out bones and prophesy upon them so that you might see their resurrection." Thus spoke the Lord of Lords that each muscle may join to its sinew. I did as the Lord said to me and I saw at those bones move and come together with an earthquake of motion. The Lord said, "Prophesy, so that they put on flesh and veins and nerves" and I saw them as complete bodies. Then the Lord said to me, "O son of man, prophesy that the living spirit might enter into them" so I did as He said and I saw them rise up and stand on their feet alive. He said, "O son of man, these bones are from the Children of Israel and lo I open their graves and raise them up to judgment." Thus said the Lord of Lords.'
بسم الاب والابن والروح القدس اله واحد
نبتدي بالمعونة الالهية وموازرة روح القدس نكتب تفسير الامانة الارتدوكسية الذي1 وضعوها الابا2 الروحانيين المغبوطين3 بنعمة روح4 القدس الثلثماية وثمانية عشر مما فسرها الاب القس ابي5 المجدلوس نيح الله نفسه ونفعنا بحركة علومه وصلاته امين وغفر لناقلها وقاريها وسامعها.6
اعلم ايها الأخ العزيز ايدك الله بروح التوفيق وكتب اسمك في سفر الحياة بديوان عالم التحقيق ان اباونا الثلثماية وثمانية عشر لما ايدهم المسيح ووضعوا هذه الامانة على حسب ما الههم المسيح لان المسيح كان معهم وفي وقت وضعها كانوا اذا جلسوا على الكراسي يعدوا ثلثماية وتسعة عشر كما تقدم قول المسيح لهم ما اجتمع اثنان منكم باسمي الا وانا ثالثهم ولا ثلاثة الا وانا رابعهم وما قيها الامن توراة موسى و7من نبوات الانبياء بركاتهم علينا امين8.
فاولها قال المومن نومن باله واحد وهذه اللفظة ماخوذة من توراة موسى فان الله قال فيها اسمع يا اسراييل الرب الاهك واحد هو ابتدوا بالاقرار لله بالربوبية وحده وهو اله كل شي بواحدانية لا يشارك فيها احد ولا مثل يشابهه ولا ضد ينازعه ليس في ذاته الازلية جسم ولا عرض لان الجسد تحده الجهات والجهة تحيزه والصورة تمسه والمنقسم تتفرق9 اجزاوه والموصوف تحده صفته والواحد المحض لا تناسبه مصنوعاته ولا يماثله10 مخلوقاته ولا يوصف الا بصفات ازليته فانه خالق قبل كل صفة وموصوف وليس لذاته تكييف ولا لصنعته تكليف احتجب عن العقول كما احتجب عن الابصار وليس له وصف محدود ولا وقت معدود ولا تلحقه النقايص والافات ولا تغيره الازمان والاوقات قديماً لا يزل ازلياً ليس لوجوده اولاً والقديم عبارة عنمن ليس له قبل والواحد المحض عبارة عنمن ليس له ثاني وكما ان الالف اول الحروف ولا يتقدمها شي كذلك الباري سبحانه اول بلا بداية له ازلي موجود لا قبل له كل شي مسنود الى مشيته وصادرا عن ارادته وقد شهد موسى في توراته المعظمة وجميع الانبياء في نبواتهم بوحدانية الباري وقدم ازليته قال الله تعالى في التوراة اسمع يا اسراييل انا الرب الاهك الذي اخرجتك من ارض مصر فلا تعبدوا اله غيري ولا تسجدوا للاه سواي وقال ايضاً انظروا انظروا اني انا هو وليس الله غيري انا اميت واحيي واضرب واشفي وليس من11 ينفذ من يدي وقال اشعيا النبي انا هو الاول والأخر وليس كان قبلي الاه ولا ياتي بعدي ايضا والواحد منفرد بالوحدانية لا يشاركه احدا فيها وقال اشعيا النبي انت الله القوي اله اسراييل الجالس على الشاروبيم انت الله وحدك على كل مملكات الارض وقال ارميا النبي ربنا واحد لا نعبد معه اخر وقال الانجيل المقدس للرب الاهك اسجد وله وحده اعبد.
وقال المومن اب ضابط الكل خالق السما والارض ما يرى وما لا يرى وهذه الكلمة ماخوذة من نبوة زكريا النبي يا بني حبوا الحق والسلامة قال الله ضابط الكل اعلنوا لنا اباينا ان الاله الذي اقروا بواحدانيته واعترفوا بربوبيته ازلي دايم الوجود وانه الازلي ضابط كل شي وماسكه بقوته العلوية وتدابيره الربانية انفرد وحده بالخلق والابداع انفرد بالايجاد والاختراع لا مثيل12 يشابهه ولا ضد ينازعه مبدي ومعيد ضابط كل مصنوعاته بعظمته ومدبرهم بعلو كلمته ما يرى منهم من المحسوسات وما لا يرى من المعقولات لا يخرج عن حكمه شي ولا يغرب عن علمه شي عالم بجميع المعلومات محيط بكل المخلوقات ولا مستند الا لمشيته وصادر عن ارادته احدث الموجودات واستقل بذاته وكمال صفاته ان تحده13 الحادات ولا تغيره التغييرات قد شهدت بذلك المرسلين انبياوه والمقدسين اوليايه قال زكريا هذه الاقوال يقولها الله14 ضابط الكل ها انا اخلص شعبي من مشارق الارض ومغاربها واقتادهم الى ارضهم واسكنهم وسط اورشليم وقال ناحوم النبي يا يهودا هوذا اجي واسكن فيك قال الله ضابط الكل واما من اجل قولهم اب قال داوود النبي كما يترااف الاب على بنيه كذلك يترااف الرب على خايفييه وقال ايضاً انا اكون له اباً ويكون هو15 لي ابناً والانبيا سموا لله لقدم ازليته وترافه على بريته اباً وسموا كلمته ابناً غير ان هذا البنوة لفظة نبوية وهي بنوة ازلية من اب ازلي تعالت كلمة الله بها عن جميع صفات بنوة المخلوقات كولادة القدرة من القادر والكلمة من المتكلم والذات واحدة محضة متعالية عن الادراك والقسمة والتحيزات.
قال المومن ونومن برب واحد يسوع المسيح ابن الله الوحيد المولود من الاب قبل كل الدهور واما قولهم ابن الله الوحيد فهذه16 اللفظة ماخوذة من داوود النبي الرب قال لي انت ابني وانا اليوم ولدتك وقولهم ابن الله الوحيد فانهم يعنوا ان كلمة الله الالزية المولودة من ذاته الازلية كما شهد بذلك ميخا النبي القايل وانت يا بيت لحم يهودا لست بصغيرة في ملوك يهودا لان17 منك يخرج مقدم يرعا شعبي اسراييل ومولده قبل الدهور الحكم فيه ان المسيح تلك الكلمة الازلية والكلمة مولودة من الله المتلكم بالكن في قدم الازلية الذي كل بها كان وولودها من الاب مثل من يقول كلامي متولد من عقلي ولساني ينطق عنما يستولده فكري وفكري متولد عن ذاتي وذاتي واحدة مع نطقي وكلام الله متولد من ذاته الازلية ولا ينقطع حروفاً ولكنه مولود من ذات المتكلم به ازلياً صادر عن ذات ازلية موجوداً فيه وقايماً به موصوف بالقدم والازلية الذي وصف الله به ازليته وكما ان ارادته قديمة موجودة في ذاته الازلية ليبدّع بها خلقه فالكلمة قديمة بالارادة موجودة18 بها في ذات المتلكم بها ولدت منه بالامر الازلي وكلمة الله خاصية له قديمة لذاته الازلية وليس هي ذات غير ذات الله المتكلم ولا جوهر غير جوهره ولا صفة من19 غير صفته ولا بنوة اضافها لنفسه مشتقة من غير ذاته الازلية وانما هي كلمة واحدة لله20 اخترع بها عبادة بقدرة ازليته21 ومن جوهره الالهي يفعل الله بها ما يريد وهي مشية الله التي تعلو كل المشيات22 ومشيته من ذاته والمشية واحدة وسلطان عظمته وذاتها ازلية بازليته الالهية اثبت لنا الشرع ان كلمة الله ازلية وشهدت جميع الانبيا بقدم ازليتها ووجودها وانها ازلية من ذات الله المتكلم بها وانها23 غير مخلوقة وان الله الازلي مستقل بكلمة ازليته مستغني بها لا تنقطع حروفاً وثبت لنا شرعاً ان المسيح كلمة الله وقال الله من اجله اني اكون له اباً وهو24 يكون لي ابناً وظهر المسيح كلمة الله بارادته العلوية وتدابيره الربانية ومشيته الالهية وثبت25 للعالم انه كلمة الله ووجدناه نوراً ازلياً من نور الله الازلي ورايناه في روية خلقه بشراً محدوداً وان الله الازلي مستقل بكملته وقد بشرنا المبشرون بظهوره وقالوا ان الكاين26 منذ البدي هو27 الذي رايناه باعينا وشاهدناه وجنيناه بايدينا2829 ولما انكشف حجاب الظلمة عن ابصارنا رايناه30 قد اشرق نوراً وحصن عنا ظلمة العما وانارنا بنوره الالهي فعلمنا انه كلمة الله الازلية الذي كون بها كل شي وكلمة الله غير مخلوقة وهي من ذات ازلية ولم يوجد قط منذ البدي والى ابد الابدين من له قدرة اللاهية31 وهو في صورة بشرية غير المسيح ابن الله الحي واستقل باياته وعظم ربوبيته عن مناسبة المخلوقين ودعي مسيح ورب وقادر وصانع الايات الربانية والقوات اللاهية وهو موصوف في كتب انبيايه بقدم الذات وصنع الايات ظهر بارادته الربانية العلوية ظهور من لم يدخل الحدث على ذاته الازلية ولا ينتقل بها عن عظمة الربوبية بسر يدق عن الافهام ويتعالى عن الاوهام ظهوراً بقدرة من قادر ازلي متعالي بها عن مناسبة المخلوقين وافعال المحدودين لان له قدم الذات وازلية الكلمة ويتعالا بعظمته عن كل اسم يسمى وعن كل ذكر يذكر فمن زعم ان المسيح كلمة الله مخلوق ونسب تلك الكلمة الخالقة العبودية فان ذلك لا عقل له ولا معرفة بالله ولا يرى وجه الله ولا له دنيا ولا اخرة32 ويخلده الله في الجحيم الى ابد الابدين والباري تعالى شهد وشهادته حق وشهدوا انبياوه المرسلين واولياوه المقدسين ان المسيح كلمته الازلية الذي خلق بها كل العالمين وان المسيح له قدرة فعالة تصدر عن فاعل قادر وله القدرة والجلالة والمشية العلوية وعظمة السلطان الالاهي كل اعماله سمايية لا ارضية فان اياته لا يقدر احد33 من المخلوقين يفعل واحدة منها من قيامة الموتى وعظايم الايات وقد شهد الله وشهدت معه انبياوه المرسلين ان المسيح ابنه وكلمته مولودة من ذاته الازلية وحين صعد المسيح على طور تابور ومعه تلاميذه الاطهار فسمعوا شهادة الله وصوته المحيي وهو يخاطب لكلمته الذي هو المسيح لقوله انت ابني الحبيب الذي بك سررت والله صادق ولو كذبوا جميع الناس وقد شهدوا الانبيا ومنبي الانبيا بازلية كلمة الله الذي هو المسيح فمن كذب الله وانبياوه المرسلين وجب له الخلود في الجحيم ومن علم غور حكمة الله ولا يامن بشهادته لجهله الكتب الالاهية وقال ان المسيح قنوم كلمة الله مخلوق وكذب توراة موسى ونبوات الانبيا المتقدمين شهدوا بان الله الغير المريي ترايا لجميع الانبيا بالصورة الانسانية الذي ظهر المسيح لبني اسراييل ومن انكر نبوات الانبيا وكذب توراة موسى ونبوات الانبياء وجحد ظهور كلمة الله الذي يظهر يوم القيامة وتراه كل اعين البشرسيين ويشاهدوه رباً وحاكماً ودياناً فالمومن به في الدنيا يظهر له في عرصة القيامة بالرويا التي راه بها في الدنيا وصدق بذلك وعده وحسب له ذلك براً عظيماً وعملاً صالحاً يستوجب به حياة الابد كما شهد موسى النبي في التوراة ان الله ترايا لابرهيم عند شجرة البلوط وامن ابراهيم وحسب له ذلك براً ومن عظم ايمان ابراهيم به قام امامه وسجد له وسماه ديان الارض وشهدت التورات المعظمة ان يعقوب ترايا له في صورة رجل شديد القوة وقال له من الان لا يدعوا اسمك يعقوب بل اسراييل معناه ناظر الله وقال الله لموسى لما عطش بني اسراييل في البرية ها انا اسبقك واقف بحوريب على الصخر ا فاذا رايتني قايماً عليها اضرب الصخرة بالعصا التي34 ضربت بها البحر فيخرج لك منها الما وجميع الانبياء ترايا الله لهم بالصورة المسيحية نبوه على ظهوره للعالم بالصورة البشرية الذي كان مزمع ان يظهر المسيح بها35 للعالم ولبني اسراييل كما راوه الانبيا بها وحققوا بها روية الله الصاباووت وثبت بها وجوده لهم وتيقنوا بها ظهوره لهم علانية ولساير عباد الله يترجوه ولو فحصوا الناس كتب الانبيا فيما دونوه عن ظهور الله الكلمة الازلية تحققوا بروية المسيح وجود باريهم ويشاهدوا صانعهم لان الله وساير الانبياء يشهدون بمجي المسيح وظهوره دفعتين الدفعة الاولة ظهوره بالصورة البشرية من مريم العذرى والدفعة الثانية مجيه بالصورة البشرية ليجلس للقضا والدين ويدين العالم باسره بالحق فقد36 شهد كتاب الحنفا بذلك لقوله وجوه ناظرة الى ربها وكلمن قرا توراة موسى ونبوات الانبيا امن بظهور المسيح كلمة الله بالصورة البشرية دعي لمعرفته بها مومناً بالله وشاهد الحق بوجود37 باريه وصانعه وقال داوود النبي الاه الالهة يظهر في صهيون وقال عن مولد الكلمة الازلية من الذات الالهية وميلادها ثانية من مريم العذرى قال من البطن قبل كوكب الصبح ولدتك وقال اشعيا النبي ولداً ولد لنا وعلاماً38 وابناً واعطينا وهو الاله القوي وملك المشورة العظما وقال سلطانه على منكبيه وقال موسى النبي هذا ابوك الذي صنعك وخلقك وقال سليمان من الذي صعد الى السما وهبط الى الارض وجمع الرياح في قبضته والمياه في ردايه وما اسمه واسم ابيه ان كنت تعرف وقال ايضاً انه ولدني من البدي وكنت معه عندما افرق بين السما والارض وجعل كرسيه على اجنحة الرياح ولما جمع الغيوم في اهرايها انا كنت معه وهو ولدني.
قال المومن نور من نور اله حق من اله حق مولود غير مخلوق مساوي الاب39 في الجوهر وهذه الكملة ماخوذة من نبوة اشعيا النبي القايل نور يضي في الظلمة غير ان ذلك النور لا يستطيع الابصار ان تراه وليس هو نوراً يشعل حيزاً ولا يقبل عرضاً وليس هو نوراً من سما الحدث ولا عرضاً من الاعراض المشابهة لكنه نور يفوق كل نور موجود في الاول منزه الذات عن الاختصاص بالجهات نوراً يعلو كل نورينسب للتحيز والحركات والسكنات والمسيح من ذلك النور الذي يفوق كل نور لان ذاته من ذات الله ابيه ومن نوره اللاهي اشرق ذلك النور من الله الاب الازلي لان ذاته من ذات عظمة الاله ونوره مولود من النور الازلي الغير مدروك الغير محصور ذلك النور غير محسوس وغير مركب40 نور من نور عظمة الله وقدرته وكلمن لا يومن بذلك النور انه من الله سلك في الظلمة كل ايام حياته ولا يشاهد الحق لا دنيا ولا اخرة لان نور الله لم يضي في عقله والمسيح نوراً ازلي وذلك النور ادحض كل ظلمة فان ذاته ازلية قايمة بازلية البادع الازلي وظهر ذلك النور ظهور من لا كيفية له لانه لا يتحيز في جهة ولا تحصره الروية الى نوع الادراك في ذاته لانه نور متنزه عن الاقدار مقدساً عن الجهات والاقطار ولما ظهر المسيح ونوره من نور ذات الله اللاهي لم ينقسم ذلك النور الا ان نوره اللاهي من جوهر الاله الحقيقي.
قالوا الابا نور من نور الاه حق من الاه حق مساوي لله ابيه في الجوهر والذات والعظمة كما قال المسيح من فمه الطاهر انا نور العالم ومن يتبعني لا يمشي في الظلام وقال لبني اسرايل النور معكم زمناً41 يسيراً42 فسيروا في النور ما دام لكم النور فلما حققوا ذلك النور سموه نور الحق قالت التوراة ان موسى نظر ناراً في شجرة واغصانها لا تحترق فقال دعني لانظر هذا المنظر الغريب43 العجيب فتقدرليرا فناداه الله من ذلك النار الذي هو نور الحق انا الله اله ابايك فاعلمنا ان تلك النار من نور الحق لان44 الشجرة لم تحترق وقالوا الحنفا ان الله نور ومثل النور الذي كمشكاة في مصباح فالباري سبحانه رداه وحجبه النور ولا تستطيع الابصار ان ترى ذلك النور ولا ذاته الالهية45 الازلية كما قال داوود النبي عندك يا رب ينبوع الحياة وبنورك نعاين النور وقال ايضاً نورك في الجبال الابدية عظيماً وقال اشعيا اللنبي استضي يا اورشليم فان نورك قد حضر وكرامة الرب اشرقت عليك ويرى الرب فيك وكرامته تحل عليك وتمشي الشعوب معك بضوك والملوك بنورك وقال ارميا هكذى يقول الرب اقيم لداوود ضو النور ويملك الملك ويقيم العدل في وسط الارض وفي ذلك اليوم اخلص اورشليم ممن يقاتلها واسم الذي يخلصها الله هكذى قال الرب لايزال ولد46 لداوود يجلس على كرسيه الى الابد.
قال المومن الذي من اجلنا نحن البشر ومن اجل خلاصنا نزل من السما وهذه اللفظة اخذوها من داوود النبي القايل يا رب47 مل بسماك وانزل واما قولهم نزل من السما فيعني بقرب الرب اليهم واتصال عقولهم الى معرفته ومشاهدتهم لرويته البشرية الذي كانوا ساير الانبيا المتقدمين يشتهوا ان يروه بها عياناً كما رواه بني اسرايل عياناً لان ساير الانبيا ترايا الله لهم وفضلهم على ساير البشر فتنبوا بظهوره بالروية التي راوه48 بها عياناً كما قال بولس الرسول بكل نوع وكل شبه كلم الله اباينا على السن الانبيا في قديم الدهر وفي هذه الايام كلمنا بابنه الوحيد الذي جعله وارثاً للكل الذي به صنع الدهور49 وهو ضيا مجده وصورة ازليته ومسك الجميع بقوة كلمته فلفظة النزول اتصال النفس بواجد حياتها ومشاهدة نور الحق من غير حركة للذات اللاهية وهبوطها من سما عرشها المرهوب الى العالم الجسماني الفاني التالف قصدوا بمعنى النزول تقرب الباري لعباده بموانسته لهم وبظهوره لهم بالصورة البشرية اذ كان عالياً في عرشه السماوي عن رويتهم اليه وسامياً عنهم في علو سمايه عن نظرهم لذاته اللاهية ولما بشرت الانبيا بظهوره بالصورة البشرية فاوجبت الرويا بوصل العين البشرية لروية الذات اللاهية مقدسة من الجهات والاقطار وجميع كتب الله المنزلة تشهد انه ينزل ويظهر لعباده علانية وهي لفظة مستعملة في كتب الله غير ان نور ذاته اللاهي لا يستطيع احد50 من السمايين والبشريين ان يروا نور عظمته لشرفها كما قال الله لموسى حين سال الروية لذاته اللاهية انه لا يراني احد51 فيعيش وهذا دليل على ان نوره لا تدركه الابصار ولما نظروه الانبيا كما شهدوا برويته لم يروه الا بروية الصورة الذي نباهم بظهوره لهم بها مسيحاً في عالمه الجسماني كما يظهر بها يوم القيامة يدينهم ويوجب الحكم عليهم بها ومن عقل كون الله كتب اسمه في الواح موسى من غير حلول الذات اللاهية في تلك الالواح واحصارها فيها فقد عقل لما اشرنا اليه بمعنى ان الخط سطر في الالواح ولم يكن ذلك باله بل كما اراد الله سبحانه ان يكون ذلك الخط مسطر فكان كما اراد تعالى والكلام قايماً بالذات محفوظاً في القلب مكتوباً في52 الالواح لموسى من غير مفارقة لذاته اللاهية وللحاكم الرباني ارادة علوية تظهر بارادته كما يشا وكيف يشا وذلك بمشيته اللاهية اللايقة بحكمته الربانية والقادر قادر لا يدركه المقدور وارادته العلوية لا تبلغ المصنوع ادراك صنعة صانعه ولما راه موسى بحجاب النور في العليقة بعجب الروية فحقق الله له وجوده فيها وناداه الله منها انا الله الاه ابراهيم والاه اسحق واله يعقوب فحقق موسى ان ذلك النور المنادي له انا الله وانه ظهر له بحجاب النار وجعله حجاباً لقدرته ولم يشك موسى ولا فكر فيه ان النار غير الذات الازلية وقد امن ان المخاطب له هو الله بالصوت وكان هذا ارادته في ظهوره بحجاب النار ونحن نتلوا بعض ما شهدوا به الانبيا بنزوله بالصورة البشرية قال داوود النبي ينزل مثل المطر على الصوف ومثل القطر على الارض وقال ايضاً طاطا السموات ونزل والضباب53 تحت رجليه ركب على الكاروبيم وطار على اجنحة الرياح وقال ايضاً في مزمور المياه وثلثة واربعين يا رب امل بسمايك وانزل وقال عن ولادته في صهيون يا ام الانسان وانسانا54ً ولد فيها وهو العلي الذي اسسها الى الابد وقال ايضاً الاه الالهة يظهر في صهيون وفي دخوله الى مدينة صهيون قال زكريا النبي قولوا لابنة صهيون هو ذا ملكك ياتيك متواضعاً راكباً على جحش ابن اتان.
قال المومن وتجسد من روح القدس ومن مريم العذرى وهذه الكلمة اخذوها الابا من اشعيا النبي القايل هوذا55 العذرى تحبل وتلد ابنا ويدعى اسمه عمانوييل الذي تاويله الاهنا56 معنا واما قول الابا تجسد من الروح القدس ومن مريم العذرى فقد ذكروا تجسدين وتعالى القول عن الافهام البشرية والخواطر الجسمانية قالوا الابا المويدون بروح القدس ان روح الله لما حل على الانبيا وعلموا بظهور الكلمة الازلية فاخذت قواماً من ذاتها الازلية من غير تجزي ولا افتراق من ذات عظمتها الذي لا تدرك واخذت من مريم العذرى جسداً محسوساً وكيفية ذلك لا تدركه العقول البشرية كما قال صمويل النبي لما سالوه عن مخاطبة الله في الهيكل باي صورة يظهر بها له فقال لهم ان الله يظهر لي57 في صورة انسان مثلي وهكذى يظهر في صهيون اخر الايام والصورة التي ظهر بها من مريم العذرى لم تكن هيكلاً ولا حجاباً ولا محلاً موجوداً قبل وجود الاتحاد اذ لم يظهر الا رباً ومسيحاً ومخلصاً وفاعل الايات اللاهية وقابل الافعال الجسمانية الا ان اتحادها58 يتعالى عن التشبهات البشرية والخواطر النفسانية قال انجيل الله والكلمة صار جسداً وحل59 فينا وراينا مجده بما به تجسدت من روح القدس ومن مريم العذرى وظهرت الكلمة بالصورة البشرية من حيث لم تهبط من كرسي عظمتها ولا تسافلت عن عرشها ومن عرشها المرهوب ولا من مجدها السمايي وقد علمنا ان الباري تعالى قادر على كل شي عظيم في قدرته يقدر يظهر لمن يشا كيف يشا يحكم كما يشا وله المشية العلوية والقدرة اللاهية الربانية ظهر من مريم العذرى كما اراد وكما سبقت مشيته في ظهوره وتنبا بها انبياوه والصورة الذي ظهر بها صورة بشرية متحد بها الكلمة الازلية ولها سلطان الربوبية وله المشية التي تعلو كل المشيات وهو ولي الدينونة وظهوره بهذه الصورة يوم القيامة ويظهر بمجد عظيم لا يوصف ويجل بها عن60 المخلوقين وهو حاكم السمايين والارضيين قال انجيل الله ان جبراييل الملاك61 لما ارسل من الله الى مريم العذرى قال لها افرحي يا ممتلية نعمة الرب معك ولا قال لها انت تحملي ابناً ولا رسولاً ولا بشراً من البشرين بل قال لها انك تقبلين حبلاً وتلدين ابناً ويدعا اسمه ابن العلي وليس لملكه انقضا وقال الانجيل المقدس في بشارة متى ووجدت مريم حبلاً من روح القدس فقام لها مقام الزرع اللاهي الغير مدروك الذي لا يعلم كيفيته واظهر لها سر الله الذي ارسله مبشراً به قايلاً لها لما62 سالت عن كيفية الزرع باخراق العادة قال لها روح القدس تحل عليك63 وقوة العلي تظللك لان المولود منك قدوس وابن الله يدعا فعند قوله لها حلت عليها روح الله وطهرها بموهبته الالهية بحلول الكلمة الازلية فيها وحلول الكلمة من غير ان تتجزا او تنقسم64 وذلك النور يفوق كل نور والنور اضا في الظلمة الاحشايية وبنت الحكمة للنور بيتاً بارادتها الازلية ومن مريم العذرى كما قال سليمان الحكمة بنت لها بيتاً وادعمته65 بستة دعايم يعني ان ذلك البيت تجسد بستة جهات وشهد كتاب الحنفا ان مريم العذرى ولدت كلمة الله والقا اليها كلمته الازلية وكان منها بشراً كما قال انجيل الله الكلمة صار جسداً وحل فينا وفضل كتاب الحنفا الطاهرة مريم العذرى في قوله مريم ابنة عمران التي احصنت فرجها فنفخنا فيها من روحنا فصدقت بكلمات ربها وكانت من القانتين فوافق ذلك قول انجيل الله القايل في الشهر السادس ارسل جبراييل الملك من عند الله الى مدينة الجليل التي تسمى الناصرة الى عذرى خطيبة لرجل اسمه يوسف من بيت داوود ولما بشرها الملاك بحلول كلمة الله فيها استفهمت منه كيف يكون الحبل بغير زرع بشر لان تلك اية لم يكن مثلها فكشف لها الملاك66 سر الله الذي اوتمن عليه واعلمها ان حبلها لم يكن من زرع ولكن المولود منها من روح القدس وكل الانبيا المرسلين67 تنبوا بهذا68 المولود انه كلمة الله الازلية المولود من الله الاب ومن ذاته الازلية وقد تكلموا فيه جماعة الحكما والفلاسفة المتقدمين ونتلوا بعد ذلك نبوات الانبيا ووجد في كتاب هرمس الحكيم في علم التنجيم المعروف بكتاب التسعة احجار يخاطب ولده قايلاً يا بني لا بد من نزول العلة الهايلة الغير محصورة شعاع العلة التامة69 القايمة بذاتها الغير محتاجة الى غيرها وتمشي في الارض بحجاب تصنعه لها وترجع الى علوها وكرسي عرشها وليس ذلك بانتقال ولا حركة وقال ايضاً يسير كوكب من المشرق الى المغرب سنتين ونصف ويرجع الى مركزه وهو كوكب البشارة ويسير بين يدي الحكما الاتين من المشرق الى الملك الازلي يسجدون له ويقدمون قرابينهم ومن اجله تقتل اطفال بيت لحم ومايلها70 وذلك بعد ماية وثلثة وثمانون دورة لكيوان العتيق زحل لانه يقطع الفلك في كل ثلثين سنة دوره وقال افلاطون في كتاب الاسرار بان العلي الاعلا يظهر في الارض ويقيم الموتى ويظهر اياته الربانية ويرفع الى عرشه ولا يعود يروه الى يوم يدين العالم وقال يواتيون الحكيم هو القديم العظيم القديم الجالس فوق اعلا السموات العلا المتردي بلهيب71 النار الذي لا يفنا ملكه يظهر على الارض ويقيم الموتى ويشفي المرضا ويظهر الايات الربانية ويرجع الى عرشه العلوي وعند ظهوره على72 الارض ياتوا73 اليه حكما من ارض فارس ويقدموا74 قرابينهم اليه فانه ملك الملوك وملكه لا يفنى وقال اوغسطوس الحكيم في علم التنجيم ان شاب عبراني اسمه المسيح وهو في ذاته ازلي الازل يظهر علانية وبيده سلطان الربوبية فيقيم الموتى ويطهر البرص ويطلق السنة الخرس75 وقال ارسطوطاليس76 الحكيم في كتابه المعروف بالعلوم العلوية انكم لا تشاهدوا الاهكم الا بالحجاب الذي يظهر به ويخفي نوره عن ابصاركم ليلا تشخص عيونكم عند نظره واذا ظهر ورايتموه استدلوا باياته على77 عظمة سلطانه وبهذا تعلموا انه رب الارباب وملك الملوك وقال في رسالته الى الاسكندر حيث جد في طلب ما الحياة انك ليس تجد ما الحياة الا في واحد يظهر في العالم لابس لباس العالم فاذا وجدته ظفرت منه بما الحياة ويفديك من شجرة الحياة الابدية بطعامه ومن يديه78 تجري ما الحياة الابدية وقال في كتابه المسمى بكتاب الكنوز ان كنز الحياة عند ادوناي الاله الذي يظهر في المسكونة وتسمع صوته موتى من القبور فيقومون وقالوا الانبيا الذين79 نباهم بالحق وتكلموا بالمغيبات من اجل ظهور المسيح وتجسده من روح القدس ومن مريم العذرى وقال ناحوم النبي ان الله ياتي بصورتي ولباسه كلباسي ويكون اسمه مرسوماً في كتب الاسم وكرمته اثني عشر قضيباً من بني اسراييل فيترااف على الامم ويشبع الخبز في البراري ويطا على البحر وتسجد له الامواج وهو كاتب الالواح بيده لموسى وقال صفونيا النبي يا ابنة صهيون لا تسترخي يديك فان الاهنا ياتي يحل80 فيك وينجيك وقال اشعيا النبي افرحي يا ابنة صهيون فان الذي فيك قدوس اسراييل وقال ايضاً تخرج عصا من ظهر81 يسا وينبت قضيباً من اصله ويحل فيه روح الله روح الحكمة والعقل وترجع الاشرار من ارضه ويضرب الارض بقضيب فيه وتميت المنافق بكلام شفتيه وقال الله في توراة موسى يهودا جروا الاسد لا يزال في يهودا ملكاً مسلطاً ونبياً مرسلاً الى ان يجي الذي له الحكم واياه ترتجي الشعوب وقال دانيال النبي رايت جبلاً قد قطع بغير يد وانه ضرب رجل الصنم الذي راه بختنصر في نومه فكسر الفخار والنحاس والحديد والفضة فكانوا مثل الغبار الامد وهبت ريح شديدة ولم يرى لهم اثر ان الحجر العظيم ملا الارض كلها.
قال المومن وتالم وقبر وهذه الكلمة اخذوها الابا من اشعيا النبي الذي لا يوجد فيه كذب جا الى الموت اعلم يا بني ان المسيح له المجد كمل نبوات الانبيا على قبوله الالام والموت والتوراة التي82 بيد العبرانيين ونبوات الانبيا لما تنبوا بمجي83 المسيح تنبوا بقبوله الالام والموت كما قال دانيال النبي ان المسيح ياتي ويقتل لان المسيح ظهر بجسد محسوس قابل الالام والموت والجسد الذي ظهر به كثيف ولم يشا ان يرجع ذلك الجسد الكثيف الى السما حق يعريه من الصورة الفاسدة المضمحلة ويلبسه لباس البقا والدوام ويعظمه بالقيامة الابدية الذي لم يعظم لها احداً سواه ويجلله بحلة البها في قيامة البها والتخليد ويعظم تلك الصورة بالمجد السرمدي فاذا ارتفعت الى عرشها العلوي حلت الصورة في نور عظمتها الالهية وصارت الصورة المريية في نور ذاتها الازلية كما84 قال داوود النبي لبس الرب البها وتجلل بالعلا ولما اراد الجسد بارادته السمايية نزع عنه لباس الكون والفساد بالموت والبسه لباس الملك الدايم بقيامته من بين الاموات ورفعه الى عرشه المرهوب صورة البقا والتخليد ولا يعود يدخل تحت التغيرات ولا تغيره85 الموت والفساد مثل حبة الحنطة التي صارت بموتها سنبلة مثمرة وكان موتها سبب انتقالها لثمرة الحياة هكذى موت المسيح صورة ادم التي حكم الله عليها بالموت واقامها صورة الاهية الملك الدايم والعظمة الربانية واستوى على عرشه المرهوب في محله العلوي الذي تسبحه فيه ملايكته الابرار كما قال عنه دانيال النبي رايت في سحاب السما شبه86 ابن الانسان دنا الى عتيق الايام فاعطاه الملك والسلطان والوف الوف من الملايكة يخدموه وربوات ربوات قيام بين يديه وملكه لا ينقضي ولا يزول الى ابد الابدين والموت كافي ذاته انما هو انتقال من دار الى دار من دار الفنا الى دار البقا والمسيح اراد بقبوله الالام الارتقا الى عرشه السمايي فقد قايسنا بين الام المسيح التي قبلها بارادته وبين الايات البارهة التي87 فعلها بقدرته وراينا ان واحدة من اياته تفي من88 كل اية بالف من الالام التي قبلها في صورة البشرية وبني اسراييل تصور لهم89 ان الام المسيح عجزاً منه لكفرهم واهل الحكمة نظروا الى الام المسيح انها حكمة ربانية سمايية لا يفهمها90 الا المويدين الذي كشف الله لهم غوامض حكمته اللاهية91 وموت المسيح الذي اظهره علانية انه افرق بين الروح وبين جسدها وكلمة الله متحدة بها دايماً باقية خالدة منذ الاتحاد والى ابد الابدين لان كلمة نوراً من ذات الله الازلية والنور فيه حال حلول البقا والتخليد متحد به واحد معه ابدي الوجود ومن كان الله فيه وقد صيره واحد مع ذاته الازلية في ذلك الجسد الذي قبل فيه المسيح الموت وفي النفس التي فارقت جسدها فلهما الحياة الابدية منذ الاتحاد والى دهر الداهرين كما قال اشعيا النبي لما را بعين النبوة قال الله حق يقين حال فيك وليس الله اخر غيره وانك الاله المكنون اله اسرايل ومخلصه وقال الانجيل المقدس الكلمة صار جسداً والكلمة نوراً لا يتالم ولا تالمه الالام لانها تفوق عقل البشريين وليس هي جسد محسوس تالم ونور الحق فلا يتالم ولا تالمه الالام في ذاته الربانية ونور الحق صانع لا يدركه مصنوع والصانع موجود في الصورة التي ظهر بها مسيحاً والصورة قبلت الالام بطبيعتها والكلمة فلا تقبل ما تقبله الكثايف الا ان الصورة صورة الذات الازلية وصارت بالاتحاد واحد معه فقامت بها مسيحاً ورباً ودياناً واذا صنع الصانع الحكيم ثوباً وتردى به92 وذاته واحدة ازلية فماذا يولمه الصانع او بماذا يجهل صنعته ولم يدخل عليه بلباس زيادة في ذاته ولا نقض ووحدانيته دايمة تجل عن الصفات المخلوقة وافعال الجسمانيين واما قبول المسيح الالام والموت فان الله نبى به ساير انبياوه المرسلون وذلك حكم93 من حكمة اللاهية والذي نبا الله به انبياوه هو الذي صنعوا به بني اسراييل ما صنعوا من الالام كما قال موسى النبي ان الله امره لما اكلت الحيات بني اسراييل من كثرتها قال له اصنع حية من النحاس وعلقها على خشبة امامهم وكلمن اكلته الحية يرفع نظره الى تلك الحية النحاس فتبرا عند ذلك تنبا موسى قايلاً الحق اقول لكم انكم ترون محييكم معلقاً بين اعينكم ولا تومنون وقال داوود النبي لماذا ارتجت الشعوب94 وهدت95 الامم96 بالباطل قامت ملوك الارض وروسايها وايتموا جميعاً على الرب وعلى مسيحه ليقطع اغلالهم ويلقي عنانيرهم الساكن في السما يضحك بهم الرب يمقتهم حينيذ يكلمهم بغضبه ورجزه يذهلهم وقال ناتان النبي يظهر الرب في يورسليم بعصا من ثلثة اجناس وبها تخلص الامم وتتشرف بتلك الخشبة ملوكهم ويطهرهم بما الاردن وقال اشعيا النبي في الضيق افتكروك وعند الضرورة افتقدوك وقال ايضاً الله اعطاني97 لسان العلم لاني بذلت خدي للطم ولم ارد وجهي عن خزي البصاق وقال ايضاً كل انسانا منا ضل في طريقه والرب اُسلم من خطايانا تواضع لم يفتح فاه ومثل الخروف سيق الى الذبح ومثل النعجة امام الجزار وقصصه من يقدر يحدث بها وقال ارميا النبي ياتي الرب بالمجد العظيم وعلامة مجيه تسجد جميع الامم لعود الخشبة والتابوت وقال عاموص النبي اذا سمرت ثلثة عيدان في وسط الارض خارجاً عن اورشليم ونصب عليها علم الخلاص حينيذ ترجع بني اسراييل الى الجوع والمجاعة والخزي وقال ايضاً ياتي الرب وكل قديسيه معه وذلك اليوم لا يكون فيه نور لكن يكون فيه برد وجليد وهو يوم واحد معروف عند الله لا يكون فيه نهار98 ولا ليل99 وعند العشا يكون نور100 وقال عبوديا النبي ان الله ينزل من سما قدسه الى الارض ويبدد بني اسراييل في اقطار الارض ويجعلهم لعنة في افواه الامم ويقتلوه ويقوم في اليوم الثالث وبخشبته101 يقوم الموتى وقال يوتان النبي اذا رايتم الصخرة تصيح بصوت فقد دنت الاخرة ودنا رجا المرتجا واذا رايتم الامم مشد ودين الاوساط يصير لاسراييل الخوف الى الابد وقال حبقوق النبي ان الله ياتي من التيمن والقدوس من جبل فاران وهو الجبل الاشعر ويعرفوه بين وحشين وقال عاموص النبي ان الله يظهر محتجباً بحجاب ويجدد ادم بصعوده على خشبة ويظهر حياة الارض ويطعم الخبز في البراري ويخلق خلقاً جديداً والموتى يسمعون صوته يحييون وهو القدوس يظهر من سبط يهوذا وقال زكريا النبي ان الله يخلص ادم بالخشبة وقوايم التابون اذا ركب عليها في وسط الارض ويكون الخوف على صهيون وقال ملاخيا النبي يظهر الرب من يهوذا ويخالط بيت داوود ويظهر مجده في اقطار الارض يكون طعامه من شعب اسراييل الخل والمرارة ويطعنوه بحربة وهو الاههم وقال دانيال النبي الى بعد سبعون سابوع102 ياتي المسيح ويقتل وليس لاورشليم مخلص غيره وقال داوود احاطوا بي كلاب كثيرة وجماعة الاشرار اكتنفوني ثقبوا يدي ورجلي واحصوا جميع103 اعظامي104 اقتسموا بينهم ثيابي105 وعلى لباسي اقترعوا وقال ايضاً تشاوروا علي جميعهم وتواروا لاخذ نفسي وقال ايضاً جعلوا في طعامي مرارة وعند عطشي سقوني خلاً وقال ايضاً106 ابغضوني107 ظلماً وقال ايضاً جازوني عوض الخير شراً وطرحوني انا الحبيب مثل ميت مرذول وسمروا لحمي بالمسامير وقال زكريا النبي سيعلموا الذين طعنوا مجازاتهم من الرب.
وقال المومن وقام في اليوم الثالث وهذه اللفظة اخذوها الابا من داوود النبي قال قام الرب كالنايم وكالجبار المغيق من شرابه108 اعلم يا بني ان المسيح امات جسده بارادته واحياه بقوة عظمته وعراه ثوب الفنا والبسه حلة البقا وعظمة الربوبية واصعده لكرسي العظمة وخضعت له الملايكة الاطهار كما قال دانيال النبي بعين النبوة الصادقة قال109 رايت في سحاب السماء شبه ابن الانسان قد دنا من عتيق الايام فاعطاه الملك والسلطان والرياسة وكل الالسن تعبده وسلطانه الى ابد الابدين وقال المسيح لتلاميذه الاطهار عند قيامته من الاموات اعطيت كل سلطان في السما و على110 الارض وايدهم عند قيامته بعظمة السلطان وقال لهم اقيموا الموتى فاقاموهم طهروا البرص فطهروهم اشفوا المرضى فاشفوهم وصنعوا الايات العظيمة بقوته التي111 ايدهم بها عند قيامته واقام يتردد لهم بعد قيامته من الاموات اربعين يوماً يعلمهم ناموسه المحيي وايدهم بتاييده السمايي واخضع الشياطين تحت ارجلهم فصار ظلهم يقيم الموتى وكلامهم يميت ارواح الشياطين ثم صعد الى كرسي العظمة وجلس عن يمين القوة الربانية واليمين عبارة عن القوة التي تعلو112 كل عظمة وكل سلطان والباري تعالى ليس هو في ذاته الازلية جسد مركب ولا له يمين ولا يسار ويمين القوة وشمالها بغير حاسية وغير تركيب لان الله تعالى يعلو عن صفات المخلوقين وافعال المحدودين وقوله لنا جلس عن يمين الاب في العلا كقول الكتاب استولى على العرش فلو لم يكن قولنا عبارة ما عين لنا يمين الله من يساره وانما المسيح ارتقا الى ذات العظمة وهو محل غير مدروك ولا يدخل تحت عقل بشري وذاته غير مدروكة واجساد البشر خلقوا من التراب ويعودوا113 الى عنصرها الاول كقول الله لادم انك من التراب خلقت والى التراب تعود ولهذا امات المسيح الذي ظهر به للعالم واقامه ولم يدع التراب يفسده كما تنبا عليه داوود النبي يا رب لم تدع صفيك يرى الفساد فان جسد موسى وابراهيم وداوود وساير الانبيا فسدوا في التراب والمسيح في السما فوق اعلا علو الشرف لم يفسد جسده التراب ولم تغيره التغيرات التي114 سبقت من الله لادم انك من التراب خلقت والى التراب تعود ولم يكن قط في العالم من ادم والى الابد من مات بارادته وقام بقوة سلطانه غير المسيح ولهذا تحققنا انه ملك الملوك ورب الارباب وانما هو رفع جسده قرباناً لله ابيه عن خطية ادم وذريته فهذا الذبيحة الطاهرة المقدسة لمغفرة الخطايا وفكهم من سجن الجحيم واعادهم الى فردوس النعيم والالام التي115 تدبير منه وحكمة الاهية فانه لما قبل الالام اظهر معها ما يبهر عقول الفلاسفة من الايات من تزلزل الارض واضطراب المسكونة وما نزل بالناس عند صعوده على الصليب من الكاابة والحزن وما غشا الدنيا من الظلمة والجبال تزلزلت والشمس اخفت نورها وتشققت الصخور وتفتحت القبور وقاموا موتى من قبورهم وخرجوا من قبورهم116 وصرخوا باكيين في شوارع اورشليم وذلك جميعه لما صنعوه بني اسراييل مع باريهم فلو لم يكن رب الشمس ما حجبت نورها عند الامه ولو لم يكن رب الهيكل ما117 انشق ستر الهيكل لاجله وعند قيامته من القبر اضات المسكونة كلها بنور قيامته والشمس تضاعف ضوها سبعة اضعاف واشرق نور قيامته على المومنين به وذلك ان النور اشرق للجالسين في الظلمة وظلال الموت وانحل وثاق المسجونين في سجن الجحيم118 واخرجهم من الظلمة كما قالت حنا ام صمويل كقولها الرب ينزل الى الجحيم ويخرج من فيه من الماسورين ونحن نتلو بعض ما ذكروه119 الانبياء القديسين عن قيامته المقدسة قال داوود النبي الان اقوم قال الرب واصنع الخلاص علانية وقال ايضاً قم يا رب واهلك جميع اعداك وقال سيقوم الرب وتتبدد جميع اعداه وقال ايضاً قام الرب في مجمع الالهة وفي وسط مجامعهم يحكم عليهم وقال ايصاً قام الرب بالحكم ويخلص متواضعي الارض وقال اشعيا قال الله اقوم الان وارتفع وقال ايضاً اذا قام الرب تدل الارض ويطرحون اصنام الذهب والفضة التي اتخذوها للسجود وقال ايضاً يقوم رب120 الصاباووت121 ويقيم بالبر سبله وقال سيعلموا المتفكرون على العلي بالشر ويقطر الجسد ما ودم ويسمع صوت العبد من العود والخشبة ويقبر ويقوم من الموتى ومن الارض الى السما يصعد ويصير في البقا وعلى يمين العلا يرقا ويكون فوق الكاروبيم عند حيث كان اولاً والقديسون122 به يفتخرون وقال داوود النبي صعد الرب بتهليل صعد الرب بصوت القرن رتلوا للاهنا رتلوا رتلوا لملكنا وقال ايضاً صعد الرب بصوت الغلبة وقال ايضاً كنت انظر الرب امامي في كل حين فلذلك فرح قلبي وتهلل لساني وقال ايضاً الرب صعد الى السموات وارعد وهو يدين اقطار الارض وقال هوشع النبي نرجع الى الرب الذي ضربنا ويشفينا وبعد اليومين واليوم الثالث يقوم حياً ويحيينا.
قال المومن وصعد الى السما وجلس عن يمين الاب في العلا وهذه الكلمة اخذوها123 الابا من داوود النبي القايل استوى على اجنحة الرياح وصعد الى السما كما قال انجيل الله ما يصعد الى السماء الا الذي نزل من السما ابن البشر الذي لم يزل في السماء فلم يوجد قط احداً نزل من السما وصعد الى السماء الا المسيح وحده وجميع الانبيا والاوليا لابدين في الارض الى يوم القيامة واذا كان يوم القيامة ياتي المسيح ذلك الذي صعد الى السما في عظمة مجده المرهوب وجميع ملايكته القديسين معه حينيذ ينادي للاموات بصوته فتكون جميع الموتى يقوموا ويقفوا قدام كرسيه فيحكم بينهم بالحق ويدينهم لان المسيح لما صعد الى السما صعد الى محل غير محدود الى كرسي عظمته الغير مدروك واليمين عبارة عن يمين عظمة الباري الغير محدود لانه اليمين قوة ربانية من غير حاسية جسمانية لان اذا رفعنا ايدينا الى السماء اشرنا الى علو عظمته وقصدنا ذات غير محدودة وغير معدودة والذي صعد الى هذه العظمة هو كلمة الله الازلية وكلمة الله لم تزل عند الله والله هو الكلمة وصعودها لذاتها الازلية واستوت على عرشها في المحل الذي لا يدرك والنور الذي لا يشرق مولود من نور ذات الله الازلية وهو الذي اشرق علينا بنوره الرباني رباً ومسيحاً بالمعنى الذي اراده وشاه وجرى في علمه الرباني وظهر بالمشية الربانية التي124 لا يستطرق اليها الفهم البشري وظهر ذلك النور في العالم واضا في الظلمة فاهدى العالم الى معرفة ربوبيته وصعد الى عرشه لكمال مشيته اللاهية وجلس عن عظمة يمين ابيه من غير كيفية ولا جهة محدودة وجلوسه في محله الاعلا بالصورة التي ظهر بها مسيحاً لكنها حلت في النور اللاهي الذي لا تدركه الابصار وتلك الصورة يظهر بها يوم القيامة ووجوههم يموميذ ناظرة وكما انا لا نكيف استواه على عرشه كذلك لا نقدر نكيف محله عن يمين عظمة الربوبية التي لا تدرك غير انا اشرنا الى عظمته ومحل القدرة اللاهية التي لا يوصف ومن لا يحد الباري ولا تحيز125 ذاته الغير مدروكة ولو قلنا ان الملك جرد سيفاً وقتل اعداه به وذات الملك لا تحد ولا تدركه الابصار واعاد الملك سيفه الى غمده في عظمة نوره ويشرق بهايه الاول فمن الذي يدرك الجهة التي126 رفع الملك سيفه اليها ونور الملك يفوق كل شي وقالوا الحنفا ان المسيح رفعه الله ولم يقدروا يعينوا الجهة التي127 رفعه الله اليها وما ادركت عقولنا من العلم في معرفة صعود المسيح الى محله الاعلا وجلوسه عن يمين العظمة اللاهية الا ما تلوناه ولم نصل الى شي من المعرفة في ظهوره في العالم الجسماني سوا ما شرحناه وقالوه لنا الانبيا المرسلين ولو بالغنا في كشف عمق هذا السر لم يستطيع عقل احد من البشر ان يدركه وقد قال التلميذ الصالح يوحنا الانجيلي الكاين128 منذ البدي هو هو129 الذي رايناه باعيننا130 وجسيناه بايدينا من اجل كلمة الحياة131 وقد تكلم الانبيا في صعود المسيح علانية قال132 ارميا النبي يصعد الرب من سينا وسياتي بالمجد العظيم ايضاً قال داوود النبي صعد الرب بالتهليل صعد الرب بصوت البوق رتلوا رتلوا133 لملكنا رتلوا فقد صعد الرب الى كرسي مجده وقال ايضاً ارتفعي ايتها الابواب الدهرية ليدخل ملك المجد من هو134 ملك المجد الرب القوي هو ملك المجد وقال زكريا النبي من طور الزيتون تقوم اقدام الرب مقابل الشرق ومن البيت المقدس يصعد الى السماء وقال داوود النبي قال الرب لربي اجلس عن يميني حتى اضع اعداك تحت موضى قدميك وقال دانيال النبي رايت شبه135 ابن البشر صعد الى136 السماء ودنا الى عتيق الايام واعطاه ملك لا يزول137138
قال المومن وايضاً ياتي بمجده ليدين الاحيا والاموات الذي ليس لملكه فنا ولا انقضا وهذه الكلمة اخذوها الابا من توراة موسى لان الله قال ها انا ادين واجازي بالحق اعلم يا بني ان الله جل ذكره لم يراه احد139 قط كما قال انجيل الله ان نوره يضي كل نور فلو انه ترايا للخلق بنوره اللاهي لما استطاعوا الخلايق رويته وانشقت ابصارهم من ضيا هيبته كما قال لموسى لما ساله الرويا قال له ما يراني احداً فيعيش والباري تعالى ذاته منزهة عن الاقدار متعالياً عن الحلول في الجهات والاقطار وانما الرويا التي140 راه بها موسى وابراهيم ويعقوب نوعاً من انواع الحكمة اللاهية التي141 راوه142 بها في الصورة الجسمانية مسيحاً ولم يكن التي143 ظهر بها فنطسية ولا خيالاً وانما ظهوره ثبت وجوده ووجوب حكمته ولو استند الى ديان غير مريي والحكمة التامة144 في ظهوره يوم القيامة في الصورة الجسمانية المسيحية الذي انكروا ربوبيته فيها ومضادديه يوبخهم بها على انكارهم ربوبيته فيها ويدينهم باعمالهم وكيف خالفوا كلامه ووصاياه فاذا رووه يوم القيامة بتلك الصورة المسيحية وقد ظهر بها رباً ومسيحاً ودياناً وحكم فيهم بما يحكم الديان الحكم الذي يصوغ قبوله ويتحققوا ان تلك الصورة روية الله وصورة ازليته ومراة ذاته الازلية وتحقق انها روية الديان الحاكم العدل كما قال داوود النبي يدين المسكونة بحكم حق وقال ايضاً من صهيون تخرج السنة وكلمة الله من يورشليم ويحكم بين الشعوب وايضاً قال ملك الرب فتهللت الارض وتفرح جزاير سحاب وظباب وغمام حوله وحكم عدل قدام وجهه وقال قولوا في الارض قد ملك الرب وقوم المسكونة وقال اشعيا النبي يقوم الرب ويحكم لشعبه في القضا وهو الرب يحاكم شيوخ شعبه وقال سليمان قال الله الانتقام لي وانا المجازي وقال ملاخيا النبي هوذا الرب ياتي مالك الكل ومن يصبر الى المنتها ليوم مجيه ويوم ظهوره مثل النار ويجلس للدينونة ليصفي الناس مثل الفضة وقال ايضاً الاهنا الله الحاكم وطوبا للذين يفرحون معه.
قال المومن ونومن بالروح القدس الرب المحيي المنبثق نسجد له ونمجده مع الاب والابن الناطق في الانبيا وهذه الكلمة اخذوها الابا من التوراة القايل روح الله ترف على المياه وروح الله خلقني وداوود يقول بروحك القادرة ثبتني اعلم يا بني ان روح القدس هي روح الله الذي يحيي بها كل حي لانها حياة الجسمانيين والروحانيين والابا لما اثبتوا وحدة الباري ونزهوه عن الصفات الانسانية ووحدوه بخواص اقامته وثبتوا وجوده بصفاته الذاتية الازلية وله صفتان ذاتيان وصف بها ذاته تعالى وانه موجود بالسواكت خلا هذه الصفتات اللتان اذا عذمتا اوجبا عدمه فانهم لما اثبتوا انه قايماً145 بذاته حياً وليس حياً من الاحيا الا روح الله حياته وصارت هذه الصفة ذاتية ازلية لله القايم بنفسه ثم قالوا ان يده الواحد الحي الناطق رباً حياً الاه ناطق ولما وصف الباري الواحد بهذا الصفتان الذي اثبتوا بها وجوده قالوا نومن بالروح القدس يعنوا ان روح القدس روح الله الحق الصادرة منه منبي الانبيا ولما نظر اشعيا النبي الى المسيح بعين النبوة قال روح الرب علي من اجل هذا مسحني وارسلني لابشر المساكين واشفي منكسري القلوب وانذر الماسورين بالتخلية والعميان بالنظر وابشر بسنة مقبولة للرب146 وقال يوييل النبي في تلك الايام147 افيض من روحي على كل ذي جسد فتتنبي بنوكم وبناتكم ومشايخكم يحلمون الاحلام وشبانكم يرون المناظر وقال داوود النبي بروحك القادرة ثبتني قال ايضاً ترسل روحك وتخلقون وتجدد وجه الارض وقال حزقيال النبي بلغني روح الرب واخرجني روح الله.
وقال المومن ونعترف بمعمودية واحدة لمغفرة الخطايا وهذه الكلمة اخذوها148 الابا من اشعيا النبي القايل استقوا الماء بفرح من ينبوع الخلاص149 اعلم يا بني ما المعمودية المقدسة هو ما الحياة الذي يهب عليه روح الله كما قال الله في التوراة روح الرب يهب على المياه وهو يهب على المتعمدين فيضي ظلمتهم وينير ذواتهم فتحل النفس الكلية في النفس الجزية وكلمن تعمد تحل عليه روح الله فيستحق بذلك الدخول الى فردوس الله ويرتقي من عالم الظلمة الى عالم النور وكلمن لا يتعمد لا يرتقي الى السما ولا يدخل الى ملكوت الله ولا يعده الله مع الابرار ولا يكتب اسمه في سفر الحياة كما قال المسيح بفمه الصادق كلمن لا يولد من الماء والروح لا يدخل ملكوت الله ولا يعده مع الابرار ولا يكتب اسمه مع الصادقين قال الانجيل الطاهر المولود من الجسد جسد هو والمولود من الروح روح هو وقد جعل المسيح لنا ميلادين ميلاد من الجسد من الابا والامهات150 وميلاد من الروح فميلاد الجسد يفسد ويتغير وميلاد الروح لا يفسد ولا يتغير لانه ميلاد الحياة المولود من الله ليكمل151 الصورة الانسانية بهذا الميلاد الثاني لان الانسان ياخذ بالمعمودية روح الكمال وينال خلاص النفس من ظلمة الجسد لان هيكل الله يحل فيه روح الله واذا حلت روح الله فيه فتحت له عينان يشاهد به152 الحق وكما ان نفس الجسد تعطي الجسد حياة التصرف في العالم الجسماني هكذى روح الله تعطي المتعمدين حياة ابدية في التصرف في العالم الروحاني السمايي لان ميلاد الجسد قابل الفساد والغيار153 كما قال الله لموسى ان هولاي لا تحل روحي فانهم اجساد154 وقال بولس155 الرسول لحم ودم لا يدخل ملكوت الله156 لان النفس الغير متعمدة157 لا بد158 في عالم الظلمة فان159 المعمودية تغسل الجسد من اثار الخطية وتضي ذات النفس حتى تستحق الارتقا الى النعيم الابدي كما قال داوود انضح علي زوفك فانقا160 واغسلني به فابيض مثل الثلج قال حزقيال النبي انا اخذكم من الارضيين وادخلكم ارضكم وانضح عليكم ما نقياً ينقيكم من ذنوبكم واثامكم وانزع منكم القلب الحجري واعطيكم قلب رحيم.
قال المومن ونترجا قيامة الموتى وحياة الدهر الاتي امين وهذه الكلمة اخذوها الابا من اشعيا النبي القايل ستقوم الموتا161 من القبور اعلم يا بني ان الله خلق دارين دار الدنيا ودار الاخرة فالدنيا دار التغيير والفساد والاخرة دار الدوام والبقا والتخليد وخلق الجسد كثيف زايل مضمحل بالموت وركب فيه نفس عاقلة ناطقة مجردة غير مضمحلة تستعمل الجسد في طاعة خالقها وتقصد ارتفاعه في عالمها الروحاني بعد تطهيرها من وسخ الطبيعة الجسمانية حتى يقوم معها في قيامة الحياة لان الجسد تتحد به النفس الناطقة والموت هو كمال الصورة البشرية والقيامة ووجودها ثانية للبقا الدايم لان البنا الحكيم اذا هدم بيتاً بنى احسن منه والزارع اذا اراد نبات زرعه في الارض يفرح بموته في الارض حتى تخرج الثمرة الزكية لان الله خلق عنصر الارض وخلق خلقه من تلك العنصر وحكم ان يعود الى عنصره والعناصر في قبضته وله الاستطاعة عليها ان يامرها يعيد162 ما استودعته163 فانه وحده تفرد بالخلق والابداع164 بالجود والاختراع ونفس الانسان الناطقة التي165 ركبها فيه فلا تنال موهبة الله في نعيم الفردوس الا بعملها الصالح في دار الدنيا وجعل هيكلها الماخوذ من العناصر يحيا بالنفس لكنه بيت ظلمتها وهو سريع الفساد وكما انه كان في ظلمة الاحشا يتقلب في ضيق البشيمة هكذى النفس في الجسد تتقلب في ظلمة العناصر الذي نشا فيها لكنه لا يعرف ما يوول امره اليه في تقلبه في العالم الجسماني هكذى النفس في الجسد بيت ظلمتها فاذا خرجت منه خرجت الى عالم نوراني واسع ونظرت عالم روحاني وامم سمايين لهم مراتب علوية ومنازل روحانية وتعاين في الساعة الذي اعد لها من اجل عملها ان كان صالحاً في طاعة باريها فتصير بين روحانيين منيرين ويقيمها يوم القيامة وقد اشرق عليها نور عملها اذا كانت بارة166 كما قال انجيل الله الصديقين يضيون في ملكوت ابيهم لان قيامة الموتا حياة ابدية ليسعد فيها من سعد ببره ويطعب فيها الفاخر167 باثمة وغفلته وقد شهدت كتب الله وكتب انبياوه بقيامة الموتى والمجازاة كل168 نفس بما فعلت كما قال عزرا الكاهن ان الله يبعث من في القبور كافة بعد الموت الى الدينونة ويعلن ان العدل والحق تعرف169 اعمال الناس ويوبخهم على قبايح اعمالهم قال داوود النبي يا رب الرحمة والمجازي كل احد كنحد عمله وقال سليمان كل ما تفعله الله يجازيه في دار170 الاخرة ما ظهر منه وما خفا171 ان كان خيراً او كان شراً وقال اشعيا يوم الرب قريب ياتي بغير مغفرة لانه ياتي بغضب ورجز ويهلك الخطاة ونجوم السما لا تعطي172 ضوها وتظلم الشمس عند طلوعها وقال حزقيال ان الله قال لي يا ابن الانسان ا تقول كيف يقوم173 الموتى امضي الى مكان العظام البالية وتنبا عليها لترى قيامتها وقول هكذى يقول رب الارباب لتجمع174 كل عضو175 الى مفصله فعلت176 كما قال الرب فنظرت تلك العظام تحركت وصار الى بعضها بالزلزلة التي حركتها وقال الرب تنبا ان يكون تكسي لحماً وعروقاً وعصباً فرايتهم اجسام كاملة ثم قال لي الرب يا ابن الانسان تنبا لتدخل فيهم روح حية فقلت كما قال ورايتهم قاموا ووقفوا على ارجلهم احيا فقال يا ابن الانسان هذه العظام من بني اسراييل وهانذا مفتح قبورهم واصعدهم للدينونة هكذى قال رب الارباب.177
1B: التي
2A: omit.
3 B: omit.
4 B: الروح
5 A: ابي | B: omit.
6B: add. فتوفي مدينة ديار بكر
7A: و | B: او
8A: بركاتهم علينا امين | B: الهم ارحمنا ببركاتهم امين
9A: تتفرق | B: تتصرف
10A: يماثله | B تماثله
11A: من | B: احد
12A: مثله | B: مثيل
13A: تحله: B: تحده
14A: الله| B: ربنا
15A: كهو | B: هو
16A: هذا | B: هذه
17B: لان | A: Omit.
18B: dittogr.
19A: من | B: Omit.
20 A: لله | B: لكنه
21A: ازليته | B: ازلية
22A: المشيات | B: مشيئة
23A: ازلية من ذات الله المتكلم بها وانها | B: Omit.
24A: هو | B: Omit.
25B: add. شرعاً
26A: ان الكاين | B: الذي كان
27A: هو | B: Omit.
28 A: ايدنا | B: ايدينا
29B: add. من اجل كلمة الحياة
30A: راينا | B: وريانا
31A: الالهية | B الهية
32A: اخرة | B: اخرة
33A: احد | B: احداً
34A: الذي | B: التي
35A: المسيح بها | B: Omit.
36A: فقد | B: وقد
37A: موجود | B: بوجود
38A: وعلاماً | A: omit.
39A: الاب | B: للاب
40B: add. من
41A: زمناً | B: زماناً
42A: يسير | B: يسيراً
43B: الغريب | A: omit.
44A: لان | B: لكن
45B: الالهية | A: omit.
46A: ولد | B: ولداً
47B: يا رب | A: omit.
48A: الذي رواه | B: التي راوه
49B: الذي به صنعالدهور| A: omit.
50A: احداً | B: احد
51A: احداً | B: احد
52 A: في | B: omit.
53A: الظبابو | B: الضباب
54A: انساناً | B: انسان
55A: هوذا | B: هاهوذا
56A: الاهنا | B: الله
57A: لي | B: omit.
58A: اتحادها | B: omit.
59A: وحل | B: وسكن
60A: عن | B: على
61A: الملك | B: الملاك
62A: لما | B: ما
63A: عليك | B: فيك
64A: اولاً ينقسم | B: او تنقسم
65A: وادعمته | B: ودعمته
66A: الملك | B: الملاك
67A: المرسلين | B: والمرسلين
68A: بهذه | B: بهذا
69A: التاممة | B: التامة
70A: ومايلها | B: ومايليها
71A: بلهيباً | B: بلهيب
72A: الى | B: على
73A: ياتوا| B: ياتي
74A: ويقدموا | B: ويقدمون
75A: الخرص | B: الخرس
76A: ارسطاليس | B: ارسطوطاليس
77A: على | B: عن
78A: يديه | B: يده
79A: الذي | B: الذين
80A: يحل | B: ويحل
81A: ظهر | B: omit.
82A: الذي | B: التي
83A: بمجي | B: على
84A: كما | B: كمال
85A: تغيره | B: يغيره
A: شبه | B: مثل
87A: الذي | B: التي
88A: من | B: omit.
89A: تصور لهم | B: تصور لهم
90A: يفهمها | B: تفهمها
91A: add. نظروا الى الام المسيح حكمة ربانية سمايية لا يفهمها المويدون الذي كشف الله لهم غوامض حكمته اللاهية
92A: بها | B: به
93A: حكم | B: حكمة
94A: الشعوب | B:والشعوب الامم
95A: وهدت | B: وهزت
96A: الامم | B: omit.
97A: الله اعطاني | B: اعطاني الله
98A: نهاراً | B: نهار
99A: ليلاً | B: ليل
100A: نوراً | B: نور
101A: بخشبته | B: بخشيته
102A: سابوع | B: اسبوع
103A: جميع | B: كل
104A: عصامي | B: عظامي
105A: بينهم ثيابي | B: ثيابي بينهم
106A: ايضاً | B: omit.
107A: بغضوني | B: ابغضوني
108A: شرابه | B: الخمر
109B: add. لما
110B: على | A: omit.
111A: التي | B: الذي
112A: يعلو | B: تعلو
113A: يعودوا | B: تعود
114A: الذي | B: التي
115A: الذي | B: التي
116A: قبورهم | B: المقابر
117A: ما | B: لما
118A: الذي في الجحيم | B: في سجن الجحيم
119A: ذكروه | B: ذكره
120A: الرب | B: رب
121A: صاباووت | B: صباووت
122A: القديسين | B: القديسون
123A: اخذوها | B: اخذها
124A: الذي | B: التي
125A: تحيز | B: يحيز
126A: الذي | B: التي
127A: الذي | B: التي
128A: الكاين | B: الذي كان
129A: هو هو | B: omit.
130A: اعينا | B: اعيننا
131B: من اجل كلمة الحياة | B: omit.
132A: قال | B: فقال
133A: رتلوا رتلوا | B: رتلوا
134B: add. هذا
135 B: شبه | A: omit.
136A: صعض الى | B: في سحاب
137A: لا يزول | B: والسلطان
138 A: add. كما قال دانيال النبي اني رايت ابن البشر في سحاب السما ودنا من يتيق الايام واعطاه الملك والسلطان.
139 A: احد | B: احداً
140A: الذي | B: التي
141A: الذي | B: التي
142A: رواه | B: راوه
143A: الذي | B: التي
144A: التاممة | B: التامة
145A: قايماً | B: قايم
146A: مقبولة للرب | B: الرب المقبولة
147B: add. يعني ظهروه فيها
148A: اخذوها | B: اخذها
149A: الخلاص | B: المخلص
150B: من الابا والامهات | A: omit.
151 A: ليكمل | B: لتكمل
152A: به | B: لها
153A: add. والفساد
154A: ان هولاي لا تحل روي فانهم اجسادان B: لن تكن روحي في الانسان الى الابدلانه لحم وتكون ايامه ماية وعشرين سنة
155A: بولس | B: بولص
156A: الله| B: السموات
157A: متعمدة | B: المتعمدة
158A: لا بد | B: لابدة
159A: فان | B: لان
160A: انضح على زوفك فانقا | B: تنضحني بالزوفا فانقى
161B: add. وينهض
162A: يعيد | B: بعد
163B: add. من followed by a lacuna
164 B: add. وتفرد
165A: الذي | B: التي
166A: باررة | B: بارة
167A: الفاخر | B: الفاجر
168A: كل | B: لكل
169A: يعرف | B: تعرف
170A: دار | B: omit.
171A: خفا | B: خُفي
172A: يعطي | B: تعطي
173A: يقوم | B: تقوم
174A: يتجمع | B: ليجتمع
175A: عضواً | B: عضو
176A: فعلت | B: نقلت
177B: add. من اليه المرجع والماب وله الحمد وحده امين
This text was commissioned by Roger Pearse, 2009. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely. Translated from Ms. Beirut, St. Joseph University, Oriental Library, 569a, ff. 183-231 (1425 AD) and Ms. Beirut 569b ff. 124-158 (1897 AD).
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: nau_syriac_life_of_shenouda.htm
Francois Nau, An unpublished Syriac version of the life of Shenouda (1900) pp.26-39.
Francois Nau, An unpublished Syriac version of the life of Shenouda (1900) pp.26-39.
[Translated by Francois Nau]
We now write the remarkable actions of the holy father Shenouda, man of God.
1. My brothers, let us give glory to the Lord of all glory, to he who chose the holy vessels necessary for His service, and placed them in His church like torches to illuminate the creation, so that all those who ask to enter the kingdom of God shall imitate them in their conduct and receive the crown of victory. One of those whom the Lord chose himself is the elect and saint father Shenouda, whose story we propose to tell today before you, so that you may give glory to He who made his qualities shine in the world for the glory of God who chose him. I have heard, it is true, that God called to his disciples and also to me: "Do not reveal this vision that you saw, before my resurrection from among the dead, I will reveal (thus) the merits of the saint after his death". I again heard him say: "He who keeps observes my commands and observes them will do more things and wonders than me." And now we will begin, my brothers, and we will place the lamp, not under the bushel, but on the candlestick, so that it lights all those who are in the house of this world.
2. And first, let us speak, as is appropriate, of the country and the trade of the parents of this holy father Shenouda. He was from a village of Upper Egypt, which is the Thebaïd; his father was a farmer and had many ewes which he gave to a shepherd to look after. The number of the ewes increased and the shepherd could not keep them alone, but he asked the father of holy Shenouda to give him his son to help him to feed the herd, (in return) he would give up a small part of his pledges to them. The parents of this holy Shenouda agreed with him, that he would spend the day with him and would return every evening to sleep at home, because they did not have any other child, and the shepherd took Shenouda with him, every evening he sent him to sleep at his parents. The child then went over to a pond which was next to their village, he took off his clothes and hid them in a tree beside the pond, then he entered upright into the water up to his neck, and raised his hands above the water towards heaven while praying until the morning. When this had gone on for a certain time, his father was annoyed, and his mother found the shepherd and reproached him for not sending the child to sleep at home, according to their agreement, for fear that something in future might happen to him in the desert. The shepherd swore that every evening he sent him to them. So, when evening came, the shepherd returned Shenouda to his parents and followed him from afar while hiding to see where he went. He saw him going to this pond, taking off his clothes, entering the water, raising his hands towards God while praying and he noticed that his fingers shone. When the shepherd had discovered this secret, he returned to his ewes full of admiration and praising God. In the morning, the parents came to the shepherd, he told them the story and gave their son Shenouda to them: "I am not worthy, he said to them, to keep him with me, I who am only a sinful shepherd," and he told them that he had seen his fingers shining like torches.
3. After these ten days, Shenouda was led by his father to a mortified and holy recluse so that he could lay hands on him and bless him. As he approached the cell, the hermit knew in spirit his approach and he said to some important men who had come to ask him for his blessing: "Let us all go together to be blessed by the great saint who comes to us"; they did so, and when he saw the young Shenouda, he took his hand, placed it on his head, asked him to pray for him and led him to his cell with the men who were present; however one of those had a demon, and when Shenouda saw him, he took a stick and struck him; the demon exclaimed: "I leave him, O Shenouda, because, since I saw you, I burn in fire", and he went out in the sight of all the men who were present. This hermit proposed to the father of Shenouda to leave him with him for a few days, and he left him. However the mother of Shenouda was the sister of this holy man.
4. In the evening, Shenouda lay down at the side of the cell, and the holy man stayed upright in prayer on the other side; he saw an angel of the Lord who stayed by the child and guarded him, and this angel said to him: "At dawn, take the dress which you will find beside his head and cover the young Shenouda, because it is the dress of the prophet Elijah which the Messiah sends to him, and knows that his name will quickly increase and grow, so that no-one will be found among the Christians of his importance, because he will found a large monastery and will gather there a great number of holy disciples." In the morning, this recluse, the father Bgouli, his uncle, rose, and found the clothes placed next to his head, as the angel had said. He woke Shenouda, babbled the (accustomed) prayers, and he became a monk. The next day, he walked around the cell with another recluse, when they heard a voice from heaven which said: "Shenouda is established as leader of all the monks." They wondered whether they had understood this voice rightly and answered: "In truth, we have heard a voice which said: Shenouda is established as leader of all the monks." They questioned Shenouda and they said to him: "Did you hear this voice?" And they were in admiration and said to each other: "This child has arrived with his first step at the highest degree", and they praised God for His infinite gifts to men.
5. When holy Shenouda had put on the clothes that God had sent to him,he set himself to the task and professed the cenobitic life alone in continual fasts and frequent prayers. For food, in the evening, he only ate bread and salt, so much so that his body decayed and he became only skin and bones. His cenobitic life resembled that of the prophet Elijah and John the Baptist. He acquired a deep learning and composed some works of preaching and on the conduct of the monks. He instructed monks and seculars, old men and children, each according to justice and suitability, and they listened to his words and his precepts which were softer than honey to their palate. His writings were accepted by everyone, he gave rules to his monks which they always observed, and it is testified that he did not give these rules of himself, but that the Messiah fixed them and dictated them by his mouth. He advanced far with its disciples in the work of monasticism, every day they prayed twelve times, and during each prayer they made twenty-four genuflexions, and this saint did not sleep during the night, but granted only a rest of one hour to his eyes because of the weakness of his body. He fasted many weeks and did not eat, from Saturday to Saturday; during the forty days fast, he ate only a little cooked food. It was only at this time that he ceased fasting, so much so that all his flesh was desiccated and his eyes were sunk very deeply in their sockets because of the abundance of his weeping and his tears, which were more pleasant to him than honey in the mouth. He lived as a recluse in his monastery and he received the revelation of all that occurred in the world, he revealed, to all those which came to him, their conduct and their thoughts. He reprimanded each according to his thought and measurement, and interceded for them with God so that He forgave them and had pity on them".
6. Again a very old man came to him, who sent to say that he wanted to come to see him, to be blessed by him and to ask him to remember him in his prayers, so that God would forgive him his sins. — Our father said to him by his messenger: "If you want to obey me, come, if you do not want to, you will not see my face." He answered: "I will do all that you order." — Then our father sent for him, and when he arrived, he prostrated himself on the ground before him. Our father said to him: "Confess your sin and make it known at this assembly if you want to live and to arrive where we go in the end." This man said to him: "One day I was sat next to my house when I saw a rider pass who carried obviously a purse on a shoulder-belt (a purse on a cord on his head or his back). I took a knife, rejoined him on the way, struck him there and he fell dead, I took the purse believing that I would find much money which would enrich me, but I found only a third of a dinar there, I made a pit and buried the dead there. See that I have told you everything, O our father, so that you can advise me what I must do, to be absolved." — Our holy father Shenouda said to him: "Go now to the town of Akhmim, you will find its governor and his soldiers entering by the door of the city bringing back robbers that they took in the flight, intermingle with these men, and say that you are one of them. And if they question you, assure them that you are one of them and that you were with them, so that you may be killed at the same time; that the blood that you have shed you may be forgiven and that you may gain the life of the future world." This man obeyed the precept of our father, he went, was killed with them and obtained the kingdom of heaven. — Let us say all: Glory to the name of the only true God, to him be the praise.
7. Another time a disciple of Shenouda, named Visa, one of the first who was with him, came to see him. He understood that he was speaking with another, and when he had knocked and that one had called him to enter, he did not find anybody with to him, but only saw him; when he had greeted him, he asked him with authority: "So who was with you, O our father, and to who did you speak?" And as I pressed him, he said to me: "It was Our-Lord Jesus-Christ, and when you came and entered, He left me." I said to him then: "I want to see Him, O our father, and may He bless me." The saint said to me: "You cannot see Him, because you are weak." I greeted him and asked him to pray for me, so that I was considered to be worthy of this blessing. And our father answered me: "That depends on the Lord and not on me, go and return tomorrow at the sixth hour, because in his mercy He comes, speaks and commands me. Take guard to say nothing." According to the command of our father, I went at six hours and knocked on his door according to custom, but as I tried to enter, the Messiah ascended. At this sight, I cried abundantly, and our father had pity on me and said to me: "Do not be in pain, I will work with you and I will ask Him that you hear my conversation with Him." After that I came near our father and I heard the Messiah speak with him and announce the future to him, therefore I praised Him and returned thanks to Him for his great kindness towards me, but I was not worthy to see Him corporally.
8. One day the father Shenouda was sat on a stone at the door of his monastery, when Our Lord Jesus Christ appeared to him and spoke to him, and our father said to Him: "I wish to see a ship sailing on this desert." The Messiah went away, and an hour afterwards, all this place was a lake on which a ship sailed. The Messiah was the captain and a great number of angels were oarsmen and sailors. The ship advanced and they brought it to the place where the father Shenouda was in prayer. The Messiah called to Shenouda: "Extend your hand and take the rope of the ship to support it." He took the rope and could not restrain the ship and he approached the stone which was by him, bored it with his finger and attached the rope to it. And these holes have remained in the stone until this day.
9. Again a foreigner came to our father, and asked him to pray for him. The father Shenouda answered him: "How can I pray for you, when you have on your head a great sin?" The man answered him: "I will not go back there any more, I am a Christian, I have worshipped the one true God, Father, Son and Holy Spirit since I have been of the age of reason." Our father said to him: "Allow me to recall to you the day when you ate, you drank and you lay down, then, during the night, you took your sword, you went out, you found a woman on your way, you struck her with your sword and you killed her?" This man answered him: "It is true, I did that, but is there is no forgiveness for he who returns and repents?" Our father said to him: "In truth, he who returns and repents receives forgiveness, provided that you listen to my counsel, I have confidence that you will be forgiven, because God does not want the death of the sinner, but that he repents." Then he advised him to be made a monk and obey him, and our father cut his hair and covered him with the clothes of monasticism. After three days, our father took him by the hand, gave him a water jug, led him on a distant mountain and placed him in a cave which was of his size and had a window by which light entered, there he made him sit and closed (the cave) on him. And week by week our father went to him and asked him whether it were well. And he said to him: "Two days ago, something came in the night which disturbed me; my members and my hands were weakened at it, the hairs of my flesh bristled, I remained stupid and full of suffering. It seemed to to me that my spirit left me because of the anguish which oppressed me, it left on my hands a stink of corruption like a rotting dead body; then this stink assembled and formed a cloud, it left by cracks in the cave and disappeared. Then I fell on my face against the ground like a drunk man, until now on your arrival." Our father said to him: "Take courage, my son, because today, God forgave you all your sins." And our father made him come out of this cave and brought him to us in the monastery. And when I saw him, I, Visa disciple of our father Shenouda, I asked him about it: "Isn't this the foreigner who came to you? Where has he been?" Our father said to me: "He had been afflicted with a deep and bad wound by the evil lion Satan, I led him to the doctor who bandaged it, and he was cured." After remaining with them a few days, he returned to his cave and was confirmed in the perfection and great work of justice until his death.
10. A rich man of Schamoun again came to our father, and told him that robbers had entered his house and took'¦.
11. Some monks of the monastery of the holy and illustrious father Macarius came to the father Shenouda to receive his blessing and some important men of the town of Akhmim had come to hear his precepts, and all asked him: "O our father, is there at this time a monk like the great Antony!" The father Shenouda answered them: "Even if all the monks of this time were brought together, they would not be comparable to the holy father Antony." All were full of admiration, they believed his word, were blessed by him, and, carrying on their way, went home.
12. Our father Shenouda told us what follows: While the Messiah was with him, and talking with him, the bishop of the town of Akhmim came to his monastery and asked to confer with him and to go to the patriarch Cyril of Alexandria, and he sent to ask him to leave with him. The old man answered: "I cannot." And the bishop sent to say: "Come to me, because it is for a pressing cause." And the old man answered: " I do not have time now." The bishop in anger sent to shame him: "I place you under the interdict, and there will be no remission if you do not obey me." And when I heard that, I rejoiced in myself, saying: "See this man who is flesh and blood, and asks me to go to him, when I have close to me the Master of all creatures." Then the Messiah our Lord said to me: "Arise and go to your bishop, so that he does not anathematise you, because I will not myself loosen an anathema, because of the powere that I gave to the disciple Peter, to all the apostles and also to the priests who they ordain: "Those whom you condemn will be condemned, etc." When I heard the Messiah speak to me thus, I worshipped Him and returned at once to the bishop. I greeted him and was blessed by him, I listened to his words and he blessed me and left for his voyage.
13. A hermit, a monk of the monastery of the father Pacomius, went to the imperial city to the emperor for a certain business, and when he approached the monastery of the father Shenouda, he wanted to enter to be blessed by him. His disciple said to him: "Let us carry on our way and leave him, he does not even know what he ate yesterday." He did not listen to him, but came to the monastery of the father Shenouda, and our father went out to their meeting, and our holy father said to them: Which of you is John, the secretary of this holy old man? The disciple answered; "Me" and our father said to him: "You said true, my son, Shenouda does not know what he ate yesterday, look at my withered and desiccated body. I hope that the Lord will give me a place with the apostles at the day of the judgement, so that you may have faith in the servants of the Messiah, even when they are weak." He prostrated himself then before our father so that he prayed for him, forgave him and had pity on him. His Master also asked him to pray for them, so that they could continue their journey.
14. God did all this by the hands of our holy father, he made other wonders greater than we have written. We wrote of them some for the glory of the saint and the glory of his Master. For us, let us praise and exalt He who strengthened him and let us all say: Glory to His name, may the prayer of our father Shenouda be with us. Amen.
This text was transcribed and translated from Nau's French translation by Roger Pearse, 2009. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: abu_l_barakat_catalogue.htm
Abu al-Barakat, Catalog of Christian Literature in Arabic (2009)
Abū al-Barakāt, Catalog of Christian Literature in Arabic (2009)
[Translated by Adam McCollum, Ph.D.
acmccollum101 AT gmail DOT com]
The purpose of the following document1 is to make freely available in English to a wider audience than has been possible before a fascinating snapshot of what Christian literature looked like for an Arabic reader in the fourteenth century. It is not a fully critical or commented text, and is intended especially for general readers (or, at least, those that care about such things as are in this work!) and students, but perhaps scholars, particularly those outside of Christian Arabic studies, will find it of some use as well.
Among the works of Šams al-Riyāsah Abū al-Barakāt, also known as Ibn Kabar2 (†1324) is the Light of the Darkness and the Illumination of the Service, in Villecourt's words,3 an "encyclopédie de la science ecclésiastique dans l'église copte," and, as Graf (GCAL II 439) says, a complete theological encyclopedia for both clergy and laypeople." The seventh chapter of this work is a listing, sometimes detailed, sometimes not, of the Christian literature from various sects available for an Arabic reader, including translations into Arabic, in the first third of the fourteenth century.4 It was first edited by Wilhelm Riedel in 1902: "Der Katalog der christlichen Schriften in arabischer Sprache von Abū 'l-Barakāt," in Nachrichten der Kgl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philologisch-hist. Klasse 5, pp. 635-706. This edition serves as the basis for the present translation. Like Graf,5 I have not infrequently found myself in disagreement with Riedel both in reading and in translation, but I have not always indicated my disagreement. The pages in Riedel's edition are indicated in the translation below, and I have indicated a few important Arabic words in certain places. In addition to Riedel's 1902 publication, this chapter may be found in the more recent edition of the whole of Abū al-Barakāt's book, edited by Fr. Samir.6
The translation is meant to be clear, rather than too literal, but there are some difficult places that are not completely understood where I did translate more literally. As to the book titles mentioned, it is not always certain when Abū al-Barakāt is simply describing the book or giving what served as its title (or one of them), so I have generally refrained from italicizing them, as we would do today, but I have capitalized what might be the titles. With the exception of the Greek Fathers mentioned, I have mostly given the names of the authors in their Arabic forms, but some appear in a more conventional guise. In many cases I have indicated the places in GCAL (for those that read German) and elsewhere where interested readers may find more data on this or that writer; the Coptic writers can also be easily found in Aziz S. Atiya, ed., The Coptic Encyclopedia, 8 vols. (New York, 1991), which was a source for parts of the Dictionary of African Christian Biography online (dacb.org). Finally, readers are encouraged to check the index of Sidney H. Griffith, The Church in the Shadow of the Mosque: Christians and Muslims in the World of Islam (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008) for particular writers. I have refrained from giving particular notices of the Greek and Syriac writers mentioned except to the appropriate pages in GCAL where translations of their work into Arabic are noted and discussed; the interested reader may find more general information on these authors with little difficulty in the patrologies.7 The other footnotes draw attention to a small number of textual or other interpretive issues and hopefully make the translation more easily understood.
I hereby express hearty thanks to Roger Pearse, enthusiastic Maecenas extraordinaire, for commissioning this translation. At this point, no other Arabic readers have perused the translation, so I happily offer it for review to those interested. Suggestions and corrections, sent to the email address spelled out above, are warmly and heartily encouraged, and feedback will be gratefully accepted. A revised version, if necessary, will then be made available.
Translation
[p. 641]
In the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, the one God: glory to him forever, amen!
We begin with the help of God—may he be exalted!—and the excellence of his success [to copy] the book, The Light of the Darkness and the Illumination of the Service, a work by the eminent father and presbyter Šams al-Riyāsah Abū al-Barakāt, known as Ibn Kabar. May God give him rest! He said...
Chapter Seven
Recounting8 the works of the Fathers and the writings of eminent men from both before and after the schism, and all the scholars who were industrious in religion, researching and laboring in it, and on the following genres in which they wrote: useful treatises, distinguished commentaries, homilies full of virtue, exhortations restraining from every vice, with a desire for the increase of explanation, the benefit of the people of faith, the illumination of obscure concepts to the intellect. All this has edification for its intent, guidance and exposition for its aim. Also included are those later writers that follow them, who composed anything on religion, whether from those sects [ṭawā'if] that are joined with us in confession [millah], or those that are separated from us in creed [niḥlah]. But we have not listed the compositions of this latter group, unless we9 have received thorough knowledge of them and grown in understanding from them, even though something differing from the views of the orthodox and inconsistent with the aims of the Jacobites might be mixed in among them, for eminent men do not10 gather gems, without being interested in pearls: they pick out what is suitable without harping on the differences.
What follows is the recounting of what has crossed our ears and the details of what has reached our understanding with respect to their works and names.
Clement, the disciple of Peter, the Pope of Rome11 He has two letters, which the 31812 appointed. They make up one book
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from the collection of books of the new law [al-šarī'ah al-ḥadīṯah] reckoned in the Church. He also has a book called The Book of Secrets, which includes the beginning of creation, the formation of the world, the creation of Adam, information about him and his descendants in succession up to Noah and then Abraham and those that came after him up to the appearance of Christ our Lord, his ascent, information about the apostles and kings that had come and would come in the future, and other matters. There are also Canons attributed to him, which contain rules and other things.
Hippolytus, Patriarch of Rome13 He has Canons, the number of which is thirty-eight.
John the Antiochene, Patriarch of Constantinople, nicknamed Golden-mouthed (Chrysostom)14 He has a Canon, of narrow compass, containing commandments, an explanation of the Gospels of the Evangelists Matthew and John, an explanation of the Epistles of Paul the Apostle, an explanation of the Book of Creation, a number of homilies on the feasts of the Lord and his life-giving sufferings, some sayings, and moral lessons.
Gregory the Theologian15 He has thirty homilies and sermons. [Extra note] An index contained in the book of St. Gregory the Theologian, for his sermons. It is found written in the manuscript, which is in the handwriting of Anba Yūsāb, bishop of Fuwwa, having been collated and corrected with what is contained under the heading "the Theologian" according to its title [qawl]. What is in the text of the original, from which the text current in Egyptian monasteries was made, is in a different order, as the copyist recounts that he used as a basis
[p. 643]
for the order of listing the homilies those which people have need of for quick access, then he copied the rest afterwards.16
1. For Frankincense (in which reference is made to [Christ's] birth).
2. On the Holy Birth of the Lord.
3. On Epiphany (which is "Appearance," i.e. the Appearance of the secret of the Trinity).
4. The Admonition to Baptism.
5. On Love of the Poor.
6. On Gregory of Nyssa.
7. The Glorious Feast of Easter.
8. The Feast of Easter (again).
9. For New Sunday.
10. On the Feast of Weeks17 (which is Pentecost, the Feast of Worshiping the Trinity).
11. On Divinity.
12. On the Son.18
13. On the Son (again).
14. On the Holy Spirit.
15. That Monasticism is Good in Communities.
16. A letter he wrote to Cledonius.
17. Another letter to the same.
18. A section from the Gospel of Matthew.
19. A sermon given against Bishop Eulalius.
20. A homily he delivered to those who summoned him to the presbytery, which he at first did not come to, but later did so.
21. A Eulogy for the Holy Maccabeans.
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22. On Virtue (according to the alphabet).
23. A Doxology to be spoken at bedtime.
24. On the Arrival of the 150 Bishops19 (also called "Farewell").
25. On the Silence of his Father during the Plague of Hailstones.
26. On the Priesthood, during his delay from the Presbytery.
27. A Eulogy for Athanasius, Patriarch of Alexandria.
28. A Eulogy for Basil the Great, and the extension [naql] of his famous Hexaemeron.20
29. A Eulogy for St. Cyprian.
30. A message on St. Gregory, called jam'21 by the Cappadocians.
Gregory, the brother of Basil of Caesarea22 He treats the following themes:
1. The Mass of the Mysteries, "Whither?"
2. The completion of the Hexaemeron commentary of St. Basil his brother.
3. A letter following the previous item that he wrote to Father Peter, his brother, with his apology for abridging the commentary; in it there is also a certain passage borrowed from the Genesis commentary.
4. A Commentary on the Song of Songs by Solomon ibn David, a spiritual commentary.
5. The Book of Chapters on the Description of the Nature of Man, translated from Greek into Arabic by the physician Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq,23 with 23 chapters.
6. The Eisagoge, which is the introduction to Aristotle's Categories; although it is a philosophical book, it is nevertheless useful concerning the division of meanings and instruction in the principles of doctrine, on which further building [in doctrine] is established.
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Gregory, Bishop of Neocaesarea,24 known as the Wonderworker [Thaumaturgus]25 He has a work written in response to Heretics with twelve sections.
St. Basil, Bishop of Caesarea26 He has:
1. The Mass of the Mysteries, one book.
2. The Asceticon, containing answers to questions circulating between him and Gregory, with 128 questions.
3. Canons on the Rites of the Church, 106 in number.
4. The Hexaemeron, containing a commentary on the beginning of Genesis. When he got to the end of the fifth day, death reached him and he rested, so St. Gregory his brother completed the interpretation of the sixth day at the request of St. Peter the Martyr, his and Basil's brother, in 31 chapters, so the book was completed with them, having ten divisions containing 152 sections.
a. On the phrase, "In the beginning God made heaven and earth," four sections.
b. On the fact that the earth was invisible and formless, nine sections.
c. On the word of God, "Let a firmament be in the midst of the waters," eleven sections.
d. On the gathering together of the water, ten sections.
e. On the word of God, "Let the earth produce grassy plants and seeds sown according to the kind of grass they are," seventeen sections.
f. On the word of God, "Let there be two luminaries in the firmament of heaven," twenty sections.
g. On the word of God, "Let the water bring forth things that creep, beings with life, and birds that fly in the firmament of heaven, each according to their kind," numbering eight sections.
[p. 646]
h. On the word of God, "Let the earth bring forth a living being, beasts, and creeping things," seventeen sections. This is the last part that Basil commented on; what his brother Gregory commented on, after Basil's death, concerning what God created on the sixth day, namely humanity, has 31 chapters, and that part is the end of the work.
St. Macrina, sister of Gregory and Basil When she was near death and her brother Gregory was with her, they had a discussion about the rational soul, that which gives life to the body, and she gives an explanation of its situation in terms of connection to and separation from the body. It is a pleasant debate containing convincing intellectual proofs.
St. Athanasius, the Apostolic, the Patriarch of Alexandria27 He has a commentary on the Psalms, and the introduction to it has been discovered, which contains the division of the Psalms, their ratio to each other,28 and their objectives. He also has Questions and Answers that circulated between him and Antiochus the "foreigner", forty-five questions in number, on the meaning of Trinity, unity, faith, and other things. He wrote Canons on the priesthood and other things, numbering 106; the index of these canons was written in the index chapter of the Canons. There is also a letter that he sent to Constantine when he was brought back from exile to his throne; a treatise on announcement,29 concerning what it is; and an exhortation to permanence in the faith.
St. Cyril the Great, Patriarch of Alexandria30 He has a Mass of the Mysteries, and it is said that he took the Mass of St. Mark the Apostle and completed it. He also has a number of synod-writings and treatises on strengthening faith and establishing the confession. There are shorter pieces he gave at the Council of Ephesus, twelve in number, a Book of Treasures, and a book called Hermes.
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Severus, Patriarch of Antioch31 He has chapters on strengthening the orthodox faith, which are mentioned in his Vita, and some remarks on interpreting certain passages in the holy Gospels.
Dionysius the Pauline [Disciple], the Athenian32 He has a book mentioning the upper orders, angelic ranks, priestly levels; a letter he sent to Timothy, Paul's disciple, to console him about the martyrdom of Paul, the supporting apostle [rasūl], the teacher of both of them, as well as of Peter the apostle [salīḥ].
Mar Ephrem the Syrian, the Monk33 He has a famous book of homilies and sermons, in which the Fathers who are solitary monks study, and from which the eminent and devoted ascetics quote; the number of homilies is fifty-two. At the end of the book is a eulogy34 that Gregory, Basil's brother, delivered for him as a funeral oration, mentioning his exploits and prestige.
Mar Isaac the Syrian, his Disciple35 He has a well known book of homilies, and it is among those the monks rely on for its sayings and the deeds which they imitate; in it are many bits of divine wisdom and spiritual instruction. There are forty homilies and forty separate sayings. The deacon 'Abdallāh ibn al-Faḍl36 translated it from Syriac into Arabic.
St. Antony, the Father of Monks37 It is said that he has some twenty-odd letters, and they are in his monastery in the desert, in Coptic, not having been translated into Arabic. In them are glorious benefits and beautiful and useful commandments. He also has commandments in the Canons of Monasticism and Guide for Monks.
[p. 648]
St. Shenute of Upper Egypt38 He has many exquisite sermons with illuminating teachings and esteemed spiritual philosophy. A number of them are in Upper Egypt [al-ṣa'īd] in [Sahidic] Coptic; some have been translated into Bohairic Coptic, some into Arabic.
The Spiritual Master, whose name is hidden, but whose knowledge is manifest He has a glorious book containing fifteen homilies, forty-eight letters, three treatises, and five question-documents in two letters with his seal on them.
Mar Simon the Stylite39 He has a book of treatises, numbering thirty-six, answers to questions asked of him, numbering forty-one, and fifteen sayings.
Epiphanius, Bishop of Cyprus40 He has a book called al-haujal, but it is said that the name is actually al-aujal, which is the Coptic word ⲉⲩϫⲁⲗ, meaning "anchor," and it contains...41 He also has a Hexaemeron, an explanation of the first six days.
Severianus, Bishop of Gabala42 He also has a Hexaemeron.
Eusebius of Casarea43 He has explanations on passages of the holy Gospels and other separate religious treatises.
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Master Abū Zakaryā Yaḥyā ibn 'Adī44 His writings are:
1. An answer to the book of Abū 'Īsā al-Warrāq on the elements of religion and the Trinity and unity.
2. A letter in answer to the Nestorians, and within it are eleven questions to them and against them; following these comes an additional part on the subject. Abū al-Qāsim ibn Ḥabīb asked him to put it down in writing.
3. A treatise confirming the error of that proud Nestorian in the discussion [kalām] of Abū al-Ḥusayn, known as Ramaq, which he spoke in support of Nestorianism.
4. A treatise corroborating the truth of the Gospel with proof and evidence.
Master Abū Isḥāq Ibrāhīm ibn Zur'ah, his Disciple45 His writings are:
1. A letter on the correctness of Christianity and the corruption of Judaism.
2. A letter on mentioning the Trinity, and that Christians have never mentioned the unity [al-tawḥīd] apart from it.
3. A treatise on the fact that the Jacobites are free of the charge of having said that sufferings came upon the substance [ḏāt] of the eternal Son.
4. A treatise on four investigations into the union that Christians claim.
5. Answers to the book of Abū al-Qāsim46 al-Balḫī entitled The First Parts of Indication, in which he wrote against the Christians.
6. A treatise he relates to Abū Zakaryā, his master, on which he advised him concerning the views he set down concerning the intellect ['aql], and that it is composite.
7. Answers to questions that Abū Ḥalīm al-Buḥṯurī, of Mayyāfāriqīn,47 asked him.
The Eminent Hermes, the Sage48 He has a letter in which he addresses the soul and which contains philosophical wisdom, spiritual admonitions, and rational analogies. It has fourteen chapters and is called The Letter of Meanings.
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Nestorians in the East and Elsewhere
'Ammār al-Baṣrī49 He has a Book of Proof on Religion for the direction of divine guidance; also a Book of Questions and Answers with four main sections and a total of 102 questions: § 1, twenty-eight questions; § 2, fourteen questions; § 3, nine questions; § 4, fifty-one questions.
'Amr ibn Mattā of Tirhan50 He has a Book of the Tower [mijdal], for seeing clearly and debating51—the meaning of mijdal is tower [burj]. It has two parts, containing thirty sections in seven chapters:
1. The edifice, one section.
2. The declaration, three sections:
a. The unity of God (may he be exalted!).
b. Belief in the union of the Word with man, and the appearance of the Christ as born.
c. Faith in God and the Trinity of his hypostases.52
3. The foundations, four sections:
a. On the glory of baptism.
b. On the majesty of the Eucharist53 of bread and wine.
c. Evidence from the Gospel on [Jesus'] divinity and humanity.
d. On the nobility of the form of the cross.
4. The lamps, seven sections:
a. The beauties of piety.
b. The blessings of love.
c. The virtues of prayer.
d. The distinctions54 of fasting.
e. The benefits of prayer.
f. The merits of modesty.
g. The greatnesses of chastity.
5. The columns, seven sections:
a. The attraction55 of the world.
b. The truth of the resurrection,56 the reckoning, punishment, and recompense. (This is the end of the first part.)
c. The assertion that Isaac was slaughtered. (This is the beginning of the second part.)
d. Setting up the proofs of Christ's coming.
e. Taking ordinances, practices, and rules from the apostles and their successors.
f. The establishment of faith, and the invalidation of religion's heresies.
g. The books of the Old and New Testaments.
6. Little streams, four sections:
a. On bowing toward the east.
b. On revering Sunday.
c. On fastening belts on the waist, the burning of lamps, incense, and singing Psalms.
d. On receiving repentance.
7. Gardens, four sections:
a. On abstaining from circumcision.
b. On the cancellation of work on Saturday.
c. On the release from foods at first forbidden.
d. Reprimanding the Jews and demonstrating.
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their slander.
That is the end of the book. In it are [mentioned] some of the views of people that should be avoided and require caution. Much of these the author presents in chapter five, section five, containing the part, "Taking ordinances, practices, and rules from the pure apostles and the Fathers following them." A great part57 of the book is packed with mention of the catholicoi of the east, and with information about them. Whoever wishes to extract any of the benefits that this book contains, let him not be worried about [meeting] his aims.
Ibrāhīm ibn 'Awn, the Shoemaker [al-iskāf]58 He has a book called The Solution to Doubts, which some Jews presented against the Christian Scriptures as being inconsistent, and the cancellation of such allegations. The number of chapters in the book is 127.
The Sage, Yaḥyā al-Askalānī[58a] He has a book called The Coming About of the World, and it is useful for eliminating doubt occurring to the mind with the claim of its pre-existence.
The Master, Yaḥyā ibn Ḥarīz He has a treatise On the Priest and the Priesthood.
[Theodore] Abū Qurrah, Bishop of Ḥarrān59 He has a famous Debate and treatises.
Mar Elias, Metropolitan of Nisibis60 He has a letter on abstinence that he sent to his brother, Abū Sa'īd Manṣūr, and he adorned it with rare information and exploits coming from sages and monks, eloquent in composition and excellent in writing. He also has a letter On the Trinity and Unity, and a number of other letters. He is counted among virtuous men.61
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The Sage, Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, the Physician62 He has a treatise On How to Grasp Truth in Religion.
Israel, Bishop of Kaskar63 He has a book On the Basic Elements of Religion.
Thaddaeus of Edessa64 He lived on the island of Bakrīn among the islands of the Red Sea. He has a book called The Teacher and the Student, containing forty-three treatises.
Paul of Baṣra, Metropolitan of Nisibis65 He has a letter, in which he included what happened to him in his debate with Justinian, the Byzantine emperor, on the basic elements of religion; when he summoned him, he wrote the letter to Qisway, the emperor's physician.
Elias, Bishop of Edessa66 He has a treatise on the beginning of the Gospel of Matthew.
Cyriacus the Great67 He has a discussion in which he explains some sections of Paul's epistles, and other things.
Theodore the Interpreter, of the Teachers of the Syrians68 He has a commentary on some of the Pauline Epistles and Apostolic Narratives [qiṣaṣ].69
And well known in his sect for his distinguished knowledge is
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Presbyter Abū al-Faraj ibn al-Ṭayyib,70 scribe of Catholicos Timothy. He has
1. A collected Commentary on the Holy Gospels. Some Jacobites revised it and removed the phrases consistent with a Nestorian view. Afterward, a number of copies were made from it with an eye to the virtues and thoughts in it that take in the whole of it.71
2. The Jurisprudence of Christianity, containing ecclesiastical canons and eastern and western synods. A catalog of what it contains has already been given following the canons.
3. A treatise On Repentance, with a summary of what it means and its divisions, fourteen chapters.
4. A book entitled The Paradise of the Church.
5. A number of works besides these.
Melkites
Antiochus the monk,72 from the Monastery of Sabas73 in Jerusalem. He has a book, The Collector, and it is called The Πανδέκτης [receiver of all]. It contains the principles of religion and its branches in sixty-three treatises. The Jacobites have abridged it so that there is nothing [doctrinally] suspect in it, and written it down.
Yuḥannā, head of the Mt. Sinai Monastery. He has a book, The Ladder of Virtues. He wrote it and sent it to Yuḥannā, head of the Raitu Monastery. It contains thirty "steps." Most of it pertains to monasticism and monks. It is also called the Step-book.
The Presbyter Abū 'Alī ibn Yumn,74 the physician. He has a useful treatise on the essence of the belief of the Christians.
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The Later and Contemporary Jacobites
Anba Severus ibn al-Muqaffa', Bishop of al-Ašmūnein, the Egyptian writer75 The number of his works is 26.
1. On the Unity.
2. On the Joining [of God and man].
3. The Splendid [Book]: On Answering the Jews and Mu'tazilites.
4. The Eloquent [Book] (on the same thing).
5. An Answer to Sa'īd ibn Baṭrīq,76 the Melkite Patriarch, known as ibn al-Farrāš, the author of a History.
6. The Explanation and Detailed Statement in Answer to Nestorius and his Followers.
7. A Letter on Religion, which he wrote to the writer Abū al-Yumn Quzmān ibn Mīnā.
8. Stringing together of Jewel77 and Pearls, in answer to the doctrine of fate and divine decree.
9. The Councils.
10. Medicine for Grief, Healing for Sorrow, and the Reformation of Morals.
11. The Synods.
12. Explanation of the Orthodox Faith.
13. A Letter on the State of Children of Believers and Unbelievers, and How the Soul May Stand at the Judgement.
14. The Faculty of Sight [or Reason], i.e. the Lamp of the Intellect.
15. The Trip.
16. The Victory.
17. The Arrangement of the Priesthood, i.e. Information on Ranks in the Church.
18. On the Distinction of the Sects.
19. Judgements.
20. The Explanation of the Joining [of God and man] and the Doctrine of the Incarnation of the Lord—Glory to him!
21. Commentary on the Holy Gospels.
22. Answers to Questions of ibn Jārūd.
23. Explanation of the Principles of Religion, the Arrangement of the Service, the Incense, the Sign of the Cross, and the Family Relationships of the Lady [Mary].
24. The Book of Brief Explanation on the Faith.
25. The Book of Proverbs and Symbols.
26. The Book of Instructions on Confession of Sins.
Anba Michael, Metropolitan78 of Dumyāṭ79 He has a book he called The Aim of Those who have sought Salvation and Deliverance for Themselves at the Day of Reckoning,
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containing five chapters and comprising 24 sections.
1. On the incarnation of God, the Word, and that he is one person [qunūm] and one nature. The number of its sections is four:
a. The confirmation of his being single in person.
b. The confirmation of his being single in nature [ṭabī'ah], i.e. essence [jawhar].
c. His being single in wish and will.
d. The division between his specific sonship and other kinds.
2. The definition of the body in which the person [uqnūm] of God the Word was incarnated. Four sections:
a. On the fact that the body is a person [uqnūm] with a nature.
b. On the fact that the body is from the Holy Spirit.
c. On the fact that the form [of the body] is from Mary, the divine Virgin.
d. On the fact that his appearance is from this body and from the Holy Spirit.
3. On the fact that the body is the body of God. Two sections:
a. The confirmation of the body according to what has been explained.
b. The charge of unbelief against those who blaspheme the Holy Spirit, from whom the body of God comes.
4. On the fact that Jesus Christ is the Son of God, and that he should not be called "man," but "God." Four sections:
a. The confirmation of the Word becoming a body, and the body a word.
b. On the fact that Jesus is the Son of God.
c. On the fact that the one who worked the miracle is the same as the one who worked weakness.80
d. On the fact that his words and deeds both proceed from one indivisible person.
He also made a collection of canons divided into chapters.
Anba Peter, Bishop of Malīj81 He has a book he called The Innovations [bida']82 of the Sects; it is also called The Divisions. It includes mention of the innovations of the Nestorians, Melkites, and Syrians, with a response against them. The first of its chapters, after the introduction, is
The response to the Melkites
1. On the unbelief they charge us with, regarding our doctrine of one nature [ṭabī'ah] and one essence [jawhar], one act and one will.
2. The second response: On
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their rebuke of us for [making the sign of] the cross with one finger, and their error in [making it with] two fingers.
3. The third response: They say that, when we recite the trishagion, we relate the nativity, the crucifixion, and the resurrection to the Trinity.
4. The fourth response: Their response to us for putting the chrism into the baptismal water.
5. The fifth response: They say we disdain the Eucharist by taking it every day.
6. The sixth response: On their response to us concerning circumcision.
7. The seventh response: On their response to us [concerning] the marriage of close relations.
8. The eighth response: On their response to us [concerning] the consecration of a deacon when he is young, and his marriage after he is consecrated.
9. The ninth response: On their response to us concerning the burial of our dead without the Eucharist.
10. The tenth response: On their response concerning our fasting during the week before Quadragesima,83 on the assumption that we reckon it from the whole.
Following that is the mention of what the aforementioned sect believes that is different from the Church's traditions [sunan].84
1. The first difference of theirs is regarding the offering up of the Host85 cold, from yesterday or before.
2. That they cut the Host in a round form.
3. On offering up the Host.
4. That, most of the time, they do the Mass with no deacon.
5. That they read nothing from the Epistles or Gospel [sic] at their baptisms.
6. That they baptize in dwelling places.
7. That they do marriage in two parts: a) they practice open fornication in their lands; b) related to this they do it in Egypt, Syria [al-Šām], and elsewhere.
8. That they break their fast on Wednesday and Friday most of the time during the year on the pretext of feast days not belonging to the Lord.
9. That they break their fast on Wednesday and Friday of the Ninevite86 week. Their food then is meat, and the food of monks is eggs and cheese.
10. Concerning their fast on the feast day of the cross, which is celebrated the 17th of Tūt,87 which is the 14th of Ēlul.
11. During the holy Quadragesima, their food is fish, and their drink is wine [nabīḏ]; some do this for the entire Quadragesima, some only on Saturday and Sunday, some only on the feast day of the Forty Martyrs and the Annunciation. Their difference in this is from what gives assurance to [the idea of] the permanence of all their sins88 during this time.
12. That they forsake obeisance89 in prayer.
13. That they differ concerning the feast day of Epiphany, neglect most of its duties, and think little of its vigil.90
14. That they consider the other Christian denominations inferior and criticize them.
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15. The fact that their monks throw the qalansuwa,91 which is called in the church the helmet of salvation,92 from their heads after the priest puts it on them.
16. That their monks, when they throw off the qalansuwa, took a cloth, called the shoulder-piece, attaching it on their necks with a cord, and putting something else like a belt—which they call al-busṭulikīn [ἀποστολικήν], which means "apostolic" [al-rasūlī]—with it on their head.
17. That they let their hair grow on their heads, even their monks.
18. The significant belief of the people of Syria [ahl al-Šām], in their ignorance of the unity,93 when they refuse to say that the crucified one is God the Word.
19. Their Mass is in a low estate,94 and the Europeans,95 Armenians, the Syrians [suryān al-Šām], etc., have agreed with them in this error.
20. That the reader96 reads the Gospel only in Arabic, with no substitution.
The mention of the innovations of the Europeans
1. That they hold to two natures and essences, two actions and wills, like the Melkites.
2. Their addition to the faith [i.e. Creed] the 150 [Fathers] wrote down in Constantinople, with the words, "proceeding from the Father and the Son."
3. Their difference in the matter of baptism, that they commit four defective practices in it:
a. That they do not put chrism in the baptism.
b. That they omit the sign [of the Cross] at the time of the baptism.
c. That they pray over the baptismal water and close the doors over it; and whoever is intent on baptism is baptized until [the water] dries, then they get rid of it and do something else [with it?].
d. That they do not give communion to the [newly] baptized, but put salt with a little spit into his hand.
4. On the Eucharist, and more than one difference is in it:
a. On the unleavened bread; he [the author] has obtained information about the failure of their pretexts in this matter with fourteen proofs.
b. On offering up the Eucharist cold: a day or two old, or more, even months old.
5. That a presbyter among them may celebrate two or three Masses in a single day on the same altar.
6. That their priests rinse their mouth97 before the Mass three times and clean their teeth with their fingers.
7. That they consecrate a presbyter when he is young.
8. That they prohibit the marriage of a presbyter.
9. That their priests have sex with "foreign" women98 on the pretext of the service.
10. That a presbyter among them may become a rider, enter battle, and shed
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blood.
11. That they break their fast on Monday and Tuesday at the start of the holy Quadragesima.
12. That they always break their fast on Wednesday and eat meat then.
13. Their Saturday fast.
14. That they eat blood, dead animals, strangled animals, and things torn by predators.99
15. That their high priests eat meat, and their monks fat.
16. That they eat of the sacrifices of the Jews.
17. That they forsake the Eucharist a number of years.
18. The fact that the Pope, when he celebrates the Mass, does not drink the blood except from a chalice100 of gold or some similar material.
19. On marriage, and there are two parts to it:
a. That men take women without prayer or crown101 and are given children; then, if they wish, they are crowned with them, yet if they do not wish, they do not take the trouble.
b. That they permit a fourth marriage.
20. That they consider images as idols.
21. On their baptizing believers a second time.
22. That they abandon the baptism of their slaves and prisoners with them, on the assumption that it would prevent them from utilizing them.
23. That they shave their beards.
24. That they enter the baths with their genitals exposed.
25. That they enter the bath with women.
26. That they kill those who disagree with them, or disown them.
27. That they alter the texts of the books102 and reject them.
The mention of the innovations of the Armenians
1. That they offer up the Host unleavened.
2. That they offer the wine unmixed.
3. That their high priests take ordination to the priesthood for money.
4. The fact that they substitute sesame oil for olive oil in the chrism.
5. That they consecrate a presbyter when he is young.
6. That a priest takes silver from a confessor, claiming he will forgive his sins.
7. The fact that a presbyter celebrates the Mass without a deacon.
8. That they forsake the Eucharist for long periods of time.
9. That they abstain from fat, but eat other simple foods, and claim that they are fasting.
10. That they eat eggs and cheese on Holy Saturday.103
11. That their priests let their hair grow long and leave it unkempt on their shoulders.
12. That their monks and high priests eat meat.
13. The fact that they do not celebrate the feast day of the Nativity with other Christians, but fast from that day
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until the tenth of Ṭūbah,104 then they hold the Mass in the evening and celebrate the Nativity, then Epiphany the next day.
14. That they do obeisance on Sundays, feast days, and the time of Pentecost.
15. That a priest among them sacrifices105 with his own hand for the people, then they call to him for it, and he takes of the sacrifice the part assigned to him.
16. That they prohibit the wife of a presbyter to remarry106 after his death, even if she is a young woman.
17. That they differ from the rest of the believers regarding the Fast of the Apostles:107 they fixed forty days for them, eating fat a week during the time, with a week in which they eat until the end of it.108
The mention of the Innovations of the Syrians [al-suryān]
1. The oil and salt which they use in the Eucharist.
2. That they consecrate a bishop under twenty-five years old.
3. That they believe the night precedes the day.109
4. That they convey bishops from see to see, adding some to others.
The Book of Innovations is ended.
Anba Agathon, Metropolitan of Homs110 He has a book, The Elucidation of the Faith and the Secret [or Sacrament]111 of the Priesthood. He made it as an apology concerning his having sought from the Patriarch [?]112 the authority of the priesthood in Homs, and that a reduction in his status was not necessary.
Patriarch Anba Cyril ibn Laqlaq113 He has a Disputation with a group of eminent Muslims in the majlis114 of the perfect king, Ibn al-'Ādil ibn Ayyūb. Also present at the disputation was the presbyter, Būlus al-Būšī.
Būlus al-Būšī,115 Bishop of Cairo. He has seven excellent homilies on the feast days of the Lord.
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Yu'annis, Bishop of Sammanūd116 He has an Introduction and Ladder, for the interpretation of Coptic and its grammar.117
Al-Mu'taman Abū Isḥāq ibn al-'Assāl118 He has:
1. Collection of the Principles of Religion and What was Heard of the Result of Certainty, seventy chapters in two parts.
2. The Abridged Instruction, sixteen chapters in two sections.
3. The Mores of the Church, six chapters.
4. A number of sermons for the feast days of the Lord and other times.
5. The Rhymed Ladder and Purified Gold of its Speech, on the interpretation of Coptic into Arabic.
Al-Ṣafī Abū al-Faḍā'il,119 his brother. He has:
1. A book of sound [arguments] in answer to words of advice; it is called The Pursuit of the Path in Answering the Embarrassment brought by one reckless [in reading] the Gospel. The book has two parts. Part one, with fifteen sections:
1. On the presentation of the book, and its cause.
2. On the useful principles of this answer (10).
3. On the fruits of the aforementioned120 principles.
4. On the answer [jawāb] to the presentation of the reply [al-radd].
5. On the answer to the seven questions.
6. The answer of one that professes the habitation,121 etc.
7. The answer in reply to the Catholic Faith, etc.
8. An answer in four aspects.
9. On designating Christ as God, etc.
10. That the simple spiritual person is not said to be within the body, nor outside of it, but only in terms of likeness, etc.
11. On the cancellation of sin and death, etc.
12. On his question about the king, etc.
13. An answer to what he alleged of inconsistency in the Gospel, etc.
14. On glorifying the Cross, and what comes afterward.
15. On the fact that the adversary moved about with one cause, [but was] ineffectual, etc.
The second part: The beginning is on the cause of the book and on the answer in summary form; following this are five principles:
1. On the unity.
2. On sonship and Christ generally, etc.
3. On the addition122 and address
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to the soul, etc.
4. On the likeness of the crucifixion and Peter's doubt, etc.
5. The answer concerning [the verse] "Altogether, twelve great men123 were born to Ishmael,"124 etc., until he concludes this principle with the reason of being forbidden from receiving anyone who comes other than in the law of Christ.125
2. An abridged collection of canons.
3. An abridgment of that abridgment, called Competence for Beginners in the Study of Canons.
4. He also has an answer he wrote to the discussion of 'Abd Allāh al-Nāšī in essays,126 and it is [called] The Middle Book. Al-Ṣafī abridged part of his discussion and answered it usefully for those that look into it.
Yuḥannā ibn Severus, the writer127 He has a Book of Knowledge and Purpose, and it is an essay containing ten chapters.
Sim'ān ibn Macarius, the monk, known as Ibn Kalīl128 He has a book, The Garden of the Solitary and Consolation of the Hermit, twelve sayings.129
Peter the Armenian, presbyter and monk, of Sadmant130 He has a book, The Confirmation of the Faith, concerning the Sufferings of Christ the Lord, and the Explanation of the Truth in Him from a Correct Perspective.
The Presbyter, Al-Rašīd Abū Al-Ḫayr, the physician131 He has exhortations and a book on the principles of religion. It is said that he composed the book to answer
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the book of the dissidents, but he fell short of this rank and slipped into reproof and difficulty,132 and he was accused of having a corrupt view in his doctrine.
Al-'Alam ibn Kātib Qaysar133 He has an Introduction to the Grammar of Coptic.
Al-Ṯiqah ibn al-Dahrī [or al-Duhayrī], the writer134 He has a similar excellent Introduction; perhaps this is the one that Cyril ibn Laqlaq, metropolitan of Dumyāṭ, preferred.
Al-Nušū Abū Šākir al-Musannā,135 the Monk, Son of the Abbess136 He put together a book and called it The Book of Healing: On the Discovery of what is Hidden and Missing of the Divinity of Christ. He says it contains three main parts and two epilogues; it branches out from each main part to a beginning, theories, and a final result. He also put together a History that he worked hard on, and he included in it many views of the historians and substance dedicated to religious knowledge.
Some Writers and Authors in the Noble Denomination whose Time Period is not Confirmed
Eustathius the monk137 He has a Book of Explanation. In it, he answers some philosophers from a letter [one] wrote to him expressing a preference for the view of the "uniters" [al-mu'aḥḥidīn], like the Jews and those similar to them, of those who have not professed multiplicity [al-takṯīr] according to the view of the Christians, preferring the former to the latter.
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The Book of Barlām and Yuwāṣif,138 the son of Abṯīr, the unbelieving king. It139 contains what happened with reference to Yuwāṣif's move to the religion of Christianity; then his father also made the move after what happened with him with reference to the resistance of the Christians and the worship of idols in the countries of his rule in India; and [it contains] the questions of al-Mahdī to the Catholicos (twelve in number), with the answers to them, which pertain to belief and its progress.
The works of an individual that converted to Christianity—after his baptism, he was named Yuḥannā, and is known as Ibn Rajā140—include The Lives of the Patriarchs. St. Mercurius brought it from the plain of Mecca to his church in Egypt. He composed four [other] books:
1. On confession, and he called it The Clear [Book].
2. Choice Selections of the Interpreters and the Corruption of the Dissidents.
3. The Disclosure of the Concealed.
4. His biography.
Chapters Connected with the the Fathers [and] Monks in the Monastery of Bū Maqār141 With these [chapters], they answered a letter sent to them by an individual named Isḥāq ibn Pachomius from Būra. He asked them for an answer to it, and they responded with a clarification of the corrupt belief of the Chalcedonians and Nestorians, and the correctness of the Jacobite view. They included 100 sections in it.142
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The Book of the Fathers' Confession143 It is called The Faith of the Holy Fathers, which is collected from homilies and letters of the Catholic, Apostolic [Church], and the explanation of the faith from each one of them, from the words of the twelve apostles, Paul the chosen [vessel],144 James the brother of the Lord145 in the body, the seven deacons together with the rest of the seventy-two disciples, and the Fathers, their successors, who came after them, generation after generation, down to the time of Anba Christodoulos, the 66th of the Alexandrian patriarchs. The number of speakers in it is sixty-six: fifty-seven of whose sayings are on the faith, with nine that excommunicated those that overstepped the faith. The last of those mentioned in it is Christodoulos, Patriarch of Alexandria. Here are their names and the number of their sayings:
The Didascalia, the Mystagogia: 2 sayings.
Barnabas, disciple of the apostles, Bishop of 'Adan: 2.
Atticus, disciple of the apostles, Patriarch of Byzantium: 1.
Archelaus, disciple of the apostles, Bishop of [Beth?] Lafaṭ: 1.
Dionysius, Bishop of Athens: 1.
Ignatius, the disciple, Patriarch of Antioch: 1.
Gregory the Wonderworker, Bishop of [Neo-]Caesaraea: 2.
Gregory, Bishop of the Armenians: 3.146
Alexander, Patriarch of Alexandria: 2.
The 318 at Nicaea: 2.
Athanasius, the apostolic: 17 sayings.
Basil, Bishop of Caesarea: 5.
Gregory, his brother: 4.
Felix, the martyr, Patriarch of Rome: 3.
Paul, Patriarch of Rome: 8.
Maṭūlīqas [?],147 its [Rome's] Patriarch: 1.
[p. 665]
Salūsīus [?],148 its [Rome's] Patriarch: 1.
Natalius, its [Rome's] Patriarch: 1.
Mar Efrem the Syrian: 5.
Proclus,149 Bishop of Cyzicus, and appointed Patriarch over Constantinople, after the excommunication of Nestorius: 11 sayings.
Severian, Bishop of Gabala: 1.
Aphrosius, Bishop of the Armenians: 2.
John, Bishop of Jerusalem: 1.
Theodotus: Bishop of Ancyra: 8.
Epiphanius, Bishop of Cyprus, from the Book of the Anchor:150 16.
Gregory, the speaker in theology, transferred from the bishopric of Nazianz to the patriarchate of Constantinople after the excommunication of Macedonius: 5.
John Chrysostom: 30.
Theophilus, Patriarch of Alexandria: 2.
Cyril, its [Alexandria's] Patriarch: 52.
Theodosius, its [Alexandria's] Patriarch: 3.
Severus of Antioch: 9.
Jacob, Bishop of Sarug: 4.
Benjamin of Alexandria: 1.
John, its [Alexandria's] Patriarch: 1.
Cyriacus of Antioch: 1.
Theodosius of Antioch: 1.
Dionysius, its [Antioch's] Patriarch: 1.
Gabriel of Alexandria: 1.
Quzmān, its [Alexandria's] Patriarch: 2.
Basil of Antioch: 1.
Macarius of Alexandria: 1.
Dionysius of Antioch: 1.
Menas of Alexandria: 1.
[p. 666]
Dionysius of Antioch: 1.
John, its [Antioch's] Patriarch: 2.
Philotheus of Alexandria: 2.
Athanasius of Antioch: 1.
John, its [Antioch's] Patriarch: 2.
Zacharias of Alexandria: 4.
Shenute, its [Antioch's] Patriarch: 1.
Dionysius of Antioch: 1.
Christodoulos of Alexandria: 1.
John of Antioch: 4.
Christodoulos of Alexandria: 5.
Ḥabīb, also known as Abū Rā'iṭa, Bishop of Takrit: 3.
Abū Zakaryā, Yaḥyā ibn 'Adī, from his letter to Abū al-Ḥasan al-Qasim ibn Ḥabīb, a response to Nestorianism: 1.
[Those involved with]Excommunication:
Gregory the Wonderworker: 12 sayings.
Julian, Patriarch of Rome: 6.
Vitalius,151 its [Rome's] Patriarch: 5.
Gregory the Theologian: 12.
Cyril, the wise, of Alexandria: 12.
Theodosius, its [Alexandria's] Patriarch: 5.
John, Bishop of Al-Burlus: 13.
[Total:] 65.
The Book of Paradise [Barādīsūs] Information on monks and relics of worshippers: their way of life and struggle [jihād]. The interpretation of it [Barādīsūs], is "garden" [bustān].
Questions and Answers on Concepts of the Faith, by 'Abd al-Masīḥ, known as Ibn Nūḥ.152
____________________________________
Ended is that which is known of the writings of the Christian Faith.153
Glory to God always!
1 This file and its contents are hereby placed in the public domain.
2 The vocalization of the last part of his name is sometimes also seen as Kabr and Kubr. On Abū al-Barakat, see GCAL II 438-445. GCAL = Georg Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur; vols. 1 and 2 (Vatican City, 1944, 1947) only are cited below.
3 Page 5 in the work cited in the following note.
4 The first two chapters of his work are also edited, with French translation, in Dom Louis Villecourt, ed. and trans. (with Eugène Tisserant and Gaston Wiet) Livre de la lampe des ténèbres et de l'exposition (lumineuse) du service (de l'église) / par Abū'l-Barakāt connu sous le nom d'Ibn Kabar (Patrologia Orientalis 20.4; Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1928). See also below on Fr. Samir's edition of the work.
5 On Riedel's edition: "leider nicht ohne manche Mängel der Textgestaltung und mit noch mehr Ungenauigkeiten in der Übersetzung" (GCAL I 9).
6 Samir Khalil Samir, ed., Ibn Kabar, Abū al-Barakāt, Miṣbāḥ al-ẓulma fī iḍāḥ al-khidma, 2 vols. (Cairo: Maktabat al-Karuz, 1971-1998).
7 In English, note the following sources. For Greek writers: Johannes Quasten, Patrology, vols. 1-3 (Utrecht: Sprectrum, 1953-60), and Hubertus Drobner, The Fathers of the Church: A Comprehensive Introduction, trans. Siegfried S. Schatzmann (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2007), and Angelo di Berardino, ed., Patrology: The Eastern Fathers from the Council of Chalcedon (451) to John of Damascus († 750), trans. Adrian Walford (Cambridge: James Clarke, 2006). For Syriac writers: William Wright, A Short History of Syriac Literature (London, 1894; reprint, Piscataway: Gorgias, 2001), Ignatius Aphram I Barsoum, The Scattered Pearls: A History of Syriac Literature and Sciences, d rev. ed., trans. Matti Moosa (Piscataway: Gorgias Press, 2003), and Sebastian P. Brock, A Short History of Syriac Literature (Mōrān 'Eth'ō 9, Kottayam, 1997).
8 This paragraph functions as a description for the seventh chapter of the work. The first sentence is incomplete. I have been less literal in the translation than I would have liked, but the writer's style necessitated it.
9 Reading لنحاط with R (i.e. the Vatican and Borgia mss.); similarly with the following verb, reading نزداد with D.
10 With R.
11 GCAL I 302-04.
12 That is, the bishops present at the Council of Nicea in 325.
13 GCAL I 306-08.
14 GCAL I 337-55.
15 GCAL I 330-32. Editions of th Syriac and Arabic translations of many of Gregory Nazianzen's orations have appeared in recent years in the Corpus Christianorum, Series Graeca (Corpus Nazianzenum) (Turnhout: Brepols).
16 The grammar (esp. gender confusion) and arrangement of this paragraph is unfortunately not very clear, and I propose the interpretation here rather tentatively. Riedel's German translation reads as follows in English: "This index was collated and has been corrected in the copied manuscript, which was by the pen of Anba Joseph, bishop of Fuwwa, according to content under the name 'the Theologian.'"
17 The author uses a Syriac-Aramaic word here ultimately of Hebrew origin (see E. Cook, A Glossary of Targum Onkelos [Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2008], p. 216 s.v. עצרא) and then gives the Greek word πεντηκοστή to further explain it. See also G. Graf, Verzeichnis der arabischer kirchlicher Termini, CSCO 147/Subs. 8 (Louvain, 1954), p. 80.
18 There is an extra note here in the ms. that says Ibrāhīm ibn Yuḥannā was very sick, lazy, or stupid (cf. Lane's Arabic-English Lexicon, vol. 1, p. 343 s.v. ثَقُلَ). Without a context the meaning is unsure.
19 At the Council of Constantinople (381).
20 Cf. no. 2 below under Gregory, the brother of Basil of Caesarea, and no. 4 under Basil.
21 Riedel takes this to be equivalent to ὁ πάνυ, but it is not obvious that this is correct.
22 GCAL I 332-35.
23 Ḥunayn has his own (brief) entry below.
24 I have followed Riedel's interpretation of ديار دار سبا as دناوقساريا.
25 GCAL I 308-09.
26 GCAL I 319-29.
27 GCAL I 310-16.
28 The word here is nisbah. Apparently what is meant is the size of each group of Psalms in relation to the others.
29 Riedel translates this word (انباء) "prophecy". The roots of these words are similar, but the word here derives from نبأ, rather than نبي, so I have translated accordingly. Alternatives are "news, information."
30 GCAL I 358-65.
31 GCAL I 418-20.
32 GCAL I 370-71.
33 GCAL I 421-33.
34 Reading مدحة for مديحة of Riedel's text.
35 GCAL I 436-42.
36 GCAL II 52-64.
37 GCAL I 456-9.
38 GCAL I 461-4.
39 GCAL I 404-5.
40 GCAL I 356-8.
41 There is a lacuna here.
42 GCAL I 355-6.
43 GCAL I 318-9.
44 GCAL II 233-49. See also Robert Henry DeValve, The Apologetic Writings of Yaḥyā b. 'Adī, Ph.D. dissertation, Hartford Seminary, 1973, and Sidney H. Griffith, Yaḥyā ibn 'Adī. The Reformation of Christian Morals (Eastern Christian Texts; Provo: BYU Press, 2002).
45 GCAL II 252-6.
46 The name is actually given as القسم in Riedel's text.
47 Cf. no. 3 in Graf's list of ibn Zur'ah's works, given as "Response to the Five Questions of Yūsuf ibn al-Buḥairī, called Abū Ḥakīm of Mayyāfāriqīn," i.e. where the work is addressed to a slightly differently named individual.
48 GCAL I 389. See also Kevin Thomas Van Bladel, The Arabic Hermes: From Pagan Sage to Prophet of Science (Oxford Studies in Late Antiquity; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009).
49 GCAL II 210-11. See also S. H. Griffith, "'Ammār al-Baṣrī's Kitāb al-Burhān: Christian Kalām in the First Abbasid Century," reprinted in his Beginnings of Christian Theology in Arabic: Muslim-Christian Encounters in the Early Islamic Period (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002). Wageeh Mikhail recently announced his completed translation of the Kitāb al-Burhān.
50 GCAL II 216-17.
51 There is a wordplay between tower [mijdal] and debating [jadal].
52 The word is uqnūm (pl. aqānīm), a Syriac loanword (qnomā).
53 Lit., "offering" (qurbān), as in Syriac.
54 I.e., in the sense of "eminence, etc."
55 The word is jaḏb, "pull, attraction" (see Lane's Lexicon, p. 394). Riedel translates "Ende"; while this certainly fits the context, I am not sure what he has based this meaning on.
56 Not Jesus', but the resurrection of end times.
57 Reading (as, apparently, Riedel did too) معظمه, and not معظّمه of the text.
58 GCAL II 212-3.
[58a] This is John Philoponus (GCAL I 417-18); the Arabic name derives ultimately from Syriac eskolāyā, "scholar."
59 GCAL II 7-26. See also John C. Lamoreaux, Theodore Abu Qurrah (Library of the Christian East; Provo: BYU Press, 2006).
60 GCAL II 177-89.
61 Assemani (Bibliotheca Orientalis III.1, p. 270) mentions both these and other works of Elias.
62 GCAL II 122-9.
63 GCAL II 155-6.
64 GCAL II 219.
65 Cf. Duval, Littérature syriaque, p. 349, who refers to this passage in Bibliotheca Orientalis III.1, p. 632 (and on Justinian, Bibliotheca Orientalis II, p. 89).
66 GCAL II 219.
67 GCAL II 227-8.
68 GCAL I 355.
69 The last reference is almost certainly to the book of Acts, but this is not the regular title of the book.
70 GCAL II 160-77.
71 I.e., provide a reasonable summary of the book's contents in full.
72 GCAL I 411-2.
73 Cf. Graf, Verzeichnis, p. 64. For Sabas himself, see Joseph Patrich, Sabas, Leader of Palestinian Monasticism (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1995).
74 GCAL II 48-9.
75 GCAL II 300-18. See also S. H. Griffith, "Apologetics and Historiography in the Annals of Eutychius of Alexandria: Christian Self Definition in the World of Islam," in R. Ebied and H. Teule, eds., Studies on the Christian Arabic Heritage [Samir FS] (Peeters: Leuven, 2004), pp. 70-71, with more sources cited there.
76 Also known as Eutychius of Alexandria (877-940).
77 Perhaps read the pl. "jewels," i.e. جَواهِر instead of جَوهَر.
78 Instead of muṭrān, V has usquf, "bishop."
79 GCAL II 333-335.
80 I.e., was in a humble estate. There is a wordplay here in Arabic: miracle = mu'jiz, weakness = 'ajz.
81 GCAL II 340-44.
82 On this term, the plural of bid'ah, see (within the context of Islam) Encyclopaedia of Islam2, vol. 1 (Leiden: Brill, 1960), p. 1199.
83 I.e. (Great) Lent.
84 Sunnah, the plural of which we have here, is the opposite of bid'ah (see J. Robson in the Encyclopaedia of Islam article cited above).
85 The word here (qurbān) may refer to both elements of the Eucharist, or just the Host; cf. Graf, Verzeichnis, pp. 89-90.
86 See (in Syriac and Latin) Bibliotheca Orientalis II, pp. 304-305 and (in Arabic in Latin) pp. 426-29 some remarks on the Ninevite fast.
87 A Coptic month name; see Graf, Verzeichnis, p. 31.
88 Reading خطايا for Riedel's خطاء.
89 The word here is sujūd, but cf. Graf, Verzeichnis, p. 58, where sijdah = προσκύνησις.
90 A Greek loanword, παραμονή; cf. Graf, Verzeichnis, p. 19 and, for the Greek, Lampe, p. 1022.
91 Cf. Graf, Verzeichnis, p. 92: "a cylindrical head covering for clerics." For further discussion (including non-ecclesiastical use), see R. P. A. Dozy, Dictionnaire détaillé des noms des vêtements chez les Arabes (Amsterdam, 1845), pp. 365-71.
92 This language comes from Eph 6:17 and Thes 5:8.
93 Reading بالاتحاد for Riedel's بالايتحاد.
94 The Arabic is bil-waṭā', but I am not fully certain of the sense.
95 For the use of this term (al-fi/aranj), see Encyclopaedia of Islam2, vol. 3 (Leiden: Brill, 1971), pp. 1044-46, s.v. "Ifrandj."
96 Another Greek loanword, ἀναγνώστης (Graf, Verzeichnis, p. 10).
97 The verb ينمضمضون should be read يمضمضون.
98 I.e. women they may not lawfully have sex with. For this language cf. biblical verses such as Prov 2:16, 5:3, 5:20, etc.
99 Cf. Acts 15:20. The "dead animals" (mayyitah) are those found dead and then taken as food, and obviously not simply animals that were killed for food.
100 The word (ṣaffārah) apparently refers to some kind of cup, so called for its yellowish/brass (ṣufr) coloring.
101 Derivatives of "crown" are used in Christian Arabic to refer to marriage itself in its fullest sense (cf. Graf, Verzeichnis, p. 98, as well as Hans Wehr, A Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, ed. J. Milton Cowan, t ed. [Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1979], pp. 977-78).
102 Presumably scriptural or, at least, patristic books are meant here.
103 I.e. the day after Good Friday.
104 I.e. Coptic ⲧⲱⲃⲓ, which corresponds to Jan 9-Feb 7.
105 The term is, of course, used here with reference to the Mass.
106 يتزوّج should be read تتزوّج.
107 Thus known in English, but Arabic "of the Disciples."
108 The syntax of the Arabic here is not very clear.
109 A marginal note in one ms. has: "Anyone with sense understands that day precedes night, and no one rejects the fact except ignorant people!"
110 GCAL II 270.
111 Cf. Graf, Verzeichnis, p. 59; in GCAL II 71, Graf translates this part of the book's title as "Sakrament."
112 The form is البتريّ.
113 GCAL II 360-67.
114 That is, a session or gathering for philosophical or theological discussion (kalām).
115 GCAL II 356-60. In general also see chapter one of Shawqi N. Talia, Bûlus al-Bûši's Arabic Commentary on the Apocalypse of St. John, Ph.D. dissertation, Catholic University of America, 1987.
116 GCAL II 371-75.
117 On this and the other Coptic grammatical works written in Arabic and mentioned by Abū al-Barakāt, and the role they played in familiarizing Europeans with Coptic, see Alastair Hamilton, The Copts and the West, 1439-1822: The European Discovery of the Egyptian Church (Oxford-Warburg Studies; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), pp. 199-203.
118 GCAL II 407-414.
119 GCAL II 388-403.
120 Read مذكورة (not مذكور).
121 Riedel (p. 696) guesses the reference here is to Jn 1:14 or 14:2.
122 Or relation (iḍāfah).
123 Reading عظيما with ms. V.
124 Cf. Gen 25:16.
125 Cf. perhaps Gal 6:2
126 This phrase (fī al-maqālāt) may in fact go either with al-Ṣafī's answer or al-Nāšī's discussion (kalām).
127 GCAL II 436-7.
128 GCAL II 336-8.
129A note has "The presbyter, Šams al-Riyāsah, said: I am aware of a text with the title, Blessed Mores and Spiritual Parables, extracted from the book, The Garden of the Solitary and Consolation of the Hermit, the number of its chapters being twenty, but the name of its author is not indicated."
130 GCAL II 351-6.
131 GCAL II 344-8.
132 Riedel translates "Strafe," i.e. punishment, penalty (reading عقوبة instead of عقبة?).
133 GCAL II 379-87.
134 GCAL II 378-9.
135 Probably a corruption of "ibn al-Sanā." See GCAL II 428-29 on the forms of this writer's name.
136 GCAL II 428-34.
137 GCAL II 256-57.
138 The work, which exists in several languages, is known most commonly in English as Barlaam and Josaphat; for brief treatments, see the articles in F. L. Cross, ed., The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, d ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), p. 158; The Coptic Encyclopedia, vol. 2, pp. 346-47; and Ken Parry, et. al., eds., The Blackwell Dictionary of Eastern Christianity (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999), p. 77.
139 Before this description, one manuscript (V) has the following: "The Book of Barlām, the ascetic, and Yuwāṣif. In the aforementioned book are many questions and answers that were exchanged between Barlām, Yuwāṣif, and his father, and then between his father and the worshipers of his idols, and between him and his cupbearer. His father divided the rule between him and himself, and then returned to convert to Christianity and died. Then Yuwāṣif left royalty and died while wandering in the desert."
140 GCAL II 318-9.
141 I.e. Father Macarius. Bū is a colloquial form of Abū (father).
142 An additional note, marked as marginal originally, appears in V: "It is said: His father Pachomius sent it [the letter] to Anba Yuḥannā, the 48th of the Alexandrian patriarchs, in the year 505 of the martyrs, but he did not answer it. Its arrival to the monks was not until the year 560—55 years after it was composed. The answer to it at that time was in the days of Patriarch Anba Yūsāb, the 52nd Coptic Patriarch."
143 GCAL II 321-3.
144 Cf. Acts 9:15.
145 Gal 1:19.
146 Commonly known as Gregory the Illuminator.
147 A corruption of Miltiades (bishop 310-14 in Rome)? The following name might then be a corruption of Sylvester, who was bishop 314-35.
148 See prev. note.
149 The reading is Riedel's conjecture.
150 See the entry above for Epiphanius.
151 Written Būṭālīs.
152 GCAL II 320 (at the end of the entry on 'Abd al-Masīḥ al-Isrā'īlī).
153 The few vowels and diacritical marks given in this line of Riedel's text should all be shifted one place to the right.
This text was commissioned by Roger Pearse, 2009. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely. A PDF version is also available here.
Greek, Arabic etc text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: sbath_00_intro.htm
Twenty philosophical and theological Arabic Christian treatises (1929/2009) Preface to the online edition
Twenty philosophical and theological Arabic Christian treatises (1929/2009) Preface to the online edition
The following Arabic Christian treatises were all originally published without translation by Paul Sbath in Vingt traités philosophiques et theologiques (Cairo, 1929). Georg Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, vol. 2, has some information on the authors and their works.
Numbers 15-17 are by Yahya ibn `Adi. From Graf II 233-249: He was a Jacobite, born in 893 at Tikrit, went to Baghdad and studied in the philosophical school there. Died 13 August 974. A voluminous writer. Sbath pp. 168-171 contains a treatise on the truth of the Gospel, using syllogisms. p. 171f is another similar treatise; p. 172-175 on the credal statement, "He became flesh by the Holy Spirit of the Virgin Mary."
Number 18. Abu al-Khayr ibn al-Tayyib (Graf II 344-348) A Copt, writing between 1204 and 1245. Sbath p. 176-178 prints an extract only of his book "The medicine of understanding", 24 chapters against the attacks of Moslem polemicists.
Number 19. Abu al-Faraj ibn al-Tayyib (Graf II 160-176) An Iraqi Nestorian, philosopher, physician, monk and priest in the first half of the 11th century. Another voluminous writer, including massive biblical commentaries on the Psalms and Gospels. Sbath prints p.179f, a work on miracles and philosophy.
Many thanks to Sam Noble for transcribing and translating these for us. Number 20, a short treatise by Hunain ibn Ishaq, is in preparation.
This text was written by Roger Pearse, 2009. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: sbath_15_yahya_ibn_adi_01.htm
Yahya ibn Adi, On the Truth of the Gospel by Way of Reasoning from Proofs (2009)
Yahya ibn Adi, On the Truth of the Gospel by Way of Reasoning from Proofs (2009)
Originally published by Paul Sbath in "Vingt traités philosophiques et theologiques" (Cairo, 1929), #15, pp.168-171
On the Truth of the Gospel by Way of Reasoning from Proofs
by Yaḥyā ibn ʿAdī ibn Ḥamīd ibn Zakriyā, may God almighty have mercy on him
[Translated by Sam Noble]
Among the evident proofs is that the pure Gospel is accepted by many peoples whose countries are far from each other and who have different religions and diverse ambitions. It is not possible for ones such as them to collude nor is it thinkable that they would agree with one another. If this is the case, then all things that are accepted are accepted either because of the reasons that something false is accepted or because of the reasons that the truth is accepted. The reasons for accepting something that is false are fear of being killed and degradation and poverty, the imposition of oppressive burdens, the constraints of the law, separation from relatives, proximity to pleasures and the rebelliousness of desires, the desire for strength and power and easy circumstances and the acquisition of wealth, the desire for ease and calm and security and peace, laxity in the law, familial bonds, the allowing of total indulgence in pleasures, the permission to indulge in lusts, and the trickiness of those preaching and the foolishness of those who are preached to. The Gospel contains the opposites of all these things and the renouncement of them all. It commands the bearing of degradation, the renouncing of seeking power, the love of poverty, patience with oppressive burdens, and the leaving aside of laxity in the law in favor of exactitude in it. It commands courage in bearing suffering, the laying aside of indulgence in pleasures, and the laying aside of worry in the face of dangers. It is manifestly clear that those who preach the Gospel, that is, those who preach Christianity, were not trickier and cleverer than those to whom they preached. Most of those who preached were illiterate fishermen and craftsmen. They were not endowed with special knowledge or overwhelmingly strong understanding. As for those to whom they preached, these included the Romans and the Greeks, the masters of subtle wisdom and the foremost in lofty knowledge. They possessed sharp intellects and penetrating insights. They could not be fooled by a trick or defeated by deception. No error is hidden from them and they are not blind to erroneous expressions. Thus it is clearly unimaginable that the Gospel was accepted for one of those reasons by which falsehood is accepted.
It remains then that it was accepted for those reasons by which the truth is accepted, either wholly or in part, and this compels belief in what it contains. These commands and prophecies that the Gospel contains not only require that one not hasten to accept them, but even demand to be found burdensome, and to be mocked and fled from and avoided, to not be accepted at all and to not be loved in principle. For this reason, if it is accepted by peoples whose numbers are countless, then this is the most convincing proof and the most impartial testament that belief in it is a miracle and the surest sign. The reasons that remain by which, in whole or in part, the truth must be accepted are: that what is reported is tangible to the senses and manifestly present, that it is primary in the intellect, that it is made clear through apodictic proof like the existence of the corners of an isosceles triangle, or it is believed because it is commonly and widely known and because peoples who could not conspire to agree on a falsehood bear witness to it. A reason for its acceptance other than these reasons is that acceptance and credence in it is only because those who preach it demonstrate it through signs and miracles of which man's inability to perform bears witness that they are not possible without the help of the Creator, blessed be His name. Only those who are good and pure are able to perform them, those who are excellent and trustworthy, who only speak the pure truth untainted by falsehood, only that which is wholly beneficial unmixed with harm.
If this is the case, and if what is contained in the Gospel was not ascertained by the all peoples who accept it through the senses or through its being materially present, nor is it one of the first principles in the intellect, nor is it ascertainable by apodictic proofs from the natures of things, and not something that is widely and commonly known, the truth of which is undisputed, then it necessarily follows that it was accepted and believed on account of the miraculous signs that those who preached it used to demonstrate it. It is not at all possible to believe that those who were preached to believed those preaching if what they preached was completely devoid of the reasons by which the truth is accepted, which we have enumerated. It follows that those who accepted it, accepted it because they witnessed the miracles that the preachers worked, which are impossible for humans. This confirms what we wanted to prove about the truth of what the pure Gospel contains, which is that the peoples who were called to believe it only did so because of signs and miracles that God worked by the hands of those who preached it. Thanks be to God always!
مقالة في اثبات صدق الانجيل على طريق القياس بالبرهان والدليل1 من كلام الشيخ يحيى بن عدي بن حميد بن زكرياء رحمه الله تعالى2
قال: ان من المشاهد بالعيان أن الانجيل الطاهر مقبول من3 أمم كثيرة متباعدة الاوطان قد كانت مختلفة الاديان نتنائية الاهواء لا يجوز على امثالها التواطؤ ولا يسوغ الظنة بأشكالها التوافق ، واذا كان ذلك كذلك وكان كل مقبول لا يخلو من أن يكون مقبولاً من اسباب يُقبل منها الباطل وإما من اسباب يُقبل من مثله الحق ، واسباب قبول الباطل الهرب من القتل والذلّ والفقر ومن تكلُّف التعب الفادح ومن ضيق الشريعة ومن قطع الارحام ومن مجانبة اللذات مع عصيان الشهوات ، والرغبة في العز والسلطان وسعة الاحوال واقتناء الاموال وطلب الراحة والدعة والأمن والسكون والرُخَص في الشريعة وصلة الارحام واطلاق الانهماك في اللذات واباحة الامعان في الشهوات ، وفضل حيَل الداعين وشدة غبا المدعوين. والانجيل يتضمن الدعاء الى اضداد هذه كلها والتعري من جميعها ويأمر باحتمال الذلة وترك طلب العز وايثار الفقر والصبر على التعب الفادح وترك الترخيص في الشريعة والتضييق فيها والامر والتشجيع على احتمال اللآلام وترك التماس اللذات وترك الجزع من المحذورات4. ومن الظاهر البيّن أن الداعين الى قبول الانجيل وهم الداعون الى النصرانية لم يكن فيهم من تفضل حيلته ومكره حيل المدعوين ومكرهم بل بل لا يقاربونهم في ذلك ، فان الدعاة أكثرهم كانوا امّيين وصيادي سمك وذوي صناعات لا تمنح المشتغلين بها فضلَ علم ولا تفدح فيهم جودة فهم ، وأما المدعون فمنهم الروم واليونانيون وهم ارباب الحكمة اللطيفة وأولو العلوم الشريفة والافهام الثاقبة والبصائر النافذة الذين لا تعيي عليهم حيلة ولا تنفذ فيهم غيلة ولا يخفى عليهم تخليط ولا يعمون عن لحظ الاغاليط5 ، فقد تبيّن أن الانجيل لا يجوز أن يُتوهم أنه قُبل بواحد من هذه الاسباب التي بها يُقبل الباطل.
وبقي أن يكون انما قُبل باسباب بها يُقبل الحق إما بها كلها أو ببعضها وذلك موجبٌ صدقَ ما يتضمنه ، وهذه الاوامر والزواجر التي تضمنها الانجيل انما6 تقتضي ألَّا يسارَع الى قبولها فقط بل تستدعي أن تُشتَثقل وتُشتم ويُهرب منها ويُنصرف عنها وأن لا تُقبل البتة ولا تؤثَر أصلاً ، ولذلك اذ هو مقبول من أمم لا يُحصى عددها فذلك أدلَّ دليل وأعدل شاهد ان التصديق بها احدى7 المعجزات ومن أوكد الايات. واسباب قبول الحق التي بقي أن لا يكون مقبولاً الَّا بها أو ببعضها هي هذه: إما أن يكون ما يُخبر به مدرَكاً بالحس موجوداً حاضراً ، ومنها ان يكون اوّلاً في العقل ، ومنها ما يتبين ببرهان كوجود زوايا المثلث الثلاث متساوية لقائمتين ، ومنها ما يُصدَّق به لأنه شائع ذائع يشهد بمشاهدته أمم لا يجوز من مثلها التواطؤ على كذب ، ومنها ما السبب في قبوله خارجٌ عن هذه الاسباب وهو ان يكون قبوله والتصديق به انما هو باظهار الداعين اليه آياتٍ ومعجزات يشهد عجز البشر عن فعلها بأنها لا يُقدَّر عليها الّا بتأييد الخالق تبارك اسمه ولا يجوز أن يُقدَّر على مثلها الّا الاخيار الاطهار الفاضلون الصادقون الذين لا يحدث عنهم الّا الحق المحض الذي لا يشوبه كذب والنفع الخالص الذي لا يخالطه ضرر.
واذا كان هذا هكذا وكان ما يتضمنه الانجيل ليس مما ادركته الأمم القابلة له كلها بالحسّ ولا حضرته ، ولا هو من الاوائل في العقول ، ولا مما يُقام عليه البراهين المأخوذة من ذوات الامور ، ولا مما هو شائع ذائع لا يُخالِفه في صحته بعضُ الناس بعضاً ، فقد وَجب ضرورةً أن يكون إنما قُبل به بالآيات المعجزات التي أظهرها الداعون اليه ، ولا يجوز البتة ولا يسوغ أن المدعوين يُصدّقون الدعاة اذا خلا ما يدعونهم اليه من احد الاسباب التي بها يُقبل الحق وهي التي قد ذكرناها ، فقد وجب أن يكون قبول القابلين له بمشاهدتهم ما فعله الداعون اليه من الآيات الممتنعة على طبائع البشر وثبت ما أردنا بيانه من صدق ما تضمنه الانجيل الطاهر وأنه انما صدّقت به الأمم المدعوّة الى التصديق بايات ومعجزات أجراها الله على أيدي الدعاة اليه والشكر لله دائماً.8
1في خزانة كتبي نسختان من هذه المقالة من المقالة التي تتلوها الاولى رقم 1125 خطت في القرن الرابع عشر والثانية رقم 1585 نسخت في سنة 477 للهجرة اي 1084 للميلاد وقد اعتمدت على الثانية في نشر المقالتين المومأ اليهما بعد معارضتها بالاولى.
2اطلب ترجمته في فهرست ابن النديم ص 264 وفي كتاب اخبار العلماء بأخبار الحكماء ص 237 و238 وفي كتاب عيون الانباء في طبقات الاطباء جزء 1 ص 235 وفي مختصر تاريخ الدول ص 296 و297
3قل "عند" بدلا من "من"
4راجع ما جاء في هذا المعنى لابن زرعة في ص 27 و28 و58 من هذا الكتاب
5انظر مقالة ابن زرعة لبشر بن فنحاس ص 45
6في الاصل: ليس انما
7في الاصل: احد
8اقرأ المحاضرة الثالثة من "المشرع" وراجع ما مر بك في هذا الكتاب من البراهين على صحة الانجيل لايشوعياب بن ملكون.
This text was commissioned by Roger Pearse, 2009. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: sbath_16_yahya_ibn_adi_02.htm
Yahya ibn Adi, On the Differences in the Expressions in the Gospels and their Meanings (2009)
Yahya ibn Adi, On the Differences in the Expressions in the Gospels and their Meanings (2009)
Originally published by Paul Sbath in "Vingt traités philosophiques et theologiques" (Cairo, 1929), #16, pp.171f.
On the Differences in the Expressions in the Gospels and their Meanings, also by Yaḥyā ibn ʿAdī
[Translated by Sam Noble]
"Difference" is used in various ways. One way is to mean a contradiction, as when a speaker says something and its opposite which contradicts it. This is like when someone recounts something and also recounts its opposite, which undermines it. This is impossible in the books of God, on account of the infallibility of those who recount them. "Difference" also has another meaning, as when someone reports about something that no one else reports. In reality, this is not called a difference because one person may say one thing and another something else but these two things are not called different. "Difference" is used in another way, which is a difference in names but not in meanings, as when we say "rock" and "stone". When the Spirit of the Paraclete rested on the disciples and they were made infallible with the infallibility with which we are made secure from mistakes and errors, the writers of the gospels only wrote them at the times when necessity called for writing, each one of them writing what is useful from what he saw by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. Do you not see the Evangelist Luke mention that the reason that he wrote his gospel was that many people had written stories and reports about Christ but that their stories were not satisfactory for him, as when he says "As for me, I write to you O Theophilus, what I have taken from those who saw with their eyes and witnessed"?1 If each of the evangelists brought something that the others did not bring, this is not a difference, as we have explained it according to the types of differences. Rather, in this is keen wisdom and one of the great graces of God, because if the expressions and meanings and language of the gospels were the same, then it would be possible for one to accuse the evangelists of collusion in writing them and spreading them through the world, as those who oppose us among the sects claim.
في اختلاف لفظ الاناجيل ومعانيها من الشيخ يحيى بن عدي ايضاَ
الاختلاف يُقال على ضروب: فضرب منها المناقضة وهو أن يقول القائل بشيء وخلافه مما ينقضه كمخبر يخبر بشيء ويخبر بخلافه مما يُفسده فهذا منفي عن كتب الله عز وجل لثبوت الدلالة على عصمة المخبرين بها ، ويُقال الخلاف على ضرب آخر كمخبر خّبر بشيئ ولم يخبر به غيره وهذا لا يُسمى خلافاً بالحقيقة لأنه قد يقول الانسان قولاً ويقول غيره قولاً آخر فلا يُسمّى هذان مختلفين ، ويُقال الاختلاف على ضرب آخر وهو كاختلاف الاسماء دون المعاني كقولنا حجر وفهر. ولما حلّ روح البارقليط على التلاميذ وعُصموا العصمة التي نؤمّن بعدها من الزلل والخطاء وكان كتبة الاناجيل انما كتبوها في اوقات دعت الحاجة الى كتبها كتب كلُّ واحد منهم ما رآه بما فيه الصلاح بالهام الروح القدس ، ألا ترى الى لوقا البشير أنه قد ذكر أن العلة في كتبه الانجيل أن قوماً كثيراً كتبوا اقاصيص واخباراً من اخبار المسيح وقصصه ليست مرضية عنده لقوله: "فأما انا فاني اكتب اليك يا تاوفيلا بما اخذته ممّن عاين وشاهد"2 واذا كان كل واحد من المبشّرين قد أتى بما لم يـأتِ به الآخر فلا يُسمى خلافاً على ما بيّنا من ضروب الخلاف ، وفي هذا حكمة بالغة ولطف من الطاف الله العظيمة3 لأنه لو جاءت الاناجيل متفقة الفاظها ومعانيها ولغتها لجاز المدّعِ أن يدّعي أنهم تواطؤا على كتبها وبثّها في العالم كما يزعم من خالفنا من اهل المذاهب.
1 Luke 1:3
2انجيل لوقا 3:1
3في الاصل: "عظيمة"
This text was commissioned by Roger Pearse, 2007. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: sbath_17_yahya_ibn_adi_03.htm
Yahya ibn Adi, On our saying "and became incarnate of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary" (2009)
Yahya ibn Adi, On our saying "and became incarnate of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary" (2009)
Originally published by Paul Sbath in "Vingt traités philosophiques et theologiques" (Cairo, 1929), #17, pp.172-175
On our saying "and became incarnate of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary"
By Yaḥyā ibn ʿAdī
[Translated by Sam Noble]
When some of the brothers asked, one after another, about the meaning of our saying in the Catholic Creed "and became incarnate of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary" each one of them received a response appropriate for him that proved this, so that they may recall what the scholars have examined and articulated (if indeed it needs articulation) so that those who have need of it may benefit from it.
I say: the source from which these words were taken is the Holy Gospel because in it is written, "Mary, of whom was born Jesus who is called the Christ,1 and she gave birth to her firstborn son and his name was called Jesus,2 and the one to whom she will give birth is of the Holy Spirit,3 and she was found with child from the Holy Spirit.4" So it is established that Jesus Christ was born of the Holy Spirit and the Virgin Mary. The Apostle Paul made clear the circumstances of His birth from His mother and said, "He was born in the body of a woman,"5 meaning that He was born in His human nature of Our Lady the Virgin Mary and it was established in our previous essay6 on this statement that that His human nature is created.
The existence of each created thing requires causes such as the carpenter and the wood and other things.7 His efficient cause is the one divine nature which creates every creature, that is, the divinity of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit. His material cause is the Virgin Mary. Just as it is not possible for iron to be made into a sword without fire entering into it and giving it form in order to make it possible for a sword to be formed from it, so too the Virgin Mary did not have a human nature that the Holy Spirit did not rest upon and prepare for the adoption of the human nature from it. For this reason, when the angel said to her, "Behold you will bear a child and give birth"8 and she said "How can this be for me when I have not known a man?",9 he said, "The holy spirit will come upon you"10 and the Holy Spirit put into her the natural power to form an embryo.
This is like what was written in the Old Testament: "The Spirit of God hovered over the waters."11 The Holy Spirit rested upon the water and put into it the natural power for animals to come out of it. Then after that God said, "Let the water bring forth animals, and it brought forth."12 This is like when a bird sits on its egg to warm it and the power of life goes from it to its egg and after that an animal is brought forth from it. It is also known that the relation of the woman to what is born of her is the relation of the earth to what springs forth from it. Just as God wanted in the beginning of creation for the earth to bring forth plants without plants first being sown there, so too the Almighty wanted a woman to be with child without a human being sown [in her].
The expression "of" when we say "and of Mary" is the genitive of material, like when we say "the ring is of gold" because the human nature is a part of Mary in the way that the ring is a piece of gold with the form of the ring that the goldsmith made in it and in the way that each embryo is from its mother. The expression "of" when we say "of the Holy Spirit" has the meaning of something made by Him. This is like when it is said that all is of God, not meaning that something is a part of God, but that everything is made by God.
There is no difference between when we say that the human nature is made by the Holy Spirit and when we say that it is made by the divine nature, since the divine nature is the divine nature of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit. It is clear that the Holy Spirit prepared Mary to bear that which the divine nature formed from her nature, according to the natural, gradual development of the embryo in the belly of the one bearing it. About this it was written of old, "Wisdom built itself a house."13 In expressing building, there is indication of an agent, which is the divine nature, and of a material, which is the nature of Mary, and of an object, which is the human nature of Christ. In His gradual development, which is His natural formation, and in our saying "built itself a house" there is indication of the divine nature's residing in the human nature. This is the residing of union, not the residing of resting within, like the union of the soul and the body in man.
The Virgin Mary is the material and the Holy Spirit is the one who prepares and the human nature is what is made and the divine nature is the maker. The hypostasis of the Son is united to the human nature at the beginning of His existence, in the way the soul is united to the body. Christ subsists from them both, that is, from His divine nature and His human nature by their union and their existence within him. For this reason he has the attributes of both of them.
في قولنا "وتجسد من الروح القدس ومن مريم العذراء" من كلام الشيخ يحيى بن عدي14
لما سأل بعض الاخوة واحد بعد واحد عن معنى قولنا في الامانة الجامعة "وتجسد من الروح القدس ومن مريم العذراء" واجيبوا بما لاق بكلّ منهم وجب15 اثبات ذلك ليذكروا16 ما نظر فيه العلماء ويصلحوه إن احتاج الى اصلاح في اللفظ والمعنى لينتفع به17 من يحتاج اليه.
فاقول: ان الاصل الذي اُخذ منه هذا القول هو الانجيل المقدس لأنه فيه مكتوب "مريم المولود منها يسوع الذي يدعى المسيح18 ، وولدت ابنها البكر ودعي اسمه يسوع19 وان الذي تلده هو من الروح القدس وتدعو اسمه يسوع20 ووُجدت حبلى من الروح القدس21" فقد ثبت ان يسوع المسيح ولد من والروح القدس ومن مريم العذراء وقد بيّن بولس الرسول جهة ولادته من امه فقال "انه ولد بالجسد من امراة"22 يعني ولد بناسوته من السيدة مريم العذراء ، وقد ثبتنا في مقالتنا23 السابقة لهذا القول أن ناسوته محدث.
ولا بد لوجود كل محدَث من اسباب مثل النجار والخشب وغيره24 ، فسببه الفاعل وهو اللاهوت الواحد الخالق لكل مخلوق اعني لاهوت الاب والابن والروح القدس ، وسببه المادي هو مريم العذراء ، وكما انه لا يمكن أن يُتخذ من الحديد سيفٌ دون أن تحلّ النار فيه وتهيئه لامكان ايجاد السيف منه ، هكذا لم يوجد من مريم العذراء ناسوت من دون أن يحلّ عليها الروح القدس ويعدّها لاتخاذ الناسوت منها ، ولهذا لما قال لها الملاك "ها انت تحبلين وتلدين"25 وقالت "كيف يكون هذا ولم اعرف رجلاً"26 قال لها "الروح القدس يحلّ عليك"27 فالروح القدس جلع فيها قوة طبيعية على تكوّن الجنين منها.
وهذا كما كُتب في التوراة "وروح الله كان ترفّ في المياه"28 فان الروح حلّ على الماء وجعل فيه قوة طبيعية لأن يُستخرج منه حيوان ، ثم قال الله بعد ذلك "ليخرج الله حيواناً فأخرج"29 وهذا كما يحضن الطائر بيضه قوة حياة وبعد ذلك يُستخرج منه الحيوان. ومعلوم ايضاً أن نسبة المرأة لمن يولد منها نسبة الارض لما نبت منها، فكما شاء الله في مبدإ الخليقة أن تخرج الارض نباتاً من دون تقدم زرع نبات فيها هكذا شاء تعالى أن تحبل امرأة من غير زرع بشر فاما لفظة "من" في التبعيضية في قولنا "ومن مريم" كقولنا خاتم من ذهب لأن الناسوت جزء من مريم لكون الخاتم قطعة من الذهب مع صورة الخاتم التي صنعها الصائغ في تلك القطعة من الذهب ككون كل جنين من امه، وهي30 في قولنا "من الروح القدس" اعني لفظة "من" بمعني المصنوع منه، كما يقال الكل من الله لا بمعنى أن شيئاً جزء من الله بل بمعني أن كل شيء مصنوع من الله ولا فرق بين ان نقول ان الناسوت مصنوع من الروح القدس وأن نقول انه مصنوع من اللاهوت فاللاهوت هو لاهوت الآب وهو لاهوت الابن وهو لاهوت الروح القدس، فقد تبيّن أن الروح القدس أعد مريم للحبل بما صورة اللاهوت من طباعها على التدريج الطبيعي في نموَّ الجنين في بطن الحبلى به، ولهذا كُتب قديماً: "الحكمة بنت لها بيتاً"31 ففي لفظة البناية إشعار بالفاعل وهو اللاهوت وبالمادة وهي الطبيعة المريمية وبالمفعول وهو الناسوت المسيحي وبنموّه قليلاً قليلاً وهو تكوّنه الطبيعي، وفي قوله "بنت لها بيتاً" اشعار32 بحلول اللاهوت في الناسوت. وهذا هو حلول اتحاد لا حلول سكن كاتحاد النفس بالبدن في الانسان فمريم العذراء مادة والروح القدس معدٌ والناسوت مصنوع واللاهوت صانع واقنوم الابن متحد بالناسوت في اول وجوده كاتحاد النفس بالبدن والمسيح متقوم منهما اعني من لاهوته وناسوته باتحادهما ووجودهما فيه ولهذا يصحّ وصفه باوصافهما.
1 Matthew 1:16
2 Matthew 1:25
3 Matthew 1:20
4 Matthew 1:18
5 Galatians 4:4
6 He indicates here an essay of his on this subject the location of which we do not know.
7 This is like the chair, the efficient cause of which is the carpenter, the material cause is the wood, the formal cause is the form of the chair, and the final cause is sitting upon it.
8 Luke 1:31
9 Luke 1:34
10 Luke 1:35
11 Genesis 1:2
12 Genesis 1:20
13 Proverbs 9:1
14في خزانة كتبي نسخة واحدة من هذه المقالة رقم 1564 تعود الى القرن الرابع عشر
15في الاصل: واجب
16في الاصل: يتذكروا
17سقط في الاصل: به
18انجيل متى 16:1
19متى 25:1
20متى 20:1
21متى 18:1
22رسالة بولس الى اهل غلاطية 4:4
23يشير الى مقالة له في هذا المعنى لا ندري اين هي
24مثل ذلك الكرسي فالعلة الفاعلة له هي النجار والعلة المادية هي الخشب والعلة الصورية هي صورة الكرسي والعلة الغائية هي الجلوس عليه
25انجيل لوقا: 31:1
26لوقا 34:1
27لوقا 35:1
28سفر التكوين 2:1
29سفر التكوين 20:1
30معطوفة على "فهي البعبيضية"
31سفر الامثال
32في الاصل: اشعاراً
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: sbath_18_Abu_al-Khayr_ibn_al-Tayyib.htm
Abu al-Khayr ibn al-Tayyib, Refutation of the Muslims who accuse the Christians of Believing in Three Gods (2009)
Abu al-Khayr ibn al-Tayyib, Refutation of the Muslims who accuse the Christians of Believing in Three Gods (2009)
Originally published by Paul Sbath in "Vingt traités philosophiques et theologiques" (Cairo, 1929), #18, pp.176-8
Refutation of the Muslims who accuse the Christians of Believing in Three Gods
Composed by the excellent father and scholar, the priest Abū al-Khayr ibn al-Ṭayyib
[Translated by Sam Noble]
Some of the Muslims say, "Christ said to the apostles, 'Go forth and make apostles of all the nations and baptize them in the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit,'1 so here it is said openly that you believe in three gods!"
We respond to them: There is no doubt that the sciences of the Christian Law are the fruits of three things—the glorious Gospel, the letters of the Apostle Paul, and the stories of the pure apostles and disciples. These three books testify in all the corners of existence that God is one god, and that the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit are attributes of His one essence. All the writings of their scholars in the four corners of the inhabited world testify to this. If not for fear of it taking too long, I would recount their beliefs in detail, but I will be brief here and summarize their statements as will become clear, and I will say:
The Christians say that the Creator, may he be exalted, is one substance endowed with the attributes of perfection and that He is endowed with three eternal essential attributes which the Lawgiver has commanded, and they are the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit. They indicate by "the Father" the name of the substance which they call the Creator, who possesses pure intellect. By "the Son" they indicate the aforementioned substance which possesses an intellect that intelligizes itself. By "the Holy Spirit" they indicate the aforementioned substance which possesses an intellect that is intelligible in itself. Here they indicate the substance that is subsistent in itself and is free of [...] The Christian Law only permitted Him, may He be exalted, to be described in this way in order to speak to the peoples in a way they understand.
The scholar and imam Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī gave this opinion about them in his book known as al-Radd al-Jamīl: "The Christians believe that the essence of the Creator, may He be exalted, is objectively one and that it has aspects. If it is regarded with relation to an attribute whose existence does not depend on an attribute prior to it, such as existence, then they call this the hypostasis of the Father. If it is regarded in relation to an attribute whose existence depends on the existence of a prior attribute, such as knowledge, since the essence's having attributes depends on its having the attribute of existence, then they call it the hypostasis of the Son and the Word. If it is regarded with relation to its essence being intelligible to itself, then they call this the hypostasis of the Holy Spirit, because the essence of the Creator is intelligible to Himself. This usage of terminology means that the divine essence is objectively one and is characterized by each of these hypostases.
Some of them say that the essence qua essence without regard to attribute is an expression for the intellect and they call this the hypostasis of the Father. If it is regarded from the perspective of it intelligizing itself, then this perspective expresses for them the intelligizer, which they call the hypostasis of the Son or the Word. If it is regarded with relation to it being itself, then this perspective is for them an expression of the intelligible, which they call the Holy Spirit. According to this usage of terminology, 'the intellect' only expresses the essence of God and the Father is synonymous with it. 'The intelligizer' expresses of His essence with regard to its intelligizing itself, and the Son or the Word is synonymous with it. 'The intelligible' expresses the God whose essence is intelligible to Himself, and the Holy Spirit is synonymous with it." Then he says, with reference to the above, "If these meanings are true, then the terms are indisputable, as are the technical terms that those who set them down agree upon."
The shaykh Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī, may God be pleased with him, recounted the belief of the Christians about Christ with regard to His being the human taken from Mary in his previously mentioned book. He said, "They believe that the Creator, may He be exalted, created the human nature of Jesus, peace be upon him, then He appeared united in him. They mean by this the union that He became in him by this in the way the soul is attached to the body." By making these two statements openly, he, may God have mercy on him, made clear the truth of their belief to those who attempt to gain knowledge of the sciences of wisdom.
مقالة في الرد على المسلمين الذين يتهمون النصارى بالاعتقاد بثلاثة الهة2
صنفها الاب الفاضل العالم القس ابو3 الخير بن الطيب4
قال بعض المسلمين: ان المسيح قال للرسل: "امضوا وتلمذوا كل الأمم وعمّدوهم باسم الآب والابن والروح القدس"5 فها قد صرّح بأنكم تعتقدون بثلاثة آلهة، أجبناهم: لا خلاف في أن علوم الشريعة المسيحية هي ثمرات لثلاثة أشياء أي الانجيل المجيد ورسائل بولس الرسول وقصص الرسل الحواريين الاطهار، وهذه الكتب الثلاثة شاهدة في أقطار الوجود بأن الله إله واحد وأن الآب والابن والروح القدس اوصاف لذاته الواحدة، وجميع موضوعات علمائهم في اربع زوايا المعمور شاهدة بذلك، ولو خشية الاطالة لذكرت عقائدهم مفصلة لكن اقتصرُ ههنا من مختصر اقاويلهم على ما سيأتي بيانه فاقول:
ان النصارى يقولون: ان البارئ تعالى جوهر واحد موصوف بصفات الكمال وانه يوصف بثلاثة اوصاف ثبوتية ذاتية أمر بها الشارع وهي: الآب والابن والروح القدس، ويشيرون الى الآب باسم الجوهر الذي يسمونه البارئ ذا العقل المجرّد، وبالابن الى الجوهر المذكور الذي يسمونه ذا العقل العاقل لذاته، وبالروح القدس الى الجوهر المذكور الذي يسمونه ذا العقل المعقول لذاته، ويشيرون هنا الى الجوهر القائم بذاته الغني عن المحل. وانما سمحت الشريعة المسيحية بوصفه تعالى بذلك مخاطبةً للأمم من حيث يفهمون.
وقد حكى هذا الرأي عنهم الامام العالم أبو حامد محمد الغزالي6 في كتابه المعروف بالرد الجميل، فقال: "يعتقد النصارى أن ذات البارئ تعالى واحدة في الموضوع ولها اعتبارات: فان اعتُبرت مقيدة بصفة لا يتوقف وجودها على وجود صفة قبلها كالوجود، فذلك يُسمّى عندهم أقنوم الآب. وإن اعتُبرت بصفة يتوقف وجودها على وجود صفة قبلها كالعلم، فان اتصاف الذات يتوقف على اتصافها بالوجود، فذلك هو المسمى عندهم أقنوم الابن او الكلمة. وإن اعتُبرت بقيد كون ذاتها معقولة لها، فذلك يسمى عندهم أقنوم الروح القدس، لكون ذات البارئ معقولة له. وحاصل هذا الاصطلاح أن7 الذات الالهية واحدة في الموضوع موصوفة بكل أقنوم من هذه الأقانيم.
ومنهم من يقول: ان الذات من حيث هي الذات لا باعتبار صفة، هي عبارة عن معنى العقل، وهو المسمى عندهم بأقنوم الآب. وإن اعتبرت من حيث هي عاقلة لذاتها، فهذا الاعتبار عندهم عبارة عن معنى العقل، وهو المسمى عندهم بأقنوم الابن أو الكلمة. وإن اعتُبرت بقيد كون ذاتها معقولة لها، فهذا الاعتبار عندهم عبارة عن معنى المعقول، المسمى عندهم بالروح القدس. فعلى هذا الاصطلاح يكون العقل عبارة عن ذات الله فقط، والآب مرادف لها. والمعقول عبارة عن الاله الذي ذاته معقولة له، والروح القدس مرادف له"8 ثم قال مشيراً الى ما تقدم "فاذا صحَّت المعاني فلا مشاحّة في الألفاظ ولا في ما يصطلح عليه المصطلحون."9
وقد حكى الشيخ أبو حامد الغزالي رضي الله عنه اعتقاد10 النصارى في المسيح من حيث هو الانسان المأخوذ من مريم في كتابه المقدم ذكره، فقال: "هم يعتقدون أن البارئ تعالى خلق ناسوت عيسى عليه السلام، ثم ظهر11 فيه متحداً، فهم يعنون بهذا الاتحاد أنه صار له به تعلق النفس بالجسد" فأبان رحمه الله بتصريحه بهذين القولين حقيقة اعتقادهم لمن يحاول12 معرفة العلوم الحكمية.
1 Matthew 28:19
2في خزانة كتبي نسخة واحدة من هذه المقالة رقم 1580 خطت في سنة 715 للهجرة اي 1315 للميلاد
3في الاصل: ابي
4ذكره ابو البركات بن كبر في فهرست كتبته Reidel p. 661
5انجيل متى 19:28
6هو الملقب بحجة الاسلام توفي عام 1111
7سقط في الاصل: ان
8راجع الحاشية 3 في ص 115 من كتابنا هذا
9ورد لابي الخير بن الطيب في كتابه "درياق العقول في علم الاصول" المحفوظ في خزانتنا هذا الكلام عينه فاستشهدنا به في كتابنا "المشرع" ص 21-26 واضطررنا الى تهذيب عبارته حتى امتزجت بانشاء كتابنا
10في الاصل: اعتقد
11في الاصل: ظاهر
1212في الاصل: يحاول في معرفة
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: sbath_19_Abu_al-Faraj_Abdallah_ibn_al-Tayyib.htm
Abu al-Faraj `Abdallah ibn al-Tayyib - On Knowledge and Miracles (2009)
Abu al-Faraj `Abdallah ibn al-Tayyib - On Knowledge and Miracles (2009)
Originally published by Paul Sbath in "Vingt traités philosophiques et theologiques" (Cairo, 1929), #19, pp.179f
On Knowledge and Miracles
By Abū al-Faraj ʿAbdallāh ibn al-Ṭayyib, secretary of the Catholicos and philosopher
[Translated by Sam Noble]
In the religion of the Christians, rational proof is nobler than miracles because rational proof is proof by which the intellect comes to grasp the truth of the claim of those who have miracles, his own investigation, the investigation of his circumstances and the circumstances of those who are making the claim, and the state of the matter with regard to the claim. Rational proof is for the elites and the philosophers and the scholars who are not led except by it, while miracles are for the masses whose breasts are not delighted by certain knowledge and who only believe what they behold by the senses. So it is clear that rational proof is evidence which convinces through knowledge and is for the elites and that miracles are evidence which convince through the senses and they are for the masses. Scriptural evidence that knowledge is nobler than miracles is from when Paul, the chosen and heavenly apostle says, "God appointed in His Church the apostles first, and after then the prophets, and after them the scholars, and after them those who work miracles, and after them those who heal the sick, and after them those who possess languages (1 Corinthians 12:28)." From this evidence it becomes known that knowledge is nobler than miracles. Then he says, "The elders who order the affairs of the Church well deserve multiple recompense, especially those who toil with knowledge (1 Timothy 5:17)."
So rational proof is rational evidence and miracles are sensible evidence. If the intellect is nobler than sensation, then rational proof is nobler than miracles.
Miracles are found in a specific place and at a specific time and among a specific people. If that place and that time and that people cease, then the miracle ceases with them. Rational proof is found in all places and at all times and among all peoples. So, knowledge and rational proof are nobler than miracles.
Thus Christ our Lord worked miracles for the common people and the masses and set forth evidence and rational proof for the excellent philosophers who are not led by miracles and make no use of them. Glory to God forever.
قول لابي الفرج عبد الله بن الطيب كاتب الجاثليق الفيلسوف1 في العلم والمعجز2
البرهان في مذهب النصارى اشرف من المعجز لان البرهان دليل يُتوصّل به الى وقف3 العقل على صحّة ما ادّعاه صاحب المعجز واستقرائه واستقراء احواله واحوال القائلين وصيغة الامر في حالة الدعوة، فأما البرهان فمع الخواص والفلاسفة والعلماء الذين لا ينقادون الّا به، وأما المعجز فمع الجموهر الذين صدورهم لا تثلج بالعلم اليقيني ولا يصدّقون الًّا بما تشهد به الحواس، فقد بانَ أن البرهان دليل يقطع بالعلم وهو للخواصّ والمعجز دليل يقطع بالحس وهو للجمهور، والدليل على أنّ العلم اشرف من المعجز من الكتاب قول فولوس4 الرسول المنتخب السماوي5 عند قوله: "رتب الله في بيعته الرسل السليحين6 أولاً وبعدهم الانبياء وبعدهم العلماء وبعدهم الذين يفعلون المعجز وبعدهم الذين يشفون المرضى وبعدهم اصحاب اللغات"7 ومن هذا الدليل يعُلم أن العلم اشرف من المعجز، ثم قال: "ان القسان الذين يدربون8 تدبيراً حسناً يستحقون جزاء متضاعفاً ولا سيما الذين يتعبون في العلم." 9
ثم البرهان10 دليل عقلي والمعجز دليل حسي فاذا كان العقل اشرف من الحس فالبرهان11 اذاً اشرف من المعجز.
والمعجز يوجد في مكان مخصوص وزمان مخصوص12 وأمة مخصوصة فاذا زال ذلك المكان وذلك الزمان وتلك الأمة زال المعجز بزوالها،13 والبرهان موجود في كل مكان وفي كل زمان ومع كل امة، فالعلم والبرهان اذاً اشرف من المعجز.
وهكذا كان سيدنا المسيح يفعل المعجز للعامة والجمهور ويقيم الدليل والبرهان للفلاسفة الفضلاء الذين لا ينقادون بالمعجز ولا ينتفعون به والمجد لله دائماً ابداّ.
1اطلب ترجمته في كتاب اخبار العلماء باخبار الحكماء ص 50 او في كتاب عيون الانباء في طبقات الاطباء جزء 1 ص 239 و240 و 241 وفي مختصر تاريخ الدول ص 230
2في خزانة كتبي نسخة واحدة من هذه المقالة رقم 1581 خطت في سنة 635 للهجرة اي 1137 للمسيح
3في الاصل: ايقاف العقل. وهو غلط لانه يقال "وقفت على شيئ ووقفتك عليه" ولا يقال "لوقفتك عليه"
4ان العرب اصطلحوا على تعريب الباء الارية بالفاء فقالوا مثلا في بلاطون الفيلسوف "افلاطون" ووضعوا "الالف " قبل الفاء دفعا للابتداء بالساكن فالمؤلف مصيب اذاً في تعريب "بولس" بفولس اتباعا للسريان
5في الاصل: السماءي
6راجع الحاشية 3 ص 159
7رسالة بولس الاولى الى اهل كورنتس 28:12
8في الاصل: يتدربون و هو غلط
9رسالة بولس الاولى الى تيموثاوس 17:5
10في الاصل: ثم والبرهان
11في الاصل: البرهان
12سقط في الاصل" وزمان مخصوص
13بالاصل: بزوالها
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: sbath_20.1_Hunain_ibn_Ishaq.htm
Hunayn ibn Ishaq, On how to discern the truth of religion (2009)
Hunayn ibn Ishaq, On how to discern the truth of religion (2009)
Hunayn ibn Ishāq, On How to Discern the Truth of Religion
[Translated by Stephen J. Davis]
Based on the critical edition by Samir Khalil Samir, "Maqālat Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq fī 'Kayfīyat idrāk ḥaqīqat al-diyāna'," al-Mashriq 71.2 (1997), 345-63; see also Paul Sbath, Vingt traités philosophiques et apologétique d'auteurs arabes chrétiens du IXe au XIVe siècle (Cairo: H. Friedrich and Co., 1929), 181-5.
The respective paginations of Samir's and Sbath's editions are marked in the translation with the symbols Sm (= Samir) and Sb (= Sbath).
N.B. The italicized headings in bold and in brackets were supplied by Samir for the presentation of his edition; they are not part of Hunayn's original text.
(Sm349/Sb181) On how to discern the truth of religion, by the wise Hunayn ibn Ishāq,
the Nestorian physician (may God have mercy upon him).
He said,
(2) From where does a person know that what he believes is the truth, and that what someone else believes is falsehood?
[I. Introduction: A Basic Premise]
(3) Indeed, if someone says that that belief has come to him by way of his ancestors, (4) or if he says that that belief (Sm350) has come to him by way of a book, (5) or from a prophet who has performed miracles, (6) or from his own opinion, since he holds to a certain viewpoint and to him his own religion is confirmed to be true through it, (7) all the adherents of the religions who disagree with him would be able to say something similar.
(8) If that response is common among all the adherents of the (different) religions, (9) it must be necessary then for whoever accepts his religion on the basis of this argument to embrace any other religion on account of this same argument.
(10) But if he does not accept such an argument from those who disagree with him, then he should not accept this argument from the followers of his own religion.
(Sm351) [II. The Distinction between Truth and Falsehood]
(11) To the one who says this, we say that truth and falsehood, among all utterances, (12) are known by the reasons that prompted their acceptance in the first place. (13) The reasons why a lie is accepted are different from the reasons why the truth is accepted.
[II.1. Reasons for the Acceptance of Falsehood]
(14) The reasons for the acceptance (Sb182) of a falsehood are six in number.
(15) The first reason is that the one who accepts falsehood is forced to accept that which is made compulsory for him against his will.
(16) The second reason is that a person willingly tries to escape from hardship and oppression, (Sm352) since he was not able to bear them, (17) so as to be delivered from them to what he hopes is ease and comfort.
(18) The third reason is that a person favors great might over humiliation, honor over inferiority, and power over weakness, (19) so that he leaves his religion and converts to another.
(20) The fourth reason is that the one who speaks (falsehood) is a wicked man, deceitful in word, (21) with the result that he beguiles and overwhelms whomever he invites (to accept falsehood).
(22) The fifth reason is that (the one who invites to falsehood) exploits the ignorance of his invitees and their lack of literacy.
(23) The sixth reason is that there is (Sm353) a natural kinship between the invitee and the inviter, (24) so that the invitee, not wishing to sever that shared kinship, agrees with him in his religion.
[II.2. Reasons for the Acceptance of Truth]
(25) Now, the reasons for why truth is accepted are four in number.
(26) The first reason is that the one who accepts the truth beholds miracles that the human faculties are incapable of (performing).
(27) (Sm354) The second reason is that the manifest aspect of the truth to which the inviter offers an invitation is (in fact) evidence that testifies to the truthfulness of its hidden aspect.
(28) The third reason is the (decisive kind of) proof that obliges one to accept it.
(29) The fourth reason is when the end of something corresponds to its beginning, (30/31) and when its origin (i.e. the valid statement following its valid precedent) is indisputable due to the validity of what preceded it.
[III. The Application of These Criteria to the Different Religions]
[III.1. How the (Different) Religions Stand in Relation to these Reasons]
(32) This induces us to observe (Sm355) how we may know (33) that all the other religions have been accepted on the basis of those (first) six characteristics, whereas the true religion has been accepted on the basis of the (latter) four.
(34) It would take too long to mention every single one of the religions: (35) those religions that were ancient (Sb183) but became defunct along with everything that had given them subsistence, (36) as well as those religions that have come about more recently but whose subsistence has rested on the subsistence of those (defunct religions); (37) for, insofar as we can know that one of these religions has been invalidated, it is indeed proven invalid, just as the other religions before it were invalid.
(38) It is incumbent upon anyone who wants to understand (Sm356) (in the first place) which of these reasons has led to the acceptance of his (own) religion, (39) and whether it was one of the reasons for the acceptance of falsehood or one of the reasons for the acceptance of the truth, (40) to do the following:
First, he must observe who it is who accepts that religion now and for what reason he accepts it—(41) whether it is on account of one of the reasons for accepting the truth or one of the reasons for accepting falsehood—(42) until he understands (from the acceptance of what is held to in his own time) what the reasons were for its acceptance in times past, since its very beginning.
(43) And second, he must perceive that the truth is something that is accepted spontaneously, (44) and that falsehood requires reasons through which it becomes established in the mind of the one who accepts it, (Sm357) (45) for indeed whoever contemplates this, at the very moment that he contemplates it, perceives which forms of religious observance are true and which are false.
[III.2. Presentation of the Idea: The Reasons for the Acceptance of Christianity are Contrary to the Reasons for the Acceptance of Falsehood]
(46) Now I will refrain from mentioning the remaining forms of religious observance, and instead I will expound on my own religion, asserting that it has been accepted (47) for the (same) reasons that truth is accepted, whether it be for all of those reasons or (only) some of them.
(48) And I say that it is incomprehensible that people should accept a particular form of religious observance (49) without (at least) one of the reasons why every religion is accepted. Indeed, it is unimaginable, apart from the ten characteristic reasons (Sb184) that I have enumerated, (51) with six of them being the reasons for the acceptance of falsehood, (Sm358) and four being the reasons for the acceptance of truth.
(52) If it is correct that not one reason for the acceptance of the (true) worship of God is found among the reasons for the acceptance of falsehood, (53) then the reason for the acceptance of this (true) worship must be found among the four reasons why truth is accepted, whether it be all of them or (only) some.
(54) And if the reason for the acceptance of the (true) worship of God (that which we ourselves hold to) in fact is not (the same as) the reason for the acceptance of falsehood, (55) but rather it is the case that the reasons for the former are opposed to the latter, as far as it can be from its opposite, (56) then the truth of the matter is established and obligatory. (57) We find the matter to be just so.
(Sm359) [IV. Proof that the Reasons for the Acceptance of Christianity are Contrary to the Reasons for the Acceptance of Falsehood]
(58) Examination of each of the reasons:
(59) With regard to the first reason (for the acceptance of a lie), the true religion is in fact not accepted through the great might of a king, nor through subjugation by a ruler. (60) But rather all the kings and rulers of the earth have been hostile to it (61) and have forbidden all the people from (accepting) it by means of all kinds of torture and unseemly killing, (62) and (thus) they have wiped them off (the face of) the earth. (63) And yet this true religion has vanquished all of those rulers and has remained unshakeable.
(64) With regard to the second reason, the true religion has not invited (people) to flee from a life of hardship and difficulty to a life of plenty and ease. (65) But rather, it has called (them) (Sm360) from all the more plentiful and easier forms of life (66) to the life that is harder and more difficult, to that which is almost an object of loathing. (67) And yet, it has been accepted in the most excellent way!
(68) With regard to the third reason, the true religion has not invited (people) from lowliness to high standing, or from humiliation to great might. (69) But rather, it has called (them) from great might to humiliation. (70) And yet, it has been accepted, even to the extent that whoever has accepted it would rather die than live at its cost.
(71) With regard to the fourth reason, the true religion was not received from wicked people (Sb185) and from the eloquent in speech. (Sm361) (72) Rather, it is received from the ignorant and speech-impaired, and from fishermen (who might even be considered more silent and speech-impaired than the fish).
(73) With regard to the fifth reason, those who have accepted the true religion have in fact been neither ignorant, nor stupid, nor common, nor barbarian. (74) But rather, they have been people of logic and philosophy more than all the (rest of the) world, (75) and (they have been) people of discernment and scholarship, those who surpass the rest of the people in wisdom.
(76) With regard to the sixth reason, it was not the case that whoever accepted the true religion (Sm362) was joined with those he loved and with his friends as a result of that acceptance. (77) But rather, once that person accepted it, for its sake he typically parted ways with everyone with whom he had common kinship—whatever that kinship might be, whether through close family ties or through loving affection.
(78) Now if you would like to add a seventh characteristic reason, then look and see (79) what the apostles made public knowledge about this religion, (80) in comparison to which nothing appears more difficult.
[Conclusion]
(81) No one at all ought to say (Sm363) that if all of these matters were like this—(82) and hence our acceptance of whatever we believe apart from the display of signs and wonders—(83) then (proving the truthfulness of religion) would be impossible except by an opponent who presents (it) out of his own expertise.
(84) If you say this, then seek for yourself (with respect to your religion as well as the others) what corresponds to what I have described to you regarding our religion. (85) Indeed, you will notice that there is no comparison between us and them.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: chrysostom_encomium_on_elijah.htm
Ps.John Chrysostom, Encomium on Elijah the Tishbite
Ps.John Chrysostom, Encomium on Elijah the Tishbite
From Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. 8 (1885-6), pp.133-140
From Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. 9 (1893) pp.355-404.
From Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. 8 (1885-6), pp.133-140.
Mr. E. A. Wallis Budge read a Paper, "On a Coptic version of an Encomium on Elijah the Tishbite, attributed to Saint John Chrysostom."
The manuscript containing this version of the encomium, attributed to Saint John Chrysostom,1 on Elijah the Tishbite, is of fine vellum, and belongs to the tenth century of our era. It is dated in the 115th year of the era of the Martyrs, i.e., a.d. 399; but this I understand to be the date of the manuscript from which that of Lord Zouche was made. It consists of 79 leaves, 10 inches by 7 inches; the headings of the works which it contains are written in red ink, and the sides of the pages containing them are ornamented with graceful floral designs and doves. The contents of the manuscript are:----
I. "The Encomium which Saint John Chrysostom, Bishop of Constantinople,2 composed upon Saint Elijah the Tishbite, the mighty prophet, who was taken up to heaven in chariots of fire on the sixth day of the month Tybi,3 in the peace of God. Amen." |134
II. "The discourse of Saint Ephraim concerning the Transfiguration 4 of our Lord Jesus Christ upon Mount Tabor, when He appeared to His disciples, and concerning Saint Elijah the prophet."
III. "The martyrdom of the holy martyr, Father Isaac." 5
The original home of the manuscript was in the library of a church dedicated to Elijah the Tishbite, to which it was presented by Father Stauros, a monk in the monastery of Abba John, the Patriarch of Alexandria. Considering the high esteem in which Elijah was held by the ascetics and monks of all denominations, it would be difficult to find a gift more acceptable to the monks of a church dedicated to Elijah, than a manuscript describing the life and deed of their patron saint, composed by two such eminent livines as John Chrysostom and Ephraim the Syrian.
Lord Zouche's manuscript contains about two-thirds of the Encomium on Elijah. After the title, there comes the introductory passage, "With what words shall I describe him, or what shall I say about him, O beloved brethren? I am afraid and greatly fear to enter upon this great work for which I seek. What I shall do I know not. I am afraid of that for which I ask, for I ask and crave to make an encomium upon the great luminary which rose and shone upon the whole world, Saint Elijah the holy Tishbite." Here there comes a break of thirty-six pages. They contained, no doubt, observations upon the wonderful life and deeds of Elijah. The second fragment of two pages begins with the account of Elijah's journey to Zarephath,6 and ends with the widow's declaration of her absolute poverty (1 Kings, xvii, 12). A break of six pages |135 comes here, and the third and important fragment begins with the account of the poor widow's son.7 Following this is a narrative of Elijah going to meet Ahab, and his interview with Obadiah. The rain which followed the famine was, according to our encomium, caused by Elijah's prayer to God; and when it did come, it was so fierce that Ahab was in danger, and wept.
In the account of Elijah's contest with the priests of Baal, and the devouring of the sacrifice by fire, we are told that "the fire ate into the ground (to a depth) of seventy cubits;" and the same vividness is used in describing Jezebel, when she heard of the death of the prophets of Baal, for "she became mad like an infuriated bear." The narrative is frequently interspersed with short meditations and homilies upon the facts before related; and the writer excuses 8 Elijah's flight from Jezebel's rage in the following words: |136
"Beloved brethren, when ye hear that Saint Elijah fled, do not imagine that he fled from the death of this world; nay, God forbid; for he longed to depart out of the death of this world, and to rest himself in the good things that are unutterable. But he feared lest, after the destruction which he had brought upon men, the famine and the fire which he had brought from heaven, and the blood of the prophets which he had poured out, which wonders the people having seen, believed upon God, if Jezebel should slay him, she would boast that she had slain the Tishbite, and that the whole multitude which had turned to God by reason of all the mighty deeds and wonders which Saint Elijah had wrought, whom Jezebel had persecuted and slain, would return to the service of idols, and that mankind would perish by forsaking God."
The account of God's finding Elijah under the juniper tree is in this encomium, but no mention is made of the wind or earthquake or the still small voice; and Elijah sums up his prayer to die, saying, "It is better for me, O God, to die than to see Baal adored again." In the answer which God makes to him, the writer of the encomium shows very clearly what were the ideas which he himself held about Elijah, and also how great was the belief in his powers as intercessor with God for mankind. Many of these were no doubt borrowed from the Talmud, and altered to suit the fancy of the sect or creed of those who adopted them. After encouraging Elijah not to fear Jezebel, and reminding him of the many times in which He has helped him, He says: "As for thee, since the days which I have appointed for thee to work in this world are fulfilled, arise, go and anoint Elisha, the |137 son of Shaphat, to be prophet to Me in thy stead. And it pleases Me to do for thee an act of grace, the like of which has never been done to any man that My hands have made from Adam the first man to the end of the world, except Enoch 9 the Scribe. I will not allow thee to see death while there is a man of truth in the world: but I will send to thee from heaven chariots' and horses of fire10 upon which thou shalt ascend that I may take thee to Myself on high: and I will set thee as a protector of the whole race of men.11 Thou shalt live in the body; if I desire to bring anger upon men, thou shalt pray to Me until I forgive them, for I am the Good One, and I love the work of My hands. I will grant thee to remain in |138 the body in indestructibility,12 for it is My desire that thou taste not death, neither shall thine eyes see the terror thereof, 13 until the end of the world. I will make thy name to be glorified upon earth, and mighty deeds shall be wrought in thy name. Whosoever shall be in danger at sea or upon rivers, if they cry up to Me in thy name, I will hear them and protect them and bring them into the haven of safety. Whosoever shall be in affliction or bondage, or prison or banishment, and shall cry up to Me in thy name, I will hear them quickly, and will deliver them. Whosoever shall be in sickness of any kind, or afflicted by unclean spirits, if they go into the shrine which has been built for thee in the land, and pray to Me in thy name, I will hear them quickly, and will bless them with healing. The soul that shall build an oratory for thee on earth, shall dwell in the heavenly Jerusalem, and shall inherit the good things which I have prepared for My saints. Whosoever shall take the trouble to make and write a book in thy name, and to give it to thy shrine, I will write his name in the Book of Life, and I will make him to inherit the good things of the kingdom of heaven. Whosoever shall give a little oil or incense to thy shrine, I will remember his name in the tabernacles of eternity."
The writer of the encomium next relates briefly how Elisha became a disciple of Elijah, and then dwells at length upon the murder of Naboth, and the theft of his vineyard; and represents Jezebel as rendered speechless by the prophecy of evil to come to her which was uttered by Elijah. After the narrative, he breaks forth in joyous strains over the defeat of the "evil wild beast Jezebel," and this done, he advises all rich and powerful men who have wicked wives like Jezebel, not to uphold them in their wicked deeds against the poor, lest they fall into the danger of deserving the horrible punishments which Elijah pronounced |139 against Ahab and Jezebel. Moreover, any woman who treats the poor as Jezebel did, or who delights in dress and in ornaments of gold and silver, will become an object hateful alike to God and His holy prophet Elijah. And we are to remember that "just as Elijah was then, so he is now, for he neither dies nor perishes, but lives in the body at this present moment, and looks upon the sins of each one of us, and his word is mighty and more cutting than any two-edged sword."
The account of Ahaziah's sickness, his sending to Ekron, Elijah's message of death, and the destruction of the captains with their fifties, occupy about eight pages of the manuscript; twelve relate the circumstances of his ascent to heaven, and the last eight are filled with exhortations to us to follow in the footsteps of the mighty and ever living prophet, who was worthy of being taken to heaven without dying.
The encomium, as we should expect, has been translated into Coptic from the Greek; and the narrative of the actual facts of Elijah's life are taken directly from the version of the LXX. The writer followed them so closely that he has adopted many of their mistakes.... Many of the passages are, however, turned from the Greek with great accuracy, but at times it seems as if the writer of the encomium was aware of the mistakes made by the Greek version, for he avoids them carefully, and his narrative runs very closely with the Hebrew text, though, from the instances cited above, it is clear that he cannot have consulted it.
From Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. 9 (1893) pp.355-404.
ON THE FRAGMENTS OF A COPTIC VERSION OF AN ENCOMIUM ON ELIJAH THE TISHBITE, ATTRIBUTED TO SAINT JOHN CHRYSOSTOM.14
By E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A.
Read th May, 1886.
The manuscript from which the text of this encomium is taken is in the possession of Lord Zouche, who has most kindly given me permission to copy and publish it. It consists of 79 leaves, 10 in. by 7 in.; and is dated in the 915th year of the era of the Martyrs, i.e., A.D. 1199.15 Some of the leaves are wrongly paged, and there are three lacunas in the manuscript of 36, 6, and 2 pages respectively. The headings of the different works contained in it are written in red, and surrounded by an ornamental border painted in red, green, and yellow; the outer margin of such leaves being illuminated in graceful designs of flowers and birds. The contents of the manuscript are:----
I. The encomium which S. John Chrysostom,16 Bishop of Constantinople, composed upon Saint Elijah the Tishbite, who was taken up to heaven in chariots of fire on the sixth day of the month Tybi,17 in the peace of God, Amen. |356
II. The discourse of Saint Ephraim on the Transfiguration of our Lord Jesus Christ upon Mount Tabor, in which He appeared to His disciples with Saint Elijah the Prophet.18
III. The martyrdom of the holy martyr Isaac of Tiphre.19
The original home of the manuscript was in the library of a church dedicated to Elijah the Tishbite, to which it was presented by Father Stauros, a monk in the monastery of Father John. The donor made his gift acceptable by causing to be written in it the life and deeds of Elijah the great ascetic, and an account of the transfiguration of our Lord in which He appeared with Elijah and Moses; but it is most improbable that Chrysostom ever wrote any part of this encomium on Elijah. The account of the deeds of Elijah given in this encomium appears to have been translated direct from the Septuagint, or copied from a Coptic version of the Books of the Kings made from it. The writer as a rule quotes carefully, and every here and there moralizes at some length upon what has been said before. It is probable that there was a Greek original of this encomium, and that the fragments of the Coptic version which are printed here were made from it. I have not attempted to treat the legend of Elijah from a folk-lore point of view, for my object has been to reproduce the Coptic text, and to give a fairly literal translation which may be useful to those interested in Biblical matters and Coptic literature. |357... |386
Translation.
The Encomium 20 which Saint John Chrysostom pronounced when he was Bishop of Constantinople, on the mighty prophet Saint Elijah the Tishbite, who was taken up to heaven in chariots of fire on the sixth day of the month Tobi; in the peace of God, Amen.
How shall I speak of him, or how shall I describe him, O beloved brethren? I am afraid and am greatly perturbed in undertaking the important matter which I seek after. How I shall do it I know not.........for I am afraid of that which I desire. I desire and wish to make an encomium upon the great luminary which shone and gave light, and who was exalted above the whole world, Saint Elijah the holy Tishbite.
[36 pages wanting.]
their unrepentant spirit, and hence his mercy. So Elijah the holy man came to Sarepta (a city) of Sidonia, and he found a widow woman gathering firewood by the gate of the city. And he said to her, 'Art thou kindling a fire, O woman? |387 Bring me a little water that I may drink.' When she had gone to bring the water to him, he called after her again, saying, 'Bring with thee a little corner of bread for me in thy hand.' The woman answered and said to him, 'As God liveth, there is nothing at all left in my house except a little flour in the barrel, and a little oil in the vessel; and as thou seest I am gathering these sticks that my children may go in and prepare it for themselves to eat that they may not die.' When Saint Elijah had heard these things from the woman, he had compassion (upon her......
[6 pages wanting.]
(Art thou come) into my house to call to remembrance my evil deeds to slay my son'? The holy man Elijah said to her, 'Bring hither thy son to me,' and she brought him to him, and he took the little boy from his mother's bosom, and carried him into the upper chamber in which Saint Elijah lived, and laid him upon the bed dead. Then Saint Elijah lifted up his eyes to heaven, and said, 'O God, slay not the child of the widow with whom I sojourn,' and he breathed upon his face three times, saying, 'O God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, make Thou the soul of this child to return again,' and straightway the little boy lived. And the holy man Elijah carried him down and gave him to his mother, saying, 'Take thy child, behold he liveth,' and she threw herself down at his feet, and cried out, saying, ' Verily thou art a man of God, and the word which goeth forth from thy mouth cometh to pass in very truth'; and she glorified God and Saint Elijah the Tishbite until the day of her death. |388
After these things, when God saw that the holy man Elijah entreated Him with all his heart to bring rain upon the earth, He spake with him, saying, 'Arise, go and appear to king Ahab, for I am going to bring rain upon the whole earth.' And Ahab called Obadiah the chief steward of his worldly possessions, and said to him, ' Let us arise and divide the land between us, and go into the deserts and woods and to the running streams, peradventure we shall find a little grass to keep alive our cattle that they perish not entirely; perhaps we may find Elijah the Tishbite, and ask him to bring rain upon the earth.' So they divided the land between them, Ahab went his road by himself into the desert, and Obadiah went on his road by himself. And Elijah was going to appear before Ahab, and behold he met Obadiah on the road. When Obadiah drew near to Saint Elijah, he hastened and bowed himself down to the ground, and made obeisance to him, saying, 'Art thou my lord Elijah'? he said to him, 'I am, go and say unto Ahab, Behold, Elijah (is here).' And Obadiah wept, and said, 'O my lord, my holy father, what sin have I committed that thou wouldst give me into the hand of Ahab for him to slay me? As the Lord God of my father liveth, and as thy soul liveth, there is not a nation or kingdom into which Ahab has omitted to send to seek for thee, and when he found thee not, he set fire to them all, and thou sayest to me, Go, say unto Ahab, 'Behold, Elijah.' Moreover, it shall come to pass that when I am gone to tell him, the Spirit of God shall take thee to a place which I know not, and when I have told him, and he |389 find thee not, he will slay me. And now, my lord, let my kindness come before thee this day, for thou knowest, my lord, what I did for the prophets when Jezebel persecuted them, how I took one hundred of them, and hid them in two caves, and ministered unto them with bread and water. Thou knowest also, my lord, that I, thy servant, have been the servant of my lord from my youth up, and now thou givest me into the hand of Ahab for him to slay me; do not by any means do this, my lord, but let my soul be saved in thy sight.' And while Obadiah was speaking to him, the holy Elijah had compassion upon him, and said, 'Go, and fear not, but as the Lord God liveth before whom I stand to-day, I will show myself unto Ahab this very day.' Then Obadiah went and told Ahab, 'Behold, Elijah the Tishbite'; and Ahab hastened to meet Elijah. And when he saw him, he said to him, 'Art thou he that troubleth all Israel'? the holy Elijah said to him, ' It is not I that trouble Israel, but it is thou and thy father's house, for ye have set God behind your backs, ye have slain the prophets, and ye have served Baal 21 as God. But if thou wishest to appease the anger of God, send and gather together to me all Israel, and bring the prophets of Baal and the priests of shame who eat at the table of Jezebel up to mount Carmel.' And the king sent |390 and gathered together all Israel, together with the prophets of shame who ate at the table of Jezebel, and brought them up to Mount Carmel. Then Saint Elijah stood up on his feet, and said to all the people, 'If ye know that God exists, why do ye provoke Him to anger'? And there was no one able among the people to answer him a word.22 And again Elijah said to all the people, 'Behold, I am left by myself in this place, as ye see, while the prophets of Baal are four hundred and fifty, and the priests of shame are four hundred. Bring hither two bullocks, and let them take one of them and divide him, and hack him limb from limb, let them lay wood upon the altar, and the flesh upon the wood, but let them kindle no fire (beneath); and behold, I also will do likewise. But let them take their ox first, for they are many, and let them call upon their god; and he who shall answer by fire from heaven is the true God.' And all the people cried out, saying, 'The word which thou hast said is good.' Then all the priests of Baal took the ox and slew him, and hacked him limb from limb, and they laid him upon the wood upon the altar, and they called upon Baal, saying, 'Hear us, O Baal, hear (us)'; but there was no answer to them at all. And again they cried out the more from the first hour of the day until noon; but there was no answer to them at all. And Saint Elijah cried out to them mockingly, saying, 'Cry out with a louder voice, peradventure your god is asleep, or perhaps he is dreaming, and ye must wake him up.' Then they cried out the more, and leaped upon the altar, that perhaps something might happen through this, and this they did until the hour of evening; and when they |391 saw nothing they were greatly ashamed. When the holy Tishbite Elijah knew that the hour of sacrifice had come, he straightway arose in the strength of God in which he lived, and said to the people, 'Bring me twelve stones '; and they brought them. When he saw that the hour had come, he built an altar in the name of God, and surrounded it with a trench, and laid the wood upon the altar, and placed the flesh upon the wood. And he said to them, 'Take these water vessels and fill them with water, and empty them out upon them' (i.e. the pieces of flesh and wood); and they did so. He said to them again, 'Fill, and pour out upon them,' and they did so; and he said once more to them, 'Fill, and pour out upon them,' Now there were four water vessels which they filled and poured out upon the flesh and the wood three times. And he filled the trench and the altar so that the water rose above the altar, and this he did that the miracles of God might be made manifest. Then the holy Elijah lifted his eyes up to heaven, and said, 'O God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob, answer me by fire this day, that all this multitude may know that Thou alone art God; for Thy sake have I done all these things, and Thine is the glory for ever, Amen.' And straightway fire came down out of heaven, and devoured the sacrifice, and ate up the wood and the water, and even the stones of which the altar was built, and the altar and the earth which was round about it. Now the fire ate into the ground to a depth of seventy cubits.23 Beloved, what a great and incredible miracle was this! what mighty dread and terror came upon all the people on that day! for they were afraid of all the burning fire! And all the people worshipped Elijah, saying, 'Verily thy God is in truth God, and there |392 is no other God besides Him,' Then Elijah said to all the people, 'Lay hold on all these hypocrites, and let not one of them escape'; and he commanded that they should be brought to him to the brook (Kishon), and he slew them all there. And the holy man Elijah answered and said to Ahab, 'Arise now, eat and drink, for the auger of the Lord has been appeased,24 and, behold, I hear the footsteps of the coming rain.' And Ahab arose, and ate and drank, and the holy man Elijah went up to Mount Carmel, and bended his knee before God, and he bowed his face between his knees, and prayed to the Lord God. Then he said to his servant, 'Arise and look towards the sea,' and when he had looked, he said, 'Behold, I see nothing at all.' Saint Elijah said to him again, 'Look even until seven times, and search with thy vision.' And it came to pass when he had looked seven times, he said, 'Behold, I see a little cloud in the form of a man's foot (or footstep) bringing up rain.' Then the holy man Elijah said to his servant, 'Go and say unto Ahab, Yoke thy chariot and depart, that the rain stop thee not. And while Ahab was yoking his chariot, there was suddenly a great blackness in heaven, and an exceedingly mighty rainstorm, so much so that Ahab was in danger, and wept. Then the holy man Elijah girded up his loins in the strength of God which was with him, and ran before Ahab until he came into Samaria. When Ahab had gone into his house, he told his wife Jezebel everything that had happened through the holy man Elijah, and how he had slain the priests of Baal. When she heard these things from Ahab she was greatly angered, and |393 became mad like an infuriated bear, and sent to Saint Elijah, saying, 'Thou art Elijah and I am Jezebel, by this time to-morrow I will make thy soul like that of one of the prophets whom thou hast slain;' and Saint Elijah removed himself from the presence of Jezebel. When ye hear, beloved, that Saint Elijah fled, do not imagine that he fled from the death of this world, nay, God forbid, for he wished to depart by the death of this world, and to delight himself with the unutterably good things (of heaven); but he feared lest after the destruction which he had brought upon men, that is the famine and the fire which he had brought down from heaven, and the blood of the prophets of Baal which he had shed, which wonders the people having seen believed upon God, that Jezebel, having persecuted and slain him, should boast that she had slain the Tishbite, and that all the multitude who had turned to God after all the mighty deeds and wonders which Saint Elijah had wrought, would return to the worship of idols, and that all mankind would perish through forsaking God. This is the fear with which he was afraid. And Saint Elijah fled and went up a mountain, and sat under a tree, and he was sorrowful by reason of the corruption of mankind. And behold, the word of the Lord came unto him, saying, 'O Elijah, My chosen one, why art thou thus sad?. Saint Elijah answered and said, 'O God, they have slain Thy prophets and have destroyed Thy altars, and I only am left, and behold they seek after my life to destroy it. If Thou, O God, wilt show mercy unto me, take away my life from me, for I am no better than my fathers who are dead; O God, it is better for me to die than to see Baal glorified again, for |394 they have forsaken Thee, and have worshipped him as God.' When God knew that the Saint was, grieved at the corruption of the people, He comforted him, saying, 'Elijah, be not grieved at the corruption of the people, for I have seven thousand men left who have not bowed the knee with the people of Baal. And now, who shall seek after thy soul to destroy it? I will preserve it in thee until the end of this world. Did not I answer thee by the drought, and after the drought by fire, and again by the floods of (rain)? Who then shall make thee afraid before the face of Jezebel? Fear thou her not then, but arise and go quickly and anoint Hazael to be king over Syria, and thou shalt anoint Jehu the son of Nimshi to be king over Israel in the place of Ahab and Jezebel the defiled; for, behold, I will bring destruction and shortness of life and desolation upon them. And now, since the days which I have appointed for thee to fulfil in this world have come to an end, arise, and go, and anoint Elisha the son of Shaphat to be a prophet to Me in thy stead. And it pleases Me to do an act of grace to thee, the like of which I have never done to any man whom My hands have made from the first man Adam until the end of the world, except Enoch, the scribe. I will not let thee see death while there is a man of truth in this world, but I will send thee to heaven in chariots of fire and horses of fire, and thou shalt ascend by them that I may take thee up to Myself; and I will make thee a champion for the whole race of man while thou art in the body. |395
If I desire to bring wrath upon men, thou shalt pray unto Me until I forgive them, for I am the Good, and I love the work of My hands. While thou art in the body I will set thee in indestructibility, for it is My wish that thou shalt not taste death, nor thy eye see it to fear it until the end of the world. I will make thy name to be praised upon earth, and mighty deeds shall be done through it. Whosoever shall be in danger by sea or by water, if they cry out to Me in thy name I "will hear them, and will take care of them, and will bring them into the haven of safety. whosoever shall be in any affliction, or distress, or bondage, or banishment, and shall cry out to Me in thy name, I will hear them speedily, and will deliver them. Whosoever shall be in sickness of any kind, or whomsoever unclean spirits shall afflict, if they go into thy shrine which shall be built for thee upon earth, and shall pray to Me in thy name, I will hear them speedily, and will bless them with healing. If women suffering in childbirth cry out to Me in thy name, I will hear them speedily. The soul that shall build a house of prayer for thee upon earth shall live in the heavenly Jerusalem, and inherit the good things which I have prepared for My holy saints. Whosoever shall take the pains to have a book made and written in thy name, and shall dedicate it to thy shrine, I will write his name in the book of life, and will make him to inherit the good things of the kingdom of heaven. Whosoever shall dedicate a little oil or incense to thy shrine, I will remember his name in the tabernacles of eternity. Arise now, get thee hence, and anoint Jehu the son of Nimshi to be king in the room of Ahab, and anoint Elisha to be prophet in thy stead.'
Then Saint Elijah arose and did as God had commanded him. And he found Elisha the son of |396 Shaphat ploughing with twelve yoke of oxen, and Saint Elijah hastened to him and took his mantle and laid it upon the head of Elisha, who straightway forsook the yokes and ran after the Saint Elijah, saying, 'I desire, O father, to follow thee.' The holy man Elijah said to him, 'Go, my son, God has shown mercy unto thee.'25 And Elisha returned and slew two oxen and cooked them and gave them to the multitude, and they did eat; and he went after the holy Elijah, and became a disciple unto him.
But listen to what happened after these things. There was a vineyard, he says, of Naboth the Israelite, as Holy Scripture saith, and this was near to the house of Ahab. And Ahab spake to Naboth, saying, 'Give me thy vineyard which is near my house that I may make a vegetable garden, and I will give thee another vineyard better than this, or if thou wishest I will give thee its worth in silver.' Naboth answered and said, 'Far be it from me to sell the inheritance of my fathers to thee, thou hast a multitude of good things, let these be sufficient for thee.' So Ahab went into his house, and laid himself down upon his bed, and he covered his face, and would neither eat nor drink, for he was greatly disturbed. And Jezebel his wife came in and said to him, 'Why art thou thus so sad of spirit, and dost neither eat nor drink to-day?' Ahab answered and said unto her, 'Because of the vineyard of Naboth the Israelite.' Jezebel said to him, 'Art thou thyself the king? arise then, eat and drink, and I will obtain for thee the vineyard of Naboth the Israelite.' Then she took paper, and wrote on it in the name of Ahab, and sealed it with his seal; and she caused them to bring Naboth and to stone him and to slay him. When |397 she knew that they had slain him, she came in and ran to tell Ahab the king, saying, 'Arise now and inherit the vineyard of Naboth the Israelite, for he is dead.' And Ahab arose and came into the vineyard of Naboth the Israelite, and inherited it. And straightway Saint Elijah arose in the strength of the Holy Spirit which worked in him, and went into the vineyard of Naboth the Israelite, and found Ahab sitting in it. Saint Elijah said to him, 'O Ahab, listen to me, and I will speak with thee. Thus saith the Lord God, "As thou hast slain Naboth the Israelite, and hast taken away his inheritance, it shall come to pass that in the place where the dogs and the swine have licked up the blood of Naboth, there shall the dogs lick up thine own blood, and the swine shall wallow in thy blood, for thou hast without cause made evil to be wrought before God, and hast provoked Him to anger." Thus also saith the Lord God, "Behold I will bring evil upon thee, and I will wipe thee out from Israel, I will make thy house like that of Jeroboam, the son of Nebat, the dogs shall devour thy wife at the gate of the city, and I will bring death and destruction and, extermination upon thee, because ye have angered the Lord and provoked Him to anger, and have troubled His spirit." 'And it came to pass that when Ahab heard these words from the mouth of the holy prophet Elijah, he rent his clothes, and great fear and terror entered into him; and Saint Elijah departed from him. And straightway Ahab went to Jezebel his wife, and showed her all the things which he had heard from the holy prophet Elijah the Tishbite. When Jezebel heard these things, her heart melted, and she was not able to open her mouth to say one evil word against Saint Elijah, but the Lord smote Ahab and Jezebel, and they disappeared speedily according to the word of Saint Elijah. |398
Let now those who said that the holy Elijah was afraid, and fled away from Jezebel, be confounded, for (if he was) how was it that he was not afraid to stay and to curse Ahab and Jezebel in this manner? Nay, but as I have already said, he was afraid lest all the people should corrupt itself a second time with the service of idols, and hence Jezebel was speechless, and her heart melted when she heard those words from Saint Elijah. Where now, O Jezebel, wild and evil beast, is the mighty power which made thee confident? O Jezebel, the infuriated, where is now the great madness and wrath of thy heart against Saint Elijah the Tishbite? Where is now thy mighty and injurious tongue which spake with devilish pride and madness, and uttered words beyond measure against Saint Elijah, saying, 'Thou art Elijah, and I am Jezebel?' What, O senseless and lawless woman, are the words which thou didst say to the holy prophet Elijah? God said to him, 'I will preserve thy soul within thee until the last day of the world,' and yet thou didst say to him, 'To-morrow at this time I will make thy soul like that of one of the prophets whom thou hast slain.' Why now hast thou not fulfilled thy word to slay the Tishbite? and why wast thou angry when thou didst hear that he had slain the priests of shame, and didst say, 'I will slay him also'? And while he was announcing to every one an evil death for thyself and thy husband, and extermination and destruction, how and why was it that thy mouth was unable to utter a single word? Because the word of God entered into thy ears from the mouth of His holy prophet Saint Elijah the Tishbite. And now, brethren, let this be manifest to you in very truth. All rich men possessing authority in this world, and having wicked wives like Jezebel the unchaste, who |399 urge them on, like Ahab, until they do evil to the poor, these men will merit the curses which Saint Elijah the Tishbite pronounced against Ahab and Jezebel his wife, together with destruction and extermination, and blotting out of remembrance for ever. Every woman who shall be lawless like Jezebel the unchaste and lascivious before God, who delighted in her riches, who was proud, who boasted of her wicked whoredoms and the impurities of her unclean and defiled body, who lived in sin and gloried in her iniquity and in her ornaments of gold and silver, who ate and drank in violence, who was clothed with the armour of Satan, who despised the poor, who was merciless to those whom God loved, who shall be in shame and degradation, and whose odour shall fill every place; every woman who shall walk in these things in this manner is an enemy of God and of His holy prophet Elijah, and shall receive the part and portion of Jezebel her sister, and shall remain under the curses of destruction and extermination which Saint Elijah spake against Jezebel. Every whoremonger and every harlot do God and His holy prophet Saint Elijah hate. Every unjust person, whether male or female, is an enemy of God and of Saint Elijah the Tishbite. Every proud person, whether male or female, is an enemy of God and of Saint Elijah. It is for the sake of the unjust and their sins that God has thus kept the holy prophet Elijah in the body to be a champion for all mankind, that upon those who turn to God and repent of their sins Saint Elijah will have compassion, but upon those who persist in their wickedness the God of Saint Elijah will bring wrath and destruction and extermination and interminable punishment for ever. As Saint Elijah was at that time, so is he also now, he is not dead nor gone to |400 corruption, but remains now in the body, and sees the sins of each one of us, and his word is sharper than a two-edged sword.
Listen also to this great miracle which God wrought by the hand of Saint Elijah the Tishbite. And it came to pass after the death of Ahab, and Ahaziah had become king in Samaria in his room, that one day Ahaziah fell down from the upper chamber of his house, and he lay sick upon his bed. And he sent messengers, saying, 'Go ye and inquire of Baal the god of Ekron if I shall rise from my sickness this time.' And while they were going, Saint Elijah came out from them to the mountain, and said to them, 'Return ye to Ahaziah the king, and say to him, Thus saith the Lord, "Thou shalt not rise up from the bed on which thou liest, but shalt surely die." ' So the messengers returned to Ahaziah, and told him the words of Saint Elijah. And Ahaziah said to them, ' What manner of man was he that met you'? And they told him, 'A man covered entirely with hair, and girt about the loins with a girdle of leather.' And Ahaziah said, 'It is Elijah.' Then Saint Elijah went up on a mountain, and Ahaziah sent a captain of fifty and fifty soldiers with him to bring him to him. When the captain of fifty had drawn near to him, he said to him, 'O man of God, Ahaziah the king calleth thee; arise and come to him.' The holy man Elijah answered and said unto him, ' If I be a man of God, let fire come out of heaven, and devour thee and thy fifty soldiers'; and straightway fire came out from heaven and devoured them. And the king sent a second captain of fifty with his fifty soldiers; and when the captain had drawn near he said to him, 'O man of God, come down, for the king calleth thee.' And Saint Elijah said to him, 'If I be a man of God, let fire come out of heaven and |401 devour thee with thy fifty soldiers.' And again the fire came out straightway from heaven, and devoured him with his fifty soldiers. And again Ahaziah the king sent a third captain of fifty with his fifty soldiers. And when that captain of fifty knew (him) while he was yet afar off, he hastened and threw himself upon his face, and worshipped Saint Elijah, saying, 'Let now, my lord, my prayer come before thee, for behold, thou hast brought fire out of heaven which devoured the first captains of fifty and those that were with them, but now let the soul of thy servant and the souls of thy servants be precious in thy sight.' And straightway the word of the Lord came to him, saying, 'Arise, get thee to Ahaziah the king.' So Saint Elijah arose and went with him and came to Ahaziah the king, and said to him, 'Thus saith the Lord, I will do thus unto thee because thou hast sent to inquire of Baal the god of Ekron, and hast thus set God behind thy back; therefore thou shalt not rise up again from the bed on which thou liest, but shalt surely die.' And when Saint Elijah had said these things, straightway Ahaziah the king yielded up the ghost. But perhaps some one among you will say, Why did Saint Elijah cause fire to devour two captains of fifty and a hundred soldiers, since they had neither said any evil thing to him, nor had despised him, except 'The king calls thee'? Hearken unto me, and I will show thee how they despised Saint Elijah, and how he rose up against those who would compel him to make himself submissive to the king, and to go with them. He was not afraid of a king of this world, but because they said to him mockingly, 'O man of God,' Saint Elijah spake, saying, ' If ye know that God exists, why do ye not believe in Him? And if Baal is your god, why do you then at all dare to utter the |402 name of my God in your polluted mouth? If I be a man of God in whom ye believe not, let fire come out of heaven from my God and devour you.' Oh, what a mighty miracle was this, beloved, that this earthly being was thus exalted, and his tongue was sharper than a two-edged sword. And beloved, now I have told you of a few of the mighty deeds and miracles which God wrought by the band of Saint Elijah the Tishbite, and now I will further tell you of this mightiest of all miracles, this most unspeakably glorious, exalted and honourable miracle, which no man has ever been heard to attain unto from [the time of] Adam, the first man, until now, for verily it is terrible to utter and disturbing to hear. And it came to pass, he says,26 that when it had pleased God to take Saint Elijah up to heaven, all the prophets which were in Jericho, which were fifty, gathered together and came to Elisha, and said to him, 'Dost thou know that God will take thy master Elijah from thee up to heaven'? Elisha said to them, 'I know it, but hold your peace, and I will go with him everywhere.' Now when Saint Elijah knew that he should pass out of this world, Elisha went with him until he came to Bethel. And Saint Elijah answered and said to Elisha his disciple, 'My son, sit thou here, for the Lord God hath sent me to Jericho on a matter of necessity, but do thou, my son, sit here until I return to thee.' And when Elisha knew [this], he said to him, 'As the God of my father liveth, and as thy soul liveth, I will not leave thee.' And Elisha went after him until he came into Jericho; and the fifty prophets followed him at a distance that they might see what happened unto them. And again they came to Elisha and said unto him, 'Dost thou know that God will take thy master |403 Elijah from thee up to heaven'? And Elisha said unto them, 'I know it; hold ye your peace, and I will go with him everywhere whithersoever he goeth.' And again Saint Elijah spake to Elisha, saying, 'My son Elisha, sit thpu here, for God has sent me to the Jordan.' And Elisha was very sorrowful, and said to Elijah, 'As God liveth, and as the soul of my lord, my holy father, liveth, I will not leave thee in the place where thou goest'; so Elisha went with him until they came to the Jordan. And the fifty prophets followed him at a distance, wishing to see what would happen to Saint Elijah, and Elisha stood by his side at the Jordan. Then the holy man Elijah threw off his mantle, and smote the waters (with it), and straightway the waters divided on this side and on that. And Saint Elijah said to Elisha, 'Sit thou here, my son, for God has commanded me to pass over the Jordan.' Then Elisha threw himself upon his face, and tremblingly took hold of the feet of Saint Elijah, and embraced them, and kissed them, and he shed tears upon them, saying,' Woe is me, my father! wilt thou depart and leave me by myself? O my father, leave me not alone.' When they had crossed over the Jordan, Saint Elijah said to Elisha, 'Ask something that I may do it for thee.' And Elisha wept, saying, 'O my holy father, if it be thy wish, let thy spirit be upon, me twofold.' Saint Elijah said to him, 'If thou seest me when they take me up to heaven, thus shall it be.' Then Saint Elijah began to pray and to supplicate, and straightway there was a great earthquake, and the earth shook to its foundations, and there was smoke and blackness and whirlwind and thunders and lightnings, so that the earth was rent asunder. And behold, there came from heaven chariots of fire and horses of fire, and Saint Elijah went up in them, and |404 they took him and carried him up to heaven. Then Elisha rent his garments, and cried out with a loud cry, saying, 'My father, my father, the chariot of Israel and the horsemen! if thou wilt go away and leave me, let thy spirit be double upon me.' And Saint Elijah took off the mantle with which he was girded, and cast it down upon the head of Elisha, and he went along weeping for his father Elijah until he came to the Jordan. When he had come to the place where Saint Elijah had divided it, he went beyond and cast his glance upon the flood of Jordan, and he wept, saying, 'Woe is me, woe is me, where is now my father Elijah who divided the waters that he might cross over'? And he lifted up his eyes to heaven and said, 'I pray Thee, O God of my father Elijah, that if the spirit of my father Elijah has been doubled upon me, when I smite the waters with his mantle, it may divide them for me to cross over.' Then he took the mantle of Saint Elijah, and smote the waters, saying, 'In the name of the God of my father Elijah'; and the waters divided, and Elisha crossed over. Now the day on which Saint Elijah was taken up to heaven was the sixth day of Tobi. When Saint Elisha had crossed over, he found all the prophets looking out for him, for they were all brought to nought by reason of the terror and the earthquake which took place when Saint Elijah was taken up to heaven. And they comforted Elisha, and each one said, 'The spirit of Elijah rests upon Elisha twofold'; and let the.....among men who shall not marvel be silent when he hears that a human being was worthy of so great glory and honour. And now, O brethren, that we may know that God loved Saint Elijah, and gave him the great honour to take him up to heaven in chariots of fire, he is now in the body in heaven, and is the |405 champion of the whole race of men. Let us then make him our champion, and let us forsake the evil desires of this vain life, fornication, impurity, uncleanness, thefts, hatred, slander, false swearing, and the like, which things God and Saint Elijah hate. And let us do those works which God and Saint Elijah love, which are these: first of all----prayer, without which no one shall see God, for by the prayer which supported him Saint Elijah was able to ascend in the chariots of fire until they took him up to heaven to God. Let us, therefore, beloved, keep our souls and our bodies pure from every spot and impurity at which God mocks, and let there be love in us towards each other, for love covers a multitude of sins. Let us be humble and charitable, for pride and the love for money are the root of all evil. Lot us keep the judgment of upright faith which is alone our hope for cleansing our souls, our bodies, and our feelings. Let us each endeavour to fulfil the holy ministration that we may partake of the holy mystery of the body and precious blood of our God. Let us give alms to the poor to-day, each one according to his ability, in the name of God and of Saint Elijah, that we may make ourselves worthy of the blessing which Saint Elijah spake to the widow of Sarepta, who gave her offering of flour and a little oil willingly, on account of which she obtained a great and imperishable blessing, and that Saint Elijah may be gracious unto us, and that we may find grace and freedom of speech before the terrible throne of our Lord and God our Saviour Jesus Christ, to Whom with the Father and the Holy and Vivifying Spirit be all honour which is meet, now and for evermore. Amen.
The Blessing of Saint Elijah be with us for evermore. Amen.
[A small number of the footnotes have been transcribed]
1. * This encomium has little in common even with the spurious homily on Elijah the prophet, printed by Montfaucon in his edition of Chrysostom's works, Paris, 1724, Vol. VI, pp. 600-603, and must be a work of another admirer of Elijah the Tishbite.
2. ++ A.D. 398-407. He died at Comana, in Pontus, on September 14, A.D. 407, aged about 63 years. In the Coptic Church his day is celebrated on the 12th of Pachons, or July 7. I suspect that this is the Abba John referred to in the colophon of the manuscript.
3. § I.e. January I. The Arabs, Greeks, and Latins celebrate his day on July 20, and in the Ethiopic calendar it is December 1. See the Ada Sanctorum, Vol. XXXII, p. 4; and Ludolf, "Comment. in Hist. Aethiop.," p. 389, sq.
4. * For an Arabic version of this discourse, see Assemani, " Bib. Or.," Vol. I, p. 156, No. 53; and for Carshunic, or Arabic in Syriac letters, see British Museum MS. Add. 7209, Rich., fol. 237. Rosen and Forshall, Cat., p. 3, col. 2, No. 18. The Greek version was published in the Oxford edition, edited by Thwaites, and the Latin by G. Vossius, Ephraem Syri., p. 686. See also Tillemont, "Memoires pour servir a l'Histoire Eccles." Paris, 1702. Vol. VIII, p. 759, col. 1.
5. + See Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch., Vol. IX, pp. 1-37.
6. ++ According to tradition, he met the widow in a wood south of the town of Zarephath.
7. * He is said to have become the servant of Elijah, and was afterwards identified with the prophet Jonah.
8. + Here is a proof that Chrysostom is not the author of this encomium, for he held the opinion that Elijah sinned in fleeing before Jezebel.
9. * According to the "Book of the Bee," Enoch and Elijah are the guardians of Paradise.
10. + Fire is the element characteristic of Elijah. Before his birth Sobak his father saw in a vision the birth of a man child who was wrapped in swaddling bands made of fire, and who was fed with fire. He told the dream to the priests at Jerusalem, who said, "Fear not, his words shall be like fire, and shall not fall to the ground." Epiphanius, De Vita Proph.
11. ++ It is in his character of benefactor that Elijah has become so famous and so favourite a saint all over the East. Among the Jews he was thought to be ready and willing to help man, from his birth in this world, throughout his life and death, until he entered heaven. At every circumcision a seat is placed for the prophet Elijah, the "angel of the covenant" (Mal. iii, 1), for he is supposed to see every [Hebrew] with his own eyes; he comforts the afflicted and warns people against danger (Berachoth 3); gives advice to those in trouble (Taanith 21 and 24); wishes lasting happiness to the married pair (Jebamoth 63); he rescued the Rabbi Shela from the hands of the Roman governor (Berachoth 58a); he delivered Nahum from the hands of the robber who attacked him on his return from Rome; he healed Rabbi Sime ben Aschi of the bite of a reptile; he caught Rabbi Kahana, who fell from a house, and saved him from injury; he saved men from death; and appeared at various times as an Arab merchant, a horseman, a nobleman, and even as a harlot (Avodah zarah 18), in order to help or befriend a needy being. He is the establisher of truth and justice; all difficulties are to be solved when he appears; he will come three days before the Messiah; he is one of the four architects who will build up the temple from its ruins; and all secrets will be revealed by him. He leads men into Paradise, and even bears the punishment of some, that they may escape hell; but though so good to man, he once killed a man for not looking towards the synagogue (Berachoth 6). For more on these matters see the passages on Elijah quoted by Eisenmenger, "Entdecktes Judenthum," and a very able article in Frankel's Monatschrift fur Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums, July and August, 1861, Vol. XII, p. 241 sqq.
12. * According to Mohammedan tradition, Elijah lives in Paradise, and sits under the tree of Life, eating its fruit, and drinking from the fountain of Life. He is identified with Phinehas and Saint George, and called [Arabic]. See D'Herbelot, Bibl. Orient., art. Khedher; and. Weil, Bibl. Legenden der Muselmanner, p. 178; Koran, Sur. 21. Another tradition makes him live in the fifth mansion of Paradise, with the Messiah, Whose head he lays upon his bosom, saying, "Be silent, for the end is near."
13. + So in the Talmud (Moed. Katon, 25), "Elijah lives for ever;" also, "he never tasted the bitterness of death." See Midrash Rabba (Moses. Parashah ii).
14. 1 An encomium or homily on Elijah the Tishbite was printed by Montfaucon in his edition of Chrysostom's works, Paris, 1724, vol. vi, pp. 600-603; but it has little in common with the Coptic version here given.
15. 2 I am indebted to Professor Hyvernat for pointing out to me that the date is written xxx and not xxx; hence in Proc. Soc. Bib. Arch., May, 1886, p. 133, line 7, and Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch., Vol. IX, Pt. i, p. 74, line 15, we must read 915 instead of 115, and 1199 instead of 399.
16. 3 In the Coptic Church his day is celebrated on the 12th of Pachons, or July 7.
17. 4 I.e., January 1. The Arabs, Greeks, and Latins celebrate his day on July 20, and in the Ethiopic calendar it is December 1. See the Acta Sanctorum, vol. xxxii, p. 4; and Ludolf, Comment. in Hist. Ethiop., p. 389, sq.
18. 1 For the text and translation of tins discourse, see Proc. Soc. Bib. Arch., June, 1887.
19. 2 For the text and translation of this martyrdom, see Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch., Vol. IX, Pt. 1, pp. 74-111, 1887.
20. 1 Encomiums upon Elijah appear to have been much sought after and esteemed among the Copts, and there can be no doubt but that several existed in the convents of Upper and Lower Egypt. Elijah in the Old, and John the Baptist in the New Testament were the chief saints and ascetics whose example was blindly followed, and whose lives were closely imitated by the hosts of monks, recluses, and solitaries which filled the Thebaid and the deserts on each side of the Nile as far up as Aswan. In the account of the journey of the Coptic monk Paphnuti into the desert recently published by M. E. Amelineau (Recueil de Travaux Relatifs a la Philologie et a l'Archeologie Egypt. et Assyr., vol. vi, p. 175), a fellow monk called Benofer, in telling the story of his life, says, inter alia, 'I was formerly in a convent in the nome of Shmun in Upper Egypt, beyond Ehrit; we were fifty men at one with each other, and we ate at one table; the peace of God was among us, and we lived apart and in purity. Now I was young, and I learned divine things from the God-loving and perfect old men who were like unto the angels of God, and I heard them discourse about Elijah the Tishbite, saying that he was more powerful in God when he was in the desert than at any other time.'
21. 4 The Coptic translator has made Baal a female deity.
22. 1 The sense of the Greek is quite lost in this verse.
23. 1 There is no authority for this sentence in the LXX.
24. 2 There is no authority for this clause in the LXX
25. 1 The meaning of this verse has been misunderstood by the Coptic translator.
26. 1 i.e., Holy Scripture.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2006. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: ephraim_coptic_fragment_transfiguration.htm
E.A.Wallis Budge, On a Fragment of a Coptic Version of Saint Ephraim's Discourse on the Transfiguration of our Lord, Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. 9 (1886-7) pp.317-327
E.A.Wallis Budge, On a Fragment of a Coptic Version of Saint Ephraim's Discourse on the Transfiguration of our Lord, Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. 9 (1886-7) pp.317-327
The following Communication has been received from E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A.
On a Fragment of a Coptic Version of Saint Ephraim's Discourse on the Transfiguration of our Lord.1
The manuscript from which the Coptic version of S. Ephraim's discourse on the Transfiguration of our Lord is taken, is in the possession of Lord Zouche, and has been already described 2 and partly published. 3 I am not able to say when the Coptic version was made, but it is very probably of a fair antiquity; and from the fact of its occupying a place of honour in the manuscript, it must have been much esteemed by the Copts. The translator from the |318 Greek contented himself with turning into Coptic only such portions of S. Ephraim's discourse as agreed generally with the views of the Copts; and having used his arguments up to the point where S. Ephraim discusses the double nature of our Lord, he interpolates without any scruple the Coptic belief that Christ has one nature only. To attribute to S. Ephraim views so different to those which he really held, is, to say the least of it, a "pious fraud." Judging from the Coptic text which we have in Lord Zouche's MS., the translator did not know his Greek very well; for besides the clerical errors which are found in it, there are some mistakes which show that he did not understand many of the passages which he tried to translate. The order, too, of the passages which he has rendered into Coptic differs in his version from that of the Greek. I suspect that the Greek text is a translation from the Syriac, for many of the sentences appear in form to be imitations of a metrical original.
Translation.
The discourse of Saint Ephraim on the Transfiguration of our Lord Jesus Christ on Mount Tabor, in which He appeared to His disciples with Saint Elijah the Prophet, which is read on the sixth day of the month Mechir, (4) in the peace of God, Amen. (5)
From the joy of the gladness of the field shall there be pleasure; (6) from the fruit of the vineyard shall there be joy, and from the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures of the Spirit of God shall there be light to those who believe. The fields have, however, one period (of harvest) according to their stated time; but in the Scriptures there bubbles up at all times the knowledge of vivifying life. When the fields have been reaped into their sheaves, they dry up straightway; and when a vine has been stripped of fruit, it becomes of no account; but if the Scriptures are stripped daily the fine ears which are in it, and which abound in interpretations, never fail, and if the Scriptures are reaped daily the sweet grass of our |325 grains of hope never, never comes to an end. Let us draw near then to this field and life-giving furrow that we may enjoy them, and that we may reap therein the vivifying ears which are the words of life of our Lord Jesus Christ, who said, "There are some among those who stand here who shall not taste death until they see the Son of Man coming in His glory." (7) And after six days He took Peter and James and John his brother, and brought them up on to an exceedingly high mountain, and was changed in form before them. And His face shone like the sun, and His clothing was white as snow (8). Now the men to whom He said that they should. not taste death until they saw the Son of Man coming in His glory, were the three apostles unto whom He showed His glory upon the mountain. (9) The prophets and those who prophesied concerning Him rejoiced, and the apostles who proclaimed Him at all times were glad when they heard the voice of the Father testifying concerning His Son, saying, "This is My beloved Son in whom I am well pleased, hear Him." (10) And these three apostles and the two prophets, which were Moses and Elias, were thus sealed in the testimony of the Father concerning His Son Jesus Christ our Lord; for by the testimony of two or three witnesses shall every truth stand. (11) So these (apostles) who were standing by Him like servants looked upon this only Son of God, and knew in truth by (the words) from heaven, "Thou art My beloved Son," and from the presence of the manifestation of these two mighty prophets who spake with Him, that He was God who had changed them, and that it was He who had commanded and made them appear in glory. (12) Then Peter answered and said to the Lord, "Lord, it is good for us to be here." (13) "What sayest thou, Peter? If we stand here, who shall fulfil the things which the prophets have foretold? Who shall seal the things which the preachers have spoken? And who shall manifest or fulfil the mysteries of the saints? By whom shall the saying, 'They pierce My hands and My feet, they count all My bones,' (14) be fulfilled? To whom do (the words), ' The division of my clothes among them, they cast lots for My raiment,' (15) apply? To whom do (the words), 'They put gall into My food, and they made Me drink vinegar in My thirst,' (16) apply? And who shall establish the saying, ' Free among the dead?' (17) If we stand here, who shall tear asunder the handwriting which I have written against Adam?(18) Who shall discharge his debt? and who shall obtain |326 for him the garment of his glory? If we stand here, how shall all the things which I have spoken come to pass? How shall the Church be built upon thee? and what is the need of the keys (19) of the Kingdom of Heaven which thou hast received? Whom wilt thou bind? Whom wilt thou loose? If we stand here, all things which have been said will become of none effect." And again Peter said to the Lord, "If Thou wishest we will make three tabernacles here, one for Thee, and one for Moses, and one for Elias." (20) Peter had been sent to build a Church in the world, and he thought that he ought to make tabernacles upon the mountain. Hitherto he had considered Jesus after the manner of a man, and had numbered Him with Moses and Elias. But in order that He might show them that He had no need of a tabernacle, He told him that it was He that had made to his fathers of old a tabernacle in the clouds forty years in the desert. (21)
And while they were talking, behold, a cloud of light overshadowed them (22). Behold, Peter, a tabernacle built for thee without trouble! Behold a tabernacle which keeps away the heat from thee and which has no darkness in it! Behold a tabernacle which shines and throws out lightnings! And while the disciples were marvelling, behold, they heard a voice from the cloud, saying "This is My beloved Son in whom I am well pleased, hear Him." (23) And after this voice of the Father from heaven, which testified concerning His beloved Son, saying, "This is My Son," Moses returned to his place, and Elijah to his country, and the apostles fell upon their faces, and Jesus remained standing alone, for it was to Him that the voice alone had descended and was fulfilled in Him. The prophets fled and the apostles fell upon their faces, because the voice which said, "This is My beloved Son in whom I am well pleased, hear Him," was (not) fulfilled in them.
By these words He taught them that the dispensation had been fulfilled by Moses and Elijah, and He commanded them to hear the Lord Jesus, and did not say, "These are the things which Moses spake," or, "these are the things which Elijah spake;" for these (prophets) were servants, and spake according to what had been commanded them, and they preached according to what had been told them. For the Lord is the only-begotten Son of God the Father, and is neither a house-born child nor a servant; but is Lord and God |327 together from the Father, and is the ruler of all things, and there is no one who is lord over Him (24), the Only Son of God. He was not two in birth neither had He two natures, but one nature of the Word that became flesh. Therefore we confess that He whom Mary the holy mother of God bore for us is God, perfect God and perfect man in this Only Son. He has not two natures according to the error of those who believe in the mere appearance of Christ, and the heretical believers in this mere physical form who say, "There are two natures in the Son of God." And if He were two natures according to their tongues, which ought to be cut out, why is it that we call her who bore Him " God bearer" and not "Man bearer?" And if He be not God who took flesh (upon Himself), why did Gabriel (25) call Him "God?" for he said, "There is born to you this day in the city of David, a Saviour who is the Lord God". We believe then according to the exhortation of the Apostles and Evangelists who preached that we should believe in One God the Father Almighty (26), and in one Lord Jesus; Christ the only begotten Son of God, and the Holy Vivifying Spirit proceeding from the Father and resting upon the Son; this is the Holy and Undividable Trinity for ever and ever. In this wise has the Catholic Church of the believers accepted the orthodox faith, being baptized in it unto everlasting life. God brought the apostles up on to a mountain (27) that He might show them who was the Son of God. When He asked them, " Who do men say that I am?" (28) They answered, "Some (say) John, and some (say) Elias, and others (say) Jeremiah, or one of the prophets." Therefore He took them up on to this mountain of Tabor that He might show them that He was neither Elias, nor John, nor Jeremiah, but that He was in truth the God of Elias, and the God of John, and the God of Jeremiah, and that He was the God Who had sanctified Jeremiah in the womb, and that He was not one of the prophets, but the God of the prophets, for whose sake He had sent them, when as yet He, God the Word, had not taken the flesh full of salvation. May we all then obtain the blessing of the holy mountain Tabor through Jesus Christ our Lord, through Whom be all glory, honour, and adoration, meet for Him with the Father and the holy, vivifying, and consubstantial Spirit, now and always and for ever and ever. Amen. God have mercy upon him that wrote (this). Amen. |328
[All Coptic and most Greek omitted. A few footnotes included]
1. + For the Greek text see Assemani, Ephraem Syri opera omnia qua: exstant, Romae, 1743, t. ii, p. 41, and the edition by Thwaites, printed at Oxford, p. Σμζ. A Latin version of this discourse was published by Assemani and by Gerard Voss on pp. 686-692 of his translation of S. Ephraim's works, printed at Cologne in the year 1603. The pagination of the British Museum copy of Voss's works is defective.
2. ++ See Proc. Soc. Bib. Arch., May, 1886, p. 133.
3. § See Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch., Vol. IX, pt. 1, pp. 74-111. The complete Coptic text and a translation of S. Chrysostom's encomium on Elijah will appear in Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch., Vol. IX, pt. 2.
4. (1) This month began on the 26th of January.
5. (2) The heading is written in red ink, and has a laced border painted in green, red, and yellow; the side of the page is filled up with a graceful design painted in the same colours, and at the bottom of the page is a bird.
6. (3) This clause offers a good example of the mistakes which the translator makes. The Greek has ἐκ τῆς χώρας, θέροις χαρμονή.
7. (8) S. Matt. xvi, 28; S. Mark ix, 1; S. Luke ix, 27.
8. (9) S. Matt, xvii, 1.
9. (10) There is no Coptic for the Greek passages after... (Assemani, p. 42, line 10) until we come to... (Assemani, p. 44, line 13).
10. (12) S. Matt. xvii, 5.
11. (13) There is nothing like this in the Greek.
12. (14) These lines are a very loose paraphrase. Lines 25-42 of the Greek (Assemani, p. 44) have no equivalent in the Coptic.
13. (16) S. Matt. xvii, 4.
14. (17) Psalm xxii, 16, 17.
15. (18) Psalm xxii, 18.
16. (19) Psalm lxix, 21.
17. (20) Psalm lxxxviii, 5.
18. (21) See Coloss. ii, 14.
19. (22) S. Matt, xvi, 18, 19.
20. (23) S. Matt; xvii, 4.
21. (24) Numbers ix, 18.
22. (25) S. Matt, xvii, 5.
23. (26) S. Matt, xvii, 5,
24. (27) There is no Coptic equivalent for the Greek text printed by Assemani on p. 46.
25. (28) See Assemani, p. 47, line 2. (29) S. Luke ii, 11.
26. (30) A leaf is wanting here. The whole of S. Ephraim's arguments on the subject of Christ's divinity and double nature are omitted.
27. (31) See Assemani, p. 42, line 10.
28. (32) S. Matt, xvi, 13; S. Mark viii, 27; S. Luke ix, 18.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: martyrdom_of_isaac_of_tiphre.htm
The Coptic Martyrdom of Isaac of Tiphre, written ca. 399 AD
The Coptic Martyrdom of Isaac of Tiphre, written ca. 399 AD
From Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. 7 (1884-5), pp. 95-97
From Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. 9 (1893), pp.74-90
From Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. 7 (1884-5), pp. 95-97.
A Paper entitled " Notes on the Martyrdom of the Coptic Martyr Isaac of Tiphre," was read by E. A. Wallis Budge, B.A.:----
The MS. from which the Coptic text of this Martyrdom is taken is in the possession of Lord Zouch. It is written in a large and regular hand and belongs most probably to the tenth century. Some of the capitals which begin the paragraphs are illuminated, and on the tops of the pages are the short ejaculatory prayers, " God have mercy upon us, God save, God help us, God hear us," and the like. According to the colophon the MS. was written while one John was Archbishop of Alexandria, in the 115th year of the era of the Martyrs, and was presented by a monk called Father Stauros in the Monastery of Father John to the Holy Church of Elijah the Prophet. The donor entreats that everyone who reads in the MS. shall say, "May the Lord Jesus Christ show mercy unto him with all the things of this world, and when he departs from the body may He make him to lie down in the bosom |96 of Abraham the greatest of our fathers, with Isaac, and Jacob, and Elijah the prophet, in the kingdom of heaven." As a whole the text is very perfect, a few clerical errors, and the omission of a word or two here and there, comprising nearly all its faults.
The history of the Martyrdom of Isaac was written by a kinsman of his called Christopher, who, as he himself states, was an eye witness from the beginning to the end of his tortures and of his death, hence this contemporaneous account is peculiarly valuable. In the last century the Augustinian monk F. A. A. Giorgi published in his "De miraculis Sancti Coluthi" 1 some excerpts from the Vatican MS. No. 66, containing the " Martyrdom of Isaac," with a Latin translation, and in the year 1810 Zoega's 2 Catalogue of the Coptic MSS. in the Borgian Museum appeared, containing two interesting extracts from the same source. As far as I know, however, no complete copy of the text of the Martyrdom, nor a version of the whole of it, has ever appeared. Isaac the Martyr suffered and died during the reign of Diocletian, most probably in consequence of one of the edicts issued by this Emperor in the years 303-4 A.D. It will be remembered that the first edict was issued 22nd February, 303 A.D., and the persecution of the Christians began with the demolition of the church at Nicomedia. This edict proclaimed that the lives of the Christians were to be spared if possible; but by the three edicts which followed in this and the following year, no restrictions were laid upon the ruthless and savage hands of the persecutors.
The history of Isaac's martyrdom was most probably written by Christopher shortly after it took place, and there is no doubt that a knowledge of it was general among the Egyptian Christians during the latter half of the fourth century. Lord Zouch's MS. containing the account of the martydom was copied from a MS. dated in the 115th year of the era of the Coptic Martyrs. Now this era was reckoned from 29th August, 284 A.D., therefore the original MS. was written about the year 399 A.D. For an account of the causes of the persecution of the Christians by Diocletian, see Gibbon, " Decline and Fall." London, 1854. Vol. II, pp. 264-273; |97 Mosheim, "Ecclesiastical History," Vol I, p. 213 et seq. Eusebius, "'De Vita Constantini," II, 51.
Isaac was a native of the village of Tiphre, in the province of Garbiah, in the Busirite nome in the Delta. When he was twenty-five years of age, one night, while he was asleep in a field by his cell, the angel of the Lord woke him up, and told him to go and confess Christ to the Governor of Taubah or Bana. The holy man bade farewell to his parents, and set out to perform the command. When he arrived at Taubah, the Governor Culcianus was in his bath. When he came out and saw Isaac, the would-be martyr cried out that he was a Christian. After some conversation, the governor gave him into the charge of a soldier called Dionysius, telling him to keep guard over him while he went to Taniati. Shortly after, on a miracle being wrought by Isaac, the soldier was converted, and on his confessing it to his lord Culcianus, he was beheaded. Isaac was then taken to Peshati or Niciu, the metropolis of the Prosopites nome. There he was tortured by being immersed in a boiling cauldron; a miracle was wrought, however, and he was delivered from death. Culcianus now took counsel with Arianus, the Governor of Hormes, who, having seen and heard the holy man, took him away with him to Hormes, a town sixteen days' distance by ship from Taubah. In the prison of this place Isaac found two other Christians, called Philoxenus and Surine. A day or two after his arrival he was tormented with all the hideous tortures which the cultured mind of the civilised Roman had invented to terrify the unhappy Christians. During the tortures some miracles were wrought, by which Isaac was a second time delivered from death; and the people of the city made an uproar, and wished to stone their governor. Isaac was then taken by ship to Taubah, where he suffered death by the executioner's sword. |98
From Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. 9 (1893), pp.74-90
THE MARTYRDOM OF ISAAC OF TIPHRE.
By E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A.
Read rd March, 1885.
The vellum manuscript from which the text of this Martyrdom is taken is in the possession of Lord Zouche; it is written in a large, regular hand, and belongs to the XIIth century. Some of the capitals which begin the paragraphs are illuminated, and on the tops of the pages are the short ejaculatory prayers "God have mercy upon us"; "God help us"; "God save me"; "God hear me," and the like. In ancient days the manuscript was presented to the library of the Holy Church of Elijah the prophet by one Father Stauros, a monk in the monastery of Father John. The MS. is dated in the 115th year of the era of the martyrs. Since the era of the Martyrs is reckoned from the 29th of August, A.d. 284, its 915th year will be equivalent to A.D. 1199. The Martyrdom was written by Christopher, a kinsman of Isaac the Martyr, and towards the end of it he says that he was with the holy man throughout all his tortures and sufferings from the beginning to the end, and that he was also an eye witness of his death. I have not been able to find out the exact year in which the martyrdom was consummated, nor the year in which it was first written down. It will be remembered that Diocletian ascended the throne A.D. 284, and that the first eighteen years of his reign were marked by a spirit of mild religious toleration. Christianity spread to such an extent as to alarm the polytheists and pagans, and Galerius while passing the winter at Nicomedia with |75 Diocletian, represented to him that he could not consider his work of the deliverance of the empire perfect if he allowed an independent people like the Christians to subsist and multiply in the heart of the provinces.3 Whatever may have been Diocletian's secret reasons for persecuting the Christians, it is certain that a merciless and cruel attack upon them began with the destruction of the church of Nicomedia, February the 23rd, A.D. 303. The following day the general edict of persecution followed; but it attacked the churches and the property of the Christians rather than their lives, for Diocletian was averse to the effusion of blood. Shortly after, the edict was torn down from its conspicuous position by the hands of a Christian, and Diocletian was filled with fury, hatred, and jealousy. Edict after edict appeared, each more severe than the last, and eventually every one in the Imperial service had power to persecute the unhappy Christians as much as they pleased.4 It is very probable that Isaac suffered death in the year A.D. 804, the year in which Diocletian issued the edict5 that commanded the magistrates to employ every severity to make the Christians give up their superstition and to return to " the religion of nature, of Rome, and of their ancestors." His self-sought martyrdom was consummated at Taubah6 on the th day of Pashons, the first month of the season of the inundation, and corresponding to the last few days of our April and a large portion of May. Christopher's account of it would be written down very soon after this, and would be current among the Egyptian Christians during the IVth century. |76
The Augustinian monk F. A. A. Georgi in the last century published in his "De Miraculis Sancti Coluthi" 7 some extracts from the Vatican MS. No. 66,8 which contained the history of the Martyr Isaac, and added a Latin version; and in 1810 Zoega's Catalogue of Coptic MSS. in the Borgian Museum 9 appeared, containing two important extracts from the same source. So far as I know, however, neither a complete copy of the text has hitherto been given, nor a translation of the whole of it. The text contained in Lord Zouche's MS. is on the whole very perfect, a few clerical errors and the omission of a word here 10 and there comprising nearly all its faults. I offer my thanks to him for his kindness in allowing me to copy this martyrdom.
Translation.
The martyrdom of the holy martyr of our Lord Jesus Christ, Father Isaac of Tiphre,11 in the nome of Panau,12 which was consummated on the sixth day of the month Pashons 13 in the peace of God, Amen.
The emperor Diocletian in his days did things which it was unlawful for him to do, for he made idols and worshipped them, and forsook the God of |77 heaven.14 Besides this he wrote an edict 15 saying, "I, the Emperor Diocletian, command that the whole world shall offer sacrifice to the gods; whosoever shall not obey this decree, him shall they torture with horrible pains, and afterwards they shall spoil his house, and carry away all that he hath." And he gave the order to Culcianus the general, who carried it to Alexandria, where he made the multitude to offer sacrifice; and journeying on again he came towards the south to Egypt, and entering into Taubah 16 he landed at the harbour.
Now there was in the village of Tiphre, in the nome of Panau, a prudent young man whose name was Isaac; he was twenty-five years of age, and was very beautiful, and he served God by day and by night. And an angel of the Lord appeared unto him while he was asleep in the field behind his hut (or 'the reapers'?) and woke him up, saying, Hail, Father Isaac, the God-bearing (or God-borne) man, why sleepest thou when the contest is spreading? |78 And he showed him a crown, and said, Be strong, this crown is thine, neglect not thy salvation. Arise, get thee to the governor of Taubah, and confess Christ, that thou mayest die for His holy name, and come into His everlasting kingdom; and when the angel had said these things, he departed from him.
When the daylight had spread over the earth, Isaac arose and came into his house, and greeting his father and mother, said, I salute you, my parents; and they said, Whither goest thou? He says to them, I am going to the governor to die for the name of my Lord Jesus Christ, Whom they crucified under Pontius Pilate; it is good for me to die to this world, that I may live in the kingdom of God; but they laid hold on him, saying, We will not send thee away, O beloved child, to die a horrible death.
At midnight the angel of the Lord appeared unto him, and the whole house became exceedingly bright. And the angel said to him, Hail, Father Isaac, God be with thee; and the blessed man replied, Thy grace be with me. And he led him out from his village and his house, saying, Endure, that thou mayest receive the incorruptible crown, for I say unto thee, thy crown and thy throne are in heaven. Fear not, I will be with thee, until thou endest thy martyrdom, for thou shalt suffer many pains for the name of the Christ; but be of good cheer, I will come to succour thee. And having said these things, the angel went upwards into heaven. Then the blessed Father Isaac arose in the strength of Christ, and departed on foot to Taubah, where he found the governor in the bath, and he stood before the door. And, behold, there came out to him a soldier, whose name was Dionysius, and he said to him, What dost thou need? Says the noble one, I want the governor. |79 The soldier replied, What is thy business with the governor? And the holy man answered, I am a Christian. Dionysius says to him, What hast thou to do with this matter? dost thou wish to die a horrible death? The blessed man answered, The death of this world is not death to me, but life in the world to come. Now while he was speaking with Dionysius, the governor came out from the bath; and when the noble Father Isaac saw him, he cried out, saying, I am a Christian. Then Culcianus the governor looked at him, and said, Knowest thou what a Christian is? The holy man answered, I know that I am a servant of the Lord Jesus Christ. And the governor spake to him, saying, If thou listenest to me, thou shalt live; but if thou dost not listen to me, thou shalt die a horrible death. The holy Father Isaac answered, saying, It is written in the Holy Gospel, "fear not them that are able to kill your body, but are not able to kill your soul; but fear rather Him that is able to destroy the soul and the body in the Gehenna of fire." Says the governor to him, Where are these things written? And the holy man made answer to him, "They are written in the Gospels." And again the governor spake to him, Art thou the reader? Says the holy man, No. Then the governor asked him, Whence comest thou? The holy man replied, I am a man of Tiphre, in the nome of Panau. And the governor said to Dionysius, See if thou canst persuade him while I go to Taniati and return; and having gone up into a ship, he came to Taniati. |80
Then Dionysius took the holy man into his house, and said to him, Listen to me, offer sacrifice to the gods; I have one only child, a daughter, and her will I give to thee to wife. I will also cause the governor to give thee a post in the army, and thou wilt receive honour. What hast thou to do with this name of Jesus? Says the holy man to him, By the prayers of the Saints, if thou wert to give me the empire of Diocletian, I would not deny my Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of the living God. So when Dionysius knew that he would not listen to him, he left off speaking to him, and put him under restraint; and he gave him bread and water for his daily food.
And it came to pass that the holy man came out one day, and behold there was a blind man sitting begging. Dionysius says to him, Go and entreat the man of God, to lay his hand upon thine eyes and thou shalt see; and he straightway cried out, saying, O man of God, help me that I may see. Then the blessed one said to him, Our Lord Jesus did not say to any man, See? but according to thy faith, so shall it be to thee. And laying his hands upon his eyes, he said, In the Name of the Lord Jesus Christ, See. And he saw immediately, and cried out, saying, One is the God of the Christians, the God of Father Isaac. And behold a woman cried out, Lord have mercy, and help me, for I and my son are poor. The blessed man says to her, Which gods do ye serve? and she answered, I serve Zeus and Hermes; and the holy man said, Thou art poor, and thy gods also are poor. If thou listenest to me, the blessing of God shall be with thee: go, serve Christ, and His blessing also shall be with thee.
Now the blessed Isaac stayed in the house of Dionysius the soldier until the governor returned to the south. And when he had come, he asked Dionysius, |81 Has the Christian persuaded himself to offer sacrifice?
He answered, Mayest thou be burnt, and thy polluted idols with thee; for from now and henceforth I will serve the Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of the living God, and the Holy Spirit. Upon this the governor said, With thee I have nothing to do, but I will send thee to thy tribune. Then Dionysius said to him, As the God of Father Isaac liveth, thou shalt neither eat nor drink until thou hast pronounced my sentence, so that I may receive the crown of Christ in His kingdom.
Now when the governor had risen to go to his house, his chariot was delayed, and he was unable to go to his dinner. And he said to Dionysius, Now, show your sorcery to-day! He replied, I am no sorcerer, but a servant of Jesus Christ. Then the governor wrote his sentence, which ran after this manner: "I command that the head of Dionysius, a soldier disobedient to the commands of the emperors, be severed [from his body] by the edge of the sword." And when they had carried him to the west of the city to the place of the theatre, they took off his head: and he consummated his martyrdom on the th day of Pashons, in the peace of God, Amen.
Then says the governor to Father Isaac, Behold, through thee the soldier is dead; and I will take thee to Peshati 17 that I may try thee in the same manner; so he took him with him on board the ship, and brought him to Peshati. And on the morrow, when the governor sat upon the throne, he commanded them to bring the |82 blessed Father Isaac before him. "When they had brought him, he said to him, Hearken unto me, and offer sacrifice to the gods, that thou mayest escape a multitude of sufferings, for I am exceedingly grieved for thee. Says the holy man to him, If thou didst sorrow for me yesterday, do not pity me to-day; but the governor commanded them to hang him upon the wooden horse and to torture him. Then the holy man made the sign of the cross, saying, In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, help me, O good Saviour; and straightway the wooden horse broke in two in the middle. When the company of soldiers saw the marvel which had taken place, they cried out, The God of the Christians is the only ONE, the God of Father Isaac. Then the governor commanded to lay him upon the iron bed,18 and to heat it until he was entirely consumed, and to pour sulphur and pitch in his throat. And at the same time the governor said to Isaac, Hearken unto me, and die not by such a horrible death. Says the blessed man to him, Through the strength of Christ I can endure every torture thou wishest to inflict upon me. Says the governor, Carry him away to prison until I consider what I shall do with him: so they took him and carried him away to prison. And on the morrow, while he sat upon the judgment seat, behold Arianus the general landed at the city, and they greeted one another. Then Culcianus said to Arianus, There is a Christian here whom I am unable to compel to offer sacrifice to the imperial gods. Says Arianus to him, Show him to me. When they had brought the holy man, Arianus said to him, Art thou |83 the sorcerer from Tiphre, who despisest the imperial gods? The blessed man says to him, I am not a sorcerer; nay, but I belong to the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Spirit. Says Arianus to Culcianus, Send him to me, and I will teach him. Then Culcianus says to the holy Father Isaac, Since thou hast not listened to me, behold, I banish you; and he sent him away with Arianus, who sailed to the south.
And they threw the blessed man into the hold of the ship; and behold the Saviour appeared to him there. When the blessed man saw Him he threw himself down before Him, and did reverence, saying, Be mindful of me, O Lord, and sustain me until I finish my course. Then the Lord said to him, Fear not, I will never forsake thee, nor any like unto thee, until ye inherit the kingdom; and having said these things, He gave him the salutation of peace, and went up into heaven. And the blessed Father Isaac prayed to God, saying, O God, Who didst form me from my mother's womb, help me in every place whithersoever I shall go; and be not far from me, lest the heathen say, Where is their God?
Now while he was saying these things, the sailors of the ship listened to him, and said to one another, This is a man of God. And when one of the sailors opened the door of the hold of the ship and said to him, Hail! the blessed man replied, my Lord, hail, good brother; do me a charity and give me a little water. So he brought a vessel to the holy man, and he drank, and said to the sailor, May God show mercy unto thee in: the day of the great judgment. And the sailor took the vessel, and there was a little water left in it, and, |84 in sport, he poured it upon one of the sailors who had a diseased eye, and immediately the eye was opened and became as if it had never been diseased. Then the sailor to whom this had happened glorified God, Who alone doeth great and wonderful things. At another time they brought him bread to eat; but the blessed man said to them, May my God bless you, but I will not eat until I have finished my course, when I shall eat bread in the kingdom of heaven with my Lord Jesus Christ.
And at the end of the sixteenth day he landed at the port, and they brought the blessed man into the city, which was exceedingly hospitable: and finding Philoxenus and Father Surine in prison, he greeted them.19 They said to him, Be of good cheer, beloved brother, we have received grace through greeting thee; and the blessed Father Surine said, May the Lord God give us power that we may stand firm in His Holy Name until we finish our contest. And the blessed Father Isaac said, Remember, O Fathers, that I am but a child, and I know nothing; Philoxenus replied, Be of good cheer, brother, the governor will hear thee before us, and thou wilt receive the crown of thy martyrdom; and do thou be mindful of us [when thou art] in the house of God.
And at midnight the holy man prayed: and Father Isaac opened his mouth and blessed God, saying, "I bless Thee, O God, in life, and I will praise Thee while I have my being; may my prayers come up before Thee as sweet incense: keep me under the shadow of Thy wings, and deliver me by Thy Holy Name, for Thine is the glory for ever." On the morrow Arianus the governor sat upon the judgment seat, and he commanded, saying, Bring |85 hither to me the sorcerer from Tiphre. So the executioners went to the prison [to bring him]. Then the blessed Father Isaac says to the saints, Entreat God that He may give strength to me. They answered and said, My God Whom we serve day and night will give strength to thee until thou has finished thy course.
And when he had been brought before the governor, he said to him through an interpreter, Hast thou not yet persuaded thyself to offer sacrifice to the glorious gods, concerning whom the emperors have made proclamations, that thou mayest escape from torture? The holy Father Isaac says, I have already told thee not once nor twice that I will not offer sacrifice to thy gods; and I have already told thee that the whole world shall go to destruction, but the glory of my God shall endure for ever. When the governor heard these things he became exceedingly wroth, and he caused his mouth to be beaten with a rod of iron until his teeth were knocked out. Then the holy man suffered agonies through tortures such as these: they made gashes in various parts of the body of the holy man with iron knives; they poured vinegar and acid upon his wounds; they dug out the nails of his hands and feet, one by one; they laid hot ashes upon the places thereof; they brought iron borers red hot from the fire, and they thrust them through his ears until the fire entered his brain; but the holy man endured all these things with fortitude.20 Then the whole multitude and the governor himself marvelled. Arianus the governor turned to Father Isaac, the brave man, and said to him, Verily thou hast shown thy sorcery this day. Says the holy man, Dost thou not see, O fool, that my Lord Jesus has come time after time to deliver me from thy wiles and tortures? Arianus said to him, Verily, nothing could deliver thee from all these |86 things except the sorcery which thou doest in the name of Jesus in whom thou believest. But by the life of the gods, by Apollo and Artemis, the mother of the gods, I will hack thee limb from limb until I find (know) that thy sorcery can deliver thee out of my hands. The governor says to him, What is thy name? The holy man answered, The name which my parents gave to me in the flesh according to the [custom of] the world is Isaac, but the name by which I live as a free man is Christian. Then the governor said to him, Isaac, thy words of madness will avail thee nothing: hearken unto me, and offer sacrifice to the gods. Says the holy man, I am wise and not mad; but were I to hearken unto thee I should indeed become mad.
So the governor commanded to carry him to the wooden horse and to torture him until all his bowels flowed away. Says the governor to him, Offer sacrifice that I may set thee free. The blessed man answered, It is in thy power to inflict all [manner of] tortures upon my body, but over the soul and the spirit thou hast no power. Then the governor commanded, saying, Bring hither oil and wax and sulphur, and throw them into a cauldron and make fire under them until they boil; first of all pour some down his throat, and then over all his body; and they did so. When the holy man saw the cauldron, he said, O Lord Jesus Christ, help me, and as Thou didst send Thy angel and didst deliver the three holy ones out of the fiery furnace of Nebuchadnezzar the king, oven so deliver me, O Lord Jesus Christ, that the governor may not say, Where is his God? And when he had said these things, he made the sign of the Cross three times, saying, In the Name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Then he went into the cauldron, and prayed, saying, Come to me, O Lord Jesus Christ, and be not far from |87 me. And behold, the archangel Michael came immediately from heaven and cooled the cauldron, making it like cold water.
Now when the [people of the] city had seen what had taken place, they wished to stone the governor, and cried out, saying, Either release him, or pronounce sentence upon him. Then the governor commanded to carry him on board ship, and to carry him to Taubah; and in passing sentence upon him he wrote thus, Since it is the wish of this man Isaac of Tiphre, in the nome of Panau, to die for the name of Jesus, I command that his head be taken off by the edge of the sword; and thus [saying] he closed up the paper and rose up from the judgment seat.
When the servants of iniquity had come, they dragged away the holy man with a gag in his mouth. Now when they had brought him to Taubah, the whole city came out to him, and they marvelled at his comeliness and the glory that surrounded him. And when they had seized him in order to take off his head, the holy Father Isaac said to the soldiers who were holding him, Long life to you, my brethren, and have patience with me a little time that I may pray to my God before ye slay me. So the executioners withdrew from the blessed Father Isaac, and turning his face towards the East, he opened his mouth and prayed, saying:----
O ye Angels of light, stand by me this day; O ye Archangels of light, stand by me this day; O ye Seraphim of light, stand by me this day; O ye ministers of light, stand by me this day. Come to me this day, O Lord Jesus Christ, and give me strength; may I be worthy to hear Thy voice before I die, that my heart may be consoled by |88 asking from Thee the petition which is in it. While the holy Father Isaac was saying these things, behold the Lord Jesus Christ, riding upon a chariot of light, came from heaven, with thousands of angels praising Him. And stopping the chariot above the place where the holy man was, the Lord cried out with a loud voice, saying, Come up to Me, O beloved Isaac, and I will
give unto thee the wages of the recompense for the sufferings which thou hast endured for My Name. Every petition thou desirest to make I will grant to thee, for My Father is a joyful giver. Now when the holy Father Isaac heard the Saviour saying these things to him, his heart took courage, and he spoke to Him, saying, thus: Hear me, O Lord God, and make my heart glad [by granting] that which I shall ask from Thy hand, Thou knowest, O God, that my city is little, and lest an enemy rise up against it, send the archangel Michael to help them and to give
them strength to destroy them. If a sinful man shall come to my body, and shall pray to Thee, do Thou forgive his sin before the sun goes down on that day. Then the Lord spoke to him, O beloved one, as thou wishest so shall it be. And the holy Father Isaac said to Him, I entreat Thee also on behalf of him that shall lay my body in a sarcophagus, that in the hour of his necessity thou wilt clothe his body that it be not naked; I ask too that Thou wilt write the name of him that shall write down [the history of] my martyrdom,
and publish me abroad, in the book of Life; that Thou wilt make the heart of him that shall voluntarily call his son by my name, happy with joy; and that Thou wilt give part of the endless offering to him that shall make an offering at my tomb. When the holy Father Isaac had said these things, the Saviour answered in a gentle voice, saying, Verify, I say unto thee, |89 whatsoever thou hast asked in My name, that will I grant unto thee, and the things which thou hast not made mention of, will I also grant unto thee. And behold I will appoint Michael the chief archangel to the place where thy body shall be laid to serve thee in every demand of healing the people which they ask thee for. And after these things the blessed Father Isaac turned to the executioners, and said to them, Come, fulfil that which has been commanded you. So they came and put the gag in his mouth, and having placed his head upon a great stone, they stretched out his neck, and cut off his holy head by the sword. Then the place where they cut off his head rocked hither and thither three times; and there was fear and trepidation in the city. And there came forth blood and milk from the body of the blessed man; and many people having heard of it came forth to see the wonder which had taken place. Now when the blind, and the lame, and the deaf, and the dumb had taken of that same blood and milk which came forth from the body of the blessed man, and laid it upon their diseased members, behold they were healed immediately: The blind saw, the lame walked, the deaf heard, and the dumb spake. This is how the holy Father Isaac consummated his martyrdom, on the th day of the month Pashons; and departed to Him whom he loved, our Lord Jesus Christ, and received his incorruptible crown in the kingdom of heaven.
After these things the chief citizen of the city brought a byssus cloth and wrapped the head of [the martyr] in it; and again he brought a fine linen garment, and buried the body of the blessed Father Isaac in it. I, Christopher, a sinner and kinsman of the holy man, was with him, and remained with him from the beginning, and have written his memoirs. I have |90 added nothing thereto, neither have I taken anything therefrom. When I saw that there was no one with me there to carry away [the body], I asked the chief citizen and he gave me a four-wheeled carriage and his ten servants. Then I laid the body upon it and brought it to the port of his village, but I found no boat to carry it across the river. And God commanded the horses (?) and they walked upon the waters as upon dry land. Now when the people of the city heard of this, they all came out small and great, to meet the body, and they carried it to the Church with honour and glory, and they rejoiced and praised God, Who alone doeth wonderful things.
After these things, I, Christopher, destroyed his house at the north of the Church towards the close of the eighth month, and I built an oratory to the saint, and laid its crown for it. Then we sent and brought the Bishop, and he consecrated it on the sixth day of the month Tybi; and mighty deeds and wonderful things took place in it, and they praised our Lord Jesus Christ and all His saints: for Whom with the Father and the vivifying and consubstantial Spirit, all glory and majesty and adoration is meet, now and evermore for all eternity. Amen.
The Colophon reads:-----
In the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost, the perfect consubstantial Trinity in one Godhead: this is our God, and we Christians praise Him and glorify Him. O Thou Who didst accept the gift of Abel the just man, the sacrifice of our father Noah, the offering of our father Abraham, the two |91 mites of the widow and the alms of Cornelius, do Thou receive the offering from Thy servant my father, Father Stauros, a monk in the monastery of our righteous and great father, Father John, the son of Timanshopi-Pehoout.' He took very great pains about this holy book, and gave it to the holy Church of Elijah the mighty Prophet, that he, and those who came after him, might read therein. I pray everyone who reads in it to say, May the Lord Jesus Christ show mercy unto him with all the things of this world; and, when he departs from the body, may he recline in the bosom of our patriarch Abraham, with Isaac, and Jacob, and Elijah the prophet, in the kingdom of heaven. Whosoever shall say Amen, may he be blessed. Amen, Amen, ninety-nine times.
The 915th year of the era of the Martyrs (i.e., A.d. 1199) under our Father the Patriarch, Abba John, Archbishop of Alexandria. Our Lord Jesus Christ being King over us. Amen.21
[Coptic omitted. A few of the footnotes are included here online]
1. * "De miraculis Sancti Coluthi et reliquiis actorum Sancti Panesniv Maryrum." F. A. A. Georgii eremitae Augustiniani. to. Rome, 1793.
2. + "Catalogus Codicum Copticorum Manuscriptorum." G. Zoega. Rome, 1810.
3. 1 Gibbon, "Decline and Fall," London, 1854, Vol. II, pp. 264-273.
4. 2 See Gibbon, "Decline and Fall," Vol. II, pp. 264-273; Mosheim "Ecclesiastical History," Vol. I, p. 213, et seq.; Eusebius, "De Vita Constantini," Vol. II, p. 41.
5. 3 The first edict was published February 23, a.d. 303, and the fourth A.D. 304. See Mosheim, p. 938.
6. 4 Eusebius mentions that in the Thebaid ten to one hundred persons suffered martyrdom in one day. See the fifth chapter of his eighth book, and Gibbon, "Decline and Fall," p. 430.
7. 1 "De Miraculis Sancti Coluthi et reliquiis actorum Sancti Panesniv Martyrum," F.A. A. Georgii, erernitae Augustiniani. to., Rome; pp. 33,36,88, 100, 144, 146.
8. 2 Dated in the year of the Martyrs 641=A.D. 925.
9. 3 "Catalogus Codicum Copticorum Manuscriptorum." G. Zoega; Rome, 1810.
10. 4 I am indebted to Prof. Henri Hyvernat of Rome for some of the corrections of the text printed in notes at the foot of my translation. He intends to publish the text of this martyrdom, according to the Vatican MS., in his magnificent work, "Les Actes des Martyrs de l'Egypte."
11. 5 Tiphre, or Dephri, a village in the province of Garbjah, in the Busirite nome, in the Delta. See Quatremère, "Mémoires," Vol. I, p. 107. Champollion, "L'Egypte sous les Pharaons," Vol. II, p, 183.
12. 6 The name of a town and a nome in the Delta; called also Bana, the Benha of Niebuhr ("Voyage in Arabia," Vol. I, p, 64). See Quatremere, "Mémoires," Vol.1, pp. 105-107; Champ., "L'Egypte sous les Pharaons," Vol.II," pp. 181-183.'
13. 7 This month began on the 26th of April.
14. 1 Elsewhere we are told that he made seventy golden images, thirty-five male and thirty-five female, and called them gods, beginning with Apollo, Zeus, and Diana. Zoega, "Cat. Copt. MSS.," p. 32; Vatican MS., p. 66.
15. 2 This was probably his second edict against the Christians, given in the year a.d. 303.
16. 3[Coptic] or Taba, a city near [Coptic], south of Alexandria, in Lower Egypt, the [Coptic] of Ptolemy, and [Coptic]. of Stephen of Byzantium. In the Itinerary of Antoninus it is placed between Cyno and Andro, being thirty miles from the first, and twelve from the second. Its prefect or governor at the time of Isaac was Culcianus. See Quatremere, "Memoires," Vol. I, p. 350. Champ., "L'Egypte sous les Pharaons," Vol. II, p. 175. Anton. Itin. Wessel., p. 153.
17. 2 The Latin Nicin, the metropolis of the Prosopites nome, situated on the right bank of the west arm of the Nile, towards Rosetta. Two of its bishops, Sarapamen and Macrobious, were martyred under Diocletian. See Quatremere, "Memoires," Vol. I, p. 420; Vol. II, p. 162; Le Quien, "Oriens Christianus," Vol. II, p. 523; Champ., "L'Egypte sous les Pharaons," Vol. II, p. 162.
18. 1 Oil was often poured upon the fire under the bed to increase the torture of the victim. See "Praefat. de Miraculis," pp. xlviii-lxix.
19. 3 In the martyrdom of Saint Apater and Hrai, it is said that Saint Isaac of Tiphre was in prison at Antinoou with Saints Paphnouthi, Tshmaoul, Simeon of Tapsho, Sissinnios, Theodoros, Moses of Philotheos, Macarius, Maximus, and many others. See Hyvernat, Les Actes des Martyrs de l'Egypte, p. 100.
20. 1 For a list of the horrors endured by the martyrs, see "Praefat. De Miraculis," pp. lxiii-lxxxviii.
21. 1 The first patriarch of Alexandria, called John, was head of the Church for eight or nine years A.D. 498-507. - See Le Quien: 'Oriens. Christ.,' vol. ii., pp. 423-425; Eusebius Renaudot: 'Historia Patriarcharum Alexandrinorum Jacobitarum.' Paris, 1713, pp. 125, 126.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2006. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: wright_syriac_apocryphal_psalms.htm
W. Wright, Some Apocryphal Psalms in Syriac, Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. 9 (1886-7) pp.257-258, 264-6
W. Wright, Some Apocryphal Psalms in Syriac, Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. 9 (1886-7) pp.257-258, 264-6
The following Communication has been received from Professor W. Wright.
Some Apocryphal Psalms in Syriac.
In a Syriac MS., formerly belonging to the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, but now deposited in the University Library of Cambridge, I find the following apocryphal Psalms, which, with the exception of the first, have not yet, so far as I know, been printed anywhere. The MS. contains the Kethabha dhe-Dhurrasha, or 'Book of Discipline,' a large theological treatise, composed on a very artificial plan, by Elias, bishop of Peroz-Shabhor or al-Anbar (who lived about a.d. 920; see Assemani, B.O. iii. 1, p. 258 sq.). At the end of the first section of this work, the scribe has added a few excerpts for the purpose of filling up some blank leaves. These are: (1) the Psalms in question, ff. 115a-116b; (2) explanations of some difficult words in 'the Book of the Paradise'; and (3) a disputation between a Jacobite and a Nestorian, ff. 116b-117b. The scribe was the well known Homo of Al-Kosh, near Mosul, "the village of the prophet Nahum." He has recorded his name in several subscriptions, but as the MS. is imperfect at the end, the exact date of writing is not given. It must, however, roughly speaking, lie between a.d. 1675 and 1712 (see Hoffmann, Opusc. Nestor., pp. Ill, IV), and the watermark in the paper----three crescents with a rather small adjunct of this shape [*] in one corner of the page----would seem to belong to the latter part of the xviith century.
These same Psalms, five in number, are also found, with the same adjuncts, in the Vatican MS. of Elias of al-Anbar's work, Cod. Vat. Syr. clxxxiii, ff. 117b-119a (see Assemani's Catalogue, t. iii, p. 385). Professor Guidi has, with his usual kindness, collated this MS. for me. It is dated A. Gr. 2014 = a.d. 1703, and was written at Al-Kosh by one Khaushabha bar Daniel. |258
The Psalms are five in number, of which the first is that ordinarily numbered as Ps. cli in Greek and Syriac Hexaplar MSS. (see, for example, the Codex Ambrosianus, ed. Ceriani, f. 38b). I reproduce the text, so far as possible, exactly as it stands in the MSS. |264
Five Psalms of David, which are not written in the order of the psalms.
I. Ps. cli. A Thanksgiving of David.
(1) I was the youngest among my brethren, and a youth in my father's house. (2) I used to feed my father's flock, and I found a lion and a wolf, and slew them and rent them. (3) My hands made an organ, and my fingers fashioned a harp. (4) Who will show me my Lord? He, my Lord, is become my God.1 (5) He sent His angel and took me away from my father's flock, and anointed me with the oil of anointing. (6) My brethren, the fair and the tall, in them the Lord had no pleasure. (7) And I went forth to meet the Philistine, and he cursed me by his idols. (8) But I drew his sword and cut off his head, and took away the reproach from the children of Israel.
II. The Prayer of Hezekiah when enemies surrounded him.
(1) With a loud voice glorify ye God; in the assembly of many proclaim ye His glory. (2) Amid the multitude of the upright glorify His praise; and speak of His glory with the righteous. (3) Join yourselves (literally, your soul) to the good and to the perfect, to glorify the Most High. (4) Gather yourselves together to make known His strength; and be not slow in showing forth His deliverance [and His strength] and His glory to all babes. (5) That the honour of the Lord may be known, wisdom hath been given; and to tell of His works it hath been made known to men: (6) to make known unto babes His strength, and to make them that lack understanding (literally, heart) to comprehend His glory; (7) who are far from His entrances and distant from His gates: (8) because the Lord of Jacob is exalted, and His glory is upon all His works. (9) And a man who glorifies the Most High, in him will He take pleasure; as in one who offers fine meal, and as in one who offers he-goats and calves; (10) and as in one who makes fat the altar with a multitude of burnt offerings; and as the smell of incense from the hands of the just. (11) From thy upright gates 2 shall be heard His voice, and from the voice of the upright admonition. (12) And |265 in their eating shall be satisfying in truth, and in their drinking, when they share together. (13) Their dwelling is in the law of the Most High, and their speech is to make known His strength. (14) How far from the wicked is speech of Him, and from all transgressors to know Him! (15) Lo, the eye of the Lord taketh pity on the good, and unto them that glorify Him will He multiply mercy, and from the time of evil will He deliver their soul. (16) Blessed be the Lord, who hath delivered the wretched from the hand of the wicked; who raiseth up a horn out of Jacob and a judge of the nations out of Israel; (17) that He may prolong His dwelling in Zion, and may adorn our age in Jerusalem.
III. When the People obtained permission from Cyrus to return home.
(1) O Lord, I have cried unto Thee; hearken Thou unto me. (2) I have lifted up my hands to Thy holy dwelling-place; incline Thine ear unto me. (3) And grant me my request;3 my prayer withhold not from me. (4) Build up my soul, and destroy it not; and lay it not bare before the wicked. (5) Them that recompense evil things turn Thou away from me, O judge of truth. (6) O Lord, judge me not according to my sins, because no flesh is innocent before Thee. (7) Make plain to me, O Lord, Thy law, and teach me Thy judgments; (8) and many shall hear of Thy works, and the nations shall praise Thine honour. (9) Remember me and forget me not; and lead me not into things that be too hard for me. (10) The sins of my youth make Thou to pass from me, and my chastisement let them not remember against me. (11) Cleanse me, O Lord, from the evil leprosy, and let it no more come unto me. (12) Dry up its roots in (literally, from) me, and let not its leaves sprout within me. (13) Great art Thou, O Lord; therefore my request shall be fulfilled from before Thee. (14) To whom shall I complain that he may give unto me? and what can the strength of men add [unto me]? (15) From before Thee, O Lord, is my confidence; I cried unto the Lord and He heard me, and healed the breaking of my heart. (16) I slumbered and slept; I dreamed and was helped, and the Lord sustained me. (17) They sorely pained my heart; I will return thanks because the Lord delivered |266 me. (18) Now will I rejoice in their shame; I have hoped in Thee, and I shall not be ashamed. (19) Give Thou honour for ever, even for ever and ever. (20) Deliver Israel Thine elect, and them of the house of Jacob Thy proved one.
IV. Spoken by David when he was contending with the lion and the wolf which took a sheep from his flock.
(1) O God, O God, come to my aid; help Thou me and save me; deliver Thou my soul from the slayer. (2) Shall I go down to Sheol by the mouth of the lion? or shall the wolf confound me? (3) Was it not enough for them that they lay in wait for my father's flock, and rent in pieces a sheep of my father's drove, but they were wishing also to destroy my soul? (4) Have pity, O Lord, and save Thy holy one from destruction; that he may rehearse Thy glories in all his times, and may praise Thy great name: (5) when Thou hast delivered him from the hands of the destroying lion and of the ravening wolf, and when Thou hast rescued my captivity from the hands of the wild beasts. (6) Quickly, O my Lord (Adonai), send from before Thee a deliverer, and draw me out of the gaping pit, which imprisons me in its depths.
V. Spoken by David when returning thanks to God, who had delivered him from the lion and the wolf and he had slain both of them.
(1) Praise the Lord, all ye nations; glorify Him, and bless His name: (2) Who rescued the soul of His elect from the hands of death, and delivered His holy one from destruction: (3) and saved me from the nets of Sheol, and my soul from the pit that cannot be fathomed. (4) Because, ere my deliverance could go forth from before Him, I was well nigh rent in two pieces by two wild beasts. (5) But He sent His angel, and shut up from me the gaping mouths, and rescued my life from destruction. (6) My soul shall glorify Him and exalt Him, because of all His kindnesses which He hath done and will do unto me.
Queens' College, Cambridge,
th May, 1887.
[Most footnotes and all Syriac material omitted]
1. * Or better, as in Cod. Ambros., The Lord, He is my God.
2. + The feminine suffix seems to be addressed to the city of Jerusalem.
3. * Cod. Vat. my requests.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2006. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: apocalypse_of_abraham.htm
M. Gaster, The Apocalypse of Abraham, Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. 9 (1893) pp.196-226
M. Gaster, The Apocalypse of Abraham, Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, vol. 9 (1893) pp.196-226
THE APOCALYPSE OF ABRAHAM.
From the Roumanian Text, Discovered and Translated
By Dr. M. Gaster.
Read nd February, 1886.
At the moment when the power of prophecy ceased, its place was taken by the mysterious metaphysical and emblematical vision, in which the future was likewise prognosticated, but in an allegorical and fantastical form.
There grew up the apocalyptical literature, especially in the period of time which elapsed between the Book of Daniel and the Apocalypse of St. John, and in the following two or three centuries.
Almost at as remote a period as it first arose, the apocalyptic, or rather the apocryphal literature, was seized upon by all who were desirous of exercising an influence on the masses. In the first instance, the heretical sects of Christianity utilized it. The populace, as a rule, understands nothing of the subtle and higher questions of dogmatism, and it is most easily approached by those who speak its accustomed language, by those who enter into its views, who use its word-pictures and metaphors. What could serve better to popularise creeds which branched off from the straight road of orthodoxy, than to present them in the guise of a religious story, of a biblical allegory, of an apocalyptic vision? Special books of religious and prophetical tendency were therefore ascribed to all the patriarchs from Adam onwards. Each sect had a special predilection for a, different personage, and various books were written, or in some cases ancient ones were altered to suit the requirements of the sects, and thus these works increased in number.
Contest with the ruling Church began at the same early period. Indices of these heretical books were drawn up, in which their destruction was urged as a sacred duty. |196
Strange to say, almost all the forbidden Apocryphas have nevertheless been preserved to us. To the explorer in the territory of folk-lore opportunities frequently present themselves of recognizing the ancient apocryphal stories amongst the popular literature of the middle ages. All, however, have not been preserved from destruction. Amongst others there has been missing until now an apocryphal story concerning the death of Abraham. It is referred to by Epiphanius (adv. haereses, 39, 5), and also by Athanasius (Synopsis). Nikephorus (Stichometria, No. (5) also speaks of an apocryphon of about 300 verses, with reference to Abraham.1
This apocryphal story, of which until now nothing certain has been known, has been preserved in the old Slavonian and in the old Roumanian language. In the former, as far as I know, it is only in two MSS. (of which one is a fragment), and in Roumanian it is in four MSS., of which one is the translation of the Slavonic fragment. The complete text, discovered by myself, in three MSS., which are all in my possession, I propose to give now in a literal translation.
Before I proceed, I should wish to say a few words concerning this text, the more ancient of the two fragments, and especially regarding the connection of this text with that of the Slavonic one of the sixteenth century.
The first incomplete text, which, as I have before stated,2 entirely agrees with that of the contemporaneous Slavonic, is only distinguished from the more complete text by greater brevity, and some features which are wanting in the latter.
The complete Slavonic text3 is distinguished from our present one only by some unimportant features, and therefore points to a common and more ancient source. That the source of the Slavonic text (and hence of the Roumanian) |197 is Greek, is beyond all doubt. The fathers of the Church, already quoted, expressly say so. But besides this we have historical and linguistic proofs, which necessarily point to a Greek origin.
Of the linguistic proofs I will only adduce one here. The name of the place----as we will see----where the angel first meets Abraham is called Dria the Black, which was taken from the falsely rendered Αρυα τῆς Μαμβρη, the translation of the Hebrew Elone Mamre. Drüa was considered as a proper name, and Mamre, changed into Mavri, was rendered by the Slavic translator as black. Thus arose this otherwise inexplicable name.
Of the historical proofs, the most incontestible lies in the fact that all theological literature, in the widest sense of the word, reached the Slavic through the medium of the Greek, and that even a Greek MS. of it seems to be preserved in the library of Vienna.4
The stories, however, came originally from the poetical East, with its fantastic imagery, and amidst the influences of similar pictures of olden times. The fathers of the Church, who have preserved for us the name of this apocrypha, have also recorded the name of the sect in whose midst it first arose, namely, the sect of the Sethians, who beheld in Seth the son of Adam the true Christ and Redeemer from hereditary sin.
It would carry me too far afield were I to be more explicit as to this, and especially were I to dilate on the heretical agitation in Asia Minor, and to follow out in these texts traces which have been almost obliterated by time. In reference to this I wish to point out the "threefold Judgement" mentioned here, of which the orthodox church knows nothing.
At every step we meet parallels to the various incidents of this legendary story, both in the corresponding Jewish literature, and in the apocalyptic which has developed out of it. |198
I will reserve to myself for some future work the investigation of these parallels. For the present it will suffice if I merely refer to the principal sources, or rather the most striking parallels.
As an example present to the mind of the authors of this legend, I would cite the Apocalypse of the Apostle Paul,5 especially the Oriental version, which has also been published in English from a Syriac original. In this legend the Apostle, who has been carried up to heaven, beholds a very similar spectacle of the Judgment after death.
The second part of the legend of Abraham, that relating to his death, shows a decided leaning towards the widely spread legends (of Jewish literature) relating to the death of Moses.
That some features have been altered, whilst others have been superadded, will excite no surprise in those who are even but partially acquainted with this very luxuriant literature.
In conclusion, I would here set at rest an objection which is contained in the question, as to whether this text is actually the ancient and hitherto undiscovered apocalypse?
The road usually taken by such apocrypha precludes any possible doubt. Brought from the East, they were in an early period translated from the Greek into the Slavonic, and thence they became also by translation part of Roumanian literature. Similarly to these manuscript stories, the "Lists" of heretical books were translated into the Slavonic, and here we find our text incontestibly figuring amongst the forbidden books.
Origen, in quoting this text, appears to labour under a slight misconception. The Angel of Good and the Angel of Evil do not dispute with regard to the salvation of Abraham himself, but in Abraham's presence the angels dispute concerning that of another soul. This is meant by the story related in the text, when the soul was placed in the mid-way until it was released by the prayer of Abraham.
Out of the three MSS. in my possession I have reconstructed the critical Roumanian text, which is published here |199 for the first time. As a basis I took the MS. of c. 1750, which although fragmentary at the beginning and end, nevertheless represents the best version. In ( ) I included the corrections I considered necessary, and in [ ] the additions taken either from MS. b (1818), or MS. c (1777), or from both. The transcription is strictly phonetical, following the ordinary manner used in publishing Roumanian texts. It is as follows: letters have the Italian value, t = tz; s = sh; a, a, i = e (Lepsius); i = y. Every Cyrillian letter, in which the texts are originally written, is reproduced by a Latin letter; and I went so far as to preserve even the dialectical forms, for the MSS. bear a Moldavian character. The translation is of the reconstructed text, which has been divided by me in chapters. |200
The Life and Death of our Father Abraham the Just, written according to the Apocalypse in nice words. Introduction.
1. Our father Abraham lived more than 175 years. In his lifetime he was vigorous, very gentle, compassionate and just towards all, and very hospitable. He dwelt not far from the place called Dria the Black, at the cross-road by which all strangers had to pass. He received the wayfarers and entertained them. Rich and poor, kings and princes, boyards and voyevods, all neighbours, the weak and the sick, all were treated with the greatest kindness, for Abraham was good and just, and loving all men, till he attained to extreme old age, and the time and the hour drew nigh when he was to taste the cup of death.
2. Then the Lord called the archangel Mihail, and said unto him: Go down, Mihail, to my friend Abraham, and remind him of death, for I have promised him to increase his |201 property and to multiply his descendants like the stars of heaven and like the sand of the sea. And I have blessed him. Therefore he is now richer and more just than all in his goodness and hospitality which he displays until his end.
3. And the archangel Mihail, who sat before the Lord, went out of His presence and descended to Abraham in Dria the Black, And he found our father Abraham near the village with his servants and also other young men. And the archangel approached him. Abraham seeing him, thought he was a soldier, being so modest and fair in his appearance.
4. Then the aged Abraham arose in order to meet the archangel. And the archangel said, "Rejoice, venerable father, the chosen one of the Lord, righteous soul, friend of the Ruler of heaven." And Abraham said to the angel, "Rejoice, oh chief of the hosts (Arhistratig)! Thou, who art greater than any of the children of men, be welcome on my return home. Kindly relate me, oh young man, whence thou comest, and whence it is that thou art so beautiful?" |202
5. And the Arhistratig replied, "Oh, just man! I come from the Great City, and I am sent by the Great Ruler, to say to His chosen friend, that he should be prepared, because the Ruler calls him." And Abraham replied, " Well! Let us go back to the village."' And the Arhistratig said, "Let us go! "
6. And they went to the nearest village, and sat down to rest. And Abraham said to his servants, "Go to the field, where the horses are, and fetch two that are fit for riding, and get them ready, so that I may mount one, and the stranger the other one." But the Arhistratig said to Abraham, "Let them not bring the horses, because I do not ride on a beast with four legs. Oh, thou righteous soul, let us go on foot to thy pure abode." And Abraham replied, "Let it be so." And they walked from that village to his house.
7. On the way there grew a lofty and mighty cypress. And the tree exclaimed, by the will of God. with a loud voice of man: "Holy one! Holy one! Holy one! The |203 Lord God calls thee!" And Abraham held his peace, and replied not, for he thought the Arhistratig had not heard the voice of the tree.
8. Then they approached the courtyard, and sat down. Isaac, the son of Abraham, saw the face of the angel, and said to his mother Sarah, "Look at the man who is sitting with my father, he does not appear to me to be born from a human being." And Isaac ran to the angel, and bowed down before him. And the angel blessed him, and said, "May God give thee what he has given to thy father and thy mother!"
9. And Abraham said to Isaac, "Take the basin and pour in some water, so that we may wash the feet of this stranger, who comes from afar to us, and who is weary." And Isaac ran to the well and poured water into the basin and brought it. And Abraham went to wash the feet of the angel, and Abraham sighed and wept on account of this stranger. And Isaac seeing his father weep, wept also, and his tears ran down. And the angel seeing them both weeping, wept with |204 them, and his tears fell down into the basin. And these tears turned into precious stones. And when Abraham beheld this miracle, he took away the jewels and hid the secret in his heart.
10. And Abraham said to his beloved son, "Go into the room and get ready two beds, one for me and the other for the stranger, because he is a wayfarer; and prepare everything well and carefully, and put candles in the candlesticks, and prepare the table, and light the incense-burner, and bring sweet smelling herbs of the paradise and put them on the floor, so that they may scent the place, and light seven candles, and we will sit down and rejoice with the stranger, who is greater than any human being on the earth, and mightier than kings." And Isaac prepared everything carefully, according to the directions of his father. And Abraham went with the angel in the room, where the beds were ready, and they both sat down, one on one bed and one on the other, and between them stood the table with food. |205
11. And the Arhistratig arose and went out to take the air, and he ascended to heaven, and came before the Lord, and said to the Lord God, "Lord! Lord! know that Abraham is very powerful, so that I cannot mention to him of death, for I have never seen a man like unto him on the earth, just, compassionate, and avoiding all evil."
12. And the Lord spake to the Arhistratig, "Go to my friend Abraham, and eat of all that which will be put on the table; and I will send My Spirit unto his son Isaac, and I will show him the approach of his father's death, so that he may see all in a dream."
13. And the Arhistratig said, "The incorporeal beings of heaven do not eat, neither do they drink, and he has spread for me a table with all the good things of the earth; and now, O Lord, what shall I do? How can I become different, as we shall be all at one table?" |206
14. And the Lord answered him, "Go to My friend Abraham, and do not trouble thyself, for I will send spirits, who shall cause the food to disappear from thy hands and from thy mouth; all that is on the table shall disappear. And rejoice them with him. But thou shalt interpret Isaac's dreams unto him, so that Abraham may know the hour of his death. For he has numberless properties and lands and houses, because I have blessed him, and I have increased his possessions like the sands of the sea and like the stars in heaven."
15. Thereon the Artistratig descended to Abraham's table, and they sat down. And Isaac had provided the supper. And Abraham said his prayer, as it was his custom. And after the meal they arose, said a prayer, and sat down each one on his bed.
16. And Isaac said to his father, "I should like to sleep here also, because I love with all my heart to listen to the words of this stranger." But Abraham replied to his son, |207 "No, my son! go thou to thy bed and rest, so that we may not inconvenience this stranger." Then Isaac received his father's blessing, and went to his bed to rest.
17. And the Lord showed Isaac in a dream the approaching death of his father. And after the third hour of the night Isaac awoke from his sleep, and arose from his bed, and ran quickly to his father, where he slept with the Arhistratig, and called aloud, "My father Abraham, open the door quickly, so that I may enter and cling to thy neck, and kiss thee before they take thee away from me."
18. And Abraham got up and opened the door. And Isaac entered, and he embraced his father, and wept aloud; and Abraham wept also; and the Arhistratig seeing this, wept with them. And Abraham said to Isaac, "My dear child, tell me truly what has appeared to thee, so that thou camest so frightened to me?" |208
19. And Isaac wept, and said to his father, 'I beheld the sun and the moon, with luminous and far-stretching rays, resting on my head, and seeing this I was glad; when suddenly the heaven opened and a luminous man descended from heaven. And he was brilliant. And he removed the sun from my head and ascended to heaven. And shortly afterwards, while I was still sad, I saw the luminous man again descending from heaven, and he removed the moon from my head. And I wept, and I said to him, "do not take from me my pride, but have pity on me and listen to me, for thou hast taken the sun from me. Do not also take away the moon!' And he replied, 'Let them go, because the Lord of heaven wishes that I should bring them to him.' And they left their rays upon me."
20. And the Arhistratig said to them, "Listen to me, oh Abraham the just! Thou art the sun, seen by thy son Isaac his father; and the luminous man, descending from heaven, will take away thy soul. And know, oh just Abraham! that |209 thou wilt soon leave this world to go to the Lord." And Abraham replied, "Oh wonderful! I fear thou art the man who will take away my soul!" And the Arhistratig said to Abraham, "I am the angel Mihail, the greatest of the angels standing before the Lord; and I announce to thee the news of thy death. And thou wilt come to Him, according to thy covenant." And Abraham replied, "Now I understand that thou art he who will receive my soul----but I will not yield to thee!"
21. After these words of Abraham, the Arhistratig disappeared; for he went up to heaven and stood before the Lord, and related to him all that he had seen and heard in the house of Abraham, and how Abraham had said, "I will not yield to thee."
22. And the Lord replied to his Arhistratig, "Go to my friend Abraham, and say to him as follows: I am the Lord his God, who brought him out and led him to the Promised Land; and I have blessed him, so that his descendants shall become as numerous as the sands of the sea, and as the stars in the heaven. And say to him, How hast thou dared |210 to oppose my Arhistratig Mihail, by saying that thou wouldst not follow him? "Does he not know that from the time of Adam and Eve all have died? That neither the kings, nor the forefathers have escaped death? because no one is immortal; but all have died and have gone down into hell. But to him I did not send either death, or sickness, or the scythe of death, which should mow him down; but I sent to him my Arhistratig. with a request, so that he might know my decision and put his house and lands in order. But why did he oppose my Arhistratig Mihail, saying that he would not follow? Does he not know, that I will send the angel of death, whose presence he could not endure?"
23. After receiving the command of the Lord, the Arhistratig descended to Abraham, fell at his feet, and repeated to him all that he had heard from the Lord. And Abraham the just said amidst many tears, "I entreat thee, Arhistratig of the heavenly powers, because thou had honoured me, a sinner, grant me one request. For the Lord God has always |211 given me the things for which I have prayed, and has always fulfilled my wishes. And I know that I shall not escape death, but I shall certainly die. Know, therefore, that I expect that thou wilt fulfil this my request: I should like to see now, whilst still in the flesh, all the peoples and their deeds; then I will yield myself entirely."
24. And the Arhistratig ascended once more to heaven, and placed himself before the Lord, and told him all about Abraham. And the Lord replied to the Arhistratig, "Place Abraham the just in the chariot of the cherubim, and carry him to heaven." And the Arhistratig descended and took the just Abraham into the clouds and surrounded him with sixty angels.
25. And Abraham walked on the clouds, and he beheld another chariot behind him, and also some who walked (?). And in another part he saw people who were suffering, and much wrong-doing. And he said, "Oh Lord! command that the earth may open and swallow them." And in another |212 direction he saw people plundering and stealing, and despoiling the stranger. And he exclaimed, "Oh Lord I command that fire shall come down from heaven and destroy them." And fire came from heaven and consumed them.
26. And instantly" there a voice came from heaven to the angels, and a thunder-clap reached the Arhistratig and he heard the words: "Turn round the chariot and depart with Abraham so that he may not see the people any more; for if he sees them living in sin he will destroy them all to the very last," because Abraham could not endure those who did evil. And the Lord continued: "I have created the world, and I do not wish that any human being shall be destroyed, for I do not desire the death of the wicked, but that he should repent and live. Lead the just Abraham to the first gate of heaven, so that he may see the last judgment, and that he also may repent even more than the sinners."
27. And the Arhistratig turned round Abraham's chariot, and brought him to the first gate of heaven. And Abraham |213 beheld two paths, one narrow and difficult to pursue, and the other wide and extended. And on the narrow path he saw a man sitting on a golden chair, and his face was terrible like unto God. And he saw many souls pursued by angels on the broad way, and but few souls conducted by the angels on the narrow path. And the marvellous man, when he saw all the wounded and sick souls on the wide way, tore out the hair of his head and of his beard, and he cast himself from his golden chair unto the ground and wept. But when he saw many souls in the narrow path, he rose and sat on his golden chair in joy.
28. And Abraham asked the Arhistratig: "Lord! who is this marvellous man in such splendour? Sometimes he weeps, and sometimes he rejoices." The Arhistratig answered: "This is Adam, who was the first man created to adorn the world, for all are descended from him. And when he sees many souls traversing the narrow path he rejoices, because that is the entrance to heaven, by which the just go to |214 paradise. And when he sees many souls going on the wide way he weeps and tears his hair, because that is the path of the sinners, by which they go to hell. In seven thousand years only one soul will be saved."
29. And while they were speaking, two angels brought innumerable souls, and struck them with a whip of fire; and one poor soul was supported by their hands and led on the narrow way.
30. And he beheld again at the doorway a golden chair, shining like fire; and on it there sat a man in the form of the Son of God. And in front of him stood a table of precious stones and pearls; and upon the table there lay a Bible, that is a big book of twelve yards in length, and eight yards in width. And there were two angels holding paper, ink, and pens. And at the head of the table there sat a luminous angel holding a scale in his hand; and at his left hand stood an angel of fire, who held in his hand a paper, and on it were inscribed the temptations and sins. And that man who sat |215 there condemned or liberated the souls. And of the two angels who stood to the right and left, the one on the right wrote the virtues, and the one on the left hand wrote down the sins; and the one at the head of the table weighed the souls; and the angel of fire examined the souls.
31. And Abraham asked the Arhistratig: " What is it that I see? " And the angel replied, "That, which thou seest, oh just Abraham, is the judgment in the other world." And he saw the soul of a man brought before the judge by an angel. And the angel said to the judge, "Open the book and see the record of his sins and of his virtues.... and erase them, for he is neither to be condemned nor to be saved; therefore place him in the middle."
32. And Abraham said, "My lord! who are these judges, and these luminous angels?" And the Arhistratig replied, "Listen, oh just Abraham I He who sits in the chair and judges, is Abel, the son of Adam. He judges the righteous and the sinners. For the Lord hath said, that He will not |216 judge mankind, but that they shall judge each other. And to him (Abel) he has given the power to judge men, till the last judgment. Then the Son of God will judge perfectly and finally and for ever; and no other will be able to judge. Because men are descended from Adam, they must be first judged by a son of Adam; but at the second resurrection they will all be judged by the twelve Apostles; but at the third resurrection, our Lord and Saviour will judge them. For at the third time, at that terrible judgment, all will be ended. As it is written, 'By three witnesses shall the judgment be fulfilled.' And of the two angels the angel on the left records the evil deeds, and the angel on the right records the good actions; and he shines like the sun."
33. And Abraham asked his Arhistratig Mihail, "My lord! what is to be done with the soul which the angel brought in his hand, and which was placed in the middle?" The angel answered, "The judge has found that his good and his bad deeds shall be erased, and he is neither condemned nor saved, until the Lord, the Judge, shall come." |217
34. And Abraham asked, "What is wanting to this soul that it should be saved? " The angel answered, "If he had performed one more good deed, he would had been saved." And Abraham said, "We will say a prayer for this soul perhaps God will save it!" And the Arhistratig said "Amen! so shall it be!" And they both prayed, and God listened to them and saved this soul. And Abraham said "I pray thee, Arhistratig, tell me where is the soul?" And the angel answered, "It hath been saved, in answer to the prayer of thy holiness! "
35. And Abraham said, "Oh, Arhistratig, let us entreat God for the sins of those whom I cursed before! " And the Arhistratig listened to him, and they prayed for a long time, until there came a voice from heaven, saying, "Abraham! I have heard thy prayer for those whom it appeared to thee that I destroyed. But I have saved them, and have preserved them alive. At the last judgment I will separate them. For, even if I destroy some on earth, I do not deliver any one entirely to death; I wish that they may repent and live." |218
36. And the Lord said to the Arhistratig, "My servant! Turn the chariot, and take him back to his dwelling, for the end of his life is approaching, and he must put his house in order." And the Arhistratig turned the chariot of clouds and brought him back to his house. And Abraham went and sat on his bed.
37. And Sarah, the wife of Abraham, came and knelt at the angel's feet, and kissed them, and wept and thanked him, saying, "I thank thee, that thou hast brought back my lord, for it seemed to me, that he had withdrawn himself from our midst." And Isaac came and embraced his father; the servants also came and surrounded Abraham, thanking and blessing God.
38. And the Arhistratig said to Abraham, "Set thy house in order, and settle all with thy servants which concerns them; for thy last day draws near, when thy soul will depart from thy body; because the Lord has ordered it so, and He is just." And Abraham replied to the Arhistratig, "I will not obey thee!" |219
39. When the Arhistratig heard these words, he ascended at once to heaven, stood before the Lord, and said, "Lord! Sustainer of all! I fulfilled Thy will, and Thy friend Abraham has seen all the earth and the heaven, and whilst still living he beheld the Judgment from the chariot of clouds, and yet he says that he will not obey me. I would willingly give him time, because he has done so much good on the earth that no man is like unto him; he is like an immortal king, and he is worthy of immortality. Oh Lord! what dost Thou command?"
40. And the Lord said, "Call Death hither!" And the Arhistratig Mihail went to Death, and said, "Go, for the Immortal King calls thee." "When Death heard this, he trembled and ground his teeth, and went to the Mighty Lord, and stood before Him with much fear and trembling.
41. And the Lord said unto Death, "Go and disguise thy fearful face and thy countenance, and clothe thyself with gentleness and beauty and splendour; and go to My friend |220 Abraham and receive his soul and bring it to Me; and thou shalt not frighten him, but take it away in all tenderness." When Death heard this, he went away from the presence of the Lord, and changed his fearful countenance, and became gentle and luminous, and of great beauty.
42. And Abraham sat under a sweet smelling tree, resting his hand on his knees, awaiting hopefully the return of the Arhistratig Mihail. And he noticed the approach of a worthy and fine-looking man, and it appeared to him that it was the Arhistratig. And the angel beheld him, and bowed to him, and said, "Rejoice, venerable Abraham, just soul, friend of the Lord, like unto the angels!" And Abraham replied, "Rejoice, shining light, luminous man! From whence has this resplendent man come? "
43. And Death answered, "I tell thee the truth. I am the poison of death!" And Abraham said, "Art thou the cup which poisonest? And art thou he who takest away the life of man and the beauty of woman? Art thou the poison |221 of death?" And Death replied, "I am the poisoned cup of death; and I speak unto thee the truth, for thus has the Lord commanded me."
44. And Abraham said, "Why hast thou come hither? " Death replied, "I have come for thy righteous soul." And Abraham said, "I understand! But, I do not wish to die!" And Death was silent, for he would not give any further answer.
45. And Abraham arose and went in and seated himself on his bed. And Death seated himself also on the bed, at the feet of Abraham. And Abraham said, "Depart from me, for I would rest." And Death replied, "I shall not depart from thee until I have taken thy soul." And Abraham said, "Fulfil my wish: show me the bitterness of thy poison when thou takest the souls of mankind." And Death replied, "Thou could'st not in any case bear to see my fearful countenance." And Abraham said, "I will see it; in the Name of the Lord, for He is with me."
46. Then Death cast off all his beauty, and he assumed a fierce and murderous and all-consuming expression, like unto |222 the wild beasts; and (he assumed) a dragon's head with seven faces, and his countenance was as seventeen fiery faces; and he became like unto a fierce and dreadful lion and like a poisonous snake, and he had a mane like a lion, and he was like a thunderbolt, and like the waves of the sea, and like the stream of a rapid torrent, and like a very wild dragon with three wings. And from the fear of Death, seven thousand boys and girls died, and even Abraham the just was in danger of his life.
47. All this Abraham saw, and he said to Death, "I pray thee, poisonous Death, hide thy fearful countenance, and appear in thy former beauty." And Death resumed his former beauty. And Abraham said, "What hast thou done to kill so many souls? Hast thou been sent to kill them also? " And Death replied, "No, my lord! I was sent only on thy account."
48. Abraham said, "Indeed? How could'st thou kill them when the Lord did not command thee to do it?" |223 And Death answered, "Believe me, my lord, it is a wonder thou did'st not die with them. But I swear to thee in very truth, that I have in this hour the power of killing thee, and thy strength, will not avail thee. Therefore put in order all that thou wishest to arrange."
49. And Abraham said, "I acknowledge now that the weakness of death is upon me. and my soul grows faint. But, I pray thee, oh poisonous Death to tell me, why hast thou killed so many boys and girls? Let us now both entreat the Lord to restore these boys and girls to life, and perchance He may listen to us." And Death said, "Amen! so may it be." And Abraham arose and threw himself on the ground on his face, and Death also cast himself on the ground; and they both prayed to God for a long time. And God sent the spirit of life unto the dead, and they were restored to life again.
50. And Abraham returned thanks unto God, and went to his bed. Death also went to the bed. And Abraham said to Death, "Depart from me; I would rest, for soon thou wilt take away my soul." And Death replied, "I will not leave |224 thee, until I shall have taken thy soul." And the patriarch Abraham became cross with him, and spoke angry words, and said unto Death, "Who has sent thee to me? Dost thou really believe that I will die?" And Abraham repeated again, "I will not follow thee."
51. And Death said, "Listen to me, oh, just Abraham! In seven epochs I shall destroy the whole world, and I shall cause all human beings and kings to go down into the earth, and to descend into hell; the kings, princes, rich and poor, old and young. Therefore I have shown thee the seven heads of a lion and the fiery faces, so that thou mayest arrange thy property and leave everything in order."
52. And Abraham said, "Depart from me, for I will see, if having the favour of God, I must still die, as thou doest demand of me!" And Death said, "I tell thee the truth, by God, there are seventy-two kinds of death, and I mow whomsoever I like; put therefore away thy doubts, oh just Abraham, and obey me, according to the will of the Universal Judge!" And Abraham said, "Depart from me for a while, |225 so that I may rest for a time on my bed; for I have lost, all strength since mine eyes have beheld thee; all parts of my body are weak, my head is heavy as lead, and my spirit is trembling within me, so that I can no longer see thy face."
53. And Isaac came and cried bitterly; and all the servants gathered him and cried bitterly. And Abraham arose and set free all his servants and his maids. And he called his beloved son Isaac, and kissed him tenderly, and blessed him with the father's blessing. And he blessed his wife Sarah, and he took leave of her and of all.
54. And the hour of his death approached; and Death said to Abraham, "Come and kiss my right hand, so that thou mayest revive for a while." And Abraham was deceived, and kissed the hand of Death. But Death, when he gave him his hand, gave him also the cup with the poison of death. And at the same moment the Arhistratig Mihail and numberless angels came and received in their holy hands the pure and holy soul, and brought into the holy hands of the Lord's. |226
55. But the body was enveloped in clean and pure linen, and they sprinkled him with heavenly perfumes, and buried him with many heavenly songs. And all wept and lamented greatly. Isaac his beloved son, and Sarah, the mother of Isaac, and his servants, and his maids, and all his neighbours lamented for him, because they had lost their good and blessed father Abraham.
56. And they buried him in "Dria the black," with many hymns and with great honour. And they heard the voice of the Lord saying from heaven, "Take My friend Abraham and lead him into the paradise of joy, the abode of all the righteous; and to the eternal life, which is everlasting and without end."
* * * * * *
There follows here a short "moralizatio," which has no bearing on the text itself, and which I therefore omit.
[Romanian text omitted. A few footnotes follow]
1. 1 E. Schürer, "Geschichte des jüd. Volkes im Zeitalter Christi," II, p. 688, Leipzig, 1886.
2. 2 Published by Prof. B. P. Hasdeu, Cuvente den batrani. II, Bucuresti 1880, pp. 189-194.
3. 3 Tihonravov, Pamjatniki otrechennoj russkoj literatury. I, St. Petersburg, 1863, pp. 79-90.
4. 1 Cf. Fabricius, Codex pseudepigraphicus Vet. Test. I, pp. 417-118, and, M. Gaster, Literatura populara romana, Bucuresti, 1883, pp. 311-317.
5. 2 Ed. Tischendorf, Apocalypses Apocryphae, p. 34, seq.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: apocalypse_of_daniel_coptic_02_text.htm
The Coptic Apocalypse of Daniel, Revue de l'Histoire des Religions 33 (1896) pp.165-176.
The Coptic Apocalypse of Daniel, Revue de l'Histoire des Religions 33 (1896) pp.165-176.
There are at least nine texts calling themselves the "Apocalypse of Daniel." This text, written in Coptic, dates from the crusader period, a little after 1187 AD, and is extant in Ms. Paris, BNF copte. 58. It was published by Woide, Appendix ad editionem N. T. graeci e codici Alexandrino, Oxford, 1799, and translated into French by Frédéric Macler in 1896. The journal is online here, although non-US viewers must currently use an anonymizer in order to access it.
In the manuscript which transmits the text to us, the book of Daniel appears, divided into thirteen "visions." It is then followed by this text, called the "Fourteenth vision."
The translation that follows has no scholarly value; it is a translation of Macler's French version, with a short selection of his notes. But I hope that it will make this text more accessible.
Roger Pearse
April 2009
THE FOURTEENTH VISION OF DANIEL
[Translated by Frédéric Macler]
1. In the third year of Cyrus the Persian, who captured Babylon, a word was revealed to Daniel, whose name is Balthasar 1. This word is true. I, Daniel, fasted for twenty one days until the evening; I had not eaten meat, I had not drunk wine, I had not anointed myself with oil.
2. It happened, as I was on the bank of the Tigris, that this was revealed to me; I looked; and the four winds of heaven were blowing towards the great sea.
3. I saw four very frightening animals rising from the river.
4. The first animal resembled a bear, having wings like an eagle. I saw as I waited that it flew with its wings; a human heart was given to it and it stood on its feet.
5. The second animal resembled human flesh; excessively horrible, it stood to one side. I watched until three quarters of its face were broken and the fourth quarter remained firm. I looked at it until its teeth were torn out of its mouth.
6. The third animal resembled a panther; it had wings, four heads, devouring with speed and scattering what remained.
7. The fourth animal which I saw resembled a lion, an animal much more terrible than all the animals which had been before it. Power and great force were given to it; its hands were of iron, its nails of bronze; devouring, chewing, crushing with its feet what remained. I saw ten horns which came out from its head: I saw also another small horn, which came out beside these ten horns. And great power and a remarkable form were given to it. I saw four different (horns) which arose on its left, then four others which arose after all these; each of them was different from the others, and, between them all, they made nineteen (horns). 2
8. And I heard a voice which said to me: "Daniel, do you understand what you saw?" But I said: "How can I understand, if nobody guides me?"
9. I looked and I saw an angel of God standing on my right. Its wings were extremely bright. I was afraid and I fell to the ground. The angel seized me, made me stand on my feet and said to me: "Stand on your feet, so that I can proclaim to you what will happen in the last days.
10. The four animals which you saw are four kingdoms. The animal that you saw, similar to a bear, is the king of Persia. He will possess the land for five hundred fifty-five (555) years. Then he will perish with his kingdom; he will not be powerful for always. 3
11. The second animal that you saw, similar to human flesh, it is the king of the Romans: he will seize the land as if by iron; he will extend himself over it; he will dominate by his armies as far as the land of the Ethiopians, and he will reign over it nine hundred and eleven years. But he will not possess the capital of the kingdom, until many days are completed. 4
12. The third animal which you saw, who resembled a panther, it is the king of the Greeks. He will reign over it for a thousand years and thirty days; but his reign will not last.5
13. The fourth animal which you saw, who resembles a lion, is the king of the sons of Ishmael. He will reign for a long time over the land and will be very powerful during many days. This realm will be of the race of Abraham and of the slave of Sara, the wife of Abraham. All the cities of the Persians, the Romans and the Greeks will be destroyed; nineteen kings of this race among the sons of Ishmael will reign over the land; they will reign until the time of their end 6.
14. The tenth of their kings will be like a prophet, the number of his name is 399. He will practise justice, will give bread to the famished, clothing to those which are naked. He will free those who are slaves. His mercy will spread over the whole land, and his justice up to heaven. 7
15. The eleventh of their kings will practise iniquity over all the land; he will ruin the old works. He will persecute those which are on the land, so that nobody is found who lives there or remains there. All men will groan for forty-two months. If the God of heaven treats him with indulgence, his reign will last forty months. 8
16. The reign of the twelfth of their kings will consequently be strengthened by the judgements of his mouth. He will carry out malicious actions in the land, so much that men will be astonished by what he did. There will be many wars during his reign. At the end of the time, a king will thoroughly disturb the kingdom of Ismaelites for one hundred and forty-seven years. In the hundred and tenth year of his reign, he will have a war with the Ethiopians. The Ismaelites will reign over them, until they have despoiled the city of the kingdom, which is Souban. They will send messengers to ask for peace; they will give them money and gold in great quantity, a tribute will be paid to them in Ethiopia 9.
17. The thirteenth of them will not live in this kingdom at all, and they will not fear him. His reign will be of a few days. 10
18. The fourteenth of their kings will receive gold and money in great quantity and he will judge the land with equity. He will engage in war with Lower Egypt, so that Egypt is in sorrow and groaning. The Ethiopians will not be subjected at all to him, they will not pay him tribute. In those days there will be war in the land of the Romans. The Ethiopians will make war with the southernmost regions of Egypt; they will plunder the boroughs and all the cities of lower Egypt, until they arrive at the town of Cleopatra that she built herself in Upper Egypt, which city is Schmoun. After these things, the king of Syria will learn of it, he will fear the end because the war is approaching him. In the end, his reign will be established and he will enjoy a happy existence. 11
19. Then a child will arise among the Israelites will rise; this is the fifteenth of their kings. In his heart, he will be hard like iron; he will extend his sword to the Romans; his right hand will be on the Ethiopians. His face will be double (=cheating) and his language will be double (=crafty). During the days of his reign, there will be a great disorder over all the land, and his word will be violent like fire. The Ethiopians will bring gifts of gold to him, of silver, of pearls, and he will impose his work on everyone. He will make several nations captive in order to conscript them; throughout all his reign, there will not be enough bread; there will be no peace as long as he will reign, and in his time carnage will be frequent.12
20. As for the sixteenth of their kings, there will be no war in his kingdom, and he himself will not fight with anybody, and he will be granted a long time (which he will spend) in peace, and his reign will pass in uprightness. 13
21. As regards the seventeenth of their kings, a war will break out between him and his nation; it is him whose name makes the number 666. He will elevate from his nation a man who will make war for him; he will pursue him as far as Egypt with the riches of its kingdom. He will neglect his nation and its great people and will scatter riches in public places and highways. While moving in lower Egypt with his riches, he will go into Upper Egypt on the side of the North, with the intention to plunder Souban, the city of the Ethiopians, with the remainder of its riches. But a man of his own nation will kill him in the southernmost regions of lower Egypt, and will take what remains to him of his riches.14
22. The eighteenth of their kings, at the beginning of his reign, will work great evils, for one thousand, two hundred and sixty days. He will wage war in the western countries, and he will gain the victory until the day of his death 15.
23. Then among them a child will arise, who is his son. This one is the nineteenth of their kings. He will be the child of a double race, because his father is an Israelite, his mother is Roman 16. There will be war in Egypt and Syria for twenty one months. Their swords will fall on themselves in this war. This is the king whose name makes the number 666; he will be called by these three names: Mametios, Khalle and Sarapidos. Being a child, he will reign in order to do much evil. He will order all the Jews which are in all places to gather in Jerusalem.
All the land will be disturbed during his reign, until any man can be sold for a single dinar. He is without decency and he will forget the fear of God. He will not remember the law of Ishmael his father, nor of his mother, who is Roman; he will be arrogant, continuously drunk; he will make a great number of those who eat at his table die by poisoned beverages, and in these days there will be great devastations. He will free Syria and the territory of Jews, and will torment the East and Egypt. He will establish carriers of letters in Egypt. Two and three times in only one year, the East will be against itself in this reign which will be the nineteeth. He will seek neither justice, nor truth, but he will seek gold all the time. He will establish managers in the regions of Africa, and a great quantity of soldiers. War will break out between him and them; they will destroy the multitude which is with him; he will be established in the regions of Africa, with what will remain of his troops, for several years, and he will not overcome it (Africa). Then a foreign nation will rise against him; it is called Pitourgos (the Turk); it will make war on him. Sarapidos will dominate over many Romans, over Pentapolis 17, over the Medes; from them all he will take a tribute, will command their cities and will plunder the city which he built, and regions that his father had gathered. 18.
The Turk will prepare for war to remove the kingdom from the hands of Sarapidos; hitherto Sarapidos remained at home. He was looking for spoils, because Sarapidos had great riches before his eyes, gold, silver, all kinds of precious stones, and desirable utensils of every kind. But it will be proclaimed to him that the Turk has made himself Master of all Syria and his borders, and he will go out in great disorder with all his troops; he will leave all the water-skins, will not carry anything with him; but he will have a heart of an animal, reflecting and knowing not what to do. Then, when he flees, going up Egypt, the Turk will precede him with his troops. They will both land with their troops, they will fight until blood runs in floods. The Turk is of Roman race. There will be war at Eschmoun the city, until the water of the river is changed into blood because of the great quantity of those wounded to death. No-one will be able to drink the water any more. Many men will die by the sword, uncountable. Those who remain will plunder their own country from where they left. The Turk will make Sarapidos perish, in order to remove his kingdom from him, for fear he will not obtain the kingdom of the Ishmaelites; but this is here the end of their number.
24. Then the king of the Romans will rise up against them, he will destroy them by the edge of the sword in the middle of the Ishmaelites in the territory of their fathers in the desert. The Ishmaelites will be governed always by the Romans; the Romans will dominate over Egypt for forty years. 19
25. Then two nations will rise, by the name of Gog and Magog; they will shake the ground for several days; their number is as great as the grains of sand.20
26. Then Antichrist will appear who will deceive many of them. When he is strengthened, he will seduce even the elect. He will kill the two prophets Enoch and Elias, so that for three and a half days they will be dead in the public places of the great town of Jerusalem.
27. Then the Ancient of Days will bring them back to life. It is He whom I see coming with the clouds from Heaven, similar to a son of man. His power is an eternal power and His reign will have no end. It is he which will put Antichrist to death and all the multitude which is with him. There will be misfortune then in truth to any soul who will live in that time over all the land, because there will be iniquity, a great affliction and groanings; but the salvation of man is between the hands of God in Heaven. This is the end of the speech."
28. The angel said to me: "Daniel, Daniel, conceal these discourses, seal them up until the time when they will be fulfilled, because that is the end of all." I, Daniel, I arose, I put a seal to the discourse, and sealed them. I will glorify God, the father of all things and the lord of the universe, He who knows the dates and times. To him be glory and power forever. Amen.
[Condensed footnotes]
1. This name of Balthasar is indifferently given to Daniel and to the last king of Babylon. In the Hebrew text, they are distinct one from the other. The king is named Belshazar and Daniel Belteshazar; the LXX caused confusion by rendering these two words as Belthasar (cf. Dan., i, 7, et v, i).
2. The nineteen horns undoubtedly denote the nineteen kings of the race of the sons of Ishmael, i.e. the fourteen Fatimids, plus a dynasty of five kings, either Tulunids, or Ikhshidids. In the Syriac Apocalypse of Esdras (Revue sémitique, t. II, p. 334 and 335), the animal, a snake, has successively twelve horns on the head, nine on the tail, a large horn on the tail, which raises two small horns with its point; and the author takes care to refer the reader to the revelation of God touching the nine horns (cf. IV Esdras, xii, 11).
3. None of the dates given in our Apocalypse are exact; they are pure imagination. The domination of the Persians in Egypt lasted from Cambyses to the death of Darius II, to 330, or better until 332, when Alexander seized Egypt, from 532 to 330, or a hundred and ninety years, and not 555.
4. In 30 BC Octavius reduced Egypt to a Roman province; in 22 AD the Romans ventured to Ethiopia and pushed back an invasion by Candace of Ethiopia. After the transfer of the capital, from Rome to Constantinople, Egypt became dependent on the latter, which makes this figure 911 years absurd.
5. Byzantine rule in Egypt may be considered to have lasted from around 312 AD, under Constantine, until the capture of Alexandria by Amrou in 641 AD.
6. As we said in connection with the nineteen horns, this must represent the fourteen Fatimid caliphs, and probably the five Ikhshids. The expression "the land" must mean the land of Egypt and not over the whole world; the article "the" indicates the difference.
7. This tenth king must be the son of Moezz, i.e. Nazar ben-Maad Abu-l Mansour, named el-Aziz-Billah ("powerful in God"); his reign of twenty one years and six months was quiet; he married a Christian girl who had much influence on him. See J. J. Marcel, Egypte moderne, p. 103.
8. The cruelty, madness and pride of El-Hakem are well-known. He pretended to be God, inscribed on a register the name of his adherents, and ordered Cairo to be burned; part of the city was the prey of the flames, the other part was delivered to a most disastrous plundering by the soldiers of Hakem. As for the duration of his reign, this pure imagination. The author borrows this number forty-two from Revelation 11:2. Hakem perished, assassinated on the order of his sister; although his mother was a Christian, he cruelly maltreated the Christians and the Jews.
9. Who is this king who reigned at least a hundred and ten years and who had many wars during his reign? It is necessary to see here, either an error of the copyist, or an intention of the author to divert the reader. Daher, the successor of Hakem, assassinated the murderers of his father, and made a campaign in Syria.
The town of Souban seems to us to be Aswan or Syene, at the southern end of Upper Egypt. The Coptic orthography of this word authorizes this identification, the Coptic word being Soouan, and in Coptic the b is equivalent to the letter w in the pronunciation. Egypt often made war on Ethiopia and plundered Aswan; reciprocal attacks also took place and the king of Nubia often descended on Upper Egypt (cf J.-J. Marcel, p. 69).
10. The thirteenth king should be Mostanser, but something is wrong here. The events of the 12th and 13th kings should be swapped. The 13th was Mostanser, who was the son of a Negro slave. He ascended the throne at the age of seven, and reigned for sixty years, one of the longest reigns by any Caliph. There were numerous wars in his reign. He was idle, cruel and irresolute. Bedr-el-Gamaly, governor of Egypt, gathered the army and made war at the extreme end of Upper Egypt ("Ethiopia"), but was obliged to return suddenly to face a Turcoman incursion by the emir Atziz, who encamped before the walls of Cairo.
11. This reign must be that of Mostaly, whose vizir Chahyn-Shah-el-Afdal was always victorious, and ensured the caliph peace and glory. It is in this reign that the first crusade took place, and the victorious march of the cross through Syria.
12. Amr, son of Mostaaly, ascended the throne at the age of five and reigned thirty; he was initially under the excellent influence of visir El-Afdal, then wearied of this dependence and arranged for his assassination. In the reign of Amr, the Christian kings of Jerusalem seized Acre, Tripoli, Sidon: the count of Saint-Gilles marched against Akkah (St. John of Acre), then governed in the name of the caliph of Egypt; he put to seige, which was long. Amr sent reinforcements (extended his sword to the Romans = Roumis = Franks); the Franks seized the city and were without pity for the inhabitants. In 1117, Baudouin I, successor of Godefroy de Bouillon, invaded Egypt as far as Faramah, in the east of old Pelusium. In 1118, the Franks seized Tyre, which depended then on the caliphs of Egypt. There were continual wars under the reign of Amr.
13. Hafed was proclaimed caliph and chose Ahmed as his vizier, who was remarkable for his integrity and his zeal. His virtues attracted the hatred of the courtiers who assassinated him; the successor of Ahmed, who had wanted to follow his policies, met the same fate. The last vizier, Baharam, a wise and skilful Christian was also assassinated. Then Hafed governed by himself and made himself popular by his wisdom and moderation.
14. El-Dhafer, son and successor of Hafed, ascended the throne aged seventeen. He lived only for his pleasures and neglected his kingdom. In his time Badouin captured Ascalon. The Moslems of Sicily revolted, landed in Egypt, burned the town of Tennys and returned loaded with captives and booty. Dhafer abused the young son of his Vizir Abbas; the latter to revenge the honour of himself and his son, poisoned the Caliph and seized the treasures in his palace.
15. The chronicles say little about the reign of Payez, which ascended the throne at the age of five became insane - the number thousand two hundred and sixty days is borrowed from Revelation 11:3.
16. The author must confuse him with Hakem, whose mother was a Christian.
17. The Pentapolis of Libya: Cyrene, Berenice, Arsinoe, Apollonia and Ptolemais.
18. It is useless to go into much detail (the details to show that this last king closes also the list of the Fatimid caliphs. Adhed ascended the throne very young; he was not the son of his predecessor, but the grandson of the caliph Hafed. In his reign took place of the frequent wars in Egypt and Syria; it is enough to point out the names of Nour-ed-din, etc. The three names which the author of our Apocalypse gives him are imaginary. We think that it is necessary to render Pitourgos by "the Turk" and that this word is used to indicate Saladin.
19. This means the crusaders, but the forty years date does not reflect history. The crusaders occupied part of Egypt twice; at Damietta from 1219 to 1221, and during the crusade led by St. Louis (1249-50).
20. This invasion of Gog and Magog is a reference to Ezechiel 38-39. However it is possible that this may refer to a contemporary historical fact. This was the time of the great movement of the Mongol hordes and the the immense shock caused to the whole world by the formidable invasion of Genghis-Khan (1164-1227), continued by his son Octai (1227), and his grandson Houlagou (1251).
This text was translated from the French by Roger Pearse, 2009. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: apocalypse_of_samuel_of_kalamoun_01_eintro.htm
The Apocalypse of Samuel of Kalamoun, Revue de l'Orient Chrétien 20 (1915-17), pp. 374-407. Introduction
The Apocalypse of Samuel of Kalamoun, Revue de l'Orient Chrétien 20 (1915-17), pp. 374-407. Introduction
The Apocalypse of Samuel of Kalamoun is a very interesting text originally composed in Coptic in the 10th century but now only extant in Arabic. It bewails the destruction of Coptic culture by Arabic and the Islamization of the Copts.
The text was edited by the Maronite priest J. Ziadeh in 1917, with a French translation. I have run his translation into English, and corrected the result against three papers (noted at the end of the translation) which include partial translations into English of the text. In some places these disagree with Ziadeh on matters of interpretation; I have indicated these at the end of the translation, and followed them once or twice. This is translation from French has no scholarly value, of course, but rather an attempt to make this text much better known in the English-speaking world.
I attach below translations of the introduction by Ziadeh, and then the opening page of a note by François Nau (the other two pages being inaccessible to me).
APOCALYPSE OF SAMUEL, SUPERIOR OF DEIR-EL-QALAMOUN.
ARABIC TEXT PUBLISHED AND TRANSLATED INTO FRENCH BY J. ZIADEH, MARONITE PRIEST.
Mr Graffin and the Abbé Nau have had the kindness to place in my hands the Arabic text of the Apocalypse of Samuel, the superior of Deir-El-Qalamoun. This apocalypse is contained in the Arabic manuscript of Paris, No 150, fol. 20-31, paginated in Coptic numerals, which indicates its Egyptian origin; it is dated from year 1322 of the Martyrs (1606 of our era). The same manuscript contains the letter of Pisuntios, published and translated by A. Périer, ROC, XIX (1914), p. 69, and the dormition of the Virgin, translated by Mr. the abbé L. Leroy, ibid., t. XV (1910), p. 162.
Samuel is celebrated by the Copts on the 8 Kihak (December 4). He was from Tkyllo (Daklouba), in the diocese of Medjel in Egypt, was a monk at Scete and ordained priest of the church of Abou-Macaria, in the th century. When the letter of St. Leo arrived in the desert, Samuel was one of the most ardent to tear it up and hurl an anathema on him; he became superior of the monastery of El-Qalamoun. See Patr. or., t. III, p. 405-408. The Ethiopian texts relating to Samuel were studied by Mr. F. M. E. Pereira, Vida do Abba Samuel, Lisbonne, 1894.
The present Apocalypse of Samuel, like the manuscript which contains it, is thus of Egyptian origin, as we can also see by the subject itself, the names of the places and the characters as well as by the details and the circumstances of the account. {p.375} Moreover, it is of Eutychian inspiration.
The language in which it is written does not belong to standard Arabic; it represents a particular dialect in which the rules of agreement are not observed, especially for the relative pronouns, which are not always in harmony with the gender and the number of their antecedents, as they should be.
In this edition we have tried to reproduce the text such as it is, but restoring however the diacritic points, which are often missing or badly placed, rendering reading the manuscript very difficult. When we met a word which was faded or too incorrect, we have given the exact form of it between brackets.
In the translation, we have endeavoured to follow the text very closely, while trying sometimes to contribute more clarity and precision. There can be no question of conciseness, because it seems repugnant to the talent of the author and even the nature of the text. One must be resigned to here encounter a portions which tediously long and repetitive.
Where we have deviated from giving a word for word translation, we have noted it in brackets. As the use of the conjunctive particles @ and @ is sometimes abusive and abnormal, we have allowed ourselves the liberty to follow the idea rather than the letter in certain places.
These limitations aside, we can say that we have presented to the reader a literal translation, that we have tried to remain clear and correct despite the defects of composition and style. These defects are such that we have been unable, during this work, to avoid admiring the patience of the listener and the transcriber of similar speeches. Such as it is, however, this text constitutes no less an extremely interesting document.
J. Ziadeh.
{p. 405}
NOTE ON THE APOCALYPSE OF SAMUEL
(By F. Nau, pp. 405-7)
The work consists of two parts: a sermon (fol. 20 - 28r) an an apocalypse (fol. 28 to 30). The purpose of the sermon is to condemn all relationship with the Moslems and especially the use of the Arabic language (fol. 21-23-25, 28r), to give moral regulations (fol. 25r-26) which often begin like those of Ammonas (Patr. or., t. XI, p. 458-471) by the words "Be on guard" (there is however no textual dependence). Devotion to the Blessed Virgin, in the church of the monastery where she appeared several times to Samuel, is also recommended at length (fol. 27-28).
After that (fol. 28r), Gregory, bishop of El-Qais (or Kais), questions Samuel about the end times.
So we have a writing composed in Coptic at the monastery of Qalamoun (or Kalamoun). None who have seen their language supplanted by that of conquerors, and especially the friends of Coptic, will be able to read without emotion the sentences on "the language of the ancestors", "the beautiful Coptic language in which the Holy Spirit was often expressed by the mouth of the Spiritual fathers"; "the disappearance of the biographies of the saints", the abandonment "of the names of the saints to give foreign names to the children", the wronging of "those which are famous for their books, those whose Coptic language placed in their mouth the sweetness of honey and spread around them like the odour of perfumes because of their beautiful pronunciation of the Coptic language, and who gave up their language for Arabic."
This sermon is thus old, because Coptic was quickly supplanted. Gregory, bishop of Kais, is mentioned in the history of the Patriarchs of Alexandria under five successive patriarchs who controlled the Jacobite church from 661 to 730, cf. Patr. or., t. V, p. 9, 20, 22, 42, 49; the writing is thus placed at the beginning of the th century.
We may note the epithet given to Juvenal (Ioubenalios is written ouquialinos); Moukaukas, who is Cyrus, the Melkite patriarch of Alexandria (cf. Patr.or., I, 491), here named Kaleyrros: the name which corresponds to number 666 of Apocalypse, xiii, 18. is here Lasmarisu instead of Mamentios (Mamadanos in Pisentius), cf. R. Griveau, in ROC., t. XIX (1914), p. 442. The apocalypse is related to that of Pisentius and to the source of this one: pseudo-Methodius; for example: "the king of the Greeks, in great fury, will come on the coast to block it", fol. 29r Journal asiatique, May-June 1917: [greek] {p.406}, p.456, 459. Al-Hefar is perhaps Gephura, ibid., p.459, note 4, at least related to Theoer, derived from Iathreb, ibid., 460, n.1. -- "The town of the Egyptians named Babylon" is Babel (Journal asiatique p. 437), a name given to Cairo -- "The king of Abyssinia shall marry the daughter of the king of the Greeks", fol. 29v; it is the opposite in ps.Methodius, which subordinates all the empires to Abyssinia, p. 447. The peace and tranquillity shall last for 40 years, in the Arabic (fol. 29v) and 208 years in the Greek, p.437, cf. p.460. The arrival of the Huns is summarised in 4 lines in the Arabic; they soil the earth for only 5 months; in ps.Methodius (JA, loc.cit., p.438-440), they rule for 2 years and 8 months. According to the Arabic, the king of the Greeks shall rule at Jerusalem for 1 year and 6 months (fol. 29r) and according to ps.Methodius, for a week and a half (a week of years), p.440, note 6, cf. p. 434. -- The 10 Greek kings who shall march with antiChrist correspond to the 10 horns mentions in Daniel, 7:7, cf. JA, loc. cit., p.461. See also the letter of Pisuntios, ROC, t. XIX (1914), p.316-323.
The sign according to which children shall speak three months after they are born, fol. 29v, may be found in the Testamentum D.N.J.C. See our translation in the Octateuque de Clement, Paris, 1913, p.21, line 5.
The author informs us at the end that he did not write the statements which Samuel kept secret with the bishop Anba Gregorius, because he was forbidden to do so. One may ask whether this refusal was not lifted later, and if this may not be the origin of the small apocalypse named Gorgorios (Gregory), of which M. J. Halevy has edited the Ethiopian version (Les commandements du sabbat, p. 210-219, Paris, 1902, Bibl. de l'Ecole des Hautes-Etudes, fasc. 137), and of which there are still some Arabic manuscripts.
Let us add that the apocalypse of Samuel was announced in his life (Patrologia Orientalis III, 408) where it is said, "that he will prophesy the coming of the nation of the Arabs"; and that the monastery of Qalamoun (Kalamoun) is described at length by Al-Makrizi, ROC t. XIII (1908), p. 44. Makrizi made Samuel live before the hegira.
We believe that we have shown, in this short note, that the work of M. Ziadeh is very interesting, first because it is the translation of a coptic document of the th century of which some fragments may have been found in the Fayoum, and also because it makes known to us the attitude of the patriotic jacobite copts towards the Arabic language (1); it is very important as a new link in the tradition of apocrypha belonging to ps. Methodius. I do not refer to the menial details of history from the jacobite perspective, but many will perhaps find that the most interesting is that of which I have not spoken, i.e. the very vivid image of the vexations of the Moslems (2), of some {p.407} coptic customs (3), and of some abuses which were introduced among the Jacobites of Egypt.
1. Fol. 22v: "Do you think that there is for the heart a sadness greater than to see the Christians abandonning their sweet language to glorify that of the Arabs, as well as their names?"
2. At the beginning of the hegira the Moslems found among the Jacobites precious auxiliaries, determined to revenge themselves upon the Greeks, but their alliance lasted only briefly; just so long as the stronger had need of the weaker. We have highlighted these episodes in "Un colloque du patriarche jacobite Jean avec l'emir des Agareens" (A dialogue of the Jacobite patriarch John with the emir of the Hagarians), Journal Asiatique, March-April, 1915, p.225-279.
3. For instance, fol. 21v, those who arrive late for the mass are informed of the chapter read in the evangelary, and read it by themselves; fol. 23v, the end of June marked by the sun; fol. 27, the cult of the Holy Virgin at the monastery of Kalamoun.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2009. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: apocalypse_of_samuel_of_kalamoun_02_trans.htm
The Apocalypse of Samuel of Kalamoun, Revue de l'Orient Chrétien 20 (1915-17), pp. 374-407. Translation
The Apocalypse of Samuel of Kalamoun, Revue de l'Orient Chrétien 20 (1915-17), pp. 374-407. Translation
APOCALYPSE OF SAMUEL, SUPERIOR OF DEIR-EL-QALAMOUN.
[Translated in French by J. Ziadeh]
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{p. 392}
(f. 20 r.) The Apocalypse of Samuel, the superior of Deir-el-Qalamoun.1
In the name of the Father and of the Son and the Holy Spirit, one God only; glory to Him. Amen. With the help of God, may He be blessed, we will begin to write a discourse of our holy father Anbâ Samuel, superior of Deir-el-Qalamoun. — May his prayer be with us! — Amen.
He gave in this (discourse) some accounts of the events which will take place in the land of Egypt under the reign of the Arab hegira. Gregorius, bishop of El-Qais, who had come to visit him and obtain the cure of a disease which he had, the bishop himself, assisted in this discourse. As for Apollo, the disciple of the holy father Anba Samuel, he awaits a great profit from this discourse for he who will read it, will observe it and do what is written there. When the Arab emigrants had seized Egypt, they were very few: but they multiplied their benefits towards the Christian people. At this point in time our brothers the monks started to discuss this subject with the father Anbâ Samuel, asking him whether their domination on the land of Egypt would be prolonged for a long time or not. And the saint, in the presence of the bishop, gave a sigh from the bottom of his heart and said: "Blessed be God, who has established the eras in fixing a limit for them, who exalts a nation and lowers another, who dethrones and raises kings. Do not believe, my beloved children, that this nation is agreeable to the eyes of God because He has delivered this land into their hands; because the wisdom of God is unsearchable for humans and there is no-one who can know the works of the Creator nor the end of the times but Him alone. — I tell you, my children, of the many evils that the heretics {p. 393} have committed against the Orthodox in the time of father Dioscorus 2, and which they still do nowadays, and of those which they did against our father Dioscorus himself: they exiled him to remote islands.
(f. 20 v.) Irotarius sat down on his [patriarchal] seat while he was living and he did many injustices against the Christians, deporting the bishops, organising to massacre the Orthodox and demolish the monasteries. "As for Ouquiliânos, the false monk" [lit. whose tonsure is false], I keep silent myself about this, because I cannot report and describe the ill deeds which he did within Jerusalem neither his massacres of the Orthodox, nor to describe either what this harmful man did [lit. this harmful form] whom we should not name, Kabeyros el-Mouqaouqiz, iniquitous in his actions, he, who oppressed the Orthodox, who drove them out from one place to another, putting all his application to pursue the father Benjamin: he sharpened his teeth against him and said: "I need to find the man with the big beard so that I can order that he is stoned!" This is why God heard the prayer of his elect who cried to him and sent to them, according to their request, this nation which seeks gold and not the religious profession.
For myself, I prefer silence, my dear children, and I do not want to describe to you what the Christians will suffer from the Arab emigrants during their reign. May God make it that you do not recall their name in the middle of us today, for this is an arrogant race whom we should not name in the assemblies of the saints. Ah! this name! that of the Arabs, and their domination, contrary to our laws! these haughty kings who will reign in their day! these sorrows which will affect future generations because they will act like them!
In truth, my children, the angel of the Lord has revealed to me hard times and sorrows without number to which this arrogant nation will subject the children of men.
(f. 21 r.) I do not want to speak about these Arabs nor of their reign, hard to bear, nor of the end of time, following what is written, "It is not given to you to know dates and times, because the Father has kept these things in his power alone 3." But I will tell you some details in the interest of your souls; and what I say to you will infallibly happen in future ages, when the commandments of God are abandoned. But any man of a vigilant soul will take care not to imitate the conduct of the Arabs and his soul will be saved.
Do you see, my children, this nation so small in number? They will multiply and become a very great people. Many other nations will join them, and they will multiply like the sands of the sea and like grasshoppers. Their power will be consolidated and they will extend their domination over several countries, to the East and the West. They will capture Jerusalem on several occasions. Many other peoples {p. 394} will mingle with them: Hebrews, Greeks, Edessans, inhabitants of Jordan, inhabitants of Amid, Chaldaeans, Persians, Berbers, those of Sind and India. They will increase their power very much and will be at peace with the Christians with a short time. After that, the Christians will be jealous of their way of life: they will eat and drink with them; they will play like them; following their example they will be dissipated and commit adultery. Like them, they will take concubines and will soil their bodies in contact with the women of the hegira, rebels and impure; they will lie down with males like them: they will steal, swear, and do injustice; they will hate each other and will deliver each other to merciless nations; much vain speech which should not be said will come out of their mouths. They will represent (f. 21 v.) the image of God, i.e. the man, in several ways: They will call some pigs, [others] dogs, [others] asses. In the same way also, Christian women will give up the good habits of decent women, to take the dress of blasphemy, to become useless, bad in their conduct, dissolute in their intentions. They also will say blasphemous words and from their mouths will go forth speech that nobody should utter; because they will blaspheme against God. They will even end up saying without fear: "I will act against the God who created me 4..."
Woe! twice woe! What can I say about these deeds, which will excite the anger of a perfect God? Without the mercy of God and the forbearance of his spirit, He would grant no more delay to the world. Truly, in those times, the Christians will be full of iniquity, idle towards the things of God, distracted by their business. In that time they will love to drink and eat; they will be devoted to pleasures more than to the love of God; they will attend the [meeting] places where one drinks and eats more than they will attend the church of God. They will be sitting in the streets, concerned about the things of the world, in no way concerned with the Church. It will not come to their minds [in the soul] that the readings are being made without them present: they will not even hear the Gospel. It is only at the end of the mass that they will present themselves at church. Some of them will do what is not allowed in dealing with their business to the point of missing the sermons. They will present themselves then at the church: they will take the Evangelary, will get informed about the chapter which was read and get alone into a corner to read it: they will thus make their own law. (f. 22 r.) Woe! twice woe! What shall I say, my children, about those times and the idleness which will overcome the Christians? In that time they will deviate much from uprightness and will imitate those of the hegira in their deeds; they will give the names of the latter to their children, leaving aside the names of the Angels, Prophets, of the Apostles and the Martyrs. They will commit yet another act, at which your hearts would be racked with pain, if I told it to you, {p. 395} knowingly they will give up the beautiful Coptic language in which the Holy Spirit has often spoken by the mouths of our spiritual fathers; they will teach their children, from their youth, to speak the language of the hegira and they will take pride in it. Even the priests and the monks themselves will also dare to speak Arabic and to take pride in it and that inside the sanctuary.
Woe! twice woe! my dear children. What can I say? In those times the readers in the church will understand neither what they read nor what they say because they will have forgotten their language, and they will truly be unfortunate, deserving of tears, because they will have forgotten their language and will have spoken the language of the hegira.
But woe to any Christian who teaches his son, from his youth, the language of the hegira, so making him forget the language of his ancestors, because he will be responsible for his transgression, as it is written: "parents will be judged for their sons." What shall I say about the laxity will say which will conquer the Christians: they will eat and drink inside the temple without fear; they will forget the fear of the sanctuary, it will be no longer respected in their eyes; its doors will be abandoned, and not even half of a clerk will be seen there 5, because (f. 22 v.) they will neglect and will not fulfil the seven rites of the Church: you will see men in this time seeking the ranks of priesthood, whereas they do not deserve yet to be readers to read in front of the people. Many books will fall into disuse, because there will be among them no-one to deal with the books, their hearts being attracted by the foreign books. They will forget many of the martyrs because their biographies will disappear and will not be found any longer. The few biographies which are found, if they are read, many of the faithful will not understand because they will be ignorant of the language. In that time many churches will fall into ruin; they will be deserted on the eve of the festivals and the eve of Sunday too. There will be no-one [among the Christians] able to read a book on an ambo, even the holy forty [books] intended for our salvation. You will not find anybody to do the reading to the people, to instruct them, because [the Christians] will have forgotten the language and will no longer understand what they read and will not [even] suspect this. Also the readers will not understand. In the same way also in Arsinoe, the great city which belongs to the Fayoum, as well as its districts, where the laws of Christ are. Those who are famous for their books, strong in the knowledge of God, those whose Coptic language was equal in their mouth to the sweetness of honey, and spread around them like the odour of perfumes, because of their beautiful pronunciation of the Coptic language, all, in that time, will give up this language to speak the Arab language and take pride in it, to the point where they will no longer be able to be recognized as Christians; but on the contrary will be taken for Berbers. Those of the Sa`id (=Upper Egypt) who still know and speak the Coptic language will be scoffed at and insulted (f. 23 r.) by the Christians their brothers who speak the Arabic language.
{p. 396} Woe, twice woe! How great the misery! how very grave the acts which will be carried out in those times by the Christians! In recounting these things to you my heart has truly suffered, my eyes have poured tears and my body has trembled much. Do you think that there is for the soul a pain greater than to see the Christians giving up their sweet language to take pride in that of the Arabs, as well as in their names? In truth I say to you, my children, that those who will give up the names of the Saints in order to give foreign names to their children, those who will act thus will be excluded from the blessing of the Saints; and whoever will dare to speak inside the sanctuary in the language of the hegira, that one will depart from the ordinances of our holy fathers.
In that time men will commit serious sins and there will be nobody to correct them, to instruct them, and to have pity on them, because they will all sin, their old men as well as their teachers. The father will learn the fault from his son without rebuking him and the woman will find good in her daughter that which is bad. Far from rebuking, she will fall into the sin with her, because the sin will no longer be a matter of remorse for the Christians, but on the contrary, they will find sweetness there, because they will remain without teachers. This is why they will add sins upon sins and there will be nobody to instruct them and to rebuke them. But each will pursue his own interests. The priest will not rebuke the sinner. He who is great will not instruct the little and the little one will not obey the great, because they will give up the laws of the Church and the rules of our holy fathers. They will go as far as suppressing the prescribed and recognized fasts. Those of them who fast will not complete their fast as they should because of their gluttony; they will encourage (f. 23 v.) others to lunch with them, because each will have chosen a rule for himself according to his desires. There will be some who, from imitation and respect for men, will break the fast before the time prescribed and before the shadow reaches the measurement which varies according to the month 6. You will find them at church in a nonchalant and lazy manner of behaviour, discussing the vain things of the inundation, without reflecting, without remembering that the body of God is on the paten, that His blood is in the chalice on the altar. On the contrary, this terrible mystery will be to them like an amusement. If any of them is taken with zeal for God and goes as far as saying some word of instruction drawn from the canons, they will take him at once for an enemy and, like lions, they will open their mouths against him.
The women also will deliver themselves over to chatterings in the church, to negligence, without being rebuked by anyone, whereas the holy Apostle Paul said: "The women must keep silence with the church, and have the head covered." The priests themselves will know negligence and distraction; they will not obey wholesome doctrines any more. If any of them sets himself to pronounce some words of instruction, he will do so with negligence and without taking pity on the people; and in so doing they will excite against them {p. 397} the anger of God, because they will have deviated from the canons of the Church and the teaching of our spiritual fathers. And [God] will then deliver them to the domination and hatred of the Arab emigrants, who will make them undergo great losses, will crush them with very heavy taxes which they will be unable to endure. They will be thus reduced to poverty. The Arabs will spoil also all the works on the land because of the hardness of their yoke. They will cause the widows and the orphans (f. 24 r.) great injury; they will insult the old men, will pursue the virgins, will attack them in their houses because of the taxes. They will scoff at the Christian religion and will have no regard for the priests nor for the monks; they will eat, drink and play inside the churches; without fear they will sleep with the women in front of the altar. They will make the churches of God like stables for horses, attaching their horses and their beasts of burden to it. The powerful spirits which watch over the church will leave and go up from there to heaven when they see the ill deeds which this nation will do in the churches. They [the Arabs] will destroy many churches by razing them to the ground; they will transport their wood, their bricks, their stones and will build with them palaces and luxury dwellings. They will pull off the crosses from the churches. They will transform a great number of them into mosques for their use, because of their pride and their hatred against the Christians. But the holy martyrs who will see these things being carried out in the places of their martyrdom, will bring to God their complaints against this nation while saying: "Lord, who are the honest judge, judge between us and this nation which carries out similar acts against our churches. Yes, God of kindness, enter into judgement with them and render to them according to their actions." At this point in time Jesus Christ, the Word of the Father and his only son will satisfy their hearts and will comfort them while saying: "Have patience, my dear and venerated ones, until their time is filled up. Their actions, of which you are witnesses, are because of the sins committed by my people, because they have rejected my commands and my ordinances in order to resemble this nation. This is why it will dominate them until its time is done." The holy martyrs will cease their supplications then and will have patience until the end of the hegira.
So know, my children, (f. 24 v.) that this nation will commit a great number of iniquities and injustices on the land of Egypt: its domination will be greatly consolidated, its yoke will press like iron and its people will multiply like grasshoppers; it will seize several countries which will undergo its domination, and its injustice will increase greatly in Egypt, so much so that the land will be ruined by it; they will eat, drink, amuse themselves; they will dress like husbands; they will praise themselves much while saying: "No nation will ever dominate us." They will subject the ground to the land register and hit it with taxes; from this will result a huge cost to live on the land; a great number will perish of hunger and will remain on the ground without anyone to give them the last burial. [It will also happen] that those who will lie down for the night in their own houses, will each find, on awaking in the morning, three ushers at their door, each of them claiming some kind of tax. At this point in time a {p. 398} great number of important cities, regions, hamlets and ports will be destroyed, and this land of Egypt, rich in trees and in gardens, will become a salted land, wooded and sterile, because of the multiplicity of the taxes levied on the country by the Arabs; because they form an arrogant nation, little inclined to mercy. Their yoke will weigh like iron. They will molest their subjects in their greed for gold: they will make a census of the citizens, great and small, they will inscribe their names on the registers and will claim the capitation tax from them. The inhabitants will then sell their clothing and their effects to discharge the taxes, [and their masters] will lay hands on all their possessions for reasons which they will invent, and by which they will oppress them. The population transport themselves from one city and country to another, seeking peace without finding it. While they are at the mercy of all these difficulties, they will remain in the blindness of their heart, without understanding the correction of the Lord, without repenting and seeking the teaching (f. 25 r.) of the Church. But on the contrary, they will add to the number of their sins, because the pride of the Christians will increase much in those times. They will push themselves up, some above the others, they will complain about each other; they will mock the words of the Holy Books, which are from the Spirit of God. Even the priests, the monks and the ministers of the holy altar will do similar things; they will praise themselves for it while saying: "We have more merit than our fathers." They will forget what is written, that pride in a man is an abomination before the Lord. When they fulfil these acts, even then they will be dominated by this nation, which will make them suffer much, following what is written: "If they scorn my laws, and do not observe my commandments, I will correct their fault with the stick and with the rod their idleness." So pray, my children, that what is thus written in the Psalms may not be fulfilled against us; let us beg the Lord that he will not abandon the his people in the end, but may He convert his anger into mercy and His indignation into benevolence, that in that time He will turn his regard towards His Christian people, that He will remember His bride the Church, that He will send his celestial assistance to them, that He will not deal with them according to their sins and that He will not treat them according to their iniquities. And now I recommend to you, my dear children, and I humbly beg you to recommend those who will come after you until the end of the ages, to take perfect care of their souls and not to let a Christian speak the Arabic language in these places, because this there is material for a great judgement: many indeed will dare to speak the language of the hegira at the altar. Woe, twice woe to these! as I heard myself from an old man dedicated to the service of God, clothed with the Spirit, accomplished in holiness. He answered me when I questioned him about the kings of the hegira: "Look, my son Samuel, and understand what I say to you: At the time when (f. 25 v.) the Christians will dare to speak the language of the hegira near the altar, by which they will blaspheme against the Holy Spirit and the Holy Trinity, in that time woe to the Christians, woe and seven times woe!"
If I set myself, my children, to tell you the words of this {p. 399} holy old man, my discourse would be prolonged too much; but I won't, because what we have said is sufficient. Understand, he who has a heart able to understand! He who keeps himself from the works of the Arabs and does not imitate them will be able to save his soul."
When the holy old man had explained these discourses, he turned to Anba Apollo and all the brothers, saying to us: "You have just heard with your ears something of the trial which will fall on future generations who will dare to modify the holy canons and the wholesome doctrines of our fathers: I have made known to you the trial that they will undergo. You also, my dear children, be on guard and be vigilant, because happiness and blessings are for he who is on guard and takes care. Now, my dear children, be on guard and take care, because happiness and the blessings are with those which act according to the apostolic regulations. At every moment let us apply ourselves, my dear children, to flee the suggestions of the demon and to not follow the inclinations of our hearts and our bodies, because the demon misleads the heart and throws into it its ideas and its inclinations. So let us flee our inclinations and Christ will fill us with the blessings of His eternal kingdom. — Note: Be on guard, my dear children, against negligence, because it is the root of all troubles and it sprouts a very bad crop. Be on guard, my children, and flee concupiscence, because it darkens the intelligence, prevents a man from understanding the commands of God, makes him foreign to the Holy Spirit and prevents him from waking up to the knowledge of God.
(f. 26 r.) Be on guard, my dear children, against worrying too much, because it makes a man foreign to the blessings of Paradise; be on guard against impurity, because it irritates God and his angels; be guard against pride, because it is the source of all evils and it is this which moves a man away from God; be on guard against vanity and seeking after authority, because these two failings spoil all the effort of a man and make him lose it in the eyes of God. Be on guard, my dear children, and do not be pusillanimous in the practice of virtue, because he who is pusillanimous, who has a weak heart [who does not have courage], who instead gives way to idleness, fills himself with every sin and all. If you are pusillanimous, if you strive with little courage, you will neglect your rule and you will become lazy when it is a matter of prayers and work...
But be like lions [lit. be like the hearts of lions], reject every thought which opposes you and flee from any idleness of the body, because idleness grows like ryegrass. Abstain from adultery, because it has made victims and precipitated them very low and those which it threw into hell will never return. Be on guard, my dear children, do not show affection for a child nor a baby and do not enter where there is a woman, because the flint by contacting the lighter makes fire spout out and burns many fields. Be on guard, my dear children, and flee all the ill deeds which precipitate a man into hell and deliver him to suffering; but do good works which lead to the kingdom of heaven: these are: purity, humility, prayer, fasting, ascetic works, patience, endurance, forbearance, charity, benevolence, {p. 400} sweetness, fraternity, acceptance of sorrow, humiliation, humility. Throw (f. 26 v.) far from you any idleness, any anger and any weakness, because it is only at the price of great humiliations that our fathers finished their race, suffering hunger, thirst, absolutely abstaining from drinking any kind of wine, because the disorders of concupiscence are born in the members of a man from the excessive use of wine: wine excites concupiscence while making it improper and it is that which damages the flesh of the body. And in general the excessive use of wine saddens the Holy Spirit and our fathers knew the number of griefs caused by wine since the beginning. So abstain. But in small quantity, it can be employed in the diseases of the body; because if the great ascetic Timothy was authorized to take a little wine because of his stomach and his many infirmities, so will I do then for those who are in the effervescence of youth and who are often prone to great sufferings. In truth, my children, it is wise to be reserved in all things and humiliation is a great profit; because he who humiliates his heart saves it, makes it come to the port of salvation and will be satisfied with the blessings of the Heavenly Jerusalem. And now, I exhort you with much care and authority to embrace and put into practice all the counsels that I gave you and all the rules which were transmitted to you. Recommend your children to prescribe to those who will come after them until the end of future centuries, that they take care, and that they follow jealously the works suitable for the monastic vocation, so that they can deserve the inheritance of the kingdom of heaven. Because there will come a time when many monks will be dissipated and amusing themselves, and because of them the world will blaspheme against the monastic state; they will throw far from them the canons and the regulations.... By those who are clothed with the Holy Spirit, in the name of the great Antony, (f. 27 r.) in the name of Apa Macarius, Anba Pacomius, and Apa Shenute, they whose prayers make the land of Egypt thrive, they who established the canons and made them compulsory in the monastic state. As for us, we have continued their good works, and we have heard and preserved their holy teachings. As for you, my dear children, observe all that I have just told you as well as the fundamental monastic rule that your spiritual fathers established for you. Recommend to those who come after you until the century of future centuries to observe all that I have said to you today, according to the word of the holy Apostle Paul: "Conform yourself to me as I am conformed to Christ." So you, my dear children, you conform to me and follow my tracks, as I have followed the tracks of my holy fathers. If you observe what I have just said to you, then the Mother of God will intercede for you with her Son (because you live in a land which belongs to her), as I have often noted myself. I have seen this with my own eyes in this church, I have heard it with my own ears, saying: "This here is my residence, and because I liked it, I remain there with my servant Samuel and all his children who will come after him and will attach themselves to his counsels."
{p. 401} So you must, my dear children, perfectly fulfil all the ordinances, such as the whole monastic constitution. If you do this, you will deserve to see the Virgin Mother of God, Our lady Mary, as I have seen myself, and heard her promise many privileges to those who will live in this desert, who will visit it and come there to seek blessing and forgiveness of sins.
Blessed are you, my children, since you have merited to live in the land of the most pure Virgin Our Lady Mary, to sing and bless God in this church which the Mother of God herself chose to serve as her (f.27 v.) residence. — Blessed is he who takes steps to come to this church with faith: I say to you, my dear children, that the Mother of God Our Lady Mary will ask her Son to approve his repentance and to remit all his sins. Blessed those who offer a sacrifice in this holy church; because I say to you that the Mother of God will intercede for him with God, so that He receives his sacrifice in the Heavenly Jerusalem. He who binds himself by a vow towards this sanctuary, if he hastens to discharge it, I say to you that Our Lady the Virgin Mary will accept his vow and will quickly listen favourably to his request. Also he who writes out this holy discourse, who places it in the church, he who reads it for the profit of the souls of those which listen to it, preserves it and conforms their conduct to what is written there, escaping from the way of error, and thus saving their souls, I say to you that Our Lady the Virgin Mary will ask her beloved Son to tear up the book of his sins and to register his name in the book of life. — So now, my dear children, if you observe well what I have recommended to you, the Virgin Mary will intercede for you to her beloved Son and He will put your enemies under your feet and you will tread on the head of the monster (Satan) and you will shatter all the power of the enemy. If you observe well what I have advised you, kings and the governors will offer presents to you, the archontes will render honours to you and the Berbers will be subjected to you. Apply yourself with all your power, my dear children, to do with courage and at their hours, the prayers which are prescribed to you for the day, and to be faithful at the meeting for night prayer. Guard yourselves from modifying the constitution which I have established for you, in order not to expose yourselves to a terrible judgement. Observe and observe again, my dear children, all that I have prescribed you in order to be children of the kingdom of heaven.
Guard yourselves from talking during the mass, because then it is a great fault. In spite of the chants carried out in the church, and the reading (f.28 r.) made for the salvation of souls, some talk together, but know that he who talks in the church will be rejected by God and his Angels; the mother of God will be irritated against him; his prayer will be improper, and he will be held to answer for his disobedience. — May nobody do things in the church if he is not [one of those who are consecrated for it ]. Prescribe to your children to recommend to those who will come after them until the end of future ages, that nobody should speak inside the choir [lit. altar] the language of the hegira; because he who acts {p. 402} thus will deserve the curse. — See, my dear children, that which I spoke to you; he who listens and observes will be saved."
When he had said these things, we wanted to speak to our holy father Anba Samuel, while the assistants were listening to him; our father the bishop, Anba Gregorius, burst into bitter tears, to the point of wetting his clothing with his tears, because of the events which were to take place. Then the Father Anba Samuel answered him: "This is only one small punishment by which God will punish the generation of those times. But if His vengeance on the sins which they will have committed came on them, who could remain before [God]? According to what is written: "If you are on guard against iniquity, Lord, Lord, who will be able to remain before you?" As it is also written: "It is good for me that you humiliated me, so that I can observe your commandments." and again: "the Lord punished me very severely, but He did not deliver me to death." So he who accepts the correction of the Lord with thanks and embarrassment then, who acknowledges his sins and does not return there a second time, he will be saved: he who accepts the correction of the Lord with thanks and patience, when it happens to him because of Christ, will be saved according to the word of the holy Gospel: "He who perseveres until the end will be saved." As for he who is impatient and doubts, woe to him forever. Indeed, many of the Christians in that time will disavow Christ because of the short time [of trial] which will pass away. Some will disavow Him because of the difficulties which they will have and because (f. 28 v.) they will not find anybody to instruct them nor to comfort them in their sorrows: they will be deprived of the help of instruction, many others will fall because of the preponderance of fashionable things to which their spirits will stick, without anybody opposing them; these will fall. Others, merely because of the pleasure of eating and of drinking will fall; others, because of idleness of the body and because of the error of sin. — Then, their brothers and their parents will not weep for them and will not sadden themselves on their fate, but on the contrary, they will find in them an object for their vanity: they will eat and drink with them: and after that, they will envy them, will imitate them, and like them they will disavow Christ. Woe to those which are thus, because their residence in hell will be in a deep pit forever." Below: "My holy father," said Anba Gregorius to him, "do you believe that the event seems to be delayed? and until when will this trial last and the domination of this race over the land of Egypt?" — The holy Anba Samuel answered him: My father Anba Gregorius, nobody knows the disposition of dates nor their vicissitudes, except the Creator alone, but if the Christians repent and give up their ill deeds, fulfil the canons of the church and maintain them with vigilance and uprightness before God, then God will spare them these sorrows: but if they do not repent, these (troubles) will remain on the land until the end of the domination of the hegira, until the last of the kings of the hegira. The last of the kings of the hegira will bear the name of LASMARINI [or LASMARISU]; his name in numbers gives six hundred and sixty six; let him understand who is able to understand [lit. he who has a heart]. He will issue from two nations. {p. 403} During his reign the land will be troubled: his clothing will have the colour of gold; he will have a fierce soul and will deliver a man to death for one dinar: in his time there will be no peace; in his face there will be not a trace of life; he will forget the fear of God, of which he will have not even (f. 29 r.) a memory. He will not follow the ordinances of his father, because he will be an Ishmaelite, nor the profession of his mother, because she will be a Frank 7: he will love drunkenness, he will be bloodthirsty: under his rule men will undergo many sorrows: he will massacre a great number of them by surprise; men will have a great difficulty in those times, and will be awaiting the divine mercy in the middle of the many tribulations which will be frequently inflicted on them by the sons of Ishmael. After this trial, God will remember his so greatly humiliated people and will send against them [the Arabs] the king of the Greeks, in great fury, on the coast, because the archangel Michael will appear to him in a vision and will say to him: "Arise and plunder in your turn, because the Lord has given you all the land," and so he will rule over all the land, it will also happen that the king of Abyssinia will achieve great devastations in the domain of their ancestors on the East coast. Those of the hegira will flee to the deserts where they were before; they will flee from the East before the king of the Abyssinians and the king of the Greeks will strike at the sons of Ishmael and will encircle them in the valley of al-Hefar, the place of their ancestors; he will make them perish from the West and will make them drown. Terror and great fear will seize the sons of Ishmael and all their followers. God will deliver them to the king of the Greeks, who will make them pass to the edge of the sword and will despoil them, because they oppressed the land. This is why, by a just decree, God will deliver them to the king of the Greeks who will make them undergo trials, in truth hundred times greater than those which they caused. They will be in poverty, misery, sorrow, in embarrassment, [they will be subjected] to the sword. The king of the Greeks will enter the land of Egypt, will set fire to the city of the Egyptians, named Babloun, because it is there that the sons of Ishmael carried out their abominations; he will destroy the land of al-Djonf and will subject the sons of Ishmael to the sorrow of slavery and all kinds of sufferings.
(f. 29 v.) Those of them who survive will flee to the deserts of their fathers. — The king of Abyssinia will marry the daughter of the king of the Greeks and there will be such a pacification, such a peace and such a harmony on all the face of the land for forty years that nothing similar will ever have been seen on the land. There will be great joy for the Christians who will publicly open the doors of their churches, will build houses, will plant vines, will raise high palaces and will be delighted in the Lord their God. Woe to those who, in that time, will bear the name of the hegira."
After the forty years, here are the signs which concern the wicked king: The sources of water and the rivers will be transformed into blood, and {p. 404} will remain so for an hour, their water will be undrinkable. The second sign: babies will speak at the age of three months after their birth. The third sign: when you make the harvest of the fields, blood will spout out of the ground. At this point in time the wise will flee to the mountains; because after that, the race contained beyond the sea on the coast of the Arabs will appear, they are Hagog and Magog.
The earth will tremble before them and the men will flee into the mountains, into caves, into cemeteries and they will die of hunger and thirst. This race will soil the ground for five months; and after that the Lord will send his angel who will exterminate them in one hour. The king of the Greeks will dominate over the land one year and six months: he will make Jerusalem his residence. After that, God will put an end to his reign over the land and then the hideous one will appear, who is the false Messiah, doing many signs and wonders with vain ostentation. He will even go, if he can, so far as misleading the elect, according to what is (f. 30 r.) written. Ten of the Greek kings will take service with him and will be with him in the same council, they will confirm his domination. Blessed is he who will fight against him and will overcome him, because he will reign eternally with Christ in the future age."
All these things, I heard them from the mouth of the holy Anba Samuel, I, Apollo his disciple, and I reported them to you, my brothers. As for what he said in secrecy to the bishop Anba Gregorius, I did not write it, because our Father Anba Samuel commanded me not to write it. This discourse and the present narratives, I did not want to write them for the brothers who know them to have heard them from the mouth of our Father Anba Samuel: but it is for future generations that I write them, according to the command of our Father Anba Samuel. So he who listens to them and puts them into practice will be saved; he on the contrary who disobeys will have the reward which he deserves, he will be treated according to his disobedience.
And now, my brothers, let us do what is appropriate for repentance, in order to find mercy and a good reception at the day of the equitable judgement, where every man will find a reward in harmony with his works, whether good or bad. And the most clement Lord will make us worthy to find grace, and remission for our sins, by the prayers of our holy father Anba Samuel and by the intercession of the Mother of God, ever-virgin! — Glory to the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit, now and forever and in the ages of ages. — Amen. Amen.
End of the holy discourse in the peace of the Lord. Amen. Amen 8.
1. (1) Deir; convent, monastery.
2. (1) Dioscorus, patriarch of Alexandria, d. 454, successor of saint Cyril in 444, adopted the heresies of Eutyches and caused a schism to which the council of Chalcedon [ 451 ] put an end by deposing him. He was exiled to Gouges.
3. (2) Acts, 1: 7.
4. (1) the Arab verb forms here an abusive phrase, difficult to render: I will do all against God.
5. (1) A phrase of vernacular Arabic for saying that there will be nobody.
6. (1) An allusion to the old way of distinguishing the various moments of the day based on the variation of the shadow from the sun.
7. (1) Frank, designating all that is not Eastern.
8. (1) We have also examined the mss. 1785 (fol. 75-97) and 6147 (fol. 20-38). According to this, the last king who will reign over the hegira will bear the name of their prophet and the figure of his name is 666. His Arab name is Mohammed [cf. ROC, t. XIX, 1914, p. 1121.
Additional notes on the text.
Arietta Papaconstantinou, "They shall speak the Arabic language and take pride in it": reconsidering the fate of Coptic after the Arab conquest, Museon (2007) p. 273-299.
A new study is Jos van Lent, Coptic apocalyptic texts from the Islamic period, (PhD thesis), Leiden: 2007. (from p.273 n.1)
There are at least 15 manuscripts of the work extant today. One of these is in Karshuni (Mingana syr. 232, ca. 1550 AD), which Jos van Lent believes may originally come from Deir al-Suryan. In his thesis, van Lent gives an annotated translation based on Vat. ar. 158, the oldest securely dated manuscript (1356 AD). (from p. 274, n. 4)
The Arabic word usually vocalised as hegira can also be vocalised as hajara, i.e. "Hagarenes". (from p. 274, n. 8)
An ambon is a pulpit. (p. 276)
van Lent understands the reference to seven rites as seven 'ranks' (from p. 275, n.10)
The "forty holy" is the days of Lent, as van Lent says, not some forty holy books as Ziadeh surmised. (from p. 276, n. 12)
Berbers may also be read as barbarians. The Life of Samuel contains many references to raids by the former, but the latter may fit the sense better. (from p. 276, n. 13)
The text was written in Coptic in the 10th century as a reaction against the move of the Coptic Patriarchate to Cairo and the episcopal clergy at the Caliphal court, and against the rise in literature in Arabic, such as that by Severus ibn Muqaffa, which the need to engage with the ruling class consequently entailed. (p. 298-9)
John Iskander, Islamization in Medieval Egypt: the Copto-Arabic "Apocalypse of Samuel" as a source for the social and religious history of the medieval Copts, Medieval Encounters 4 (1998) p. 219-227.
The word given as 'Greeks' by Ziadeh is 'Rum' or Romans. (p. 221)
J. R. Zaborowski, Medieval Encounters 14 (2008) 15-40.
The transliteration of the names should be Antony, Apa Makarius, Anba Pachomius and Apa Shenute (p. 24-25, n. 34)
The 'forty' may be the Forty Virgins martyred with St. Damiana. The Arabic is very poor here and open to other interpretations, such as "There will be no-one among them who reads a book on the ambo, not even the holy Forty." (p. 31 n. 62)
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2009. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: manuel_paleologus_dialogue _trans.htm
Manuel Paleologus, Dialogues with a Learned Moslem. Dialogue 7 (2009), chapters 1-18 (of 37)
Manuel Paleologus, Dialogues with a Learned Moslem. Dialogue 7 (2009), chapters 1-18 (of 37)
The most pious Emperor, friend of Christ,
MANUEL PALEOLOGUS,
to his most dear brother, the most fortunate born-in-the-purple despot,
Theodore Paleologus.
A dialogue with a certain Persian, by profession a teacher, held in Ancyra of Galatia
The beginning of the seventh controversy
1. a. At daybreak, the Mudarris greeted us at the doorstep. Addressing himself to us, according to his custom, he said, "Let us address, if you like, the points left over from yesterday." When they had all sat down around us, as by custom, I started the subject:
b. "The Law of Moses comes from God. This is shown by the multitude of supernatural miracles. Because Moses could not have worked wonders beyond nature, if the laws that he was bearing were not communicated to him by God.
However God manifestly honoured this Law by constant works and declarations, not only by those by which he glorified the aforementioned legislator, during and after the promulgation of the Law, but also by the fact that He hated (so to speak) and rejected those who did not observe it, and that if somebody scorned it, He scorned him and inflicted on him suitable punishment.
c. "But I can teach you in a clear and short way the difference between the two Laws.
"Almost all mankind divides into three groups: those for Moses, those for Christ and those for he whom you are not afraid to compare to him that saw God. However only your Law has, in the eyes of all, from all points of view, nothing healthy about it.
2. a. "Consider this: you yourselves say that the Law of Moses came down from God and that ours is without any doubt much better than it. You thus judge them both good, although you preferred your own, which is valued by nobody but is decried by all.
b. "Here is the proof: If one asked the whole of the men which is the best of all the Laws and which is on the contrary the worst, each one would make this assertion: that his own is the best, but that of Mohammed is the worst. We, now, we say that in the form of a supposition, but you are not unaware that it is indeed the truth. You in vain scorn the opinion of all men; taking them one at a time as if they were enemies, you reason badly. It is undoubtedly necessary to consider the testimony of each for itself as inadmissible, and its vote invalid; those of the whole of mankind on the contrary, when they converge, must be admitted, whatever the subject under consideration.
c. "So your law cannot properly be called a "Law" any more, nor ranged with those which are established by a number of legislators. And that because the most significant articles of this new Law are older even than the legislation of Moses. Because they have an ancient origin, and it is not Mahomet who instituted them. Indeed, to demolish the making of idols, to flee polytheism, to believe in only one creator God, to receive circumcision as a sign of faith, and other similar points, Abraham established these without writing. Moses then put them in writing and promulgated them, adding to it what God, in his discussions with him, had ordered. So this more recent Law, coming later than the old one, borrowed it - this is obvious - its basis and its principles; and certainly not the older from it. How indeed the could the older one be derived from the more recent? However so much does such a condition give pre-eminence, that there is no need of a discourse to show it. And what need I say about the basis and the principles, when what appears most perfect of all and, we might say, all of what your Law seems to consist is obviously taken from the old Law? So there is nothing new there, but the same things have been said again; or rather they have been impudently plundered. For show me anything that Mohammed instituted new: you will only find what is bad or inhuman, such as when he orders in decreeing that the belief that he preached should be advanced by the sword.
3.a. "But it is necessary, I think, to explain this point more clearly. Men on earth must experience one of three things [according to Mohammed]:
-- they must place themselves under this law
-- or pay tribute and, more, be reduced into slavery
-- or, in the absence of either, be struck without hesitation with iron.
b. "But this is extremely absurd! Why? Because God is not pleased with blood, and to act unreasonably is foreign to God. What you say thus has stepped over the border of insanity, or almost so.
Firstly indeed, is it not very absurd to pay money and to thus buy the opportunity to lead an impious life and one contrary to the Law?
c. "Next, faith is a fruit of the heart, not of the body. So he who intends to bring somebody to faith needs skilful language and correct thinking, not violence or threats, nor some instrument of wounding or intimidation. Because just as, when it is necessary to compel a non-reasonable nature, one would not have recourse to persuasion, in the same way to persuade a reasonable soul, one does not need to resort to force, or a whip, or any other threat of death.
d. "No one can ever claim that, if he uses violence, it is in spite of himself, because it is an order from God. Because if it was good to attack with the sword those which are complete unbelievers and that this was a law of God given from heaven -- as Mohammed claims -- it would undoubtedly be necessary to kill all those who would not embrace this Law and this preaching. He is indeed quite impious to buy piety with money. Do you think differently about this? I do not think so. How would you do it? However if that is not good, to kill is yet much worse.
e. "However if it is found that Mohammed added something to the Law of Moses, at once you call that the Law. And you are not satisfied that we allow you to talk like that, but you require that we prefer this Law to those which preceded it. In virtue of what? -- and something which it is not right even to call the Law!
f. "In fact the very thing which makes us consider it as Law, is the same thing which places this kind of Law on the opposite side (from the real law). One of the properties of the Law is that it can lay down new regulations which are agreeable to God. Yours boasts that it has borrowed regulations. If we pruned out the older articles from it, it would be just like the jay in the fable: He borrowed feathers of every kind, then they were removed from him, and there he was, once again just a jay.
g. "If so, everyone will consider your Law — we'll call it the Law, in the meantime, to make you happy — inferior to that of the Jews. And if it is inferior to that, it is far more so to the Law of Christ, which, with your consent and the consent of all, superabundantly prevails over that of the Jews."
4. a. I spoke thus. He was silent for rather a long time. Then the interpreter — he was descended from Christians, liked the beliefs of his parents and was opposed to our interlocutors in thought, although not as much as might have been appropriate -- the interpreter thus, rightly transported by our words, with a pleased look, put the blame on the Persian, but not openly. He said more or less this: "How long will we remain like statues without replying? You need to have the courage to perform some generous action if we do not want to come out of here covered in confusion, leaving to others the crown of victory. "
b. He therefore, lifting his head with haughty pride, looked at them, and then, turning to us, he spoke more or less as follows:
The Persian
5. a. -- "I have said, I say and I will say that good and beautiful is the Law of Christ and much better than the earlier Law, but that mine is superior to both. Therefore consider what I am going to say, you may hear something that you do not condemn altogether. Your law, I say, is beautiful and good, but it is very hard and very burdensome and can not easily be useful. These remedies are too bitter to taste. So there is no error in believing it is not completely perfect.
b. "The Law of Mohammed follows the middle path and proclaims ordinances which are bearable and in sum gentler and more humane. Hence it is moderate in all respects and takes precedence over other laws. Indeed, the shortcomings of the old Law it fills by the supplements which it brings; on the other hand it reduces the exaggerations of the Law of Christ. There is also what it prunes visibly from both Laws, and suddenly it quite prevails over them.
c. "It also avoids, I think, the mediocrity and the imperfection of the Law of the Jews on the one hand, and on the other hand, the elevation and height of the precepts of Christ, their harshness, that they are excessive and impractical so far for men, because they force, so to speak, our terrestrial nature to mount up to Heaven. It thus avoids both faults and strives for moderation in everything. Thereby it appears better than all the Laws that have preceded it.
d. "The virtues, you know, consist of avoiding excesses and keeping exactly to a happy medium. That's what we call virtue, and what virtue is. What is virtue is a happy medium, and what is not such is not virtue. This is the doctrine of all the ancients, and you yourself have said the same earlier.
e. "But tell me, is it to stay in the happy medium - 'to love one's enemies, to pray for them', to provide them with food when they are hungry; -- And what is amusing - allow me this freedom - to 'hate his parents and brothers and even his own soul; --- 'to he who took your shirt, to give him also your coat';--- 'to give without distinction to he who asks' until you appear more naked than a stick and ridiculous in the eyes of those who would then make your property the loot of the Mysians, by pretending to be in need;--- to he who strikes 'on one cheek, to turn the other; to never stand up to evil';--- to have 'no stick, no bag, no money, nor two tunics';-- 'to not worry about tomorrow'? "Who is the man of iron, diamond, more insensible than stone, who will bear all these things,- who will bear the offence and cherish the insulter;-- who will do good to he who is ill-disposed towards him;--- who by his extra bounty will invite the people of this species to gorge on him like vultures on the corpses of the dead?
f. "What ear could accept this, at least one without great complaisance towards requirements of any kind, even those for which our miseries do not suffice?
And that which is quite intolerable and opposes the precept of God enacted already, I mean virginity, should that be allowed? The answer is obvious. Because living in a body and wanting to imitate the nature of incorporeal beings and, as if we lived as pure spirits, not approaching women, is contrary to reason: it is a heavy burden and a great violence.
g. "Also, to not procreate children for posterity, because of living without getting married, obviously destroys the world. It is completely absurd and unworthy of God to make the human male and female in the beginning, to prescribe them to multiply, and then, having reached the prescribed end and the earth being filled with men, to give men a law that must do away with men. Do not tell me about the flood, nor the case of those who were slaughtered in the desert at the time of Moses, nor the extraordinary fire, that of Sodom. These cases and consequent punishment did not make the world entirely disappear, and it was because of the magnitude of the transgression that they were inflicted on the guilty. Christ, himself, is not a Minister of anger. He did not come, I think, to take revenge on men who offended God, but rather to bring benefit and relief to men, mainly by a better law.
h. "Let us consider this: It is good to 'leave his father and mother and cleave to his wife' and thereby increase the human race, as the former precept ordered. There's no reply to this, I think. God forbid that I try to destroy what has been prescribed by God to our first parents for the construction of our species and that has peopled this world with humans! But the second Law, which establishes virginity, you just want to see this as carrying on from the previous one! What? Should not everyone observe it? But if everyone observed it, the whole human race would be reduced to absolutely nothing. Thus these precepts, namely, multiply and keep virginity, do not agree, they rather fight against each other. And since there's no choice that, given their opposition, one must be good and one not, the one is bad, in my opinion, that urges men to have an indecent opinion about God. But this is indeed the case for the one that would have made the human race disappear, virginity, as I said.
i. "So the interim Law, I mean yours, offering us many such examples, is clearly not perfect. However, it is without question much better than that which preceded it. But relative to that which followed, it clearly comes second.
6. a. "The Law that came later thus appears higher than the others, as in buildings. That is why the Jew, under an Law which lies closer to the ground, we can not welcome him when he comes to the law of Mohammed, the highest located, unless he has first of all, as far as possible, practiced your religion. He who comes to God must not in fact leapfrog forward in a disorderly advance, but, by degrees, climb through the intermediate level to the last, beginning with the first: thus everywhere the order will be preserved.
b. "It follows, therefore, to speak briefly, that the Jews had the true religion until the advent of Christ, and that was the case for those who had faith in him; and the others were unfaithful to the Law and not obeying Moses who had predicted Christ, even if they observed all the precepts, even if they claimed to render to Moses veneration and honour (to him) after God himself. It also follows that those who believed in Christ were God's people, all in succession, until the arrival of Muhammad, who brings the perfect law. But, afterwards only those (belong to the people of God) who adhere to this Law. So those who have rallied to Mohammed, those are really the disciples of Christ and Moses. Those on the contrary who are more zealous than they should be and because of this have remained in the repealed Laws, provoke against themselves the wrath of legislators and by their madness work to their own injury."
The emperor
7. a. The old man, after these words, raised his eyebrows and sat down. The circle of listeners were attentive. The struggle, they felt, was reaching the culmination. The children underscored with gestures the words of their father, applauded and wanted to jump up and down.
b. So I say:
8. a. -- "What's this, my man? Here, by a massive attack, you invested the acropolis with an arrogance and a fierce passion. You were expecting to take it at the first assault. But you were mistaken in your hopes. There are men who live there, and it is firmly based on the rock. It is full of wonderful goods. Perhaps of these goods of which you never had experience, you will have your share, when the war is fortunately completed with the support of God, you and your two sons that are here.
b. "But I'm allowed to be amazed at this: You are in truth a man of sense and honour, in the very first place among the doctors in your land, you are adorned with the great wisdom that is specific to your country, you have virtuous morals, believing everything less important than the truth. And yet here you refute yourself and you contradict yourself openly. You have already declared the Law of Moses divine and good, and said strongly that it has been sent from heaven to men. Then, as if you have repented of your previous declarations, you do not hesitate to say evil of it, and thus contradict yourself, as I said. It is not actually possible that the same Law is both divine and good and is also such that it can receive fair criticism. However, this Law and that of Christ, because they did not recommend moderation, you place among the bad Laws.
c. "You assume that the Law which is the best on all points, is yours, and that it keeps to a happy medium. You hope to show thereby that because of this happy medium, it is consistent with virtue. You deviate in this from the right position, and your friends will be ashamed for you. Because it is not appropriate for so important a man as you to cover the Law of Christ with lengthy contempt. You know how much you have allowed yourself to show scorn, openly calling it very unbearable and very violent, and absurd and cumbersome, even like a trap, and other similar epithets. I'm not saying anything about the many criticisms that you have uttered against virginity and because of which you have grossly attacked the legislator who established it, although you also placed him above all. 1
9. a. "But continue to reflect on this. You could reach better judgments even on points where you seem not to contradict yourself.
Now I should present my defence against your objections.
b. "The extraordinary and supernatural things that, you say, are beyond human virtue, because they seem to you above human nature, are merely beyond a man. On the other hand, they are very accessible and easy for men, if they wish. That may seem to you like a puzzle, but it is completely the truth. If we consider our strength, or rather our weakness inherited from Adam, these points may seem above every virtue, but not when you consider the support and power of him who calls us to them. He doesn't encourage men in order to abandon them without his aid, but invisibly the hand of God helps them with their actions. Here, then where such assistance is found, won't that which seems rude, what seems awkward, be that which appears instead very easy?
c. "Get into the spirit where the reward is the kingdom of God. The previous discourse has already shown this and you yourself are still in agreement with it. It is therefore necessary that those whom this hope nourishes bear all. But this is not the time to explain myself. Your words lead us imperceptibly to the assistants, like a current. Let us therefore proceed to the defence, with the reasons that might persuade you, without, from need of a reply, you having to be ashamed of what is fair (to say).
10. a. "Our Lord, in the time he lived among us, adjusting our habits and leading us by all means into the light of truth, seemed to command and prescribe certain things indistinctly to everyone. He established them actually as an indication, as a sign, if you like, that we love him. Because, he says, 'one who loves me, keep my commandments. Therefore all must observe them well. Without this it is not possible to truly become his servants, from the enemies that we were previously because of the sin of our first parents.
b. "The other points, he does not establish them as precepts necessary, not for all, nor as absolute master. It is in the form of exhortations and advice, or spiritual battle, if we like to call them so, that he offers to the most perfect, the promise of both the kingdom and the divine sonship. To those who are content to be servants, little ones with little ambitions, He gives corresponding benefits. All wealth, as they say, is not the same. On the contrary, all those who receive and observe this advice, enjoy the mystical parentage through participation in the divine grace. As evidenced by the operations and the power of the divine Spirit, who reveals himself in them and comes from them, like a current from an eternal source.
11. a. "I want to speak about this more clearly. May I be forgiven if I allow myself to follow the thread of discourse, led, if you like, by the current of truth; it leads me to what I now don't want to say or agree to, and what looks like green fruit, or rather, to speak more exactly, things premature for you who are attached to things carnal. Such spiritual food belongs to all those who are found inferior to them, and who are still attached all the same to the commandments: because if we omit them, we cannot be considered blameless servants. So these men can not only avoid incurring punishment, but also benefit from immortal rewards by the grace of the master to his servants, so that is beneficial for all those who, to this end, agreed to 'take the form of a slave', even though He is by nature the lord of all.
b. "So it is clear that to respect the precepts is a general and essential need. But to raise the level of the advice, which raise up to sonship, is a matter only for those who choose to suffer the painful things, whatever the quality and quantity, in order to win a joy and a glory without end. It is their task to preserve their eagerness until the end, not over time to abandon the group of the virtuous who practise virtue for itself, and finally get the crowns that are only for the heads of the virtuous.
c. "That's why, in dealing with this, the Saviour, who wanted to show what I said, uses this expression, very brief if we consider the words alone, but as great as Heaven when you consider its power: 'Let he who is able understand.' It is as if he said: great is the current battle, but larger and eternal are the rewards. This is to notify the man who has shown youthful courage and who, supported by his meditation, knows how to endure the hard part. I do not intend (you) to train at the race-track by force: that is neither normal nor just. Know who has the power, i.e. the will to overcome the hard part. He's the one who is worthy of admiration. Because free will, the honour given to men from the beginning and by which they are superior to other animals, remains intact: it is unnecessary that it be otherwise. Because how would one make a gift for what was done of necessity, whether it concerns a kingdom, or should one crown the lazy? On the contrary, it is in another way, it is by an art and a suitable power that he drives us all towards better goals. He has opened to all men the kingdom of heaven, and indicated the path that leads to it. Leading to a successful conclusion all that relates to that purpose, he had omitted nothing by way of relief to help strugglers and travellers. Rather there is nothing that he has not strongly recommended to all for their good.
d. "Is this a law above nature that you see here? It trains all men into virtue, provides relief to the will and rewards that reflect the struggles of everyone. "
The Persians
12. a. -- "We see, said some, you speak of mysteries and doctrines higher than our knowledge. The precepts of Christ, you divide them into commands and counsels. You have expounded extremely well on this subject.
b. "But we would like to hear you explain this more clearly and in detail."
The Emperor
13. a. -- "How do you think, I said, that I should complete my defence? Anyone who can not keep their virginity will not be deprived of future blessings: otherwise the elect would be few. Similarly, any person who, stripped of his coat, does not give his shirt also to him who seeks a quarrel, he is not liable to punishment, nor the one that, struck on one cheek, did not present the other to the aggressor. But even though we were unable to demonstrate a willingness to bear a greater injustice than the inclination to injustice of the unjust, nevertheless the fact that we suffer patiently injustice from anyone deserves, as we know, an important reward: because that is not easy nor possible for most people.
b. "These are your statements from the start - you remember - which we have rightly brought to these words. However, even taken this way, the high character of the exhortations does us good. Because certainly nothing would be happier than being able to achieve them, to launch ourselves out towards them like a goal and to strip oneself of this infirmity of spirit. This is not for us an acquisition of nature, far from it! Even if we were not able to give even what has escaped the ferocity of the unjust, even though we have not practiced all the higher virtues and are not in this way come to the end of perfection, if we have been able to accomplish, as they say, the second crossing, to know how to support patiently anyone encroaching on us, but we keep the medium, knowing how much we are lacking to the best of the best things."
The Persian
14. a. -- "How is it obvious," said the Persian, "that the medium will look after those who are lacking with respect to higher things, but practice charity, justice and like virtues?
b. "For you have said, I think, that few will share in the eternal blessings. Living in such expectations is not keeping the medium."
The Emperor
15. a. -- "But, my dear fellow, this is possible at need for those at least who have the spirit and reason from suitable principles. If men carefully observe the commandments good for mercenary servants, consider how to estimate those provided by the son? There is nothing that can engage a servant to take pride, if he is sensible. If in fact he performs the works of the servants, although by his service he gave his master thousands of blessings, made of dark, poor and humble elements, he merely carried out his duty and did not perform a service of freewill. He who does not do his duty is liable for a beating, imprisonment and other chastisements. He on the other hand who performs well in all things, no-one admires; he does even admire himself, I think. Is it his place to do it? Far from it.
b. " However the example, certainly, is not a happy one. For us, we need servants, and there are those who, by their servants, have escaped many misfortunes and gained a lot of property. But God, what need would he have of our services, He who lacks absolutely nothing and who created all things merely out of goodwill? Thus no man of intelligence could feel proud, because he observes the commandments of the master. He will however have his wages, which are granted by grace. Because no wages are due to slaves. He will obtain, however, what his moderate conduct deserves, and he will envy those who have practiced the points that he himself left out.
16. a. "That should be enough on that. But it was necessary that the discourse, which has deviated from the topic because of your questions, should respond to those who require one. Sometimes even in the course of discussion, the discourse takes us back on track so that it completes its course and returns to the subject that is appropriate.
b. "It is certainly not true that all those who have not managed to raise themselves to the level of the advice and exhortations were lost themselves. If, without any wrong to anyone, without wishing to suffer any longer, we then carry on in fear of being abused and will refer to the master of judgment to accuse the evildoer, we will not for that be liable to this censure. Certainly not, any more than if we go about wearing shoes, owning two tunics, with a staff, bag and money on the belt. It is also possible for those who want to marry and gain money by just means to live in a reasonable manner, although it would be a better acquisition if we did not want to acquire possessions in this world and loved the poverty adopted at the beginning by Christ more than any abundance. In short, to perform for a reasonable cause anything which is for us life is not condemned by nature, so to speak, nor prohibited by the Law.
17. a. "Let us say this, if we must make distinctions and summarize what has been said about this subject:
b. "This is the act of evil men, unworthy even to be servants, to scorn the commands of the Master. To observe them is the due of wise and faithful servants. But to welcome the wonderful advice with pleasure and carry it out as you can, this is the duty of a man desirous of great values, not content to just be a servant, when it is possible to be a son.
c. "It is thus necessary to speak as follows: it is the nature of better men, I mean those who say that they follow the values above, to be with the angels and become, so to speak, their companions in life. The characteristic of men below them, men in the middle, is simply to observe the precepts that save and reconcile God with sinners. The third group, I mean those who, by their own decision, place themselves outside the other two groups mentioned, this is the herd of swine that are no good.
d. "It seems to me, dear friend, that you no longer hold to your first opinion, having learned this, and do not declare more openly that our Law is very hard and like a trap, nor that exhortations and advice which you said exceed the virtue of men, against all truth. For how would this law have seen fit to recommend things impossible?
e. "That this advice seem more burdensome to you than the commandments of the past, is not surprising: they are clearly higher that them - because they lead to their completion - as you yourself have already agreed. But the thing that is complete is in all points higher than that which receives its completion from it. On the other hand, that which is higher and ascending is somewhat more difficult and makes more difficult the path that leads there. For in truth, narrow, straight and elevating, considering it for itself, is the path paved for all by God who, without leaving heaven, descended and became man for the salvation of our species. This way was in the beginning unknown, unused and difficult. These difficulties are inherent for it, because it leads upwards: it leads to the highest place; it is neither broad, neither plain, nor easy, for the reason that nobody traversed it before.
f. "The characteristics of the way that our first parents followed are the opposite. It leads to the abyss, and there are many men who from the beginning committed themselves, attracted by its gentle and easy slope and by the lure of the easiness. Not surprisingly, the Saviour leads men away from pleasures that lead to the abyss, and He encourages them to embark on the path that can save the travellers. It would have been amazing if he had recommended the opposite. The main reason is that there is of necessity nothing in common between him and playing around and that he has stigmatised the easy life, so to speak, in the eyes of all and of those who seek the same.
g. "Indeed, among all humans, it is to you also and above all that he shows this. For those among you who seem to be the children of virtue, you believe that they are better than those who boast of a wide reputation and of great riches. The Greeks, obviously, thought in the same way. In short, for all, virtue is an object of esteem, and vice one of contempt. However, it was undoubtedly in giving precepts or advice in good and due form, better done than in seeking to gain the consent of all.
18. a. "But as in fact not all of them follow the same way as the fervent (disciples), it is not this which it is important to examine. The part which is flesh and mud may be urged and pushed and led by any means to virtue by a rational soul, but it resists, you think well, and by its nature refuses the benefits which refrain from corruption. Because if it is true that the fruits of the virtue are sweet, the root of it is bitter. If such is the truth, the works of virtue are painful and are not achieved by necessity in nature but by the generosity of the will. However the will is not the same in everyone. It would be necessary, on the contrary, to be astonished if all nourished the same dispositions with regard to virtue and did not differ from each other in conduct.
b. "Thus the fact that all do not follow the same way as the fervent, in no way disparages the affirmation that virtue is good. On the contrary, the fact that all rather wish to be numbered with the virtuous than with those who have given themselves up to a slacker life, it is this which raises it to the value of a higher good. I think that if one offered, even to those dedicated to carelessness, the choice to be able, in all their conduct, to turn towards the better values, or of living in their usual loose morals, they would choose the first way and would reject the other, almost without considering it.
[The seventh dialogue continues, to chapter 37, when the day ends and the two sides separate]
This text was translated by Roger Pearse, 2009. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
The Greek text for the Dialogues can be found in J.-P. Migne, Patrologia Graeca, volume 156, although it is incomplete. Online here. The first complete edition was "Manuel II Palaiologos, Dialoge mit einem 'Perser', Wiener Byzantinistische Studien 2, Vienna, 1966", with German translation. Dialogue 7 was edited with French translation as "Manuel II Pal ologue, Entretiens avec un Musulman, e Controverse, (Sources Chr tiennes 115), Paris, 1966. A three-volume edition with German translation of the whole work is: "Manuel II Palaiologos, Dialoge mit einem Muslim, 3 vols, (Corpus Islamo-Christianum 4/1-3), W rzburg, 1993, 1995 and 1996". There is also an edition with German translation of the first 7 dialogues: "Kaiser Manuel II Palaiologos, Dialog ber den Islam und Erziehungsratschl ge. Mit drei Briefen K nig Sigismunds von Luxemburg an Manuel II, (Texte der Weltliteratur 1), Vienna, 2003."
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: legend_of_the_seven_sages.htm
A Greek Christian Text on the Seven Sages: Ps.-Athanasius, On the Temple at Athens (2013)
A Greek Christian Text on the Seven Sages: Ps.-Athanasius, On the Temple at Athens (2013)
A Greek Christian Text on the Seven Sages:
Ps.-Athanasius, On the Temple at Athens
Translated by Adam C. McCollum
The Greek text translated here was published in A. Delatte, "Le déclin de la Légende des VII Sages et les Prophéties théosophiques", Musée Belge 27 (1923): 97-111.1 My copy of the article is of low quality and not easily readable, so I have retyped the text and numbered the paragraphs; the text follows the translation.2 The meaning of some parts of the text is hardly obvious, and I welcome corrections and comments sent to acmccollum101@gmail.com.English translation
On the Temple, Schools, and Theatres in Athens
Commentary of Athanasius the Great on the Temple in Athens
1 Those who do not understand the divine scriptures we ought to persuade concerning the knowledge of God further from the nature of things itself, for we see certain essences in creation that cooperate3 with each other not naturally but supernaturally. As an example I mention the essence of water, a nature that is flowing and having a downward tendency: how, then, do we see the so-called water-spouts carrying water up out of the sea to the clouds? But more surprising is the fact that [what had been] salty, as it returns to the earth, comes down through the rain as something sweet. And again, how does the nature of bodies, naturally sinkable, appear unsinkable and unsubmergeable in the waters of the Pentapolis of Marmarica?4 Not only this, but at one time in Lycia on the mountain called Olympus nature was also the reverse of both water and fire5 at the same time, as countless people have seen, and even to the present [people] witness this, and countless other paradoxes are seen and marveled at in creation, things that would not thus be destined to be supernatural, were it not for some essence of God mastering them and commanding them not to oppose each other. O children of the Greeks! How, when there is severe thunder, does all human nature tremble, shudder, and stop dumbfounded, declaring through that bearing that it is under [the power of] a master who effects the thunder? 2 While these things bring examples for the knowledge of God to the simpler ones among the Greeks, to the wise among them certain wise men of the Greeks from among the old and able philosophers declared many testimonies concerning reverence for God, and they even dimly declared beforehand the economy of Christ. For many years before the arrival of Christ, a certain wise man, Apollo by name — moved, I believe by God — founded the temple in Athens, having written on its altar, to the unknown god. In this [temple], then, were gathered the first philosophers of the Greeks, that they might ask him about the temple and about prophecy and reverence for God. Their names, we will say, are these: first Titon, second Bias, third Solon, fourth Cheilon, fifth Thucydides, sixth Menander, seventh Plato. These seven philosophers spoke to Apollo: "Prophesy to us, O prophet Apollo: what is this temple, and whose is this altar behind you?" Apollo said to them: "Whatever pertains to virtue and good order, arise to do, [and] do it! For I announce the triune ruler on high, whose ineffable Logos will be conceived in a free6 girl. Like a fire-bearing bow, he will bring a gift to [his] father that, [instead of killing], has taken captive the whole world. Mary is her name."
3 This is the explanation of the prophecy: The first saying has to do with the temple. Ηe says to do what pertains to the good order of the temple along with practicable beauty: do things pleasing to God and to people. For I take [God] to be a great king on high in three persons in heaven: its7 God without beginning, and Logos becomes flesh in an unmarried girl, and he will appear like a fire-bearing bow — or something more powerful — to the whole world, fishing for people as for fish from the depth of unbelief and ignorance, people whom he will offer as a gift to his own father. Mary is her8 name. Apollo said these things in prophecy.4 Titon said, "There will come a young girl who has progeny for us, the heavenly child of [our] God and Father. The girl conceives without a man." Bias said, "He has come from the heavens, an exceeding, immortal fire of flame, at whom, heaven, earth, and sea tremble, [together with] the hells9 and the demons of the deep, [the one who is] self-engendered10 and thrice-happy." Solon said, "Eventually at some time will God drive on11 to this much-divided earth and without error become flesh; in the bounds of his inexhaustible divinity he will destroy the corruption of incurable sufferings, the ill-will of people will become bitter toward him, yet when he has been hung up like one condemned to death, he will humbly persuade each one." Cheilon said, "He will be the inexhaustible nature of God, and [as] Logos he will derive from him [God] himself." Thucydides said, "Honor God and learn! Do not seek who he is and how, for either he is or he is not: as he is, honor him!" Menander said, "The old is new and the new ancient, the father progeny and progeny a father. The one is three and the three one. Fleshless is of flesh. Earth has given birth to the heavenly king." Plato said,12 "Since God is good, he is not responsible for everything, as many people say; rather, for many things he is not responsible. We say that he and no other is responsible for good things: only of what is beautiful, hardly of what is bad." In turn these seven spoke:13 they were concerned with the economy of Christ and with the holy Trinity.
5 Another Greek sage, called Asclepius, along with some others, asked Hermes, more philosophical than all the philosophers, to give them a saying about God's nature. Hermes took a pen14 and wrote as follows: "Except for some providence of the Lord of all, he would be wishing neither to reveal this saying, nor to occupy you with such deeds, that you ask about them, for it is not possible for such things to be handed over to the uninitiated, but [as for you], listening with the mind, listen! There was only one: intellectual light before intellectual light, and it had unity from the mind in light and spirit. All things are from him and to him.15 One fertile, having come down from [another] fertile one onto fertile water,16 made the water pregnant."176 You know how the children of the Greeks prophesied and declared beforehand the God who is before all eternity, his Son and Word likewise without origin, and his co-reigning and consubstantial Spirit, and declared beforehand the costly sufferings of the cross. To him be glory and power along with the Father without beginning and the all-holy Spirit forever and ever, Amen!
Greek text
Περὶ τοῦ ναοῦ καὶ περὶ τῶν διδασκαλείων καὶ
τῶν θεάτρων ἐν Ἀθήναις
Ἀθανασίου τοῦ μεγάλου ἐξηγητικὸν περὶ τοῦ ἐν Ἀθήναις ναοῦ
1 Τοὺς τὰς θείας γραφὰς μὴ ἐπισταμένους ἐξ αὐτῆς λοιπὸν τῆς τῶν πραγμάτων φύσεως πεῖσαι ὀφείλομεν περὶ θεογνωσίας. ὁρῶμεν γάρ τινας οὐσίας ἐν τῇ κτίσει, οὐ κατὰ φύσιν, ἀλλὰ ὑπὲρ φύσιν μετ᾽ ἀλλήλων ὑπηρέτουσας· οἷον τι λέγω, φύσις ἡ τῶν ὑδάτων οὐσία ῥευστὴ καὶ κατωφερὴς ὑπάρχει· πῶς οὖν ὁρῶμεν τοὺς λεγομένους σίφωνας ἐκ τῆς θαλάσσης ὕδωρ πρὸς τὰς νεφελὰς ἀνάγοντας; τὸ δὲ θαυμαστότερον ὅτι τὸ ἁλμυρὸν ἀνερχόμενον γλυκὺ ἐπὶ γῆς διὰ τῶν ὄμβρων κατέρχεται. πῶς δὲ πάλιν ἡ τῶν σωμάτων φύσις βολιστικὴ κατὰ φύσιν ὑπάρχουσα ὁρᾶται ἀβόλιστος καὶ ἄδυτος ἐν τοῖς ὕδασι τῆς Μαρμαρικῆς Πενταπόλεως; οὐ μόνον δέ, ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ ὕδατος καὶ πυρὸς ἐναντία ἡ φύσις ὑπάρχουσα ἐν τῷ ἅμα ἦν ποτε ἐν Λυκίας τῷ ὄρει τῷ λεγομένῳ Ὀλύμπῳ, καθὼς μυριάδες ἀνδρῶν ἑωράκασι, καὶ μέχρι τοῦ νῦν ἐκείνο βλέπουσι. καὶ ἄλλα δὲ μυρία παράδοξά ἐστιν ἐν τῇ κτίσει θεωρούμενα καὶ θαυμαζόμενα ἅτινα οὐκ ἂν οὕτως ὑπὲρ φύσιν γενέσθαι ἔμελλον, εἰ μὴ οὐσία τις θεοῦ ἦν τούτων δεσπόζουσα καὶ τούτοις ἐπιτρέπουσα ἀλλήλοις μὴ ἀντιτάττεσθαι. ὦ Ἑλλήνων παῖδες, βροντῆς στερρᾶς γινομένης πῶς ἅπασα ἡ τῶν ἀνθρώπων φύσις τρέμει, φρίττει τε καὶ ἐξίσταται, μηνύουσα διὰ τοῦ σχήματος ὅτι ὑπὸ δεσπότου ἐστὶ τοῦ τὰς βροντὰς ἐργαζομένου.
2 Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν πρὸς τοὺς ἀφελεστέρους τῶν Ἑλλήνων εἰς θεογνωσίαν φέροντα ὑποδείγματα, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς σοφούς, ἐκ φιλοσόφων ἀρχαίων δυνατῶν μαρτυρίας πολλὰς περὶ θεοσεβείας τινὲς Ἑλλήνων σοφοὶ ἔφρασαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν τοῦ Χριστοῦ οἰκονομίαν ἀμυδρῶς προεμήνυσαν. καὶ γὰρ πρὸ πολλῶν χρόνων τῆς Χριστοῦ ἐπιδημίας, σοφός τις ὀνόματι Ἀπόλλων θεόθεν, ὡς οἶμαι, ἐπικινηθεὶς ἔκτισε τὸν ἐν Ἀθήναις ναόν, γράψας ἐν βωμῷ αὐτοῦ· Ἀγνώστῳ Θεῷ. ἐν αὐτῷ τοίνυν συνήχθησαν οἱ πρῶτοι τῶν Ἑλλήνων φιλόσοφοι ἵνα περὶ τοῦ ναοῦ ἐρωτήσωσιν αὐτὸν καὶ περὶ προφητείας καὶ θεοσεβείας· ὧν τὰ ὀνόματα ἐροῦμεν ταῦτα· πρῶτος Τίτων, δεύτερος Βίας, τρίτος Σόλων, τέταρτος Χείλων, πέμπτος Θουκυδίδης, ἕκτος Μένανδρος, Ἕβδομος Πλάτων. οὗτοι οἱ ἑπτὰ φιλόσοφοι ἔφησαν τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι· Προφήτευσον ἡμῖν, προφῆτα, ὦ Ἄπολλον, τίς ἐστιν ὅδε ναὸς τίνος τε εἴη μετὰ σε βωμὸς οὗτος. πρὸς οὓς ὁ Ἀπόλλων ἔφη· Ὅσα μὲν πρὸς ἀρετὴν καὶ κόσμον ὀρώρετε ποιεῖν, ποιεῖτε. ἐγὼ γὰρ ἐφετμεύω τρισένα ὑψιμέδοντα, οὗ λόγος ἄφθεγκτος ἐν ἀδέτῳ κόρῃ ἔγκυμος ἔσται· ὥσπερ πυροφόρον τόξον ἅπαντα κόσμον ζωγρήσας πατρὶ προσάξει δῶρον· Μαρία δὲ τὸ ὄνομα αὐτῆς.
3 Ἔστι δὲ ἡ λύσις προφητείας αὕτη· περὶ μὲν οὖν τοῦ ναοῦ ἐστιν ὁ πρῶτος λόγος· ὅσα, φησί, πρὸς κόσμον τοῦ ναοῦ καὶ κάλλος δυνατὸν ὑμῖν ποιῆσαι, τὰ ἀρέσκοντα τῷ θεῷ καὶ ἀνθρώποις. ἐγὼ γὰρ ὑπολαμβάνω εἶναι ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ τρισυπόστατον μέγαν ὕψιστον βασιλέα· τούτου ἄναρχος θεὸς καὶ λόγος ἐν ἀγάμῳ κόρῃ σαρκοῦται καὶ ὥσπερ πυροφόρον τόξον — ἢ ὡς δυναμώτερον — ἅπαντα κόσμον φανήσεται, ἁλιεύων τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὥσπερ ἰχθύα ἐκ τοῦ βυθοῦ τῆς ἀπιστίας καὶ ἀγνωσίας, οὕστινας προσάξει τῷ ἑαυτοῦ πατρὶ δῶρον· Μαρία δὲ τὸ ὄνομα αὐτῆς. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν προφητεύων ὁ Ἀπόλλων εἶπε.
4 Τίτων ἔφη· Ἥξει ἡ νεᾶνις ἔχουσα ἡμῖν γόνον τὸν οὐράνιον, τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ πατρὸς παῖδα· ἡ ἄνανδρος κόρη κύει. Βίας εἶπεν· Οὗτος ἐστιν ἀπὸ οὐρανῶν βεβηκώς, φλογὸς ὑπερβάλλον ἀθάνατον πῦρ· ὃν τρέμει οὐρανὸς γῆ τε θάλασσα, τάρταροι καὶ βύθιοι δαίμονες· αὐτοπάτωρ, τρισόλβιος. Σόλων εἶπεν· Ὀψέ ποτε ἐπὶ τὴν πολυσχεδῆ ταύτην ἐλάσειε θεὸς γαῖαν· καὶ δίχα σφάλματος σὰρξ γενήσεται· ἀκαμάτου θεότητος ἀνιάτων παθῶν λύσει φθοράν. καὶ τούτῳ πικρὸς γενήσεται φθόνος λαοῦ καὶ πρὸς ὕψος κρεμασθείς, ὡς θανάτου κατάδικος, πάντα πράως πείσεται. Χείλων εἶπεν· Ἀκάματος φύσις θεοῦ γενήσεται· ἐξ αὐτοῦ δὲ αὐτοῦ οὐσιοῦται λόγος. Θουκυδίδης εἶπε· Θεὸν σέβου καὶ μάνθανε· μὴ ζήτει δὲ τίς ἐστι καὶ πῶς· εἴτε γὰρ ἔστιν εἴτε οὐκ ἔστιν, ὡς ὄντα τοῦτον σέβου καὶ μάνθανε· εὐσεβὴς γὰρ τὸν νοῦν ὁ θέλων μανθάνειν θεόν. Μένανδρος εἶπεν· Ὁ παλαιὸς νέος καὶ ὁ νέος ἀρχαῖος· ὁ πατὴρ γόνος καὶ ὁ γόνος πατήρ· τὸ ἓν τρία καὶ τὰ τρία ἕν· ἄσαρκον σαρκικόν· γῆ τέτοκε τὸν οὐράνιον βασιλέα. Πλάτων εἶπεν· Ἐπειδὴ ὁ θεὸς ἀγαθός, οὐ πάντων ἐστὶν αἴτιος, ὡς οἱ πολλοὶ λέγουσιν· πολλῶν δὲ ἀναίτιος· καὶ τῶν μὲν ἀγαθῶν, οὐδενὸς ἄλλου, φαμὲν αἴτιον εἶναι· μόνον τῶν καλῶν, κακῶν δὲ οὐκέτι. Αὖ πάλιν ἔφησαν οὗτοι οἱ ἑπτὰ καὶ εἶπον· Εἶεν περὶ τῆς τοῦ Χριστοῦ οἰκονομίας καὶ περὶ τῆς ἁγίας τριάδος.
5 Ἄλλος δέ τις τῶν Ἑλλήνων σοφὸς μεθ᾽ ἑτέρων τινῶν, Ἀσκληπιὸς λεγόμενος, ᾔτησεν τὸν Ἑρμῆν τῶν πάντων φιλοσόφων φιλοσοφώτερον δοῦναι αὐτοῖς λόγον περὶ θεοῦ φύσεως. ὁ δὲ Ἑρμῆς λαβὼν σιφέριον ἔγραψεν οὕτως· Εἰ μὴ πρόνοια τις τοῦ τῶν πάντων κυρίου, οὐ μὴν τὸν λόγον τοῦτον ἀποκαλύψαι ἠβούλετο οὐδὲ ὑμᾶς τοιούτοις ἔργοις κατεῖχεν ἵνα περὶ τούτων ἐρωτήσητε. οὐ γὰρ ἐφικτόν ἐστιν εἰς ἀμυήτους τοιαῦτα παρασχέσθαι μυστήρια, ἀλλὰ τῷ νοῖ ἀκούοντες ἀκούσατε· ἓν μόνον ἦν· φῶς νοερὸν πρὸ φωτὸς νοεροῦ· καὶ ἦν αὐτῷ ἕνωσις ἐκ τοῦ νοῦ φωτὶ καὶ πνεύματι· τὰ πάντα ἐξ αὐτοῦ καὶ εἰς αὐτόν· γόνιμος ἐξ γονίμου κατελθὼν ἐπὶ γονίμῳ ὕδατι ἔγκυον τὸ ὕδωρ ἐποίησεν.18
6 Οἶδας πῶς οἱ τῶν Ἑλλήνων παῖδες προεφήτευσαν καὶ τὸν προάναρχον Θεὸν καὶ τὸν συνάναρχον αὐτοῦ Υἱὸν καὶ Λόγον, καὶ τὸ σύνθρονον αὐτοῦ καὶ ὁμοοῦσιον Πνεῦμα προεκήρυξαν καὶ τὰ τίμια τοῦ σταυροῦ πάθη προεκύρηξαν· αὐτῷ ἡ δόξα καὶ τὸ κράτος σὺν τῷ ἀνάρχῳ Πατρὶ καὶ τῷ Παναγίῳ Πνεύματι εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰῶνων. ἀμήν.
1Cf. A. von Premerstein, "Ein pseudo‑athanasianischer Traktat mit apokryphen Philosophensprüchen im Codex Bodleianus Roe 5," in Εἰς μνήμην Σπυρίδωνος Λάμπρου (Athens, 1935), 183‑186. I have not closely compared the two texts word for word, something a thorough study would naturally entail. In addition, some of the prophecies also appear in H. Erbse, ed. Theosophorum Graecorum fragmenta (Stuttgart and Leipzig: Teubner, 1995).
2Commissioned by Mr. Roger Pearse. At http://www.apologitis.com/gr/ancient/profiteies.htm are essentially the same excerpts from Vat. Gr. 1198, which Delatte had also used, and other manuscripts, together with a translation into modern Greek.
3Lit. "serve".
4In North Africa on the coast of modern Libya. Swimming in these waters was apparently like like swimming in the Dead Sea, i.e. like floating.
5The meaning is not clear, the more so since he gives no example of the occurrence.
6That is, unbound. It is used elsewhere of Mary; see Lampe 31 s.v.
7Heaven's, the temple's?
8The aforementioned "unmarried girl".
9Sic. Perhaps read ταρτάριοι "hellish", thus being an adjective alongside βύθιοι "of the deep", and modifying "demons"?
10Unless this is the same as αὐτοπατήρ "very father" (cf. Lampe 272 s.v., and, for the concept, Isa 9:6).
11The verb here is the regular word for conveying oneself on a horse, in a ship or chariot, etc., but the word object, the thing driven, is sometimes omitted, as here.
12Cf. Rep. 2, 379c.
13The Greek actually has two verbs of speech here, a relatively common construction (cf. LSJ s.v. A.II.2.), but I just use one verb in English.
14So Lampe 1234 s.v., but see Delatte's note in the Greek text.
15Cf. Rom 11:36.
16This almost certainly means seminal fluid, particularly in this context of generation and fertility. Cf. Arist., Mete. 382b13, where, along with wine and urine, ὀρός, which can refer to seminal fluid, is said to be a kind of "water" (i.e. a liquid).
17The Bodleian manuscript (the Greek is given in a note below) has Solon making the statement and it is different, but not necessarily clearer: "Progeny, having come down from progeny, made the [water] of the earth the water [again, seminal fluid] of the begetter."
18 In the Bodleian text published by von Premerstein, this saying is put in the mouth of Solon and runs, Γόνος ἐκ γόνου κατελθὼν τοῦ γεννήτορος γόνιμον ὕδωρ ἐποίησε τὸ τῆς γῆς (153v).
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: cicero_dream_of_scipio_02_trans.htm
Cicero, The Dream of Scipio - Somnium Scipionis (1883) pp.3-14
Cicero, The Dream of Scipio - Somnium Scipionis (1883) pp.3-14
[Translated by W. D. Pearman]
1. When I reached Africa to serve under the general Manius Manilius, being, as you are aware, Military Tribune attached to the th Legion, I made nothing of more importance than to meet Masinissa, a prince for good reasons most attached to our family.
As soon as I came to him, the old man folded me in his arms and wept over me; and after some time he looked up to heaven and said: "I give you thanks, O Sun most high, and you, you other heavenly beings, for that, before my departure from this life, I behold in my realm and in this my home Publius Cornelius Scipio, by the mere mention of whose name I feel myself made young again: even as the memory of that most excellent and invincible hero is ever present in my heart," After this I asked him about his kingdom and he questioned me about our Commonwealth; and so with much converse on both sides we spent the whole of that day.
2. But in the evening, being right royally entertained, we prolonged our conversation far on into the night; the old man talking of nothing but Africanus and calling to mind not only all his deeds but his sayings too.
After this, when we separated for the night, both after my journey and as I had sat up till late at night, sleep folded me in a closer embrace than was usual.
Then there appeared to me,—for my part I believe, out of what we had been talking about: for it often happens that our thoughts and conversations give birth in sleep to some such fancy as that which Ennius records about Homer, of whom, to be sure, in his waking moments he was wont to think and talk very often— there appeared to me Africanus, in that form which was more familiar to me from his picture than from his person. When I recognised him, I shuddered, I assure you, but he said: "Be of good courage and banish fear, my Scipio, and record what I shall say.
3. Do you see that city, which although forced by my arms to yield obedience to the Roman people, is reviving the recollection of the wars of old and cannot rest in peace,"—now he was showing to me Carthage, from a place on high, full of stars, and bright and shining—, "that city, to attack which you are now coming almost as a private soldier? Within these two years you will destroy it as Consul; and that title, which so far you bear as an inheritance from me, shall be won for you by your own achievement. But when you hast razed Carthage, celebrated a triumph, held the office of Censor, and travelled on a mission over Egypt, Syria, Asia Minor and Greece, you will be elected Consul a second time though abroad; and you will bring a most important war to its close, you will utterly destroy Numantia. But when you ride in your car of triumph to the Capitol, you will find the state sorely troubled by the plotting of my own grandson.
4. Here, Africanus, you must display to the fatherland the light of your courage, genius and wisdom.
But in that time, I see the march of destiny, so to call it, hesitating between two ways. For, when your life has completed seven times eight full cycles of the sun; and these two numbers, each of which for a different reason is held to be a perfect number, in the revolution of nature has fulfilled your destined sum for you; to you alone and to your name the whole community will turn together: the Senate, all right-thinking citizens, the allies and the Latins will fix their eyes on you; you will be the one man on whom the community can lean for safety; and, in short, as Dictator you must reform the constitution, if only you can escape from the unnatural violence of your relations,"
At this point, Laelius having cried out and all the others groaned exceedingly,— "Hush! please," said Scipio with a gentle smile, "lest you rouse me from my sleep, and listen a while to the rest,"— 5. " But still, Africanus, so that you may be the readier to defend the Constitution, know this: for all who have preserved their fatherland, furthered it, enriched it, there is in heaven a sure and allotted abode, where they may enjoy an immortality of happiness.
For nothing happens in the world more pleasing to that supreme Deity, who governs all the universe, than those gatherings and unions of men allied by common laws, which are called states. From this place do their rulers and guardians set out, and to this place do they return."
6. Here, although I was greatly terrified, by dread not so much of death as of treachery from men of my own household, I found courage to ask if he was himself alive and my father Paulus and others, whom we regarded as dead. "Yes indeed they are alive," said he, "who have soared away from the bonds of the body, as from a prison-house; but your life, as it is called, is really death. Nay, look at Paulus, your father, coming towards you!" On seeing him I shed a flood of tears, but he folded me in his embrace and by kisses endeavoured to stop me weeping.
7. And, so soon as I began to be able to speak, having choked back my tears, "Pray, tell me," said I, "most revered and best of fathers, since this is life, as I hear Africanus say, why do I linger on earth? Why don't I hurry up and come to you there?" "It is not as you think," said he, "for unless that God, to whom all this region that you can see belongs, has released you from the keeping of your body, the entrance to this place cannot be open to you. For men were created subject to this law, to keep to that globe, which you see in the centre of this region and which is called the Earth; and to them a soul was given formed from those everlasting fires, which you mortals call constellations and stars, that, round and spherical in form, alive with divine intelligences, complete their orbits and circles with marvellous swiftness. So, my Publius, you and all good men must allow the soul to remain in the keeping of the body, nor without his command, by whom it was given to you, must you leave your human life, lest you should appear to have deserted the post assigned to men by God.
8. But rather, my Scipio -- like your grandfather here, like me your sire -- follow justice and natural affection, which though great in the case of parents and kinsfolk, is greatest of all in relation to our fatherland. Such is the life that leads to heaven and to this company of those who have now lived their lives and released from their bodies dwell in that place which you can see,"— now that place was a circle conspicuous among the fires of heaven by the surpassing whiteness of its glowing light—"which place you mortals, as you have learned from the Greeks, call the Milky Way." And as I surveyed them from this point, all the other heavenly bodies appeared to be glorious and wonderful,—now the stars were such as we have never seen from this earth; and such was the magnitude of them all as we have never dreamed; and the least of them all was that planet, which farthest from the heavenly sphere and nearest to our earth, was shining with borrowed light, but the spheres of the stars easily surpassed the earth in magnitude—already the earth itself appeared to me so small, that it grieved me to think of our empire, with which we cover but a point, as it were, of its surface.
9. And as I gazed upon this more intently, "Come!" said Africanus, "how long will your mind be chained to the earth? Do you see into what regions you have come?
See! the universe is linked together in nine circles or rather spheres; one of which is that of the heavens, the outermost of all, which embraces all the other spheres, the supreme deity, which keeps in and holds together all the others; and to this are attached those everlasting orbits of the stars. Beneath this there lie seven, which turn backwards with a counter revolution to the heavens; and of these spheres that star holds one, which men on earth call Saturn's star.
Next is that bright radiance, rich in hope and healing for the sons of men, which is called Jove's star; then one fiery red and dreaded by the world, which you call Mars; next lower down the sun holds nearly the middle region, the leader, chief and ruler of the other lights, the mind and ordering spirit of the universe, of such magnitude that he illumines the whole and fills it with his light. With him Venus and Mercury keep pace as satellites in their successive spheres; and in the lowest zone of all the moon revolves lighted up by the rays of the sun.
Now below these there is nothing more but what is mortal and transient except those souls which the bounty of the Gods has given to the sons of men; above the moon all is eternal. As for the earth, the ninth and central globe, it does not move but is the lowest point, and towards it all heavy bodies tend by their own gravity."
10. And, as I gazed on these things with amazement, when I recovered myself: "What," I asked, "what is this sound that fills my ears, so loud and sweet?" "This," he replied, "is that sound, which divided in intervals, unequal, indeed, yet still exactly measured in their fixed proportion, is produced by the impetus and movement of the spheres themselves, and blending sharp tones with grave, therewith makes changing symphonies in unvarying harmony. For not only is it impossible that such vast movements should sweep on in silence; but, by a natural law, the outermost parts on the one side give a grave, and on the other a sharp sound. Wherefore the highest of all, the celestial zone equipped with stars, whose revolution is more swift, moves with a sharp, high note; while this one of the moon, as it is the lowest, with the deepest tone of all. For the earth, which is the ninth, remaining motionless is ever firmly planted in one spot, clinging closely to the centre of the universe. Now the revolutions of those eight spheres, of which two have the same power, produce seven sounds with well-marked intervals; and this number, generally speaking, is the mystic bond of all things in the universe, And learned men by imitating this with stringed instruments and melodies have opened for themselves the way back to this place, even as other men of noble nature, who have followed godlike aims in their life as men.
11. But the ears of men overpowered by the volume of the sound have grown deaf; and you have in you no duller sense than that of hearing; for instance, at the Catadupa as it is called, where the Nile rushes headlong from very high mountains, the tribe which dwells near that spot, owing to the loudness of the noise has lost the sense of hearing. But this sound of the whole universe revolving at the utmost speed is so awful that the ears of men cannot contain it; just as you are unable to look straight: at the sun, and your eyesight and its perceptions are overpowered by his rays."
Though marvelling at these wonders I still kept turning my eyes at intervals towards the earth.
12. Thereupon: "I see," said Africanus, "that you are even now regarding the abode and habitation of mankind. And if this appears to you as insignificant as it really is, you will always look up to these celestial things and you won't worry about those of men. For what renown among men, or what glory worth the seeking, can you acquire? You see that on the earth only scattered and narrow plots are inhabited; while even in the very patches, as it were, in which men dwell, vast deserts are interspersed; and among those who live on the earth, there are not only such breaks that no communication can pass from one set to another, but some live in opposite zones; some on opposite sides of a zone; some even at the opposite point of the earth to you; and from these, at any rate, you can expect no glory.
13. Moreover you see that this earth is girdled and surrounded by certain belts, as it were; of which two, the most remote from each other, and which rest upon the poles of the heaven at either end, have become rigid with frost; while that one in the middle, which is also the largest, is scorched by the burning heat of the sun. Two are habitable; of these, that one in the South—men standing in which have their feet planted right opposite to yours—has no connection with your race: moreover this other, in the Northern hemisphere which you inhabit, see in how small a measure it concerns you! For all the earth, which you inhabit, being narrow in the direction of the poles, broader East and West, is a kind of little island surrounded by the waters of that sea, which you on earth call the Atlantic, the Great Sea, the Ocean; and yet though it has such a grand name, see how small it really is!
14. And yet of these very lands, which are frequented and familiar, could your name or that of any of your race have climbed beyond the summit of the Caucasus here or crossed the waters of the Ganges there? Who in the other remote regions of the rising or the setting sun or of the North or South will hear your name? Yet, leaving these aside, you can certainly see in what a narrow field your human glory aspires to spread. Again, the very men who talk of you, how long will they talk?
15. Why, even if those generations of men to come should care to hand down, in succession from father to son, the glory of each one of us; yet, still, owing to the deluges and conflagrations of the earth, which must happen periodically, we cannot acquire a lasting, much less an eternal renown. Nay, what does it matter that mention should be made of you by those who shall be born hereafter, when there was none among those who were born before you? They were not fewer in number but were, at any rate, better men; 16. the more so, as, among those very men, by whom our name may possibly be heard, no one can secure his reputation for a single year. Men, to be sure, commonly measure the year by the return of the sun, that is of a single heavenly body: but when all the constellations together shall have returned to the same point from which they once started; and after long intervals shall have restored the order of the whole heaven as it was before, then can that really be called the year of revolution: in which I hardly dare to say how many generations of men are comprehended. For as at that time, when the soul of Romulus made its way into these heavenly regions, the sun appeared to men to disappear and to be darkened, so whenever, in the same quarter and at the same time, the sun is again eclipsed, then, all the constellations and stars having been restored to their original position, you can say that a year has been fulfilled. But of this year know that as yet not a twentieth part has come round.
17. So, should you have lost hope of return to this place, on whom great and illustrious men rest all their hopes, what then is your human glory worth, which can hardly affect a scanty portion of a single year? Therefore, if you will choose to look aloft and fix your gaze on this our resting-place and eternal home, nor ever enslave thyself to the rumours of the rabble, nor stake the hope of your life on the rewards of men: virtue must draw you by her own attraction to true glory; what others say of you, let that be their own concern; but still they will talk. However, all that talk of theirs is both confined within those narrow bounds, which you can see, and has never been of long continuance in the case of any. It is buried with the men themselves, and ends in the forgetfulness of posterity."
18. When he had ended: "For my part," said I, "Africanus, if indeed a pathway, as it were, is open to the gates of heaven for those who have deserved well of their native land; although I have not failed to do you honour, from my boyhood t reading in my father's footsteps and in yours, yet now, with so great a prize before me, much more watchfully will I strive."
"Strive indeed," said he, "and be persuaded of this: it is not you that are mortal, but this body. For you are not that which your bodily form presents to view, but it is the mind of any man that is the man, not that figure which can be pointed out by the finger. Know then that you are a god; since he is a god who possesses force, feeling, memory and prescience, who directs, governs, and moves that body, of which he is the master, just as much as the supreme God of all moves this universe. And as the universe which is in some degree perishable is moved by God, who is himself eternal, so is the frail body moved by an immortal soul.
19. For that which moves all the time is eternal; but that which imparts motion to something else and itself receives its motion from some other source, must have a limit to its life because its motion can end. Therefore that only which moves of itself, because it never abandons itself so it never ceases to move. Moreover this is the source, this is the original cause of motion to all other things that move.
Now an original cause has no origin; for all things originate from it, but the original cause itself cannot arise from anything else. For it would not be an original cause if it had originated from something else. And as it has no origin so it never perishes. For if the original cause once perish it will neither be itself reproduced by another nor will it create another from itself; since all things must necessarily spring from the original cause. Hence we see that the original cause of motion resides in that, which is itself self-motive. Now that can neither be born nor die; otherwise the whole heaven and all nature would collapse and come to a standstill, nor would it find any power to give it the first impulse of motion.
20. Since therefore it is plain that what is self-motive is eternal, who can deny that this quality is an attribute of our souls? For, whereas everything is soulless that receives its impulse from without, that, on the contrary, which has a soul, moves by an inward motivation of its own. For this is the natural property and essence of the soul. And if this is the only thing in the world that is self-motive, assuredly it has had no beginning but is eternal.
21. Exercise this soul in the noblest activities. Now the noblest are cares and exertions for our country's welfare. And the soul which has been enlivened and trained by these will speed more fleetly to this its resting-place and home. And this will it do more readily if, even while still imprisoned in the body it strains beyond it, and, surveying that which lies outside it, as much as possible, endeavours to withdraw itself from the body.
For the souls of those who have given themselves over to the pleasures of the body, and have yielded themselves to be their servants, as it were, and at the prompting of those lusts which wait upon pleasures have broken the laws of God and man; when they have glided from their bodies, go grovelling over the face of the earth; nor do they return to this place, except after many ages of wandering."
So he departed, and I woke from my dream.
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Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: nepos_eintro.htm
Cornelius Nepos: Lives of Eminent Commanders (1886). Preface to the online edition
Cornelius Nepos: Lives of Eminent Commanders (1886). Preface to the online edition
Life of Cornelius Nepos
Nepos lived in the first century BC. Pliny the Elder twice refers to him as dying in the principate of Augustus (Natural History, ix.137; x.60), and he seems to have lived from around 99BC to around 24BC. We know from his own words that he outlived Atticus, who died in 32 BC, and that he lived to an advanced age.
The praenomen of Cornelius Nepos is unknown. Pliny the Elder speaks of him as Padi accola (NH. iii.127), and we know that he was born in that part of Cisalpine Gaul which took its name from the Insubres (Pliny the Younger, Letters. iv.28.1; cf. Cicero, Letters ad fam. xv.16.1). It has been inferred from this that he most likely was born in ancient Ticinum, today known as Pavia.
He lived in Rome, but we learn from Pliny the Younger that he was not of senatorial rank (Lett. v.3.6). He exchanged letters with Cicero (Macrobius, Saturnalia ii.1.14; Suetonius Julius 55; etc). Catullus dedicated a book of poems to him (Catullus 1). In his correspondence, Fronto suggests that, like Atticus, Nepos was a publisher as well as a writer (i. p.169, Loeb).
Works
Nepos wrote a considerable amount, but little has come down to us. The following items are known to us from references in other writers.
Love Poems. Mentioned by Pliny the Younger (Lett. v.3.6).
Chronica. Referred to by Catullus in his dedication. In three books. It gave an outline of world history from earliest times down to about 54 BC. Like the Atticus' Liber Annalis (Nepos, xxiii.13.1), it was a chronology.
Exempla. Mentioned by Aulus Gellius, who refers to its th book (Attic Nights, vi.18.11). An anthology of anecdotes, intended for use by orators. According to Rolfe, it must have been issued after 43 BC, as Suetonius says Nepos refers to the seige of Mutina in describing Augustus' drinking habits (Suetonius, Augustus 77). However it seems unclear whether this reference must refer to this particular work.
Life of Cato. Mentioned by Nepos himself (xxiv. 3.5)
Life of Cicero. Mentioned by Aulus Gellius (Attic Nights, xv.28.2), apparently composed after the death of the orator.
A treatise on Geography. The title is unknown, but the work is referred to by Pliny the Elder, who speaks of it as uncritical (v.4), and Pomponius Mela.
De viris illustribus. This was in at least 16 books, as Charisius cites the 16th book (i.141.13 K). It contained biographies, in groups of two books. The first book contained a set of famous men of various nations; the partner book then had Romans distinguished in the same field. This means at least 8 categories were present. From Nepos and others (Nepos x.3.2; xxi.1.1; xxiii.13.4; Suetonius vit. Ter. iii, p.457 Loeb) we learn of the categories of generals, historians, kings and poets. Gellius gives a reference to book 12, with reference to a Roman historian (xi.8.5), which is confusing: either there is an error in Gellius, or else an extra book of introductory matter preceded each pair of books of lives.
Our text is an extract of De viris illustribus. We have the entire book De excellentibus ducibus exterarum gentium -- on foreign generals -- plus two lives from De Historicis Latinis. There are also some fragments.
In the past, De excellentibus ducibus was attributed to Aemilius Probus, a grammarian of the period of Theodosius II (AD 408-450), since an epigram of his appears in some of the manuscripts, after the life of Hannibal, and followed in A and P by an explicit "Aemilii Probi de excellentibus ducibus exterarum gentium liber explicit." However, various passages indicate the author lived at the end of the Republic and start of the Principate (e.g. xviii.8.2; xvii.4.2; viii.2.4), and the resemblances in language and style to the other two lives, which come down to us under the name of Cornelius Nepos, are so substantial as to leave no doubt that they share the same author. Probus seems to have been the author of a collection of selected lives from Nepos.
The work was published before Atticus died, ca. 35 or 34 BC. A second edition appeared before 27 BC with additional material in the life of Atticus. The date is given by the fact that Augustus is everywhere referred to as Caesar, not under the title of Augustus conferred in 27BC.
According to his own statement (xvi.1.1) Nepos wrote biography, not history. The lives were addressed to the general public (praef.1-7; xv.1.1). There are obvious links of genre to the parallel lives of Plutarch.
Manuscripts
After late antiquity, knowledge of Nepos disappeared. However a single manuscript of Nepos seems to have survived the middle ages:
Dan. or Gif. (Lost) Formerly at St. Benoît-sur-Loire, it belonged in the 16th century to Pierre Daniel or (more probably) Gifanius. It is referred to as Dan. or Gif. in the literature, and some of its readings can be recovered from several printed editions in the 16th and 17th century, and also some manuscript notes about it by Paul Petau.
Two direct copies of it were made:
L. ---- Leiden, B.P.L. 2011. This was written in the third quarter of the fifteenth century, in the Netherlands/Rhine region. It does not contain the Life of Cato, or the Cornelia fragments.
P. ---- The codex Parcensis. (Lost) This came from the library of le Parc in Belgium. It was transferred to Louvain, and destroyed in WW in the bombardment in August 1914. Various detailed collations survive, notably one by K.L.Roth preserved in the University Library at Basle. Manuscript librarians are as a rule obstructive of photography, but a photograph of one page was made and appears in Chatelain, Paleographie de classiques latins, vol. ii, plate CLXXXII. It is written in a Flemish hand of the second half of the 15th century. This copy did not contain the life of Atticus or Cornelia fragments.
Further manuscripts:
A. ---- Wolfenbüttel, Gudianus latinus 166 (= the codex Guelferbytanus Gudianus 166). This was written at the very end of the 12th centur, perhaps in Northern France. It is also descended from Dan., but less directly than L or P. The text is markedly inferior to the agreement of L and P, although its value for the Lives of Cato, Atticus, and the Cornelia fragments is considerable. A photograph of a portion of the text is in Chatelain.
A large number of late copies exist, of which these are a few, listed in the Loeb.
B. ---- San Gallensis. 14th century.
M. ---- Monacensis. Written at Ulm in 1482.
R. ---- Codex Collegii Romani. 13th century.
H. ---- Codex Haenelianus. Written in 1469.
Can. ---- Codex Bodleianus Canonici Lat. 159. 15th century.
Leid. ---- Another Leiden Ms.
V. ---- Codex Vindobonensis. 15th century
Σ. ---- Codex Strozzianus (Florence).
F. ---- Codex Claromontanus 259. 15th century.
θ. ---- Codex Parisinus Lat. 5826.
μ. ---- Codex Parisinus Lat. 6143.
λ. ---- Codex Parisinus Lat. 5837
π. ---- Codex Parisinus (Arsenal library)
The Utrecht edition of 1542 also has independent value.
All the existing codices have the same lacuna at vi.2.3, and a number of obvious errors in common, and so are all descended from a single manuscript. This is assumed to be a minuscule, not earlier than the eleventh century.
Note
This translation of Nepos by the Rev. John Selby Watson, MA was found in the same volume as Eutropius and Justin, and has been added to the collection for completeness. However the Bohn text did not include a translation of the fragments. I have obtained the Latin text in the Loeb edition, and created a public domain English translation.
Roger PEARSE
2003
Bibliography:
E.S.FORSTER, Lucius Annaeus Florus: Epitome of Roman History, and John C. ROLFE, The Book of Cornelius Nepos on the Great Generals of Foreign Nations, Loeb edition, Harvard University Press (1929). I have used his introduction extensively for these notes, but have also verified Pliny the Younger and Suetonius.
L.D.REYNOLDS (Ed.), Texts and Transmissions: A survey of the Latin Classics. Oxford University Press (1983). The Nepos article is by P.K.MARSHALL.
P.K.MARSHALL, The manuscript tradition of Cornelius Nepos, BICS suppl. 37. London (1977) (Not seen).
P.K.MARSHALL, Cornelii Nepotis Vitae cum Fragmentis, Leipzig (1977). (Not seen).
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2003. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: nepos.htm
Cornelius Nepos: Lives of Eminent Commanders (1886) pp. 305-450
Cornelius Nepos: Lives of Eminent Commanders (1886) pp. 305-450.
Translated by the Rev. John Selby Watson, MA
Preface
1. Miltiades.
2. Themistocles.
3. Aristides.
4. Pausanias.
5. Cimon.
6. Lysander.
7. Alcibiades.
8. Thrasybulus.
9. Conon.
10. Dion.
11. Iphicrates.
12. Chabrias.
13. Timotheus.
14. Datames.
15. Epaminondas.
16. Pelopidas.
17. Agesilaus.
18. Eumenes.
19. Phocion.
20. Timoleon.
21. Of Kings.
22. Hamilcar.
23. Hannibal.
24. Marcus Porcius Cato. From the second book of Cornelius Nepos.
25. Titus Pomponius Atticus.
Fragments
CORNELIUS NEPOS.
------------
LIVES OF EMINENT COMMANDERS.
------------
PREFACE.
I do not doubt that there will be many,1 Atticus, who will think this kind of writing 2 trifling in its nature, and not sufficiently adapted to the characters of eminent men, when they shall find it related who taught Epaminondas music, or see it numbered among his accomplishments, that he danced gracefully, and played skilfully on the flutes 3. But these will be such, for the most part, as, being unacquainted with Greek literature, will think nothing right but what agrees with their own customs.
If these readers will but understand that the same things are not becoming or unbecoming among all people, but that every thing is judged by the usages of men's forefathers, they will not wonder that we, in setting forth the excellencies of the Greeks, have had regard to their manners. For to Cimon, an eminent man among the Athenians, it was thought no disgrace to have his half-sister, 4 by the father's side, in marriage, as his countrymen followed the same practice; but such a union, according to the order of things among us, is deemed unlawful. |306 In Greece it is considered an honour to young men to have as many lovers 5 as possible. At Lacedaemon there is no widow 6 so noble that will not go upon the stage, if engaged for a certain sum. Through the whole of Greece it was accounted a great glory to be proclaimed a conqueror at Olympia; while to appear upon the stage, and become a spectacle to the public,7 |307 was a dishonour to no one in that nation; but all these practices are, with us, deemed partly infamous, partly mean, and at variance with respectability. On the other hand, many things in our habits are decorous, which are by them considered unbecoming; for what Roman is ashamed to bring his wife to a feast, or whose consort does not occupy the best room in the house, and live in the midst of company? But in Greece the case is far otherwise; for a wife is neither admitted to a feast, except among relations, nor does she sit anywhere but in the innermost apartment of the house,8 which is called the gynaeconitis, and into which nobody goes who is not connected with her by near relationship.
But both the size of my intended volume, and my haste to relate what I have undertaken, prevent me from saying more on this point. We will therefore proceed to our subject, and relate in this book the lives of eminent commanders. |308
I. MILTIADES.
Miltiades leads out a colony to the Chersonese; is mocked by the people of Lemnos, I.----Makes himself master of the Chersonese; takes Lemnos and the Cyclades, II.----Is appointed by Darius, when he was making war on Scythia, to guard the bridge over the Ister; suggests a plan for delivering Greece from the Persians; is opposed by Histiaeus, III.----Exhorts his countrymen to meet Darius in the field, IV.----Defeats Darius before the arrival of the allies, V.----How he is rewarded, VI.----Breaks off the siege of Paros, is condemned, and dies in prison, VII.----True cause of his condemnation. VIII.
I. AT the time when Miltiades, the son of Cimon, an Athenian, was eminent above all his countrymen, both for the antiquity of his family, the glory of his forefathers, and his own good conduct,9 and was of such an age that his fellow citizens might not only hope well of him, but assure themselves that he would be such as they found him when he became known, it chanced that the Athenians wished to send colonists to the Chersonese.10 The number of the party being great, and many applying for a share in the expedition, some chosen from among them were sent to Delphi,11 to consult Apollo what leader they should take in preference to any other; for the Thracians at the time had possession of those parts, with whom they would be obliged to contend in war. The Pythia expressly directed them, when they put the question, to take Miltiades as their |309 commander, as, if they did so, their undertakings would be successful. Upon this answer from the oracle, Miltiades set out for the Chersonese with a fleet, accompanied by a chosen body of men,12 and touched at Lemnos, when, wishing to reduce the people of the island under the power of the Athenians, and requesting the Lemnians to surrender of their own accord, they, in mockery, replied that "they would do so, whenever he, leaving home with a fleet, should reach Lemnos by the aid of the wind Aquilo;" for this wind, rising from the north, is contrary to those setting out from Athens. Miltiades, having no time for delay, directed his course to the quarter to which he was bound, and arrived at the Chersonese.
II. Having there, in a short time, scattered the forces of the barbarians, and made himself master of all the territory that he had desired, he strengthened suitable places with fortresses, 13 settled the multitude, which he had brought with him, in the country, and enriched them by frequent excursions. Nor was he less aided, in this proceeding, by good conduct than by good fortune, for after he had, by the valour of his men, routed the troops of the enemy, he settled affairs with the greatest equity, and resolved upon residing in the country himself. He held, indeed, among the inhabitants, the authority of a king, though he wanted the name; and he did not attain this influence more by his power than by his justice. Nor did he the less, on this account, perform his duty to the Athenians, from whom he had come. From these circumstances it happened that he held his office in perpetuity, not less with the consent of those who had sent him, than of those with whom he had gone thither.
Having settled the affairs of the Chersonese in this manner, he returned to Lemnos, and called on the people to deliver up their city to him according to their promise; for they had said that when he, starting from home, should reach their country by the aid of the north wind, they would surrender themselves; "and he had now a home," he told them, "in the Chersonese." The Carians, who then inhabited Lemnos, |310 though the event had fallen out contrary to their expectation, yet being influenced, not by the words, but by the good fortune of their adversaries, did not venture to resist, but withdrew out of the island. With like success he reduced some other islands, which are called the Cyclades, under the power of the Athenians.
III. About the same period, Darius, king of Persia, resolved upon transporting his army from Asia into Europe, and making war upon the Scythians. He constructed a bridge over the river Ister, by which he might lead across his forces. Of this bridge he left as guardians, during his absence,14 the chiefs 15 whom he had brought with him from Ionia and Aeolia, and to whom he had given the sovereignty of their respective cities; for he thought that he should most easily keep under his power such of the inhabitants of Asia as spoke Greek, if he gave their towns to be held by his friends, to whom, if he should be crushed,16 no hope of safety would be left. Among the number of those, to whom the care of the bridge was then entrusted, was Miltiades.
As several messengers brought word that Darius was unsuccessful in his enterprise, and was hard pressed by the Scythians, Miltiades, in consequence, exhorted the guardians of the bridge not to lose an opportunity, presented them by by fortune, of securing the liberty of Greece; for if Darius should be destroyed, together with the army that he had taken with him, not only Europe would be safe, but also those who, being Greeks by birth, inhabited Asia, would be freed from the dominion of the Persians, and from all danger. "This," he said, "might easily be accomplished, for, if the bridge were broken down, the king would perish in a few days, either by the sword of the enemy, or by famine." After most of them had assented to this proposal, Histiaeus of Miletus, prevented the design from being executed; saying that "the same course would not be expedient for those who held sovereign command, as for the multitude, since their authority depended on the power of Darius, and, |311 if he were cut off, they would be deprived of their governments, and suffer punishment at the hands of their subjects;17 and that he himself, therefore, was so far from agreeing in opinion with the rest, that he thought nothing more advantageous for them than that the kingdom of the Persians should be upheld." As most went over to this opinion, Miltiades, not doubting that his proposal, since so many were acquainted with it, would come to the ears of the king, quitted the Chersonese, and went again to reside at Athens. His suggestion, though it did not take effect, is yet highly to be commended, as he showed himself a greater friend to the general liberty than to his own power.
IV. Darius, when he had returned from Asia into Europe, prepared, at the exhortation of his friends, in order to reduce Greece under his dominion, a fleet of five hundred ships, and appointed Datis and Artaphernes to the command of it, to whom he assigned two hundred thousand infantry and ten thousand cavalry; alleging as a reason for his enterprise, that he was an enemy to the Athenians, because, with their aid, the Ionians had stormed Sardis 18 and put his garrison to death. These generals of the king, having brought up their fleet to Euboea, soon took Eretria, carried off all the citizens of the place,19 and sent them into Asia to the king. They then went to Attica, and drew up their forces in the plain of Marathon, which is distant from the city of Athens about ten miles. The Athenians, though alarmed at this sudden descent, so near and so menacing, sought assistance nowhere but from the Spartans, and despatched Phidippides, a courier of the class called hemerodromoi,20 to Lacedaemon, to acquaint them how speedy assistance they needed. At home, |312 meanwhile, they appointed ten captains to command the army, and among them Miltiades.
Among these captains there was a great discussion, whether they should defend themselves within the walls, or march out to meet the enemy, and decide the contest in the field. Miltiades was the only one extremely urgent that a camp should be formed as soon as possible; "for," he said, "if that were done, not only would courage be added to their countrymen, when they saw that there was no distrust of their valour, but the enemy, from the same cause, would be less bold, if they saw that the Athenians would venture to oppose them with so small a force."
V. In this crisis no state gave assistance to the Athenians, except that of Plataea, which sent them a thousand men. On the arrival of these, the number of ten thousand armed men was made up; a band which was animated with an extraordinary ardour to fight. Hence it happened that Miltiades had more influence than his colleagues, for the Athenians, incited by his authority, led out their forces from the city, and pitched their camp in an eligible place. The next day, having set themselves in array at the foot of the hills opposite the enemy, they engaged in battle with a novel stratagem, and with the utmost impetuosity. For trees had been strewed in many directions, with this intention, that, while they themselves were covered by the high hills,21 the enemy's cavalry might be impeded by the spread of trees, so that they might not be surrounded by numbers. Datis, though he saw that the ground was unfavourable for his men, yet, depending on the number of his force, was desirous to engage, and the rather, because he thought it of advantage to fight before the Spartans came to the enemy's assistance. He led into the field, therefore, a hundred thousand foot and ten thousand horse, and proceeded to battle. In the encounter the Athenians, through their valour, had so much the advantage, that they routed ten times the number of the enemy, and threw them into such a consternation, that the Persians betook themselves, not to their camp, but to their ships. Than this battle there has hitherto been none more glorious; for never did so small a band overthrow so numerous a host. |313
VI. For this victory it does not seem improper to state what reward was conferred on Miltiades, that it may be the more easily understood that the nature of all states is the same; for as honours among our own people were once few and inexpensive, and for that reason highly prized, but are now costly and common, so we find that it formerly was among the Athenians. For to this very Miltiades, who had saved Athens and the whole of Greece, such honour only was granted, that when the battle of Marathon was painted in the portico called Poecile,22 his figure was placed first in the number of the ten commanders, and he was represented as encouraging his men, and commencing the battle. The same people, after they acquired greater power, and were corrupted by the largesses of their rulers, decreed three hundred statues to Demetrius Phalereus.
VII. After this battle the Athenians gave Miltiades a fleet of seventy ships, that he might make war on the islands that had assisted the barbarians. In the discharge of this commission he obliged most of them to return to their duty; 23 some he took by assault. Being unable to gain over by persuasion one of their number, the island of Paros, which was vain of its strength, he drew his troops out of his ships, invested the town,24 and cut off all their supplies; soon after, he erected his vineae 25 and tortoises, and came close up to the walls. When he was on the point of taking the town, a grove on the main land, which was some distance off, but visible from the island, was set on fire, by I know not what accident, in the night; and when the flame of it was seen by the townsmen and besiegers, it was imagined by both that it was a signal given by the men of the king's fleet; whence it happened that both the Parians were deterred 26 from surrendering, and Miltiades, fearing that the royal fleet was approaching, |314 set fire to the works which he had erected, and returned to Athens with the same number of ships with which he had set out, to the great displeasure of his countrymen. He was in consequence accused of treason, on the allegation, that "when he might have taken Paros, he desisted from the siege, without effecting anything, through being bribed by the king of Persia." He was at this time ill of the wounds which he had received in besieging the town, and, as he could not plead for himself, his brother Tisagoras spoke for him. The cause being heard, he was not condemned to death, but sentenced to pay a fine, which was fixed at fifty talents, a sum equivalent to that which had been spent on the fleet. As he could not pay this money, he was thrown into prison, and there ended his life.
VIII. Although he was brought to trial on the charge relating to Paros, yet there was another cause for his condemnation; for the Athenians, in consequence of the tyranny of Pisistratus, which had occurred a few years before, looked with dread on the aggrandizement of any one of their citizens. Miltiades having been much engaged in military and civil offices, was not thought likely to be contented in a private station, especially as he might seem to be drawn by the force of habit to long for power; for he had held uninterrupted sovereignty in the Chersonesus during all the years that he had dwelt there, and had been called a tyrant, though a just one; for he had not acquired his power by violence, but by the consent of his countrymen, and had maintained his authority by the uprightness of his conduct. But all are esteemed and called tyrants, who become possessed of permanent power in any state which had previously enjoyed liberty. In Miltiades, however, there was both the greatest philanthropy and a wonderful affability, so that there was no person so humble as not to have free access to him; he had also the greatest influence among all the states of Greece, with a noble name, and reputation for military achievements. The people, looking to these circumstances, chose rather that he should suffer, though innocent, than that they should continue longer in fear of him. |315
II. THEMISTOCLES.
Youth of Themistocles; he is disinherited by his father, I.----His eminence in the Corcyraean and Persian wars, II.----Battle of Artemisium, III.----His stratagem against Xerxes at Salamis, IV.----Causes Xerxes to quit Greece, V.----Builds the walls of Athens, deceiving the Lacedaemonians, VI. VII.----Is ostracised, and seeks refuge in various places, VIII.----His letter to Artaxerxes, and reception by him; dies at Magnesia, IX.
I. THEMISTOCLES was the son of Neocles, an Athenian. The vices of his early youth were compensated by great virtues, so that no one is thought superior, and few are considered equal to him.
But we must begin from the beginning. His father Neocles was of a good family, and married a native of Acharnae,27 of whom Themistocles was the son. Falling under the displeasure of his parents, because he lived too freely, and took no care of his property, he was disinherited by his father. This disgrace, however, did not dishearten him, but incited him to exertion, for being aware that it could not be obliterated without the utmost efforts on his part, he devoted himself wholly to affairs of state, studying diligently to benefit his friends as well as his own reputation. He was much engaged in private causes, and appeared often before the assembly of the people; no matter of importance was managed without him; he quickly discovered what was necessary to be done, and readily explained it in his speeches. Nor was he less ready in managing business than in devising plans for it, for, as Thucydides says, he formed a most accurate judgment of present affairs, and the shrewdest conjectures as to the future. Hence it happened that he soon became distinguished. |316
II. His first step in the management of public affairs was in the Corcyraean war.28 Being chosen commander by the people to conduct it, he increased the confidence of the citizens, not only as to the struggle in which they were engaged, but for time to come. As the public money, which came in from the mines, was annually wasted by the profusion 29 of the magistrates, he prevailed on the people that a fleet of a hundred ships should be built with that money. This being soon constructed, he first reduced the Corcyraeans, and then, by vigorously pursuing the pirates, rendered the sea secure. In acting thus, he both supplied the Athenians with wealth, and made them extremely skilful in naval warfare. How much this contributed to the safety of Greece in general, was discovered in the Persian war, when Xerxes assailed the whole of Europe by sea and land, with such a force as no man ever had, before or since; for his fleet consisted of two hundred ships of war, on which two thousand transport vessels attended, and his land force was seven hundred thousand foot, and four hundred thousand horse.
When the news of his approach was spread through Greece, and the Athenians, on account of the battle of Marathon, were said to be the chief objects of his attack, they sent to Delphi to ask what they should do in their present circumstances. As soon as they put the question, the Pythian priestess replied that "they must defend themselves with wooden walls." As no one understood to what this answer tended, Themistocles suggested that it was Apollo's recommendation that they should put themselves and their property on board their ships, for that such were the wooden walls intended by the god. This |317 plan being approved, they added to their former vessels as many more with three banks of oars, and carried off all their goods that could be moved, partly to Salamis and partly to Troezen. The citadel, and sacred things, they committed to the priests, and a few old men, to be taken care of; the rest of the town they abandoned.
III. This measure of Themistocles was unsatisfactory to most of the states, and they preferred to fight on land. A select force was accordingly sent with Leonidas, king of the Lacedaemonians, to secure the pass of Thermopylae, and prevent the barbarians from advancing further. This body could not withstand the force of the enemy, and were all slain on the spot. But the combined fleet of Greece, consisting of three hundred ships, of which two hundred belonged to the Athenians, engaged the king's fleet for the first time at Artemisium, between Euboea and the main land; for Themistocles had betaken himself to the straits, that he might not be surrounded by numbers. Though they came off here with success equally balanced, yet they did not dare to remain in the same place, because there was apprehension, lest, if part of the enemy's fleet should get round Euboea, they should be assailed by danger on both sides. Hence it came to past that they left Artemisium, and drew up their fleet on the coast of Salamis, over against Athens.
IV. Xerxes, having forced a passage through Thermopylae marched at once to the city, and as none defended it, destroyed it by fire, putting to death the priests that he found in the citadel. As those on board the fleet, alarmed at the report of this catastrophe, did not dare to remain where they were, and most of them gave their opinion that they should return to their respective homes, and defend themselves within their walls, Themistocles alone opposed it, saying that united they would be a match for the enemy, but declaring that if they separated they would be destroyed. That this would be the case he assured Eurybiades, king of the Lacedaemonians, who then held the chief command, but making less impression on him than he wished, he sent one of his slaves, the most trustworthy that he had, to Xerxes in the night, to tell him in his own precise words, that "his enemies were retreating, and that, if they should make off, he would require more labour and longer time to finish the war, as he would have to pursue |318 those singly, whom, if he attacked them immediately, he might destroy in a body and at once." The object of this communication was, that all the Greeks should be forced to fight even against their will. The barbarian, receiving this intimation, and not suspecting any guile to be hidden under it, engaged, the day after, in a place most unfavourable for himself, and most advantageous for the enemy, the strait being so confined30 that the body of his fleet could not be brought into action. He was defeated in consequence rather by the stratagem of Themistocles than by the arms of Greece.
V. Though Xerxes had thus mismanaged his affairs, he had yet so vast a force left, that even with this he might have overpowered his enemies. But in the meanwhile 31 he was driven from his position by the same leader. For Themistocles, fearing that he would persist in protracting the contest, sent him notice that it was in contemplation that the bridge, which he had made over the Hellespont, should be broken up, and that he should thus be prevented from returning into Asia; and he convinced him that such was the fact. In consequence Xerxes returned into Asia in less than thirty days, by the same way by which he had spent six months in coming, and considered himself not conquered, but saved, by Themistocles. Thus Greece was delivered by the policy of one man, and Asia succumbed to Europe. This is a second victory that may be compared with the triumph at Marathon; for the greatest fleet in the memory of man was conquered in like manner 32 at Salamis by a small number of ships
VI. Themistocles was great in this war, and was not less distinguished in peace; for as the Athenians used the harbour of Phalerum, which was neither large nor convenient, the triple port of the Piraeeus 33 was constructed by his advice, and enclosed with walls, so that it equalled the city in magnificence, and excelled it in utility. He also rebuilt the walls |319 of Athens at his own individual risk, for the Lacedaemonians, having found a fair pretext, in consequence of the inroads of the barbarians, for saying that no walled town should be kept up without the Peloponnesus, in order that there might be no fortified places of which the enemy might take possession, attempted to prevent the Athenians from building them. This attempt had a far different object from that which they wished to be apparent; for the Athenians, by their two victories at Marathon and Salamis, had gained so much renown among all people, that the Lacedaemonians became aware that they should have a struggle with them for the supremacy. They therefore wished the Athenians to be as weak as possible.
After they heard, however, that the erection of the wall was begun, they sent ambassadors to Athens to prevent it from being continued. While the ambassadors were present, they desisted, and said that they would send an embassy to them respecting the matter. This embassy Themistocles undertook, and set out first by himself, desiring that the rest of the ambassadors should follow when the height of the wall should seem sufficiently advanced; and that, in the meantime, all the people, slaves as well as freemen, should carry on the work, sparing no place, whether sacred or profane, public or private, but collecting from all quarters whatever they thought suitable for building. Hence it happened that the walls of the Athenians were constructed of materials from temples and tombs.
VII. Themistocles, when he arrived at Lacedaemon, would not go to the authorities at once, but endeavoured to make as much delay as possible, alleging, as a reason, that he was waiting for his colleagues. While the Lacedaemonians were complaining that the work was nevertheless continued, and that he was trying to deceive them in the matter, the rest of the ambassadors in the meantime arrived; and, as he learned from them that but little of the wall remained to be done, he proceeded to the Lacedaemonian Ephori, in whom the supreme power was vested, and assured them positively that "false accounts had been given them," adding "that it would be proper for them to send persons of character and respectability, in whom trust might be placed, to inquire into the affair; and that in the meantime they might detain himself as a hostage.' |320 His suggestion was complied with, and three deputies, men who had filled the highest offices, were despatched to Athens.
When Themistocles thought that they had reached the city, he went to the Ephori and senate of the Lacedaemonians, and boldly stated that "the Athenians, by his advice, had enclosed their public gods, and their national and household gods,34 with walls, that they might more easily defend them from the enemy, a step which they were at liberty to take by the common law of nations; nor had they, in acting thus, done what was useless to Greece; for their city stood as a bulwark against the barbarians, at which the king's fleets had already twice suffered shipwreck; and that the Lacedaemonians acted unreasonably and unjustly, in regarding rather what was conducive to their own dominion, than what would be of advantage to the whole of Greece. If, therefore, they wished to receive back the deputies whom they had sent to Athens, they must permit him to return; otherwise they would never receive them into their country again."
VIII. Yet he did not escape jealousy on the part of his own countrymen; for being expelled from the city by the ostracism, through the same apprehension from which Miltiades had been condemned, he went to dwell at Argos. While he was living there in great honour, on account of his many excellent qualities, the Lacedaemonians sent ambassadors to Athens to accuse him in his absence of having made a league with the king of Persia to subjugate Greece. On this charge he was condemned, while absent, of treason to his country. As soon as he heard of this sentence, he removed, as he did not think himself safe at Argos, to Corcyra. But perceiving that the leading men of that state were afraid lest the Lacedaemonians and Athenians should declare war against them on his account, he fled to Admetus, king of the Molossi, with whom he had had a great friendship. 35 Having arrived here, and the king being absent at the time, he, in order that he might secure himself, if received, with the stronger safeguard of |321 religion, took up the king's little daughter, and ran with her into a certain temple, which was regarded with the utmost veneration, and from which he did not come out till the king having given him his right hand, took him under his protection; an engagement which he strictly observed. For when his surrender was publicly demanded by the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, he did not betray his dependant, but warned him to consult for his safety, as it would be difficult for him to live in security in a place so near to Greece. He in consequence caused him to be conducted to Pydna, appointing him a sufficient guard. Here he went on board a ship, to all the sailors in which he was personally unknown. The vessel being driven by a violent storm towards Naxos, where the army of the Athenians then lay, Themistocles felt assured that, if he put in there, he must lose his life. Being thus compelled by necessity, he disclosed to the captain of the ship who he was, promising him a large reward if he would save him. The captain, moved with concern for so illustrious a man, kept the ship at anchor in the open sea, at some distance from the island, for a day and a night, allowing no person to quit it. Thence he went to Ephesus, where he set Themistocles on shore, who afterwards liberally rewarded him for his services.
IX. I know most historians have related that Themistocles went over into Asia in the reign of Xerxes, but I give credence to Thucydides in preference to others, because he, of all who have left records of that period, was nearest in point of time to Themistocles, and was of the same city. Thucydides says that he went to Artaxerxes, and sent him a letter in these words: "I, Themistocles, am come to you, a man, who, of all the Greeks, brought most evil upon your house, when. I was obliged to war against your father, and to defend my own country. I also did your father still greater service, after I myself was in safety, and he began to be in danger; for when he wished, after the battle fought at Salamis, to return into Asia, I informed him by letter that it was in contemplation that the bridge, which he had constructed over the Hellespont, should be broken up, and that he should be surrounded by enemies; by which information he was rescued from danger. But now, pursued by all Greece, I have fled to you, soliciting your favour, and if I shall obtain it, you will |322 find me no less deserving as a friend than your father found me resolute as an enemy. I make this request, however, that with regard to the subjects on which I wish to discourse with you, you would grant me a year's delay, and when that time is past, permit me to approach you."
X. The king, admiring his greatness of mind, and wishing to have such a man attached to him, granted his request. Themistocles devoted all that time to the writings and language of the Persians, in which he acquired such knowledge, that he is said to have spoken before the king with much more propriety 36 than those could who were born in Persia. After he had made the king many promises, and what was most agreeable of them all, that if he would follow his advice, he might conquer Greece in war, he was honoured with rich presents by Artaxerxes, and returning into Asia Minor, fixed his habitation at Magnesia. For the king had bestowed upon him this city, expressing himself in these words, that "it was to supply him with bread;" (from the land about this place fifty talents came into him annually;) and he had also given him Lampsacus, "whence he might get his wine," and Myus, "from which he might have meats for his table."37
Two memorials of Themistocles have remained to our times; his sepulchre near the city,38 in which he was buried, and his statues in the forum of Magnesia. Concerning his death various accounts have been given by several writers; we prefer, to all others, the authority of Thucydides, who says that he died of some disease at Magnesia, though he admits that there was a report that he voluntarily took poison, because he despaired of being able to perform what he had promised the king about subjugating Greece. Thucydides has also recorded that his bones were buried by his friends in Attica privately, it not being permitted by law to bury them, as he had been pronounced guilty of treason. |323
III. ARISTIDES.
Aristides the contemporary and rival of Themistocles; is banished, I. ----After his recall, commands against Mardonius; increases the popularity of the Athenians, II.----Has the care of the treasury, dies poor, III.
I. ARISTIDES, the son of Lysimachus, a native of Athens, was almost of the same age with Themistocles, and contended with him, in consequence, for pre-eminence, as they were determined rivals one to the other; 39 and it was seen in their case how much eloquence could prevail over integrity; for though Aristides was so distinguished for uprightness of conduct,40 that he was the only person in the memory of man (as far at least as I have heard) who was called by the surname of JUST, yet being overborne by Themistocles with the ostracism, he was condemned to be banished for ten years.
Aristides, finding that the excited multitude could not be appeased, and noticing, as he yielded to their violence, a person writing that he ought to be banished, is said to have asked him "why he did so, or what Aristides had done, that he should be thought deserving of such a punishment?" The person writing replied, that "he did not know Aristides, but that he was not pleased that he had laboured to be called Just beyond other men."
He did not suffer the full sentence of ten years appointed by law, for when Xerxes made a descent upon Greece, he was recalled into his country by a decree of the people, about six years after he had been exiled.
II. He was present, however, in the sea-fight at Salamis, which was fought before he was allowed to return. 41 He was |324 also commander of the Athenians at Plataeae, in the battle in which Mardonius was routed, and the army of the barbarians was cut off. Nor is there any other celebrated act of his in military affairs recorded, besides the account of this command; but of his justice, equity, and self-control, there are many instances. Above all, it was through his integrity, when he was joined in command of the common fleet of Greece with Pausanias, under whose leadership Mardonius had been put to flight, that the supreme authority at sea was transferred from the Lacedaemonians to the Athenians; for before that time the Lacedaemonians had the command both by sea and land. But at this period it happened, through the indiscreet conduct of Pausanias, and the equity of Aristides, that all the states of Greece attached themselves as allies to the Athenians, and chose them as their leaders against the barbarians.
III. 42 In order that they might repel the barbarians more easily, if perchance they should try to renew the war, Aristides was chosen to settle what sum of money each state should contribute for building fleets and equipping troops. By his appointment four hundred and sixty talents were deposited annually at Delos, which they fixed upon to be the common treasury; but all this money was afterwards removed to Athens.
How great was his integrity, there is no more certain proof, than that, though he had been at the head of such important affairs, he died in such poverty that he scarcely left money to defray the charges of his funeral. Hence it was that his daughters were brought up at the expense of the country, and were married with dowries given them from the public treasury. He died about four years after Themistocles was banished from Athens. |325
IV. PAUSANIAS
Pausanias at Plataeae, I.----He takes Byzantium, and makes advances to Xerxes, II.----His conduct abroad; his imprisonment, III.----He betrays his guilt, IV.----His death at the temple of Minerva, V.
I. PAUSANIAS the Lacedaemonian was a great man, but of varied character in all the relations of life; for as he was ennobled by virtues, he was also obscured by vices. His most famous battle was that at Plataeae, for, under his command Mardonius, a royal satrap, by birth a Mede, and son-in-law to the king (a man, among the chief of all the Persians, brave in action and full of sagacity), at the head of two hundred thousand infantry, whom he had chosen man by man, and twenty thousand cavalry, was routed by no very large army of Greeks; and the general himself was slain in the struggle.
Elated by this victory, he began to indulge in irregular proceedings,43 and to covet greater power. But he first incurred blame on this account, that he offered at Delphi, out of the spoil, a golden tripod with an inscription written upon it, in which was this statement, that "the barbarians had been cut off at Plataeae by his management, and that, on account of that victory, he had presented this offering to Apollo." These lines the Lacedaemonians erased, and wrote nothing but the names of the states by whose aid the Persians had been conquered.
II. After this battle they sent Pausanias with the confederate fleet to Cyprus and the Hellespont, to expel the garrisons of the barbarians from those parts. Experiencing equal good fortune in this enterprise, he began to conduct himself still more haughtily, and to aim at still higher matters; for having, at the taking of Byzantium, captured several Persian noblemen, and among them some relations of the king, he sent them secretly back to Xerxes, and pretended that they had escaped out of prison. He sent with them, also, Gongylus of Eretria, to carry a letter to the king, in which Thucydides 44 has recorded that the following words were written: "Pausanias, the general of Sparta, having discovered that those whom |326 he took at Byzantium are your relations, has sent them back as a gift, and desires to be joined in affinity with you. If therefore it seem good to you, give him your daughter in marriage. Should you do so, he engages, with your aid, to bring both Sparta and the rest of Greece under your sway. If you wish anything to be done with regard to these proposals, be careful to send a trustworthy person to him, with whom he may confer."
The king, extremely delighted at the restoration of so many persons so nearly related to him, immediately despatched Artabazus with a letter to Pausanias, in which he commended him, and begged that he would spare no pains to accomplish what he promised; if he effected it, he should never meet with a refusal of anything from him. Pausanias, learning what the king's pleasure was, and growing more eager for the accomplishment of his designs, fell under the suspicion of the Lacedaemonians. In the midst of his proceedings, accordingly, he was recalled home, and being brought to trial on a capital charge, was acquitted on it, but sentenced to pay a fine; for which reason he was not sent back to the fleet.
III. Not long after, however, he returned to the army of his own accord, and there, not in a sensible, but in an insane manner, let his views become known; for he laid aside, not only the manners of his country, but its fashions and dress. He adopted regal splendour and Median attire; Median and Egyptian guards attended him; he had his table served, after the Persian manner, more luxuriously than those who were with him could endure; he refused permission to approach him to those who sought it; he gave haughty replies and severe commands. To Sparta he would not return, but withdrew to Colonae, a place in the country of Troas, where he formed designs pernicious both to his country and himself. When the Lacedaemonians knew of his proceedings, they sent deputies to him with a scytala,45 on which it was written, after their fashion,46 that "if he did not return home, they would |327 condemn him to death." Being alarmed at this communication, but hoping that he should be able, by his money and his influence, to ward off the danger that threatened him, he returned home. As soon as he arrived there, he was thrown into the public prison by the Ephori, for it is allowable, by their laws, for any one of the Ephori to do this to a king.47 He however got himself freed from confinement, but was not cleared from suspicion, for the belief still prevailed, that he had made a compact with the king of Persia.
There is a certain class of men called Helots, of whom a great number till the lands of the Lacedaemonians, and perform the duties of slaves. These men he was thought to have solicited, by holding out to them hopes of liberty, to join him. But as there was no visible ground for a charge against him on these points, on which he might be convicted, they did not think that they ought to pronounce, concerning so eminent and famous a man, on suspicion only, but that they must wait till the affair should disclose itself.
IV. In the meantime a certain Argilian,48 a young man whom, in his boyhood, Pausanias had loved with an ardent affection,49 having received a letter from him for Artabazus, and conceiving a suspicion that there was something written in it about himself, because no one of those who had been sent to the same place on such an errand, had returned, loosed the string of the letter,50 and taking off the seal, discovered that if he delivered it he would lose his life. In the letter were also some particulars respecting matters that had been arranged between the king and Pausanias. This letter he delivered to the Ephori. The cautious prudence of the Lacedaemonians, on this occasion, is not to be passed without notice; for they were not induced, even by this man's information, to seize Pausanias, nor did they think that violent measures should be adopted, until he gave proof of his own guilt. |328
They accordingly directed the informer what they wished to have done. At Taenarus there is a temple of Neptune, which the Greeks account it a heinous crime to profane. To this temple the informer fled, and sat down on the steps of the altar. Close to the building, they made a recess underground, from which, if any one held communication with the Argilian, he might be overheard; and into this place some of the Ephori went down. Pausanias, when he heard that the Argilian had fled to the altar, came thither in great trepidation, and seeing him sitting as a suppliant at the altar of the divinity, he inquired of him what was the cause of so sudden a proceeding. The Argilian then informed him what he had learned from the letter, and Pausanias, being so much the more agitated, began to entreat him "not to make any discovery, or to betray him who deserved great good at his hands;" adding that, "if he would but grant him this favour, and assist him when involved in such perplexities, it should be of great advantage to him
V. The Ephori, hearing these particulars, thought it better that he should be apprehended in the city. After they had set out thither, and Pausanias, having, as he thought, pacified the Argilian, was also returning to Lacedaemon, he understood (just as he was on the point of being made prisoner) by a look from one of the Ephori who wished to warn him, that some secret mischief was intended against him. He accordingly fled for refuge, a few steps before those who pursued him, into the temple of Minerva, which is called Chalcioecos.51 That he might not escape from thence, the Ephori immediately blocked up the folding-doors of the temple, and pulled off the roof, that he might more readily die in the open air. It is said that the mother of Pausanias was then living, and that, though very aged, she was among the first to bring a stone, when she heard of her son's guilt, to the door of the temple, in order to shut him in. Thus Pausanias tarnished his great glory in war by a dishonourable death.
As soon as he was carried, half-dead, out of the temple, he gave up the ghost. When some said that his body ought to |329 be carried to the place where those given up to capital punishment were buried, the proposal was displeasing to the majority, and they interred him at some distance from the spot in which he died. He was afterwards removed from thence, in consequence of an admonition from the Delphic god, and buried in the same place where he had ended his life.
V. CIMON.
Cimon is compelled to go to prison on the death of his father; is liberated by his wife, I.-----His character and actions; he defeats the Persians by land and sea on the same day, II.----Is ostracised and recalled, and makes peace with the Lacedaemonians; his death, III.----His praises, IV.
I. CIMON, the son of Miltiades, an Athenian, experienced a very unhappy entrance on manhood; for as his father had been unable to pay to the people the fine imposed upon him, and had consequently died in the public gaol, Cimon was kept in prison, nor could he, by the Athenian laws,52 be set at liberty, unless he paid the sum of money that his father had been fined. He had married, however, his sister by the father's side,53 named Elpinice, induced not more by love than by custom; for the Athenians are allowed to marry their sisters by the same father; and a certain Callias, a man whose birth was not equal to his wealth, and who had made a great fortune from the mines, being desirous of having her for a wife, tried to prevail on Cimon to resign her to him, saying that if he obtained his desire, he would pay the fine for him. Though Cimon received such a proposal with scorn, Elpinice said that she would not allow a son of Miltiades to die in the public prison, when she could prevent it; and that she would marry Callias if he would perform what he promised.
II. Cimon, being thus set free from confinement, soon attained great eminence; for he had considerable eloquence, |330 the utmost generosity, and great skill, not only in civil law, but in military affairs, as he had been employed from his boyhood with his father in the army. He in consequence held the people of the city under his control, and had great influence over the troops. In his first term of service, on the river Strymon, he put to flight great forces of the Thracians, founded the city of Amphipolis, and sent thither ten thousand Athenian citizens as a colony. He also, in a second expedition, conquered and took at Mycale a fleet of two hundred ships belonging to the Cyprians and Phoenicians, and experienced like good fortune by land on the same day; for after capturing the enemy's vessels, he immediately led out his troops from the fleet, and overthrew at the first onset a vast force of the barbarians. By this victory he obtained a great quantity of spoil; and, as some of the islands, through the rigour of the Athenian government, had revolted from them, he secured the attachment, in the course of his return home, of such as were well disposed, and obliged the disaffected to return to their allegiance. Scyros, which the Dolopes at that time inhabited, he depopulated, because it had behaved itself insolently, ejecting the old settlers from the city and island, and dividing the lands among his own countrymen. The Thasians, who relied upon their wealth, he reduced as soon as he attacked them. With these spoils the citadel of Athens was adorned on the side which looks to the south.
III. When, by these acts, he had attained greater honour in the state than any other man, he fell under the same public odium as his father, and others eminent among the Athenians; for by the votes of the shells, which they call the ostracism, he was condemned to ten years' exile. Of this proceeding the Athenians repented sooner than himself; for after he had submitted, with great fortitude, to the ill-feeling of his ungrateful countrymen, and the Lacedaemonians had declared war against the Athenians, a desire for his well-known bravery immediately ensued. In consequence, he was summoned back to his country five years after he had been banished from it. But as he enjoyed the guest-friendship 54 of the Lacedaemonians, he thought it better to hasten to Sparta, and accordingly |331 proceeded thither of his own accord, and settled a peace between those two most powerful states.
Being sent as commander, not long after, to Cyprus, with a fleet of two hundred ships, he fell sick, after he had conquered the greater part of the island, and died in the town of Citium.
IV. The Athenians long felt regret for him, not only in war, but in time of peace; for he was a man of such liberality, that though he had farms and gardens in several parts, he never set a guard over them for the sake of preserving the fruit, so that none might be hindered from enjoying his property as he pleased. Attendants always followed him with money, that, if any one asked his assistance, he might have something to give him immediately, lest, by putting him off, he should appear to refuse. Frequently, when he saw a man thrown in his way by chance 55 in a shabby dress, he gave him his own cloak. A dinner was dressed for him daily in such abundance, that he could invite all whom he saw in the forum uninvited; a ceremony which he did not fail to observe every day. His protection, his assistance, his pecuniary means, were withheld from none. He enriched many; and he buried at his own cost many poor persons, who at their death had not left sufficient for their interment. In consequence of such conduct, it is not at all surprising that his life was free from trouble, and his death severely felt.
VI. LYSANDER.
Lysander conquers the Athenians, and establishes a decemvirate in the several states of Greece, I ----His cruelty to the Thracians, II.----He endeavours to dethrone the kings of Sparta, and corrupt the various oracles; is brought to trial and acquitted; is killed by the Thebans, III.----Was his own accuser, IV.
I. LYSANDER, the Lacedaemonian, left a high character of himself, which was gained, however, more by good fortune |332 than by merit. That he subdued the Athenians, when they were at war with the Lacedaemonians, in the twenty-sixth year of the contest, is certain; but how he obtained that conquest is but little known; for it was not effected by the valour of his own troops, but by the want of discipline among the enemy, who, from not being obedient to the commands of their leaders, but straggling about in the fields, and abandoning their vessels, fell into the power of their adversaries; in consequence of which disaster the Athenians submitted to the Lacedaemonians.
Lysander, elated with this victory, and having always before been a factious and bold man, allowed himself such liberty, that the Lacedaemonians, through his conduct, incurred the greatest unpopularity throughout Greece; for they having said that their object in going to war was to humble the overbearing tyranny of the Athenians, Lysander, after he had captured the enemy's fleet at Aegospotamos, endeavoured after nothing so much as to keep all the states of Greece under his authority, while he pretended that he acted thus for the sake of the Lacedaemonians. Having every where ejected those who favoured the party of the Athenians, he made choice of ten men in each city, on whom he conferred supreme authority, and the control of all proceedings. Into the number of these no one was admitted who was not attached to him by friendship, or who had not assured him, by pledging his faith, that he would be entirely at his disposal.
II. The decemviral government being thus established in every city, everything was done according to his pleasure. Of his cruelty and perfidy it is sufficient to give one instance, by way of example, that we may not weary our readers by enumerating many acts of the same individual. As he was returning in triumph from Asia, and had turned aside towards Thasos, he endeavoured, as the people had been eminent for fidelity to the Athenians, to corrupt them,56 as if those were wont to be the firmest friends who had been steady enemies. But he saw that unless he concealed his intention in the affair, |333 the Thasians would elude him, and take measures for their own interests. Accordingly 57....
III. The decemviral government, which had been appointed by him, his countrymen abolished. Incensed at this affront, he entered upon measures to remove the kings of the Lacedaemonians; but he found that he could not effect his object without support from the gods, because the Lacedaemonians were accustomed to refer everything to the oracles. In the first place, therefore, he endeavoured to corrupt Delphi, and, when he could not succeed in doing so, he made an attempt upon Dodona. Being disappointed there also, he gave out that he had made vows which he must pay to Jupiter Ammon, thinking that he would bribe the Africans with greater ease. When he had gone, accordingly, with this expectation into Africa, the priests of Jupiter greatly disappointed him, for they not only would not be bribed, but even sent deputies to Lacedaemon to accuse Lysander of "having endeavoured to corrupt the ministers of the temple." After being brought to trial on this charge, and being acquitted by the votes of his judges, he was sent with some auxiliary troops to the Orchomenians, and killed by the Thebans at Haliartus. How just was the decision regarding him,58 the speech was a proof, which was found in his house after his death, and in which he recommended to the Lacedaemonians, that, after they had abolished the regal government, a leader should be chosen from among the whole people to conduct the war; but it was written in such a manner, that it might seem to be in |334 accordance with the advice of the gods, which he, relying on his money, did not doubt that he should procure. This speech Cleon of Halicarnassus is said to have written for him
IV. In this place a transaction of Pharnabazus, the king's satrap, must not be omitted. When Lysander, as commander of the fleet, had done many cruel and avaricious acts in the course of the war, and suspected that reports of these proceedings had been made to his countrymen, he asked Pharnabazus to give him a testimonial to present to the Ephori, showing with what conscientiousnes he had carried on the war and treated the allies, begging him to write fully concerning the matter, as his authority on that head would be great. Pharnabazus promised him fairly, and wrote a long and full letter,59 in which he extolled him with the greatest praises. But when Lysander had read and approved of it, Pharnabazus substituted, while it was being sealed, another of the same size in its place, so like it that it could not be distinguished from it, in which he had most circumstantially accused him of avarice and perfidy. Lysander, accordingly, when he had returned home, and had said what he wished before the chief magistrates, handed them, as a testimonial, the letter which he had received from Pharnabazus. The Ephori, after having perused it when Lysander was withdrawn, gave it to him to read. Thus he became unawares his own accuser.
VII. ALCIBIADES.
Alcibiades eminent both in his virtues and vices, I.----His education, II.----He commands in the expedition against Syracuse; is suspected of profaning the mysteries, and of conspiring against the government, III.----Is recalled home, but flees, and attaches himself to the Lacedaemonians, IV.----Falling under suspicion among them, he flees to the Persians, and is afterwards reconciled to his countrymen, V.----His enthusiastic reception at Athens, VI. ----He again becomes unpopular there; his successes in Thrace, VII.----He tries to promote the good of his country, VIII.----He crosses over into Asia, IX.----Is killed in Phrygia, X.----His character, XI.
I. ALCIBIADES. the son of Clinias, was a native of Athens. In him nature seems to have tried what she could do; for it is agreed among all who have written concerning him, that no |335 one was ever more remarkable than he, either for vices or virtues. Born in a most distinguished city, of a very high family, and by far the most handsome of all the men. of his age, he was qualified for any occupation, and abounded in practical intelligence. He was eminent as a commander by sea and land; he was eloquent, so as to produce the greatest effect by his speeches; for such indeed was the persuasiveness of his looks and language, that in oratory no one was a match for him. He was rich,60 and, when occasion required, laborious, patient, liberal, and splendid, no less in his public than in his private life;61 he was also affable and courteous, conforming dexterously to circumstances; but, when he had unbent himself, and no reason offered why he should endure the labour of thought, was seen to be luxurious, dissolute, voluptuous, and self-indulgent, so that all wondered there should be such dissimilitude, and so contradictory a nature, in the same man.
II. He was brought up in the house of Pericles (for he is said to have been his step-son),62 and was. taught by Socrates. For his father-in-law he had Hipponicus, the richest man of all that spoke the Greek language; so that, even if he had contrived for himself, he could neither have thought of more advantages, nor have secured greater, than those which fortune or nature had bestowed upon him. At his entrance on manhood he was beloved by many, after the manner of the Greeks, and among them by Socrates, whom Plato mentions in his Symposium; for he introduces Alcibiades, saying that "he had passed the night with Socrates, and had not risen up from him otherwise than a son should rise from a father." When he was of maturer age, he had himself no fewer objects |336 of affection, his intercourse with whom, as far as was possible, he did many acts of an objectionable character, in a delicate and agreeable manner; which acts we would relate, had we not other things to tell of a higher and better nature.
III. In the Peloponnesian war, the Athenians, by his advice and persuasion, declared war against the Syracusans, to conduct which he himself was chosen general. Two colleagues were besides assigned him, Nicias and Lamachus. While the expedition was in preparation, and before the fleet sailed, it happened one night that all the statues of Mercury 63 that were in the city of Athens were thrown down, except one, which was before the gate of Andocides, and which, in consequence, was afterwards generally called the Mercury of Andocides.64 As it appeared that this could not have been done without a strong confederacy of many persons, since it had respect not to a private but to a public matter,65 great dread was excited among the multitude, lest some sudden tumult should arise in the city to destroy the people's liberty. The suspicion of this seemed chiefly to attach to Alcibiades, because he was considered both more influential, and of higher standing, than any private person; for he had secured many adherents by his generosity, and had made still more his friends by assisting them in legal proceedings. Hence it happened, that as often as he appeared in public, he drew the eyes of all people upon him; nor was any man in the whole city thought equal to him. They accordingly had not only the greatest hope of him, but also the greatest fear, because he was able to do much harm as well as much good. He was sullied also by ill report, for it was said that he celebrated the mysteries 66 in his |337 own house, a practice which, according to public opinion among the Athenians, was regarded as impious; and this matter was thought to have reference, not to religion, but to a conspiracy.67
IV. Of this crime he was accused by his enemies in a public assembly of the people. But the time for him to set out to the war was drawing near; and he considering this, and being aware of the habit 68 of his countrymen, requested that, if they wished anything to be done concerning him, an examination should rather be held upon him while he was pre sent, than that he should be accused in his absence of a crime against which there was a strong public feeling.69 But his enemies resolved to continue quiet for the present, because they were aware that no hurt could then be done him, and to wait for the time when he should have gone abroad, that they might thus attack him while he was absent. They accordingly did so; for after they supposed that he had reached Sicily, they impeached him, during his absence, of having profaned the sacred rites. In consequence of this affair, a messenger, to desire him to return home to plead his cause, being despatched into Sicily to him by the government, at a time when he had great hopes of managing his province successfully, he yet did not refuse to obey, but went on board a trireme which had been sent to convey him. Arriving in this vessel at Thurii in Italy, and reflecting much with himself on the ungovernable license 70 of his countrymen, and their violent feelings towards the aristocracy, and deeming it most advantageous to avoid the impending storm, he secretly withdrew from his guards, and went from thence first to Elis, and afterwards to Thebes. But when he heard that he was condemned to death, his property having been confiscated, and as had been usual, that the priests called Eumolpidae had been obliged by the people to curse him, and that a copy of the curse, engraven on a stone pillar, had been set up in a public place, in order that the memory of it might be better attested, |338 he removed to Lacedaemon. There, as he was accustomed to declare, he carried on a war, not against his country, but against his enemies, because the same persons were enemies to their own city; for though they knew that he could be of the greatest service to the republic, they had expelled him from it, and consulted their own animosity more than the common advantage. By his advice, in consequence, the Lacedaemonians made an alliance with the king of Persia, and afterwards fortified Deceleia in Attica, and having placed a constant garrison there, kept Athens in a state of blockade. By his means, also, they detached Ionia from its alliance with the Athenians, and after this was done, they began to have greatly the advantage in the contest.
V. Yet by these proceedings they were not so much rendered friends to Alcibiades, as alienated from him by fear; for when they saw the singular intelligence of this most active-minded man in every way, they were afraid that, being moved by love for his country, he might at some time revolt from them, and return into favour with his countrymen. They therefore determined to seek an opportunity for killing him. But this determination could not long be concealed from Alcibiades; for he was a man of such sagacity that he could not be deceived, especially when he turned his attention to putting himself on his guard. He in consequence betook himself to Tissaphernes, a satrap of King Darius; and having gained a way to an intimate friendship with him, and seeing that the power of the Athenians, from the ill success of their attempts in Sicily, was on the decline, while that of the Lacedaemonians, on the other hand, was increasing, he first of all conferred, through messengers, with Pisander the Athenian commander, who had a force at Samos, and made some mention concerning his return; for Pisander, with the same feelings as Alcibiades, was no friend to the power of the people, but a favourer of the aristocracy. Though deserted by him,71 he was received at first, through the agency of Thrasybulus the son of Lycus, by the army, and made commander at Samos; and afterwards, from Theramenes making interest for him, he was recalled by a decree of the people, and, while still absent, was appointed to equal command with |339 Thrasybulus and Theramenes. Under the influence of these leaders, so great a change in affairs took place, that the Lacedaemonians, who had just before flourished as conquerors, were struck with fear and sued for peace; for they had been defeated in five battles by land, and three by sea, in which they had lost two hundred triremes, that had been captured and had fallen into the possession of their enemies. Alcibiades, with his colleagues, had recovered Ionia, the Hellespont, and many Greek cities besides, situated on the coast of Asia, of which they had taken several by storm, and among them Byzantium. Nor had they attached fewer to their interest by policy, as they had exercised clemency towards those who were taken prisoners; and then, laden with spoil, and having enriched the troops and achieved very great exploits, they returned to Athens.
VI. The whole city having gone down to the Piraeeus to meet them, there was such a longing among them all to see Alcibiades, that the multitude flocked to his galley as if he had come alone; for the people were fully persuaded of this, that both their former ill success, and their present good fortune, had happened through his means. They therefore attributed the loss of Sicily, and the victories of the Lacedemonians, to their own fault, in having banished such a man from the country. Nor did they seem to entertain this opinion without reason; for after Alcibiades had begun to command the army, the enemies could withstand them neither by land nor by sea. As soon as he came out of his ship, though Theramenes and Thrasybulus had commanded in the same enterprises, and came into the Piraeeus at the same time with him, yet the people all followed him alone, and (what had never happened before, except in the case of conquerors at Olympia) he was publicly presented with golden and brazen crowns. Such kindness from his countrymen he received with tears, remembering their severity in past times. When he arrived at the city, and an assembly of the people had been called, he addressed them in such a manner, that no one was so unfeeling as not to lament his ill-treatment, and declare himself an enemy to those by whose agency he had been driven from his country, just as if some other people, and not the same people that was then weeping, had sentenced him to |340 suffer for sacrilege. His property was in consequence good to him at the public cost, and the same priests, the Eumolpidae, who had cursed him, were obliged to recall their curses; and the pillars, on which the curse had been written, were thrown into the sea.
VII. This happiness of Alcibiades proved by no means lasting; for after all manner of honours had been decreed him, and the whole management of the state, both at home and in the field, had been committed to him, to be regulated at his sole pleasure, and he had requested that two colleagues, Thrasybulus and Adimantus, should be assigned him (a request which was not refused), proceeding with the fleet to Asia, he fell again under the displeasure of his countrymen, because he did not manage affairs at Cyme 72 to their wish; for they thought that he could do every thing. Hence it happened that they imputed whatever was done unsuccessfully to his misconduct, saying that he acted either carelessly or treacherously, as it fell out on this occasion, for they alleged that he would not take Cyme, because he had been bribed by the king. We consider, therefore, that their extravagant opinion of his abilities and valour was his chief misfortune; since he was dreaded no less than he was loved, lest, elated by good fortune and great power, he should conceive a desire to become a tyrant. From these feelings it resulted, that they took his commission from him in his absence, and put another commander in his place. When he heard of this proceeding, he would not return home, but betook himself to Pactye,73 and there established three fortresses, Borni, Bisanthe, and Neontichos, and having collected a body of troops, was the first man of any Grecian state 74 that penetrated into Thrace, thinking it more glorious to enrich himself with spoils from barbarians than from Greeks. In consequence his fame |341 increased with his power, and he secured to himself a strong alliance with some of the kings of Thrace.
VIII. Yet he could not give up his affection for his country; for when Philocles, the commander of the Athenians, had stationed his fleet at Aegospotamos, and Lysander, the captain of the Lacedaemonians (who was intent upon protracting the war as long as possible, because money was supplied to the Lacedaemonians by the king, while to the exhausted Athenians, on the other hand, nothing was left but their arms and their ships) was not far distant, Alcibiades came to the army of the Athenians, and there, in the presence of the common soldiers, began to assert,75 that "if they pleased, he would force Lysander either to fight or beg peace; that the Lacedaemonians were unwilling to engage by sea, because they were stronger in land-forces than in ships; but that it would be easy for him to bring down Seuthes, king of the Thracians, to drive them from the land, and that, when this was done, they would of necessity either come to an engagement with their fleet, or put an end to the war." Philocles, though he saw that this statement was true, would not yet do what was desired, for he knew that he himself, if Alcibiades were restored to the command, would be of no account with the army; and that, if any success resulted, his share in the matter would amount to nothing, while, on the other hand, if any ill-fortune occurred, he alone would be called to account for the miscarriage. Alcibiades, on taking leave of him, said, "As you hinder your country's success, I advise you to keep your sailors' camp near the enemy; for there is danger that, through the insubordination of our men, an opportunity may be afforded to Lysander of cutting off our army." Nor did his apprehension deceive him; for Lysander, having learned from his scouts that the body of the Athenian force was gone on shore to seek for plunder, and that the ships were left almost empty, did not neglect the opportunity of making an attack, and by that single effort put an end to the whole war.
IX. Alcibiades, after the Athenians were defeated, not thinking those parts sufficiently safe for him, concealed himself in the inland parts of Thrace above the Propontis, trusting that his wealth would most easily escape notice there, But he was disappointed; for the Thracians, when |342 they learned that he had come with a great sum of money, formed a plot against him, and robbed him of what he had brought, but were unable to secure his person. Perceiving that no place was safe for him in Greece, on account of the power of the Lacedemonians, he went over into Asia to Pharnabazus, whom he so charmed, indeed, by his courtesy, that no man had a higher place in his favour; for he gave him Grunium, a strong-hold in Phrygia, from which he annually received fifty talents' revenue.
But with this good fortune Alcibiades was not content, not could endure that Athens, conquered as she was, should continue subject to the Lacedaemonians. He was accordingly bent, with his whole force of thought, on delivering his country, but saw that that object could not be effected without the aid of the king of Persia, and therefore desired that he should be attached to him as a friend; nor did he doubt that he should easily accomplish his wish, if he had but an opportunity for an interview with him; for he knew that his brother Cyrus was secretly preparing war against him, with the aid of the Lacedaemonians, and foresaw that, if he gave him information of this design, he would find great favour at his hands.
X. While he was trying to effect this object, and entreating Pharnabazus that he might be sent to the king, Critias, and the other tyrants of the Athenians, despatched at the same time persons in their confidence into Asia to Lysander, to acquaint him, that, "unless he cut off Alcibiades, none of those arrangements which he had made at Athens would stand; and therefore, if he wished his acts to remain unaltered, he must pursue him to death." The Lacedaemonian, roused by this message, concluded that he must act in a more decided manner with Pharnabazus. He therefore announced to him, that "the relations which the king had formed with the Lacedaemonians would be of no effect, unless he delivered up Alcibiades alive or dead." The satrap could not withstand this menace, and chose rather to violate the claims of humanity than that the king's interest should suffer. He accordingly sent Sysamithres and Bagaeus to kill Alcibiades, while he was still in Phrygia, and preparing for his journey to the king. The persons sent gave secret orders to the neighbourhood, in which Alcibiades then was, to put him to death. They, not daring to attack him with the sword, collected wood during |343 the night round the cottage in which he was sleeping, and set light to it, that they might despatch by fire him whom they despaired of conquering hand to hand.76 Alcibiades, having been awakened by the crackling of the flames, snatched up (as his word had been secretly taken away from him) the side-weapon of a friend of his; for there was with him a certain associate from Arcadia, who would never leave him. This man he desired to follow him, and caught up whatever garments he had at hand, and throwing them out upon the fire, passed through the violence of the flames. When the barbarians saw that he had escaped the conflagration, they killed him by discharging darts at him from a distance,77 and carried his head to Pharnabazus.
A woman, who had been accustomed to live with him, burned his dead body, covered with her own female garments, in the fire of the house which had been prepared to burn him alive. Thus Alcibiades, at the age of about forty, came to his end.
XI. This man, defamed by most writers, three historians of very high authority have extolled with the greatest praises; Thucydides, who was of the same age with him; Theopompus, who was born some time after; and Timaeus; the two latter, though much addicted to censure, have, I know not how, concurred in praising him only; for they have related of him what we have stated above, and this besides, that though he was born in Athens, the most splendid of cities, he surpassed all the Athenians in grandeur and magnificence of living; that when, on being banished from thence, he went to Thebes, he so devoted himself to the pursuits of the Thebans, that no man could match him in laborious exercises and vigour of body, for all the Bœotians cultivate corporeal strength more than mental power; that when he was among the Lacedaemonians, in whose estimation the highest virtue is placed in endurance, he so resigned himself to a hardy way of life, that he surpassed all the Lacedaemonians in the frugality of his diet and living; that when he was among the Thracians, who are hard drinkers and given to lewdness, he surpassed them also in |344 these practices; that when he came among the Persians, with whom it was the chief praise to hunt hard and live high, he so imitated their mode of life, that they themselves greatly admired him in these respects; and that by such conduct, he occasioned that, with whatever people he was, he was regarded as a leading man, and held in the utmost esteem. But we have said enough of him; let us proceed to speak of others.
VIII. THRASYBULUS.
Character of Thrasybulus; he proceeds to deliver his country from the Thirty Tyrants, I.----His success and conduct in the enterprise, II.----His act of oblivion, III.----He is honoured with an olive crown; is killed on the coast of Sicily, IV.
I. THRASYBULUS, the son of Lycus, was a native of Athens. If merit is to be valued by itself, without regard to fortune, I doubt whether I ought not to place him first of all the Greek commanders. This I can say without hesitation, that I set no man above him in integrity, firmness, greatness of mind, and love for his country; for while many have wished, and few have been able, to deliver their country from one tyrant, it was his lot to restore his country, oppressed by thirty tyrants, from slavery to freedom. But though no man excelled him in these virtues, many, I know not how, surpassed him in fame.
First of all, in the Peloponnesian war, he accomplished many undertakings without Alcibiades, while Alcibiades did nothing without him; of all which successes Alcibiades, from certain natural advantages, got the credit. All such actions, however, are common to commanders with their soldiers and with fortune; for, in the shock of battle, the issue is transferred from generalship to the strength and fury of the combatants. The soldier, therefore, of his own right, takes something from the general, and fortune a great deal, and may truly say that she has had more influence on the event than the skill of the commander. This most noble action, then, is entirely Thrasybulus's; for when the Thirty Tyrants, appointed by the Lacedaemonians, kept Athens oppressed in a state of slavery, and had partly banished from their country, and partly put to death, a great number of the citizens whom |345 fortune had spared in the war, and had divided their confiscated property among themselves, he was not only the first, but the only man at the commencement, to declare war against them.
II. When he fled to Phyle, which is a very strong fortress in Attica, he had not more than thirty of his countrymen with him; such was the origin of the deliverance of the Athenians, such the dependence of the liberty of that most famous city. He was at first, indeed, despised by the tyrants, as well as the small number of his followers; which circumstance proved both the ruin of those that despised him, and the security of him that was despised, for it rendered the one party slow to attack, and the other stronger by giving them time for preparation. The maxim, therefore, that "nothing should be despised in war," ought the more deeply to be fixed in the minds of all; and we should remember that it is not said without reason, that "the mother of a cautious person78 is not accustomed to weep." The force of Thrasybulus, however, was not increased in proportion to his expectations; for even in those times good men spoke for liberty with more spirit than they fought for it.
Hence he went to the Piraeeus, and fortified the Munychia,79 which the tyrants twice attempted to storm, but being disgracefully repulsed, and having lost their arms and baggage, they immediately fled back to the city. Thrasybulus, on this occasion, exercised not less prudence than valour; for he forbade those that fled to be injured, thinking it just that "countrymen should spare countrymen;" nor was any one wounded except such as would attack him first. He spoiled no one, as he lay, of his clothes; he laid hands on nothing but arms, of which he was in want, and provisions.80 In the second battle Critias, the leader of the tyrants, was killed, |346 after having, indeed, fought with great bravery against Thrasybulus.
III. Critias being overthrown, Pausanias, king of the Lacedaemonians, came to the support of the Athenians. He made peace between Thrasybulus and those who held the town, on these conditions: "That none should be banished except the Thirty Tyrants, and the Ten, who, having been afterwards made governors, had followed the example of their predecessors in cruelty; 81 that no property should be confiscated; and that the government of the republic should be restored to the hands of the people." It was an honourable act of Thrasybulus, that, when peace was settled, and he had become the most powerful person in the state, he made a law, "that no one should be brought to trial, or punished, for things done previously;" and this they called "the act of oblivion." Nor did he only cause this law to be passed, but also took care that it should be of effect; for when some of them who had been with him in exile, wished to put to death those with whom they had returned to a good understanding, he openly prevented it, and adhered to what he had promised.
IV. For such merits a crown of honour was presented him by the people, made of two sprigs of olive, which, as the love of his countrymen and not force, had procured it him, excited no envy, but was a great glory to him. The celebrated Pittacus, therefore, who was reckoned in the number of the seven wise men, said well, when the Mitylenaeans offered to give him several thousand acres 82 of land, "Do not, I beseech you, give me what many may envy and more may covet; for which reason I had rather take, out of that number, not more than a hundred acres, which will prove both the moderation of my desires and your good will." For small gifts are lasting; but valuable presents are not wont to be permanent. 83 Thrasybulus, accordingly, being content with |347 that crown, neither sought for anything more, nor considered that any one had surpassed him in honour.
Some time after, when, being in command, he had brought up his fleet on the coast of Cilicia, and the watch in his camp was not kept with sufficient care, he was killed in his tent by the barbarians, in a sally made from the town 84 during the night.
IX. CONON.
Conon's services in the Peloponnesian war, I.----In his exile he supports Pharnabazus against the Spartans, II.----He goes to Artaxerxes to accuse Tissaphernes, and treats with him by letter, III.----He defeats the Lacedaemonians at Cnidus; Greece is set free, and the walls of Athens rebuilt, IV.----Conon made prisoner by Tiribazus, V.
I. CONON the Athenian entered upon public life in the Peloponnesian war, and his service in it was of great value; for he was both general of the forces by land, and, as commander of the fleet, performed great exploits by sea; for these reasons particular honour was conferred upon him, for he had the sole authority over all the islands; in which office he took Pherae, a colony of the Lacedaemonians. He was also commander towards the end of the Peloponnesian war, when the forces of the Athenians were defeated by Lysander at Aegospotamos; but he was then absent; and hence the affair was worse managed; for he was both skilled in military matters, and a careful general. It was doubted by nobody, therefore, in those days, that the Athenians, if he had been present, would not have met with that disaster.
II. But when the affairs of the Athenians were in a calamitous condition, and he heard that his native city was besieged, he did not seek a place where he might himself live in security, but one from which he might render assistance to his countrymen. He in consequence betook himself to Pharnabazus, the satrap of Ionia and Lydia, and also a son-in-law |348 and relative of the king, with whom, by much exertion and at great hazard, he contrived to procure himself strong personal influence; 85 for when the Lacedaemonians, after the Athenians were subdued, did not adhere to the alliance which they had made with Artaxerxes, but sent Agesilaus into Asia to make war (being chiefly induced to that course by Tissaphernes, 86 who, from being one of the king's confidants, had renounced his attachment to him, and entered into an alliance with the Lacedaemonians), Pharnabazus was regarded as general against Agesilaus, but Conon in reality led the army, and everything was done according to his direction. He greatly obstructed that eminent commander Agesilaus, and often thwarted his plans. It was indeed apparent, that, if Conon had not been there, Agesilaus would have taken all Asia, as far as Mount Taurus, from the king. And after Agesilaus was recalled home by his countrymen, in consequence of the Boeotians and Athenians having declared war against the Lacedaemonians, Conon nevertheless remained with the king's officers, and was of the greatest service to all of them.
III. Tissaphernes had revolted from the king; yet his defection was not so evident to Artaxerxes as to others; for he had great influence with the king, by reason of his numerous and important services, even when he did not strictly adhere to his duty; nor is it to be wondered at, if he was not easily induced to credit it, remembering that by his means he had overcome his brother Cyrus. Conon, being sent by Pharnabazus to the king to assure him of his guilt, went in the first place, on his arrival (after the manner of the Persians), to Tithraustes, the captain of the guard,87 who held the second place in the empire, and signified that he wished to speak to |349 the king; for no one is admitted without this ceremony.88 Tithraustes answered him, "There is no objection on my part, but consider, for yourself, whether you had rather speak with him, or treat by letter, as to the objects which you have in view. For, if you come into the royal presence, it will be necessary for you to pay adoration to the king" (which the Greeks call proskunei=n): "if this is disagreeable to you, you may nevertheless effect what you desire by stating your commission through me." Conon then replied, "To myself indeed, it is not disagreeable to pay any honour you please to the king, but I am afraid lest it should be derogatory to my country, if, coming from a city which has been accustomed to rule over other nations, I should observe the usages of foreigners rather than its own." He therefore delivered to him in writing what he wished to communicate.
IV. The king, having read his statement, was so much influenced by his authority, that he declared Tissaphernes an enemy, desired Conon to harass the Lacedemonians with war, and gave him leave to choose whom be pleased to disburse the money for his army. Conon said that such a choice was not a matter for his consideration, but for the king's own, who ought to know his own subjects best; but that he recommended him to give that commission to Pharnabazus. He was then despatched, after being honoured with valuable presents, to the sea, to require the Cyprians, Phoenicians, and other maritime people, to furnish ships of war, and to prepare a fleet to secure the sea in the following summer, Pharnabazus, as he had requested, being appointed his colleague. When this arrangement was made known to the Lacedaemonians, they took their measures with great care, for they thought that a greater war threatened them than if they had to contend with the Persians only. They saw that a brave and skilful general was going to lead the king's forces, and to take the field against them, a man whom they could overmatch neither by stratagem nor by strength. With these considerations they collected a great fleet, and set sail under the leadership of Pisander. Conon, attacking them near Cnidus, routed them in a great battle, took several of their ships, and sunk several more, a victory by which not only Athens, but also all Greece, which had been |350 under the power of the Lacedaemonians, was set free. Conon proceeded with part of his fleet to his native city, and caused the walls of the Piraeeus and of Athens, both of which had been pulled down, to be rebuilt, and presented to his countrymen fifty talents in money, which he had received from Pharnabazus.
V. What happens to other men happened to him, that he was more inconsiderate in good than in bad fortune; for when he had defeated the fleet of the Peloponnesians, and thought that he had avenged the injuries done to his country, he aimed at more objects than he was in a condition to accomplish. Not that these aims, however, were not patriotic and deserving of praise, since he preferred that the power of his country should be increased, rather than that of the king; for, after he had secured himself great influence by the battle which he fought at Cnidus, not only among foreigners but in all the states of Greece, he began to endeavour secretly 89 to restore Ionia and Aeolia to the Athenians. But as this proiect was not concealed with sufficient care, Tiribazus, who was governor of Sardis, sent for Conon, on pretence that he wished to send him in great haste to the king; when he had gone, in compliance with this message, he was placed in confinement, in which he was kept for some time. Some have left on record that he was conveyed to the king, and there died. On the other hand Dinon 90 the historian, whom we chiefly credit concerning Persian affairs, has related that he made his escape, but is in doubt whether it was effected with or without the knowledge of Tiribazus. |351
X. DION.
Dion's family; is connected with the two Dionysii, I.----Brings Plato into Sicily; death of the elder Dionysius, II ---- Disagreement between Dion and Dionysius the Younger, III. ---- Is sent to Corinth; ill-treatment of his wife; fate of his son, IV.----Gets possession of Syracuse, and forces Dionysius to make terms with him, V.----Alienates the people by putting Heraclides to death, VI. ----His great unpopularity, VII.----Is deceived by a stratagem of Callicrates, VIII.----Is assassinated in his own house on a feast-day, IX.----Change of feeling towards him after his death, X.
I. DION, the son of Hipparinus, a native of Syracuse, was of a noble family, and allied to both the Dionysii, the tyrants 91 of Sicily; for the elder married Aristomache, Dion's sister, by whom he had two sons, Hipparinus and Nysaeus, and also two daughters named Sophrosyne and Arete, the elder of whom he gave in marriage to his son Dionysius,92 to whom he also left his dominions, and the other, Arete, to Dion.93
But Dion, besides this noble connexion, and the honourable character of his ancestors, inherited many other advantages from nature; among them, a disposition docile, courteous, and adapted for acquiring the most important branches of knowledge, and extreme grace of person, which is no small recommendation;94 he had also great wealth bequeathed him by his father, which he himself had augmented by the presents he received from the tyrant. He was familiar with the elder Dionysius, not less on account of his character than his relationship; for though the cruelty of Dionysius offended him, yet he was desirous that he should be secure because of his family connexion with himself, and still more for the sake |352 of his own relatives.95 He aided him in important matters, and the tyrant was greatly influenced by his advice, unless, in any case, some violent humour of his own interposed. But embassies,96 such at least as were of a more distinguished kind, were all conducted by Dion; and by discharging them assiduously, and managing faithfully, he palliated the most cruel name of tyrant with his own benevolence. The Carthaginians so much respected him, when he was sent thither by Dionysius, that they never regarded any man that spoke the Greek tongue with more admiration.
II. Nor did these circumstances escape the notice of Dionysius, for he was sensible how great an honour he was to him; hence it happened that he showed him more favour than any other person,97 and loved him not less than a son. When a report reached Sicily, too, that Plato was come to Tarentum, Dionysius could not refuse the young man leave to send for him, as Dion was inflamed with a desire of hearing him. He accordingly granted him that permission, and brought Plato with great pomp 98 to Syracuse; whom Dion so greatly admired and loved, that he devoted himself wholly to his society; nor was Plato less delighted with Dion. Although, therefore, Plato was cruelly insulted by Dionysius (for he ordered him to be sold 99), yet he paid a second visit to the city, induced again by the entreaties of Dion.
In the meantime Dionysius fell ill of some disease, and when he was labouring under the severity of it, Dion inquired of the physicians "how he was," and begged them, at the same time, "if he should happen to be in extreme danger, to acquaint him of it; for he wished to speak to him about a division of the |353 realm, as he thought that the sons of his sister by him ought to have a share in the dominions." This request the physicians did not keep secret, but reported the words to Dionysius the younger, who, taking alarm at it, compelled the physicians to give his father a sleeping potion, that Dion might have no opportunity of addressing him. The sick man, having taken the draught, ended his life like one buried in deep sleep.
III. Such was the commencement of the dissension between Dion and Dionysius; and it was increased by many circumstances; yet in the beginning of his reign there subsisted for a time an assumed friendship between them; and as Dion persisted in soliciting Dionysius to send for Plato from Athens, and follow his counsels, he, who was willing to imitate his father in something, complied with his wishes. At the same time, also, he brought back Philistus the historian to Syracuse, a man not more friendly to the tyrant than to tyranny itself. But of this author more has been said in the work of mine which is written "On Historians." Plato, however, had so much influence over Dionysius by his authority, and produced such an effect on him by his eloquence, that he persuaded him to put an end to his tyranny, and to restore liberty to the Syracusans; but being dissuaded from his intention by the representations of Philistus, he began to grow somewhat more cruel.
IV. Being conscious that he was surpassed by Dion in ability, influence, and in the affection of the people, and fearing that, if he kept Dion with him, he might give him some opportunity of overthrowing him, he gave him a trireme to sail to Corinth, declaring that he did so for both their sakes, lest, as they were afraid of each other, one of them might take the other by surprise. As many people were indignant at this proceeding, and as it was the cause of great hatred to the tyrant, Dionysius put on board some vessels all the property of Dion that could be removed, and sent it after him; for he wished it to be thought that he had adopted that course, not from hatred of the man, but for the sake of his own safety. But when he heard that Dion was levying troops in the Peloponnesus, and endeavouring to raise a war against him, he gave Arete, Dion's wife, in marriage to another man, and caused his son to be brought up in such a manner, that he might, through indulgence, be imbued with the most disgraceful |354 propensities; for mistresses were brought him when but a boy, before he was full grown; he was overwhelmed with wine and luxuries, nor was any time allowed him to be sober. He was so little able to bear such a change in his way of life, which was altered after his father returned to his country (for keepers were set over him to draw him from his former mode of living), that he threw himself from the top of a house and so perished. But I return to the point from whence I digressed.
V. When Dion had arrived at Corinth, and Heraclides, who had been commander of the cavalry, had also come thither (having been likewise banished by Dionysius), they began to prepare for war in every possible way; but they made but little progress; for a tyranny of many years' standing was thought to be of great strength, and for that reason few were induced to join in so perilous an undertaking. But Dion, who trusted not so much to his troops as to the general hatred towards the tyrant, setting out, with the greatest courage, in two transport vessels, to attack a power of fifty years' growth, defended by five hundred ships of war, ten thousand cavalry, and a hundred thousand infantry, so easily made an impression upon it (what seemed wonderful to all people), that he entered Syracuse the third day after he touched the coast of Sicily. Hence it may be understood that no government is safe, unless guarded by the love of its subjects. Dionysius at that time was absent, and waiting for his fleet in Italy, supposing that none of his enemies would come against him without a great force; a supposition which deceived him; for Dion curbed the tyrant's pride with those very men that had been under the rule of his adversary, and gained possession of all that part of Sicily which had been under the government of Dionysius; and with like success he secured the city of Syracuse, except the citadel and the island adjoining the town, and brought matters to such a state, that the tyrant consented to make peace on such terms as these: that Dion should have Sicily, Dionysius Italy,100 and Apollocrates, in whom alone Dionysius 101 had great confidence, Syracuse. |355
VI. A sudden change followed close upon such eminent and unexpected success, for fortune, through her fickleness, endeavoured to sink him whom she had just before exalted. In the first place she exercised her power over his son, of whom I have previously made mention; for after he had taken back his wife, who had been given to another, and wished to recall his son, from his abandoned course of sensuality, to habits of virtue, he received, as a father, a most severe affliction in the death of that son. A disagreement next arose between him and Heraclides, who, refusing to yield the supremacy to Dion, organized a party against him; nor had he indeed less influence than Dion among the aristocracy, with whose sanction he commanded the fleet, while Dion had the direction of the land forces. Dion could not endure this opposition patiently, but retorted with that verse of Homer in the second book of the Iliad,102 in which is this sentiment, "That a state cannot be managed well by the government of many." Much ill feeling, on the part of the people, followed this remark; for he appeared to have let it escape him that he wished everything to be under his own authority. This feeling he did not try to soften by conciliation, but to overcome by severity, and caused Heraclides, when he came to Syracuse, to be put to death.
VII. This act struck extreme terror into every one; for nobody, after Heraclides was killed, considered himself safe. Dion, when his adversary was removed, distributed among his soldiers, with greater freedom, the property of those whom he knew to have been unfavourable to him. But after this division had taken place, money, as his daily expenses grew very great, began to fail him; nor was there anything on which he could lay his hands but the property of his friends; a circumstance which was attended with this effect, that while he gained the soldiery, he lost the aristocracy. At this state of things he was overcome with anxiety, and, being unaccustomed to be ill spoken of, he could not patiently endure that a bad opinion of him should be entertained by those by whose praises he had just before been extolled to the skies. |356 The common people, however, when the feelings of the soldiers were rendered unfavourable towards him,103 spoke with less restraint, and said that "he was a tyrant not to be endured."
VIII. While he knew not, as he contemplated this state of things, how he should put a stop to it, and was apprehensive as to what it might end in, a certain Callicrates, a citizen of Athens, who had accompanied him from the Peloponnesus to Sicily, a man of address, subtle enough for any artifice, and without any regard for religion or honour, went to him, and told him that "he was in great danger on account of the disaffection of the people and the hostile feelings of the soldiers; which danger he could by no means escape, unless he commissioned some one of his friends to pretend that he was an enemy to him; and that, if he found him fit for the undertaking, he would learn the feelings of every one, and cut off his enemies, as his opponents would readily disclose their thoughts to any one disaffected towards him." This suggestion being approved, Callicrates himself undertook this part, and armed himself through the unsuspiciousness of Dion; he sought for accomplices to join in killing him; he held meetings with his enemies, and formed an actual conspiracy against him. But these proceedings, as many were privy to what was going on, became known, and were communicated to Aristomache, Dion's sister, and his wife Arete; who, being struck with alarm, sought an interview with him for whose danger they were concerned. Dion assured them that no plot was concerted against him by Callicrates, but that what was done, was done by his own directions. The women, notwithstanding, took Callicrates into the temple of Proserpine, and obliged him to swear that "there should be no danger to Dion from him." But Callicrates, by this oath, was not only not deterred from his design, but was stimulated to hasten the execution of it, fearing that his plot might be laid open before he had effected his purpose.
IX. With this resolution, on the next festival day, while Dion was keeping himself at home, secluded from the assembly |357 of the people, and was reposing in an upper room,104 he committed to his accomplices the stronger parts of the city, surrounded Dion's house with guards, and stationed trusty persons at the door, who were not to leave it; he also manned a trireme with an armed force, entrusted it to his brother Philocrates, and gave directions that it should be rowed about in the harbour, as if he wished to exercise the rowers, with a view, if fortune should baffle his attempts, to have a vessel in which he might flee to a place of safety. He then chose from among his followers some young men of Zacynthus, of great courage and extraordinary strength, whom he ordered to go to Dion's house unarmed, so that they might seem to have come for the sake of speaking with him. These youths, as being well known, were admitted, but as soon as they had crossed the threshold, they bolted the door, seized him as he lay on his couch, and bound him. A great noise ensued, so that it was distinctly heard out of doors. And here it was easy to be understood, as has often been said before, how unpopular absolute power is, and how unhappy the life of those who had rather be feared than loved; for those very guards,105 if they had been favourably inclined towards him, might have saved him by breaking open the door, as the Zacynthians, who were unarmed, were holding him still alive, calling to those without for a weapon. Nobody coming to his rescue, one Lyco, a Syracusan, gave them a sword through the window, with which Dion was slain.
X. When the murder was consummated, and the people came in to view the scene, some were killed as guilty by those who were ignorant of the real actors; for a report being soon spread abroad that violence had been offered to Dion, many, to whom such a deed was detestable, ran together to the spot; and these persons, prompted by a false suspicion, killed the |358 innocent as if they had been the delinquents. But as soon as his death became publicly known, the feeling of the populace was wonderfully altered, for those who had called him a tyrant while he was alive, called him now the deliverer of his country and the expeller of a tyrant. So suddenly had pity succeeded to hatred, that they wished to redeem him from Acheron, if they could, with their own blood. He was therefore honoured with a sepulchral monument in the city, in the most frequented part of it, after having been interred at the public expense. He died at the age of about fifty-five years, four years after he had returned from the Peloponnesus into Sicily.
XI. IPHICRATES.
Iphicrates eminent for skill in military discipline, I.----His acts in Thrace, at Corinth, against the Lacedaemonians, in Egypt, and against Epaminondas, II.----His abilities and character, III.
I. IPHICRATES of Athens has become renowned, not so much for the greatness of his exploits, as for his knowledge of military tactics; for he was such a leader, that he was not only comparable to the first commanders of his own time, but no one even of the older generals could be set above him. He was much engaged in the field; he often had. the command of armies; he never miscarried in an undertaking by his own fault; he was always eminent for invention, and such was his excellence in it, that he not only introduced much that was new into the military art, but made many improvements in what existed before. He altered the arms of the infantry; for whereas, before he became a commander, they used very large shields, short spears, and small swords, he, on the contrary, introduced the pelta instead of the parma 106 (from which the infantry were afterwards called peltastae), that they might be more active in movements and encounters; he doubled the length of the spear, and made the swords also longer. He likewise changed the character of their cuirasses, and gave them linen ones instead of those of chain-mail and brass; a change by which he rendered the soldiers more active; for, |359 diminishing the weight, he provided what would equally protect the body, and be light.
II. He made war upon the Thracians, and restored Seuthes, the ally of the Athenians, to his throne. At Corinth 107 he commanded the army with so much strictness, that no troops in Greece were ever better disciplined, or more obedient to the orders of their leader; and he brought them to such a habit, that when the signal for battle was given them by their general, they would stand so regularly drawn up, without any trouble on the part of the commander, that they seemed to have been severally posted by the most skilful captain. With this army he cut off a mora 108 of the Lacedaemonians; an exploit which was highly celebrated through all Greece. In this war, too, he defeated all their forces a second time, by which success he obtained great glory.
Artaxerxes, when he had resolved to make war upon the king of Egypt, 109 asked the Athenians to allow Iphicrates to be his general, that he might place him at the head of his army of mercenaries, the number of whom was twelve thousand. This force he so instructed in all military discipline, that as certain Roman soldiers were formerly called Fabians,110 so the Iphicrateans were in the highest repute among the Greeks.
Going afterwards to the relief of the Lacedaemonians, he |360 checked the efforts of Epaminondas; for, had not he been drawing near,111 the Thebans would not have retreated from Sparta until they had taken and destroyed it by fire.
III. He was a man of large mind and large body, and of an appearance indicating the commander so that by his very look he inspired every one with admiration of him. But in action he was too remiss, and too impatient of continued exertion, as Theopompus has recorded. Yet he was a good citizen, and a person of very honourable feelings, as he showed, not only in other transactions, but also in protecting the children of Amyntas 112 the Macedonian; for Eurydice, the mother of Perdiccas and Philip, fled with these two boys, after the death of Amyntas, to Iphicrates, and was secure under his power. He lived to a good old age, with the feelings of his countrymen well affected towards him.
He was once brought to trial for his life, at the time of the Social war, 113 together with Timotheus, and was acquitted.
He left a son named Menestheus, whom he had by a Thracian woman, the daughter of King Cotys. When this son was asked whether he had more regard for his father or his mother, he replied, "For his mother." As this answer appeared strange to all who heard it, he added, "I do so with justice; for my father, as far as was in his power, made me a Thracian, but my mother, as far as she could, made me an Athenian." |361
XII. CHABRIAS.
Chabrias becomes celebrated for a new mode of fighting, I.----His acts in Egypt and Cyprus; his command of the Egyptian fleet, II.----His recal; he lived but little at home in consequence of the envious feelings of his countrymen, III.----He is killed in the Social war, IV.
I. CHABRIAS the Athenian was also numbered among the most eminent generals, and performed many acts worthy or record. But of these the most famous is his manoeuvre in the battle which he fought near Thebes, when he had gone to the relief of the Boeotians; for in that engagement, when the great general Agesilaus felt sure of victory, and the mercenary troops had been put to flight by him, Chabrias forbade the rest of his phalanx 114 to quit their ground, and instructed them to receive the attack of the enemy with the knee placed firmly against the shield, and the spear stretched out. Agesilaus, observing this new plan, did not dare to advance, and called off his men, as they were rushing forward, with sound of trumpet. This device was so extolled by fame throughout Greece, that Chabrias chose to have the statue, which was erected to him at the public charge by the Athenians in the forum, made in that posture. Hence it happened that wrestlers, and other candidates for public applause,115 adopted, in the erection of their statues, those postures in which they had gained a victory.
II. Chabrias also, when he was general of the Athenians, carried on many wars in Europe; and he engaged in one in Egypt of his own accord; for setting out to assist Nectanabis, 116 he secured him the throne. He performed a similar exploit in Cyprus, but he was then publicly sent to support Evagoras; nor did he return from thence till he had conquered the whole island; from which achievement the Athenians obtained great glory.
In the meantime a war broke out between the Egyptians and Persians, when the Athenians formed an alliance with |362 Artaxerxes, and the Lacedaemonians with the Egyptians, from whom their king Agesilaus received a large share of spoil.117 Chabrias, seeing Agesilaus's good fortune, and thinking himself in no respect inferior to him, set out to assist them of his own accord, and took the command of the Egyptian fleet, while Agesilaus held that of the land forces.
III. In consequence, the officers of the king of Persia sent deputies to Athens, to complain that Chabrias was warring against their king on the side of the Egyptians. The Athenians then prescribed a certain day to Chabrias, before which if he did not return home, they declared that they would condemn him to die. On receiving this communication he returned to Athens; but did not stay there longer than was necessary; for he did not willingly continue under the eyes of his countrymen, as he was accustomed to live splendidly, and to indulge himself too freely to be able to escape the envy of the populace. For this is a common fault in great and free states, that envy is the attendant on glory, and that the people willingly detract from those whom they see raised above others; nor do the poor contemplate with patience the lot of others who are grown rich. Chabrias, therefore, when he could, was generally away from home. Nor was he the only one that willingly absented himself from Athens, but almost all their great men did the same, for they thought that they should be as far removed from envy as they were distant from their native country. Conon, in consequence, lived very much in Cyprus, Iphicrates in Thrace, Timotheus in Lesbos, Chares at Sigeum. Chares, indeed, differed from the others in conduct and character, but was nevertheless both distinguished and powerful at Athens. |363
IV. Chabrias lost his life in the Social war,118 in the following manner. The Athenians were besieging Chios; Chabrias was on board the fleet as a private man, but had more influence than all who were in command; and the soldiers looked up to him more than to those who were over them. This circumstance hastened his death; for while he was anxious to be the first to enter the harbour, and ordered the captain to steer the vessel towards it, he was the occasion of his own death, since, after he had made his way into it, the other ships did not follow. Upon which, being surrounded by a body of the enemy, his ship, while he was fighting with the utmost bravery, was struck with the beak of one of the enemy's vessels, and began to sink. Though he might have escaped from the danger, if he had cast himself into the sea, for the fleet of the Athenians was at hand to take him up as he swam, he chose rather to die, than to throw away his arms and abandon the vessel in which he had sailed. The others would not act in a similar manner, but gained a place of safety by swimming. He, on the other hand, thinking an honourable death preferable to a dishonourable life, was killed with the weapons of the enemy, while he was fighting hand to hand with them.
XIII. TIMOTHEUS.
The merits and acts of Timotheus, I.----A statue erected to him on his victory over the Lacedaemonians, II.----Is appointed, at an advanced age, as an adviser to Menestheus; is accused by Chares, and condemned, III.----His son Conon obliged to repair the walls of Athens; attachment of Jason to Timotheus, IV.
I. TIMOTHEUS, the son of Conon, a native of Athens, increased the glory which he inherited from his father by many excellent qualities of his own; for he was eloquent, active, persevering, skilled in military affairs, and not less so in managing those of the state. Many honourable actions of his are recorded, the following are the most famous. He subdued the Olynthians and Byzantians by force of arms; he took Samos, on the siege of which, in a previous war, the Athenians |364 had spent twelve hundred talents. This sum he restored 119 to the people without any expense to them; for he carried on a war against Cotys,120 and thence brought twelve hundred talents' worth of spoil into the public treasury. He relieved Cyzicus 121 from a siege; he went with Agesilaus to the assistance of Ariobarzanes; 122 but while the Lacedaemonians received ready money from him in requital, he chose rather to have his countrymen enriched with lands and towns, than to take that of which he himself might carry a share to his own home; and he accordingly received from him Crithote 123 and Sestos.
II. Being made commander of the fleet, and sailing round the Peloponnesus, he laid waste Laconia, and defeated its naval force. He also reduced Corcyra under the power of the Athenians, and attached to them, as allies, the Epirots, the Athamanians, the Chaonians, and all those nations which lie on the sea.124 After this occurrence, the Lacedaemonians desisted from the protracted struggle, and yielded, of their own accord, the sovereignty at sea to the Athenians, making peace upon these terms, "that the Athenians should be commanders by sea." This victory gave so much delight to the Athenians, that altars were then first publicly erected to Peace, and a pulvinar 125 decreed to that goddess. And that the remembrance of this glorious action might be preserved, they raised a statue to Timotheus in the forum at the public |365 expense. Such an honour, that, after the people had erected a statue to the father, they should also present one to the son, happened, down to that period, to him alone. Thus the new statue of the son, placed close by the other, revived old recollections of the father.
III. When he was at an advanced age, and had ceased to hold any office, the Athenians began to be pressed with war on every side. Samos had revolted; the Hellespont 126 had deserted them; Philip of Macedon, then very powerful, was making many efforts; and in Chares,127 who had been opposed to him, there was not thought to be sufficient defence. Menestheus, the son of Iphicrates, and son-in-law of Timotheus, was in consequence made commander, and a decree was passed that he should proceed to take the management of the war. These two persons, his father and father-in-law, men eminent in experience and wisdom, were appointed to give him advice,128 for there was such force of character in them, that great hopes were entertained that what had been lost might be recovered by their means. When they had set out for Samos; and Chares, having heard of their approach, was also proceeding thither with his force, lest anything should appear to be done in his absence, it happened that, as they drew near the island, a great storm arose, which the two veteran commanders, thinking it expedient to avoid, checked the progress of their fleet.129 But Chares, taking a rash course, would not submit to the advice of his elders, but, as if success depended on his own vessel, pushed his way for the point to which he had been steering, and sent orders to Timotheus and Iphicrates to follow him thither. But having subsequently mis-managed the affair, and lost several ships, he returned to the same place 130 from which he had come, and despatched a letter to the government at Athens, saying that it would have been easy for him to take Samos, if |366 he had not been left unsupported by Timotheus and Iphicrates. On this charge they were impeached. The people, violent, suspicious, fickle, and unfavourable to them, recalled them home; and they were brought to trial for treason. On this charge Timotheus was found guilty, and his fine was fixed at a hundred talents; when, compelled by the hatred of an ungrateful people, he sought a refuge at Chalcis.
IV. After his death, when the people had repented of the sentence passed upon him, they took off nine-tenths of the fine, and ordered that his son Conon should give ten talents to repair a certain portion of the wall. In this occurrence was seen the changeableness of fortune; for the grandson was obliged, to the great scandal of his family, to repair, out of his own estate, the same walls which his grandfather Conon had rebuilt with the spoil taken from the enemy.
Of the temperate and judicious life of Timotheus, though we could produce a great many proofs, we will be content with one, from which it may be easily conjectured how dear he was to his friends. When he was brought to trial, while quite a young man, at Athens, not only his friends, and others connected with him by ties of private hospitality, came to give him their support, but among them also the tyrant Jason,131 who at that time was the most powerful of all men. Jason, though he did not think himself safe in his own country without guards, came to Athens unattended, having such value for his guest-friend, that he chose to hazard his life rather than not stand by Timotheus when he was contending for his honour.132 Yet Timotheus, under an order from the people, carried on a war against him afterwards, for he considered the rights of his country more sacred than those of hospitality.
This was the last age of Athenian commanders; the age of Iphicrates, Chabrias, and Timotheus; nor, after their death, was there any leader 133 worthy of remembrance in that city. |367
XIV. DATAMES.
Datames, an eminent barbarian leader; his war with the Cardusii, I.----He takes prisoner Thyus of Paphlagonia, II.----Presents Thyus to the king of Persia; is appointed to command in Egypt, III.----Is directed to attack Aspis of Cappadocia, IV.----Finds that the courtiers are plotting against him, and takes possession of Cappadocia and Paphlagonia, V.----Loses his son in a war with the Pisidians; defeats the Pisidians, VI.----Is betrayed by his eldest son, VII.----Defeats the general of the Persians who is sent against him, VIII.----Escapes a plot formed against him by the king, IX.----Is deceived by Mithridates, X.----Is killed by him, XI.
I. I NOW come to the bravest and wisest man of all the barbarians, except the two Carthaginians, Hamilcar and Hannibal.
I shall say the more concerning this general, because most of his acts are but little known, and because the undertakings that were attended with success to him, were accomplished, not by vastness of force, but by sagacity, in which he surpassed all ofthat age; and unless the manner of his proceedings be set forth, his merits cannot be fully understood.
Datames, son of a father named Camissares, a Carian by nation, and of a mother a native of Scythia, served first of all among the soldiers who were guards of the palace to Artaxerxes. His father Camissares, having been found undaunted in fight, active in command, and faithful on many occasions to the king, was granted as a province that portion of Cilicia which borders on Cappadocia, and which the Leucosyrians inhabit.
Datames first showed what sort of man he was, when engaged in military service, in the war which the king carried on against the Cardusii; for in this enterprise, after several thousands of the king's troops were killed, his exertions proved of great value. Hence it happened that, as Camissares lost his life in the war, his father's province was conferred upon him.
II. He distinguished himself by equal valour when Autophradates, by the king's order, made war upon those who had revolted; for the enemy, even after they had entered the camp, were put to flight by his efforts, and the rest of the king's army was saved. In consequence of this success, he began to be appointed over more important affairs. At that |368 time Thyus was prince of Paphlagonia, a man of ancient family, descended from that Pylaemenes whom Homer states to have been killed by Patroclus 134 in the Trojan war. This prince paid no respect to the king's commands. The king, in consequence, determined to make war upon him, and gave the command of the enterprise to Datames, who was a near relative of the Paphlagonian, for they were sons of a brother and a sister. Datames, on this account, was desirous, in the first place, to try every means to bring back his kinsman to his duty without having recourse to arms. But going to confer with him without a guard, as he apprehended no treachery from a friend, he almost lost his life, for Thyus had resolved to assassinate him secretly. Datames was however accompanied by his mother, the aunt of the Paphlagonian, who discovered what was going on, and gave her son warning of it. Datames escaped the danger by flight, and declared open war against Thyus, in which, though he was deserted by Ariobarzanes, the satrap of Lydia, Ionia, and all Phrygia, he nevertheless vigorously persevered, and succeeded in taking Thyus alive with his wife and children.
III. He then used his utmost efforts that the news of his success might not reach the king before him, and thus, while all were still ignorant of it, he arrived at the place where the king was encamped, and the day after arrayed Thyus, a man of huge stature, and frightful aspect, being of a black complexion, and having long hair and a long beard, in a splendid robe such as the king's satraps used to wear. He adorned him also with a chain and bracelets of gold, and other royal ornaments, while he himself was dressed in a coarse thick cloak,135 and rough coat, having a hunter's cap upon his head, a club in his right hand, and in his left a chain, with which he drove Thyus secured before him, as if he were bringing along a wild beast that he had taken. While the people were all gazing at him, on account of the strangeness of his attire, and his person being unknown to them, and a great crowd |369 was in consequence gathered round him, it happened that there was somebody in it who knew Thyus, and went off to tell the king, The king at first did not believe the account, and therefore sent Pharnabazus to make inquiry. Learning from him what had been done, he ordered Datames to be instantly admitted, being extremely delighted both with his success and the dress of his captive, rejoicing especially that that eminent prince had fallen into his hands when he scarcely expected it. He therefore sent Datames, after bestowing magnificent presents upon him, to the army which was then assembling, under the command of Pharnabazus and Tithraus tes, to make war upon Egypt, and directed that he should have equal authority with them. But as the king afterwards recalled Pharnabazus, the chief direction of the war was committed to Datames.
IV. As he was raising an army with the utmost diligence, and preparing to set out for Egypt, a letter was unexpectedly sent him by the king, desiring him to attack Aspis, who then held Cataonia, a country which lies above Cilicia, and borders on Cappadocia. Aspis, occupying a woody country, defended with fortresses, not only refused to obey the king's orders, but ravaged the neighbouring provinces, and intercepted whatever was being conveyed to the king. Datames, though he was far distant from those parts, and was drawn off from a greater matter, yet thought it necessary to yield to the king's wish. He therefore went on board a ship with a few brave followers, thinking (what really happened) that he would more easily overcome him, when unaware of his approach and unprepared, than when ready to meet him, though with ever so great an army. Sailing in this vessel to the coast of Cilicia, landing there, and marching day and night, he passed Mount Taurus, and arrived at the part to which he had directed his course. He inquired where Aspis was, and learned that he was not far off, and was gone to hunt. While he was watching for his return, the cause of his coming became known, and Aspis prepared the Pisidians, and the attendants that he had with him, to offer resistance. When Datames heard this, he took up his arms, and ordered his men to follow him; he himself, setting spurs to his horse, rode on to meet the enemy. Aspis, seeing him, from a distance, advancing upon him, was struck with fear, and, being |370 deterred from his resolution to resist, delivered himself up. Datames consigned him in chains to Mithridates, to be conducted to the king.
V. While these occurrences were passing, Artaxerxes, reflecting from how important a war, and to how inconsiderable an enterprize, he had sent the best of his generals, blamed himself for what he had done, and sent a messenger to the troops at Ace (not supposing that Datames had yet set out), to tell him not to quit the army. But before this messenger arrived at the place to which he was sent, he met upon the road the party that were leading Aspis.
Though Datames, by this celerity, gained great favour from the king, he incurred no less dislike on the part of the courtiers, because they saw that he alone was more valued than all of them; and on this account they all conspired to ruin him. Pandates, the keeper of the king's treasury, a friend to Datames, sent him an account of this state of things in writing, in which he told him that "he would be in great peril if any ill-success should fall out while he commanded in Egypt, for such was the practice of kings, that they attributed adverse occurrences to other men, but prosperous ones to their own good fortune; and hence it happened that they were easily inclined to the ruin of those under whose conduct affairs were said to have been ill-managed; and that he would be in so much the greater danger as he had those for his bitterest enemies to whom the king chiefly gave ear." Datames, having read this letter, after he had arrived at the army at Ace, resolved, as he was aware that what was written was true, to leave the king's service. He did nothing, however, that was unworthy of his honour; for he appointed Mandrocles of Magnesia to command the army, while he himself went off with his adherents into Cappadocia, and took possession of Paphlagonia, that bordered upon it, concealing what his feelings were towards the king. He then privately made a league with Ariobarzanes, raised a force, and assigned the fortified towns to be defended by his own troops.
VI. But these proceedings, from its being winter, went on with but little success. He heard that the Pisidians were raising some forces to oppose him, and sent his son Aridaeus with a detachment against them. The young man fell in battle, and the father marched away to the scene of his death with but |371 a small number of followers, concealing how great a loss he had sustained, for he wished to reach the enemy before the report of his ill-success should become known to his men, lest the spirits of the soldiers should be depressed by hearing of the death of his son. He arrived at the spot to which he had directed his course, and pitched his camp in such a position that he could neither be surrounded by the superior number of the enemy, nor be hindered from keeping his forces always ready to engage. There was with him Mithrobarzanes, his father-in-law, commander of the cavalry, who, despairing of the state of his son-in-law's affairs, went over to the enemy. When Datames heard this, he was sensible that if it should go abroad among the multitude that he was deserted by a man so intimately connected with him, it would happen that others would follow his example. He therefore spread a report throughout the camp that "Mithrobarzanes had gone off as a deserter by his direction, in order that, being received as such, he might the more easily spread destruction among the enemy. It was not right therefore," he added, "that he should be left unsupported, but that they ought all to follow without delay, and, if they did so with spirit, the consequence would be that their foes would be unable to resist, as they would be cut to pieces within their ramparts and without." This exhortation being well received, he led forth his troops, pursued Mithrobarzanes, and, almost at the moment that the latter was joining the enemy,136 gave orders for an attack. The Pisidians, surprised by this new movement, were led to believe that the deserters were acting with bad faith, and by arrangement with Datames, in order that, whan received into the camp, they might do them the greater mischief; they therefore attacked them first. The deserters, as they knew not what was in agitation, or why it took place, were compelled to fight with those to whom they had deserted, and to act on the side of those whom they had quitted; and, as neither party spared |372 them, they were quickly cut to pieces. Datames then set upon the rest of the Pisidians who offered resistance, repelled them at the first onset, pursued them as they fled, killed a great number of them, and captured their camp. By this stratagem he at once both cut off the traitors, and overthrew the enemy, and turned to his preservation what had been contrived for his destruction, We have nowhere read, on the part of any commander, any device more ingeniously conceived than this, or more promptly executed.
VII. Yet from such a man as this his eldest son Scismas deserted, and went over to the king, carrying intelligence of his father's defection. Artaxerxes, being startled at this news (for he was aware that he should have to do with a brave and active man, who, when he had conceived a project, had courage to execute it, and was accustomed to think before he attempted to act), despatched Autophradates into Cappadocia. To prevent this general from entering the country, Datames endeavoured to be the first to secure a forest, in which the Gate of Cilicia 137 is situate. But he was unable to collect his troops with sufficient expedition, and being obliged to desist from his attempt, he took up, with the force which he had got together, a position of such a nature, that he could neither be surrounded by the enemy, nor could the enemy pass beyond him without being incommoded by difficulties on both sides; while, if he wished to engage with them, the numbers of his opponents could not greatly damage his own smaller force.
VIII. Autophradates, though he was aware of these circumstances, yet thought it better to fight than to retreat with so large an army, or to continue inactive so long in one place. He had twenty thousand barbarian cavalry, a hundred thousand infantry, whom they call Cardaces,138 and three thousand slingers of the same class. He had besides eight thousand Cappadocians, ten thousand Armenians, five thousand Paphlagonians, ten thousand Phrygians, five thousand Lydians, about three thousand Aspendians and Pisidians, two thousand Cilicians, as many Captianians,139 three thousand hired men |373 from Greece, and a very large number of light-armed troops. Against this force all Datames's hopes rested on himself and the nature of his ground, for he had not the twentieth part of his enemy's numbers. Trusting to himself and his position,140 therefore, he brought on a battle, and cut off many thousands of the enemy, while there fell of his own army not more than a thousand men; on which account he erected a trophy the next day on the spot where they had fought the day before. When he had moved his camp from thence, and always, though inferior in forces, came off victorious in every battle (for he never engaged but when he had confined his adversaries in some defile, an advantage which often happened to one acquainted with the ground and taking his measures with skill), Autophradates, seeing that the war was protracted with more loss to the king than to the enemy, exhorted Datames to peace and friendship,141 so that he might again be received into favour with the king. Datames, though he saw that peace would not be faithfully kept, nevertheless accepted the offer of it, and said that "he would send deputies to Artaxerxes." Thus the war, which the king had undertaken against Datames, was ended; and Autophradates retired into Phrygia.
IX. But the king, as he had conceived an implacable hatred to Datames, endeavoured, when he found that he could not be overcome in the field, to cut him off by underhand artifices; but most of these he eluded. For instance, when it was told him that some, who were reckoned in the number of his friends, were laying a plot for him (concerning whom, as their enemies were the informers, he thought that the intimation was neither entirely to be believed nor utterly disregarded), he resolved to make trial whether what had been told him was true or false. He accordingly went forward on the road on which they had stated that an ambush would be laid for him; but he selected a man closely resembling himself in |374 person and stature, gave him his own attire, and ordered him to ride on in that part of the line where he himself had been accustomed to go, while Datames himself, in the equipments and dress of a common soldier, prepared to march among his own body-guard. The men in ambuscade, as soon as the party reached the spot where they were stationed, being deceived by the place and dress, made an assault upon him who had been substituted for Datames. But Datames had previously directed those among whom he was marching, to be ready to do what they should see him do. He, as soon as he saw the conspirators collecting in a body, hurled his darts among them, and, as all the rest did the same, they fell down dead before they could reach him whom they meant to attack.
X. Yet this man, crafty as he was, was at last ensnared by a device of Mithridates, the son of Ariobarzanes; for Mithridates promised the king that he would kill Datames, if the king would allow him to do with impunity whatever he wished, and would give him a pledge to that effect with his right hand after the manner of the Persians. When he received this pledge sent him by the king,142 he prepared a force, and though at a distance, made a league with Datames, ravaged the king's provinces, stormed his fortresses, and carried off a great quantity of spoil, part of which he divided among his men, and part he sent to Datames, putting into his hands, in like manner, many strong-holds. By pursuing this course for a long time, he made Datames believe that he had undertaken an everlasting war against the king, while notwithstanding (lest he should raise in him any suspicion of treachery), he neither sought a conference with him, nor showed any desire to come into his sight. Thus, though keeping at a distance, he maintained friendship with him; but so that they seemed to be bound to one another, not by mutual kindnesses, but by the common hatred which they had conceived towards the king.
XI. When he thought that he had sufficiently established this notion, he gave intimation to Datames that it was time for greater armies to be raised, and an attack to be made on the king himself; and that, with reference to this subject, he might, if he pleased, come to a conference with him |375 in any place that he might choose. The proposal being accepted, a time was fixed for the conference, and a place in which they were to meet. To this spot Mithridates came some days previously, in company with a person in whom he had the greatest confidence, and buried swords in several different places, carefully marking each spot. On the day of the conference, each of them brought people to examine the place, and to search Datames and Mithridates themselves. They then met, and after they had spent some time in conference, and parted in different directions, and Datames was some distance off, Mithridates, before he went back to his attendants (lest he should excite any suspicion), returned to the same place, and sat down, as if he wished to rest from weariness, on one of the spots in which a sword had been concealed, and, at the same time, called back Datames, pretending that he had forgotten something at their conference. In the mean time he drew out the sword that was hid, and concealed it, unsheathed, under his garment, and observed to Datames, as he was returning, that he had noticed, when going off, that a certain place, which was in sight, was suitable for pitching a camp. While he was pointing this out with his finger, and the other was looking towards it, he ran him through, as his back was turned, with the sword, and put an end to his life before any one could come to his assistance. Thus a man who had gained the mastery over many by prudence, over none by treachery, was ensnared by pretended friendship.
XV. EPAMINONDAS
Remarks on the manners of the Greeks, I.----Youth and manhood of Epaminondas, II.----Excellencies of his character, III.----An instance of his freedom from covetousness, IV.----His ability in speaking, V.----An instance of his power of persuasion; the battle of Leuctra, VI.----His patriotism; his care for the army and its success, VII.----Is brought to trial for retaining his command longer than the law allowed; his defence and acquittal, VIII.----His death at Mantinea, IX.----His apology for not marrying; his horror of civil bloodshed; the glory of Thebes, X.
I. EPAMINONDAS was the son of Polymnis, and was born at Thebes. Before we proceed to write of him, the following caution seems necessary to be given to our readers; that they |376 should not confound the customs of other nations with their own, or think that those things which appear unimportant to themselves must be equally so to others. We know that skill in music, according to our habits, is foreign to the character of any eminent personage; and that to dance is accounted disparaging to the character; 143 while all such accomplishments among the Greeks are regarded both as pleasing and as worthy of admiration.
But as we wish to draw a correct picture of the habits and life of Epaminondas, we seem called upon to omit nothing that may tend to illustrate it. We shall therefore speak in the first place of his birth; we shall then show in what accomplishments, and by whom, he was instructed; next we shall touch upon his manners and intellectual endowments, and whatever other points in his character may deserve notice; and lastly on his great actions, which are more regarded by many than all the best qualities of the mind.144
II. He was the son, then, of the father whom we named, and was of an honourable family, though left poor by his ancestors; but he was so well educated that no Theban was more so; for he was taught to play upon the harp, and to sing to the sound of its strings, by Dionysius, who was held in no less honour among musicians than Damon or Lamprus,145 whose names are well known; to play on the flutes 146 by Olympiodorus; and to dance by Calliphron. For his instructor in philosophy he had Lysis 147 of Tarentum, a Pythagorean, to whom he was so devoted that, young as he was, he preferred |377 the society of a grave and austere old man 148 before that of all those of his own age; nor did he part with him until he so far excelled his fellow students in learning, that it might easily be perceived he would in like manner excel them all in other pursuits. These acquirements, according to our habits, are trifling, and rather to be despised; 149 but in Greece, at least in former times, they were a great subject for praise. After he grew up, and began to apply himself to gymnastic exercises, he studied not so much to increase the strength, as the agility, of his body; for he thought that strength suited the purposes of wrestlers, but that agility conduced to excellence in war. He used to exercise himself very much, therefore, in running and wrestling, as long as 150 he could grapple, and contend standing, with his adversary. But he spent most of his labour on martial exercises.
III. To the strength of body thus acquired were added many good qualities of the mind; for he was modest, prudent, grave, wisely availing himself of opportunities, skilled in war, brave in action, and possessed of remarkable courage; he was so great a lover of truth, that he would not tell a falsehood even in jest; he was also master of his passions, gentle in disposition, and patient to a wonderful degree, submitting to wrong, not only from the people, but from his own friends; he was a remarkable keeper of secrets, a quality which is sometimes not less serviceable than to speak eloquently; and he was an attentive listener to others, because he thought that by this means knowledge was most easily acquired. Whenever he came into a company, therefore, in which a discussion was going on concerning government, or a conversation was being held on any point of philosophy, he never went away till the discourse was brought to its conclusion. He bore poverty so easily, that he received nothing from the state but glory. He did not avail himself of the means of his friends to maintain himself; but he often used his credit to relieve others, to such a degree that |378 it might be thought all things were in common between him and his friends; for when any one of his countrymen had been taken by the enemy, or when the marriageable daughter of a friend could not be married for want of fortune, he used to call a council of his friends, and to prescribe how much each should give according to his means; and when he had made up the sum required, he brought the man who wanted it to those who contributed, and made them pay it to the person himself, in order that he, into whose hands the sum passed, might know to whom he was indebted, and how much to each.
IV. His indifference to money was put to the proof by Diomedon of Cyzicus; for he, at the request of Artaxerxes, had undertaken to bribe Epaminondas. He accordingly came to Thebes with a large sum in gold, and, by a present of five talents, brought over Micythus, a young man for whom Epaminondas had then a great affection, to further his views. Micythus went to Epaminondas, and told him the cause of Diomedon's coming. But Epaminondas, in the presence of Diomedon, said to him, "There is no need of money in the matter; for if what the king desires is for the good of the Thebans, I am ready to do it for nothing; but if otherwise, he has not gold and silver enough to move me, for I would not accept the riches of the whole world in exchange for my love for my country. At you, who have made trial of me without knowing my character, and have thought me like yourself, I do not wonder; and I forgive you: but quit the city at once, lest you should corrupt others though you have been unable to corrupt me. You, Mycithus, give Diomedon his money back; or, unless you do so immediately, I shall give you up to the magistrates." Diomedon entreating that he might be allowed to depart in safety, and carry away with him what he had brought, "That," he replied, "I will grant you, and not for your sake, but for my own, lest any one, if your money should be taken from you, should say that what I would not receive when offered me, had come into my possession after being taken out of yours." Epaminondas then asking Diomedon "whither he wished to be conducted," and Diomedon having answered, "To Athens," he gave him a guard in order that he might reach that city in safety. Nor did he, indeed, think that precaution sufficient, but also arranged, with the aid of Chabrias the Athenian, of whom we have spoken above, that |379 he should embark without molestation. Of his freedom from covetousness this will be a sufficient proof. We might indeed produce a great number; but brevity must be studied, as we have resolved to comprise, in this single volume, the lives of several eminent men, whose biographies many writers before us have related at great length.151
V. He was also an able speaker, so that no Theban was a match for him in eloquence; nor was his language less pointed in brief replies than elegant in a continued speech. He had for a traducer, and opponent in managing the government, a certain Meneclidas, also a native of Thebes,152 a man well skilled in speaking, at least for a Theban, for in that people is found more vigour of body than of mind. He, seeing that Epaminondas was distinguished in military affairs, used to advise the Thebans to prefer peace to war, in order that his services as a general might not be required. Epaminondas in consequence said to him, "You deceive your countrymen with words, in dissuading them from war, since under the name of peace you are bringing upon them slavery; for peace is procured by war, and they, accordingly, who would enjoy it long, ought to be trained to war. If therefore, my countrymen, you wish to be leaders of Greece, you must devote yourselves to the camp, not to the palaestra."153 When this Meneclidas also upbraided him with having no children, and with not having taken a wife, and, above all, with presumption in thinking that he had acquired the glory of Agamemnon in war, "Forbear," he rejoined, "Meneclidas, to reproach me with regard to a wife, for I would take nobody's advice on that subject less willingly than yours;" (for Meneclidas lay under a suspicion of making too free with other men's wives;) "and as to supposing that I am emulous of Agamemnon, you are mistaken; for he, with the support of all Greece, hardly took one city in ten years; I, on the contrary with the force of this |380 one city of ours, and in one day, delivered all Greece by defeating the Lacedaemonians."
VI. When Epaminondas went to the public assembly of the Arcadians, to request them to join in alliance with the Thebans and Argives, and Callistratus, the ambassador from the Athenians, who excelled all men of that day in eloquence, begged of them, on the other hand, rather to unite in alliance with Athens, and uttered many invectives against the Thebans and Argives, and among them made this remark, "that the Arcadians ought to observe what sort of citizens each city had produced, from whom they might form a judgment of the rest; for that Orestes and Alcmaeon, murderers of their mothers, were Argives, and that Oedipus, who, when he had killed his father, had children by his mother, was born at Thebes." Upon this,154 Epaminondas, in his reply, when he had done speaking as to other points, and had come to those two grounds of reproach, said that "he wondered at the simplicity of the Athenian rhetorician, who did not consider that those persons, to whom he had alluded, were born innocent, and that, after having been guilty of crimes at home, and having in consequence been banished from their country, they had been received by the Athenians." 155
But his eloquence shone most at Sparta (when he was ambassador before the battle of Leuctra), 156 where, when the ambassadors from all the allies had met, Epaminondas, in a full assembly of the embassies, so clearly exposed the tyranny of the Lacedaemonians, that he shook their power by that speech not less than by the battle of Leuctra; for he was at that |381 time the cause (as it afterwards appeared) that they were deprived of the support of their allies.
VII. That he was of a patient disposition, and ready to endure wrongs from his countrymen, because he thought it species of impiety to show resentment towards his country, there are the following proofs. When the Thebans, from some feeling of displeasure towards him, refused to place him at the head of the army,157 and a leader was chosen that was ignorant of war, by whose mismanagement that great multitude of soldiers was brought to such a condition that all were alarmed for their safety, as they were confined within a narrow space and blocked up by the enemy, the energy of Epaminondas began to be in request (for he was there as a private 158 among the soldiers), and when they desired aid from him, he showed no recollection of the affront that had been put upon him, but brought the army, after releasing it from the blockade, safely home. Nor did he act in this manner once only, but often; 159 but the most remarkable instance was, when he had led an army into the Peloponnesus against the Lacedaemonians, and had two joined in command with him, of whom one was Pelopidas, a man of valour and activity;----on this occasion, when, through the accusations of their enemies, they had all fallen under the displeasure of their countrymen, and their commission was in consequence taken from them, and other commanders came to take their place, Epaminondas did not obey the order of the people, and persuaded his colleagues to follow his example, continuing to prosecute the war which he had undertaken, for he saw that, unless he did so, the whole army would be lost through the incautiousness and ignorance of its leaders. But there was a law at Thebes, which punished any one with death who retained his command longer than was legally appointed. Epaminondas, however, as he saw that this law had been made for the purpose of preserving the state, was unwilling to |382 make it contribute to its ruin, and continued to exercise his command four months longer than the people had prescribed.
VIII. When they returned home, his colleagues 160 were impeached for this offence, and he gave them leave to lay all the blame upon him, and to maintain that it was through his means that they did not obey the law. They being freed from danger by this defence, nobody thought that Epaminondas would make any reply, because, as was supposed, he would have nothing to say. But he stood forward on the trial, denied nothing of what his adversaries laid to his charge, and admitted the truth of all that his colleagues had stated; nor did he refuse to submit to the penalty of the law; but he requested of his countrymen one favour, namely, that they would inscribe in their judicial record of the sentence passed upon him, 161 "Epaminondas was punished by the Thebans with death, because he obliged them to overthrow the Lacedaemonians at Leuctra, whom, before he was general, none of the Boeotians durst look upon in the field, and because he not only, by one battle, rescued Thebes from destruction, but also secured liberty for all Greece, and brought the power of both people to such a condition, that the Thebans attacked Sparta, and the Lacedaemonians were content if they could save their lives; nor did he cease to prosecute the war, till, after settling Messene,162 he shut up Sparta with a close siege." When he had said this, there burst forth a laugh from all present, with much merriment, and no one of the judges ventured to pass sentence |383 upon him. Thus he came off from this trial for life with the greatest glory.
IX. When, towards the close of his career, he was commander at Mantinea, and, pressing very boldly upon the enemy with his army in full array, was recognized by the Lacedaemonians, they directed their efforts in a body against him alone, because they thought the salvation of their country depended upon his destruction, nor did they fall back, until, after shedding much blood, and killing many of the enemy, they saw Epaminondas himself, while fighting most valiantly, fall wounded with a spear hurled from a distance. By his fall the Boeotians were somewhat disheartened; yet they did not quit the field till they had put to flight those opposed to them. As for Epaminondas himself, when he found that he had received a mortal wound, and also that if he drew out the iron head of the dart, which had stuck in his body, he would instantly die, he kept it in until it was told him that "the Boeotians were victorious." When he heard these words, he said "I have lived long enough; for I die unconquered." The iron head being then extracted, he immediately died.
X. He was never married; and when he was blamed on this account (as he would leave no children 163) by Pelopidas, who had a son of bad character, and who said that he, in this respect, but ill consulted the interest of his country, "Beware," he replied, "lest you should consult it worse, in being about to leave behind you a son of such a reputation. But neither can I," he added, "want issue; for I leave behind me a daughter, the battle of Leuctra, that must of necessity not only survive me, but must be immortal."
At the time when the Theban exiles, under the leadership of Pelopidas, possessed themselves of Thebes, and expelled the garrison of the Lacedaemonians from the citadel, Epaminondas, as long as the slaughter of the citizens continued, confined himself to his own house, for he would neither defend the unworthy, nor attack them, that he might not stain his hands with the blood of his own countrymen. But when the |384 struggle began at the Cadmea 164 with the Lacedaemonians, he took his stand among the foremost.
Of his merits and his life enough will have been said, if I add but this one remark, of which none can deny the truth; that Thebes, as well before Epaminondas was born, as after his death, was always subject to some foreign power, 165 but that, as long as he held the reigns of government, it was the head of all Greece. Hence it may be understood, that one man was of more efficacy than the whole people.
XVI. PELOPIDAS.
Phoebidas seizes on the citadel of Thebes; Pelopidas banished, I.----Pelopidas, with twelve followers, effects a return to Thebes, II.----He delivers his country from the Lacedaemonians, expelling their garrison, III.----His acts in conjunction with Epaminondas, IV.----His contest with Alexander of Pherae; his death, V.
I. PELOPIDAS, of Thebes, is better known to those acquainted with history than to the multitude. As to his merits, I am in doubt how I shall speak of them; for I fear that, if I begin to give a full account of his actions, I may seem, not to be relating his life, but to be writing a history, or that, if I touch only on his principal exploits, it may not clearly appear to those ignorant of Grecian literature how great a man he was, I will therefore, as far as I can, meet both difficulties, and provide against the satiety, as well as for the imperfect knowledge, of my readers.
Phoebidas, the Lacedaemonian, when he was leading an army to Olynthus,166 and marching through the territory of Thebes,167 possessed himself (at the instigation of a few of the Thebans, |385 who, the better to withstand the opposite faction, favoured the interest of the Lacedaemonians,) of the citadel of Thebes, which is called the Cadmea,168 and this he did of his own private determination, not from any public resolution of his countrymen. For this act the Lacedaemonians removed him from his command of the army, and fined him a sum of money, but did not show the more inclination, on that account, to restore the citadel to the Thebans, because, as enmity had arisen between them, they thought it better that they should be under a check than left at liberty; for, after the Peloponnesian war was ended, and Athens subdued, they supposed that the contest must be between them and the Thebans, and that they were the only people who would venture to make head against them. With this belief they committed the chief posts to their own friends, while they partly put to death, and partly banished, the leading men of the opposite party; and amongst them Pelopidas, of whom we have begun to write, was expelled from his country.
II. Almost all these exiles had betaken themselves to Athens, not that they might live in idleness, but that, whatever opportunity chance should first offer, they might avail themselves of it to regain their country.169 As soon, therefore, as it seemed time for action, they, in concert with those who held similar views at Thebes, fixed on a day for cutting off their enemies and delivering their country, and made choice of that very day on which the chief magistrates were accustomed to meet at a banquet together. Great exploits have been often achieved with no very numerous forces, but assuredly never before was so great a power overthrown from so small a beginning. For, out of those who had been banished, twelve young men (there not being in all more than a hundred who were willing to encounter so great a danger,) agreed to attempt the enterprise; and by this small number the power of the Lacedaemonians was overcome; for these youths made war on that occasion, not more upon the faction of their adversaries than upon the Spartans, who were lords of Greece, and whose |386 imperious domination, shaken by this commencement, was humbled not long after in the battle of Leuctra.
These twelve, then, whose leader was Pelopidas, quitting Athens in the day-time, with a view to reach Thebes when the sky was obscured by evening, set out with hunting dogs, carrying nets in their hands, and in the dress of countrymen, in order that they might accomplish their journey with less suspicion. Having arrived at the very time that they had desired, they proceeded to the house of Charon, by whom the hour and day 170 had been fixed.
III. Here I would observe in passing, although the remark be unconnected with the subject before us,171 how great mischief excessive confidence is wont to produce; for it soon came to the ears of the Theban magistrates that some of the exiles had entered the city, but this intelligence, being intent upon their wine and luxuries, they so utterly disregarded, that they did not take the trouble even to inquire about so important a matter. Another circumstance was added, too, which may show their folly in a more remarkable light. A letter was brought from Athens by Archias the hierophant,172 to Archias, who then held the chief post at Thebes, in which a full account had been written concerning the expedition of the exiles. This letter being delivered to Archias as he was reclining at the banquet, he, thrusting it under the bolster, sealed as it was, said, "I put off serious matters till to-morrow." But those revellers, when the night was far advanced, and they were overcome with wine, were all put to death by the exiles under the command of Pelopidas. Their object being thus effected, and the common people being summoned to take arms and secure their liberty, not only those who were in the city, but also others from all parts out of the country, flocked together to join them; they then expelled the garrison of the Lacedaemonians from the citadel, and delivered their country from thraldom. The |387 promoters of the seizure of the Cadmea they partly put to death, and partly sent into exile.
IV. During this period of turbulence, Epaminondas, as we have already observed, remained quiet, so long as the struggle was between fellow-citizens, in his own house. The glory of delivering Thebes, therefore, belongs wholly to Pelopidas; almost all his other honours were gained in conjunction with, Epaminondas. In the battle of Leuctra, where Epaminondas was commander-in-chief, Pelopidas was leader of a select body of troops, which were the first to bear down the phalanx of the Spartans. He was present with him, too, in all his dangers. When he attacked Sparta, he commanded one wing of the army; and, in order that Messene might be sooner restored,173 he went ambassador to Persia. He was, indeed, the second of the two great personages at Thebes, but second only in such a way that he approached very near to Epaminondas.
V. Yet he had to struggle with adverse fortune. He lived in exile, as we have shown, in the early part of his life; and, when he sought to bring Thessaly under the power of the Thebans, and thought that he was sufficiently protected by the law of embassies, which used to be held sacred by all nations, he was seized, together with Ismenias, by Alexander, tyrant of Pherae, and thrown into prison. Epaminondas, making war upon Alexander, restored him to liberty. But after this occurrence, he could never be reconciled in feeling to him by whom he had been unjustly treated. He therefore persuaded the Thebans to go to the relief of Thessaly, and to expel its tyrants. The chief command in the expedition being given to him, and he having gone thither with an army, he did not hesitate to come to a battle the moment he saw the enemy. In the encounter, as soon as he perceived Alexander, he spurred on his horse, in a fever of rage, to attack him, and, separating too far from his men, was killed by a shower of darts. This happened when victory was in his favour, for the troops of the tyrant had already given way. Such being the event, all the cities of Thessaly honoured Pelopidas, after his death, with golden crowns and brazen statues, and presented his children with a large portion of land. |388
XVII. AGESILAUS.
Agesilaus elected king of Sparta, his brother's son being set aside, I.----His expedition to Asia; his strict observance of his truce with Tissaphernes, II.----He lays waste Phrygia; winters at Ephesus; deceives Tissaphernes, III.----Is recalled to defend his country; defeats the Thebans at Coronea; his clemency, IV.----His success in the Corinthian war; spares Corinth, V.----Refuses to go to the battle at Leuctra; saves Sparta by a stratagem, VI.----Replenishes the treasury of his country, VII.----His personal appearance and mode of life; his death at the harbour of Menelaus, VIII.
AGESILAUS the Lacedaemonian has been praised not only by other writers, but, above all, by Xenophon, the disciple of Socrates, for he treated Xenophon as an intimate friend.
In his early days he had a dispute with Leotychides, his brother's son, about the throne; for it was a custom handed down among the Lacedaemonians from their ancestors, that they should always have two kings, in name rather than power, of the two families of Procles and Eurysthenes, who were the first kings of Sparta, of the progeny of Hercules. It was not lawful for a king to be made out of one of these families instead of the other; each of the two, therefore, maintained its order of succession. Regard was had, in the first place, to the eldest of the sons of him who died while on the throne; but if he had left no male issue, the choice then fell on him who was next of kin. King Agis, the brother of Agesilaus, had recently died, and had left a son named Leotychides, whom, during his life, he had not acknowledged, but, at his death, had declared to be his. Leotychides contended for the royal dignity with his uncle Agesilaus, but did not obtain what he sought, for Agesilaus was preferred through the interest of Lysander, a man, as we have already stated, of a factious character, and at that time of great influence.
II. Agesilaus, as soon as he got possession of the throne, solicited the Lacedaemonians to send an army into Asia, and make war upon the king of Persia, assuring them that it was better to fight in Asia than in Europe; for a rumour had gone abroad that Artaxerxes was equipping a fleet, and raising land forces, to send into Greece. Permission being granted him, he exerted so much expedition, that he arrived in Asia with his troops before the king's satraps knew that he had set out; hence it happened that he surprised them all unprepared, and |389 expecting nothing of the kind. But as soon as Tissaphernes, who had the chief authority among the royal satraps, heard of his arrival, he begged a truce of the Spartan, on pretence that he would try to effect an agreement between the Lacedaemonians and the king, but in reality to gain time for collecting troops; and he obtained a truce for three months. Each of them, however, took an oath to observe the truce without fraud; to which engagement Agesilaus adhered with the greatest honour; but Tissaphernes, on the other hand, did nothing but make preparations for war. Though Agesilaus became aware of his proceedings, he still kept his oath, and said that "he was a great gainer by doing so, for Tissaphernes, by his perjury, both alienated men from his interest, and made the gods angry with him; while he, by being faithful to his obligation, produced confidence among his troops, as they felt that the power of the gods was on their side, and that men were rendered greater friends to them, because they were accustomed to favour those whom they saw keeping faith."
III. When the period of the truce was expired, the barbarian, not doubting that as he had many residences in Caria, and as that province was then thought by far the richest in Asia, the enemy would direct their attacks on that quarter especially, assembled his whole force on that side. But Agesilaus turned into Phrygia, and laid waste the country before Tissaphernes could make a movement in any direction. After enriching his men with abundance of plunder, he led back his army to Ephesus to winter, and erecting forges for arms there, made preparations for war with great industry. That his soldiers might be armed with greater care, too, and equipped with more display, he proposed rewards, with which those were to be presented whose efforts to that end should be remarkably distinguished. He pursued the same course with regard to different kinds of exercises, so as to honour with valuable gifts those who excelled others in them. By this means he succeeded in getting an army most admirably accoutred and trained.
When he thought it time to draw his troops out of winter quarters, he saw that if he openly declared in what direction he was going to march, the enemy would not give credit to his statement, but would occupy other parts with their forces, not doubting that he would do something quite different from |390 what he said. Agesilaus, accordingly, giving out that ho would march for Sardis, Tissaphernes felt convinced that Caria must again be defended. When his expectation deceived him in the matter, and he found himself outwitted by his adversary's shrewdness, he hastened to protect his dependants, but too late, for, when he arrived, Agesilaus had taken many places, and secured abundance of spoil.
The Lacedaemonian king, seeing that the enemy were superior to him in cavalry, never gave them an opportunity of attacking him in the plains, but engaged them in those parts in which infantry would be of greater service. As often as he came to a battle, therefore, he routed forces of the enemy far more numerous than his own; and he so conducted himself in Asia that he was in the judgment of every one accounted superior to his opponent.
IV. While he was thinking of marching into Persia, and attacking the king himself, a messenger came to him from home, by order of the Ephori, to acquaint him that the Athenians and Boeotians had declared war against the Lacedaemonians, and that he should therefore not delay to return. In this juncture is dutifulness to his country is not less to be admired than his merit in war, for though he was at the head of a victorious army, and felt assured, to the utmost, of becoming master of the kingdom of Persia, he obeyed the orders of the absent magistrates with as much respect as if he had been a private person in the comitium 174 at Sparta. Would that our generals had followed his example! But let us proceed with our subject. Agesilaus preferred an honourable name to the most powerful empire, and thought it much more glorious to obey the laws of his country than to subdue Asia in war. With these feelings, therefore, he led his forces over the Hellespont, and employed such expedition, that he accomplished in thirty days a journey which Xerxes had taken a year to perform.175 When he was not very far from the Peloponnesus, the Athenians and Boeotians, and others in |391 alliance with them, endeavoured to make a stand against him at Coronea, all of whom he defeated in a great battle. It was an eminent merit in his victory, that when a numerous body of the enemy had taken refuge in a temple of Minerva after the defeat, and the question was put to him, "what he would wish to be done with them," he, though he had received some wounds in the battle, and seemed angry with all who had borne arms against him, preferred, nevertheless, respect for religion to the gratification of his resentment, and gave orders that they should suffer no injury. Nor did he act thus in Greece only,----so as to save the temples of the gods from profanation,----but even among the barbarians also, he preserved every image and altar with the utmost scrupulosity. He used publicly to observe, therefore, that "he wondered those were not counted in the number of the sacrilegious who injured the suppliants of the gods,176 or that those who lessened respect for religion were not visited with severer punishments than those who robbed temples."
V. After this battle all the war was concentrated about Corinth, and was accordingly called the Corinthian war. During this contest, when, in one battle, in which Agesilaus was general,177 there had fallen ten thousand of the enemy, and the strength of his opponents seemed broken by that catastrophe, he was so far from presumptuous boasting,178 that he expressed commiseration for the fortune of Greece, since it was through the fault of his enemies that so many had been defeated and killed by him, for with that number, if the mind of his adversaries had been but right, the Persians might have been forced to make atonement to Greece. When he had driven the enemy, too, within their walls, and |392 many exhorted him to attack Corinth, he said, "that it would not be consistent with his character in war to do so; since he was one," he said, "who would oblige offenders to return to their duty, not one who would destroy the noblest cities of Greece; for if we should proceed," he added, "to extirpate those who have supported us against the barbarians, we should weaken ourselves while the barbarians remain at their ease; and, when this has taken place, they will easily bring us under their power whenever they please."
VI. In the mean time the disaster at Leuctra befel the the Lacedaemonians; and that he might not march thither,179 though he was urged by many to go to the field, he refused to go, as if he had a presentiment concerning the event. But when Epaminondas attacked Sparta, and the city was without walls, he proved himself such a commander, that it was apparent to all on that occasion, that if it had not been for him, Sparta would have ceased to exist.180 In this time or danger, indeed, the celerity of his proceedings was the preservation of the whole people; for when a number of the young men, alarmed at the approach of the enemy, had determined on going over to the Thebans, and had taken a position on an eminence without the city, Agesilaus, who saw that it would have a most pernicious effect, if it were noticed that any were trying to desert to the enemy, went thither with some of his men, and, as if they had been acting with a good intention, commended their procedure in having taken possession of that spot, and said that he himself had also observed that this ought to be done. Thus, by his pretended commendation, he prevented the young men from deserting, and, after joining some of his followers with them, left the place quite safe; for when the number of those was increased who were unacquainted with the project,181 the conspirators were |393 afraid to move, and retained their ground the more willingly as they thought that what they had meditated was still unknown.
VII. After the battle of Leuctra, it is certain, the Lacedaemonians never recovered themselves, or regained their former power, though, at that period, Agesilaus did not cease to assist his country by whatever means he could use. When the Lacedaemonians were greatly in want of money, he gave his support to all those 182 who had revolted from the king, and being presented by them with a large sum, he relieved his country with it. In his character, indeed, this point was particularly worthy of admiration, that, though great presents were given him by kings, princes, and states, he never took any portion of them into his own house, and never departed in the least from the usual diet and dress of the Spartans; he remained content with the same house which Eurysthenes, the progenitor of his family, had inhabited; and whoever entered it could see no indication of luxury or extravagance, but, on the contrary, many proofs of temperance and frugality, for it was furnished in such a manner that it differed in no respect from that of any poor or private person.
VIII. As this great man had found nature favourable in giving him excellent qualities of mind, so he found her unpropitious with regard to the formation of his body; for he was of low stature, small in person, and lame of one foot. These circumstances rendered his appearance the reverse of attractive, and strangers, when they looked at his person, felt only contempt for him, while those who knew his merits could not sufficiently admire him. Such fortune attended him, when, at the age of eighty, he went into Egypt to the aid of Tachos, and lay down with his men on the shore without any shelter, having merely such a couch that the ground was but covered with straw, and nothing more than a skin thrown upon it,183 while all his attendants lay in the same manner, in plain and well-worn attire, so that their equipments not only |394 did not indicate that there was a king among them, but even raised a suspicion that he must be a man not very rich. The news of his arrival having reached the king's officers, presents of every kind were soon brought him; but when the officers inquired for Agesilaus, they could scarcely be made to believe that he was one of those who were sitting before them. When they presented him what they had brought, with a message from the king, he accepted nothing but some veal, and such sorts of meat as his present circumstances required; the ointments, chaplets, and sweetmeats he distributed among the slaves, and the other things he directed to be carried back. Upon this, the barbarians looked upon him still more contemptuously, thinking that he had made choice of what he had taken from ignorance of what was valuable.
As he was returning from Egypt, after having been presented by King Nectanabis 184 with two hundred and twenty talents, in order that he might bestow them upon his countrymen, and had arrived at what is called the harbour of Menelaus,185 lying between Cyrenae 186 and Egypt, he fell ill and died. His friends, in order the more conveniently to convey him to Sparta, enveloped his body, as they had no honey, in wax, and so carried it home. |395
XVIII. EUMENES.
Eumenes is secretary to Philip and Alexander, and afterwards commander in the cavalry, I.----After the death of Alexander he is allotted the province of Cappadocia, and is a steady friend to Perdiccas, II.----His proceedings on behalf of Perdiccas, III.----He defeats Craterus and Neoptolemus, IV.----Is pursued by Antigonus; his stratagems and escape, V.----His kindness to Olympias and Alexander's children, VI.----His continuance of hostilities against Antigonus; his device in his camp, VII.----He defeats Antigonus; is controlled by Alexander's veterans, VIII.----He eludes Antigonus by a stratagem, IX.----After again defeating Antigonus, he is betrayed by his own men, X.----In his confinement he longs to die, XI.----His death, XII.----After his death the officers of Alexander assume the title of kings; his funeral, XIII.
I. EUMENES was a native of Cardia.187 If success equal to his abilities had been granted him, he would not, indeed, have been a greater man (for we estimate great men by merit, not by fortune), but he would have been much more renowned, and more honoured. As he happened to live, however, in the days in which the Macedonians flourished, it was a great disadvantage to him residing among them, that he was of a foreign country. Nor was anything wanting to him but a noble descent; for, though he was of a family of distinction in his native city, the Macedonians were nevertheless dissatisfied that he should ever be preferred to them. They were obliged to submit, however, for he excelled them all in caution, vigilance, endurance, and acuteness and activity of intellect.
When he was but a youth, he was received into favour by Philip, the son of Amyntas, and after a short time was admitted into intimate friendship with him; for, even then, when he was so young, there appeared to be great natural talent in him. He therefore kept him near himself in the office of secretary, which is much more honourable 188 among the Greeks than among the |396 Romans; for with us, secretaries are regarded as hirelings, as in reality they are; but with them, on the contrary, no one is admitted to that office who is not of good family and of known integrity and ability, because he must of necessity be the confidant of all their political measures. This post of confidence he held for seven years under Philip, and after Philip was assassinated, he was in the same office for thirteen years under Alexander. During the latter portion of this time, also, he commanded one of the two divisions of the cavalry called Hetaeriae.189 With both these princes he always had a place in the council, and was admitted to a knowledge of all their proceedings.
II. After the death of Alexander at Babylon, when kingdoms were allotted to each of his friends, and the superintendence of affairs was committed to the hands 190 of Perdiccas, to whom Alexander, when dying, had given his ring (a circumstance from which every one conjectured that Alexander had entrusted his kingdom to him, until his children should come of age to take the government upon themselves; 191 for Craterus and Antipater, who seemed to have the precedence of him, were absent, and Hephaestion, for whom Alexander, as might easily be perceived, had had the highest esteem, was dead), at that time Cappadocia was given to Eumenes, or rather appointed for him, for it was then in the power of the enemy. Perdiccas had sought with great eagerness to attach Eumenes to him, for he saw in him great honour and ability,192 and did not doubt that, if he could gain him over to his side, he would be of great assistance to him in the projects which he was meditating, since he purposed (what all in great power generally covet) to seize and secure for himself the shares of all the rest. Nor did he alone, indeed, entertain such designs, but all the others, |397 who had been friends of Alexander, formed similar intentions. Leonnatus,193 in the first place, had resolved to seize upon Macedonia, and had endeavoured, by liberal promises, to prevail upon Eumenes to desert Perdiccas, and form an alliance with himself. Being unable to make any impression upon him, he attempted to take his life, and would have effected his purpose, had he not secretly escaped from his guards by night.
III. In the meantime those wars broke out, which, after the death of Alexander, were carried on to desperation;194 and all combined to ruin Perdiccas. Eumenes, though he saw that he was but weak, as he was obliged to stand alone against them all, yet did not forsake a friend, or show himself more desirous of safety than of honour. Perdiccas had set him over that part of Asia which lies between Mount Taurus and the Hellespont, and had opposed him alone to his European adversaries. 195 Perdiccas himself had marched against Ptolemy, to make an attack upon Egypt. Eumenes, as he had an army neither numerous nor strong, for it wanted exercise, and had not long been assembled, while Antipater and Craterus were said to be fast approaching, and to have passed the Hellespont, men who stood high in reputation and experience in war (and the Macedonian soldiers were then held in the same esteem in which the Romans are now held, for those have always been accounted the bravest who have attained the greatest power), Eumenes, I say, was aware, that if his troops should learn against whom they were being led, they would not only not proceed, but would disperse at the intelligence; and it was therefore a very clever stratagem of his, to lead his men through bye-roads, in which they could not hear the truth, and to make them believe that he was marching against some of the barbarians. In this artifice he successfully persevered, and drew out his army into the field, and joined battle, before the men were aware with whom, they were engaged. He succeeded, also, by an advantageous choice of ground, in fighting more with his cavalry, in which he had |398 the superiority, than with his infantry, in which he was but weak.
IV. After they had continued the contest, with desperate efforts, through the greater part of the day, Craterus, the commander-in-chief, was killed, as well as Neoptolemus who held the second place in authority. With Eumenes Neoptolemus himself encountered, and as they grappled with one another, and fell from their horses to the ground (so that it might easily be seen that they fought with feelings of enmity, and warred more with their minds than with their bodies), they could not be separated till life left one of the two. Eumenes received some wounds from Neoptolemus, yet did not, on that account, retire from the field, but pressed more vigorously upon the enemy. The horse being routed, Craterus the general slain, and many, chiefly of high rank, being made prisoners, the infantry, as they were forced into a position from which they could not escape without the permission of Eumenes, begged peace of him. But when they had obtained it, they did not adhere to their word, but went off, as soon as they could, to Antipater. Eumenes endeavoured to save the life of Craterus, who was carried half dead from the field; but, not being able to succeed, he interred him, suitably to his dignity and their former friendship (for he had been intimate with him in Alexander's life-time), with a magnificent funeral, and sent his bones into Macedonia to his wife and children.
V. During the course of these proceedings on the Hellespont, Perdiccas was killed by Seleucus and Antigonus 196 on the river Nile, and the chief command was conferred upon Antipater. Upon this, those who had deserted him were condemned to death in their absence, the army giving their suffrage to that effect; and among those condemned was Eumenes, who, though he was affected at this blow,197 did not sink under it, or conduct the war with the less vigour. |399
But a course of necessitous circumstances, though they could not subdue the energy of his spirit, had yet some effect in diminishing it. Antigonus, however, who pursued him, was often, though he had plenty of all kinds of troops, severely harassed by him on the march, nor could he ever come to an engagement with him except in places in which a few could resist many. But at last, when he could not be taken by manoeuvring, he was hemmed in by numbers; still he extricated himself, though with the loss of several men, and took refuge in a fortress of Phrygia, called Nora; where, being besieged, and fearing that, by remaining in one place, he should lose his war-horses, as there was no room for exercising them, he adopted an ingenious expedient,198 by which the animal might be warmed and exercised standing, so that it might take its food more freely, and not be deprived of the benefit of bodily motion. He tied up its head 199 so high with a halter, that it could not quite touch the ground with its fore-feet; he then forced it, by lashing it behind, to leap up and throw back its heels; which motions excited perspiration no less than if the animal had run in an open course. Hence it happened (what was a matter of astonishment to all), that he led out his horses from the fortress, though he had been several months under siege, equally as sleek as if he had been keeping them in open fields. During that siege, as often as he desired, he either set on fire or demolished the works and defences of Antigonus. He, however, kept himself in that one place as long as the winter lasted; but, as the fortress could have no relief from without, and the spring was coming on, he pretended to be desirous of surrendering, and, while he was treating about the terms, eluded the officers of Antigonus, and brought himself and all his men off safe.
VI. When Olympias, who was the mother of Alexander, sent letters and messengers into Asia to Eumenes, to consult him whether she should proceed to re-possess herself of Macedonia (for she was then living in Epirus), and take upon herself the government there, he advised her, "above all |400 things, not to stir, but to wait till Alexander's son should get the throne; yet, if she should be hurried into Macedonia by any irresistible longing, he recommended her to forget all injuries, and not to exercise too severe an authority over any one." But with neither of these suggestions did she comply; for she both went to Macedonia, and acted there with the greatest cruelty. She then entreated Eumenes, while he was still at a distance, "not to allow the bitterest enemies of Philip's house and family to extirpate his very race, but to give his support to the children of Alexander;" adding that, "if he would do her such a favour, he might raise troops as soon as possible, and bring them to her aid; and, in order that he might do so more easily, she had written to all the governors of the provinces that preserved their allegiance, to obey him, and follow his counsels." Eumenes, moved with this communication, thought it better, if fortune should so order it, to perish in showing his gratitude to those who had deserved well of him, than to live ungrateful.
VII. He therefore assembled troops, and prepared for war against Antigonus. But as there were with him several noble Macedonians, amongst whom were Peucestes, who had been one of Alexander's body-guard, and was then governor of Persia, and Antigenes, under whose command the Macedonian phalanx was, dreading envy (which, nevertheless, he could not escape), if he, being a foreigner, should have the chief authority rather than others of the Macedonians, of whom there was a great number there, he erected a pavilion at head quarters,200 in the name of Alexander, and caused a gold chair, with a sceptre and diadem, to be placed in it, directing that all should meet at it daily, that counsel might be taken there concerning matters of importance; for he thought that he should incur less envy if he appeared to manage the war under show of the authority, and with assumption of the name, of Alexander; and in this point he succeeded; for, as the meetings were held, not at the tent of Eumenes, but at that of the king, and measures concerted there, his superiority was |401 in some degree concealed, though all was done by his agency alone.
VIII. He engaged with Antigonus in the country of the Paraetaci, not with his army in full array, but on the march, and forced him, after being severely handled, to return into Media to winter. He himself distributed his troops in winter-quarters through the neighbouring country of Persia, not as he chose, but as the will of his soldiers obliged him; for the phalanx of Alexander the Great, which had over-run Asia, and subdued the Persians, desired, in consequence of their established renown, and also through long-continued license, not to obey their officers but to command them, as our veterans now do. There is danger, therefore, lest ours should do what those did, and, by their insubordination and excessive licentiousness, ruin all, not less those whom they have supported than those whom they have opposed. And if any one reads the acts of those veterans, he will find the proceedings of ours like theirs, and be of opinion that there is no other difference between them but that of time. But I return to those of Macedonia. They had fixed upon their winter-quarters, not from regard to convenience for warfare, but for luxurious indulgence; and had separated into parties at a great distance from one another. Antigonus, hearing of their dispersion, and being aware that he was not a match for his enemies when prepared to receive him, resolved that some new plan must be adopted. There were two ways by which he might march from the country of the Medes, where he was wintering, to the winter-quarters of his adversaries, of which the shorter lay through desert tracts, which nobody inhabited by reason of the scarcity of water, but was only about ten days' march. The other, by which everybody travelled, presented a circuitous route of twice the length, but was well-supplied, and abounded with all necessaries. If he went by the latter, he felt sure that the enemy would know of his approach before he had accomplished the third part of the distance; but if he hurried through the deserts, he hoped that he might surprise his adversaries unawares. To effect his object, he ordered as many skins and sacks as possible to be got in readiness; and then forage and dressed provisions for ten days; desiring that as little fire as possible should be made in the camp. The route which he had in view he concealed from every one. |402 Being thus provided, he set forward in the direction on which he had determined.
IX. He had accomplished about half the distance, when, from the smoke of his camp, a suspicion was hinted to Eumenes that an enemy was approaching. His officers held a meeting; and it was considered what ought to be done. They were all aware that their troops could not be assembled so soon as Antigonus seemed likely to be upon them; and. while they were all consequently in perplexity, and despair ing of their safety,201 Eumenes said that "If they would but use activity, and execute his orders (which they had not done before), he would put an end to their difficulties; for, though the enemy might now finish his journey in five days, he would take care that they should be delayed not less than as many days more.202 They must therefore go about, and each collect his troops."
To retard the progress of Antigonus he adopted the following stratagem. He sent trustworthy men to the foot of the mountains, which lay over against the enemy's route, and ordered them, as soon as night came on, to make as large fires and as far dispersed, as they could; to reduce them at the second watch, and to make them very small at the third, and, by imitating the usages of a camp, to raise a suspicion in the enemy that there was actually a camp in those parts, and that intelligence had been given of their approach; and he told them to act in the same way on the following night. The men to whom this commission was given carefully observed their instructions. Antigonus, when darkness came on, saw the fires, and supposed that something had been heard of his coming, and that his enemies had assembled their force on that quarter. He therefore changed his intention, and, thinking that he could not surprise them unawares, altered his route, and took the longer circuit of the well-supplied road, on which he halted for one day, to refresh his weary men and recruit his horses, that he might come to battle with his army in better condition.
X. On this occasion Eumenes overreached a crafty general by stratagem, and obviated the suddenness of his attack; yet |403 he gained but little by his success; for through the envy of the officers with whom he had to act, and the treachery of the Macedonian veterans, he was delivered up, after he had come off superior in the field, to Antigonus, though they had previously sworn, at three several times, that they would defend him and never forsake him. But such was the eagerness of some to detract from his merit, that they chose rather to break their faith than not betray him. Antigonus, however, though he had been a violent enemy to him, would have spared his life, if he had but been allowed to do so by his friends, because he was certain that he could not be better assisted by any one in those difficulties which, as was apparent to all, were likely to fall upon him. For Lysimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy, now powerful in resources, were assuming a threatening attitude, and he would be obliged to contend with them for supremacy. But those who were about him would not allow of such clemency; for they saw that if Eumenes were admitted to his councils, they themselves would be of small account in comparison with him. As for Antigonus himself, he had been so incensed against him, that he could never have been induced to relent, except by a strong expectation of eminent services from him.
XI. When he had committed him to custody, therefore, and the commander of the guard inquired how he would have him kept, he replied, "As the most furious lion, or the most savage elephant;" for he had not then determined whether he should spare his life or not. Meanwhile two classes of people crowded to gaze upon Eumenes, those who, from hatred of him, wished to feast their eyes 203 on his degradation and those who, from old friendship, desired to speak with him and console him. Many also came with them who were anxious to look at his person, and to see what sort of man he was whom they had feared so long and so much, and in whose destruction they had placed their hopes of victory. But Eumenes, when he had been some time under confinement, said to Onomarchus, in whose hands the chief command of the guard was, that "he wondered why he was thus kept a third day: for that it was not consistent with prudence on the part of Antigonus to treat 204 one whom he had conquered in such a |404 manner, but that he should order him either to be put to death or released." As he seemed to Onomarchus to express himself somewhat arrogantly, he replied, "Why, if you were of such a spirit, did you not rather die on the field of battle, than fall into the hands of your enemy?" "Would indeed that that had befallen me," rejoined Eumenes, "but it did not happen because I never engaged with a stouter than myself; for I have never crossed swords with any one who did not yield to me; and I have not fallen by the prowess of my enemies, but by the perfidy of my friends.'' Nor was this assertion false; for he was a man not only of a graceful 205 and dignified bearing, but of strength sufficient for enduring fatigue; yet he was not so much distinguished for tallness of person as for handsomeness of shape.
XII. As Antigonus would not venture alone to determine concerning him, he referred the decision to a council; where, when almost all the officers, in great excitement, expressed their surprise that death had not been already inflicted on a man by whom they had been harassed so many years, so severely that they were often reduced to despair, a man who had cut off leaders of the greatest eminence; and in whom, though but a single individual, there was so much to be dreaded, that as long as he lived they could not think themselves safe, while, if he were put to death, they would have no further anxiety; and in conclusion they asked Antigonus, "if he gave Eumenes his life, what friends he would employ? for that they would not act under him with Eumenes." After thus learning the sentiments of the council, he nevertheless took time for consideration till the seventh day following; when, being afraid that a mutiny might break out in the army, he gave orders that no one should be admitted to Eumenes, and that his daily food should be withheld; for he said that "he would offer no personal violence to a man who had once been his friend." Eumenes, however, after suffering from hunger not more than three days, was killed by his guards on the removal of the camp, without Antigonus's knowledge. |405
XIII. Thus Eumenes, at the age of five-and-forty years, after having attended on Philip, as we have shown above, for seven years from the age of twenty, and having held the same office under Alexander for thirteen years, during one of which he had commanded a troop of cavalry; and after having, subsequently to Alexander's death, conducted armies as commander in-chief, and having sometimes repelled and sometimes cut off the most eminent generals, being made prisoner, not by the ability of Antigonus, but by the perjury of the Macedonians, ended his life in this manner.206 How great awe was entertained of him by all those who were styled kings after the death of Alexander the Great, may be easily judged from the following fact, that no one of them, while Eumenes lived, was called a king, but only a governor; but that, after his death, they at once assumed the regal dress and title; nor did they care to perform what they had originally promised, namely, to guard the throne for Alexander's children; but, as soon as the only defender of the children was removed, they disclosed what their real views were. In this iniquity the leaders were Antigonus, Ptolemy, Seleucus, Lysimachus, and Cassander.
Antigonus gave the dead body of Eumenes to his relations for burial; and they interred him with a military and magnificent funeral, and took care that his bones should he conveyed to Cappadocia to his mother, wife, and children.
XIX. PHOCION.
Phocion better known for his virtues than his military achievements, I.----In his old age he incurred the displeasure of his countrymen on various accounts, II.----Is exiled; his pleading before Philip; is sent back to Athens, III.----Is condemned at Athens, and put to death there, IV.
I. THOUGH Phocion the Athenian was often at the head of armies, and held the most important commands, yet the blamelessness of his life is much better known than his exertions in war. Of the one, accordingly, there is no recollection,207 |406 but of the other the fame is great; and hence he was surnamed The Good. He was always poor, though he might have been extremely rich, by reason of the numerous offices conferred upon him, and the high commissions given him by the people. When he refused the present of a large sum of money from King Philip, and Philip's ambassadors urged him to receive it, and at the same time reminded him, that if he himself could easily do without it, he should nevertheless have some regard for his children, for whom it would be difficult, in the depth of poverty, to act up to the high character of their father, he gave them this answer: "If my children be like me, this same little farm, which has enabled me to reach my present eminence, will maintain them; but if they prove unlike me, I should not wish their luxury to be supported and increased at my expense."
II. After fortune had continued favourable to him almost to his eightieth year, he fell, towards the close of his life, into great unpopularity with his countrymen. In the first place, he had acted in concert with Demades in delivering up the city to Antipater; and, by his suggestions, Demosthenes and others, who were thought to deserve well of their country, had been sent into banishment by a decree of the people. Nor had he given offence only in this respect, that he had ill consulted the interest of his country, but also in not having observed the obligations of friendship; for though he had risen to the eminence which he then held through being supported and aided by Demosthenes, when he furnished him with means of defence against Chares,208 and though he had several times come off with acquittal on trials, when he had to plead for his life, through having been defended by Demosthenes, he not only did not take the part of Demosthenes when he was in peril, but even betrayed him. But his fate was decided chiefly on one charge, that, when the supreme government of the state was in his hands, and he was warned by Dercyllus that Nicanor, the prefect of Cassander, was |407 forming designs upon the Piraeeus, and Dercyllus begged him, at the same time, to take care that the city should not want provisions, Phocion told him in the hearing of the people, that there was no danger, and engaged to be security for the truth of his statement; whereas Nicanor, not long after, became master of the Piraeeus; and when the people assembled under arms to defend that harbour, without which Athens could not at all subsist, Phocion not only did not call any body to arms, but would not even take the command of those who were armed.
III. There were at that period in Athens two parties, one of which espoused the cause of the people, and the other that of the aristocracy; to the latter Phocion and Demetrius Phalereus were attached. Each of them relied on the support of the Macedonians; for the popular party favoured Polysperchon, and the aristocracy took the side of Cassander. After a time Cassander was driven from Macedonia by Polysperchon; and the people, in consequence, getting the superiority, immediately expelled from their country the leaders of the opposite faction, after they had been capitally convicted;209 and among them Phocion and Demetrius Phalereus; and they then sent a deputation on the subject to Polysperchon, to request him to confirm their decrees. Phocion went to him at the same time, and as soon as he arrived he was summoned to plead his cause, nominally before King Philip,210 but in reality before Polysperchon; for he at that time held the direction of the king's affairs. Being accused by Agnonides 211 of having betrayed the Piraeeus to Nicanor, and being thrown, by order of the council, into confinement, he was then conveyed to Athens, that a trial might there be held upon him according to law.
IV. On his arrival, as he was weak in his feet through age, and was brought to the city in a carriage, great crowds of people gathered about him, of whom some, calling to mind his former reputation, expressed commiseration for his declining |408 years but the greater number were violently exasperated against him, from the suspicion that he had betrayed the Piraeeus, but especially because he had opposed the interest of the people in his old age. Hence not even the liberty of making a speech, and of pleading his cause, was granted him, but being forthwith sentenced to death, after some formalities of law had been despatched, he was delivered over to the eleven,212 to whom public criminals, by the custom of the Athenians, are wont to be consigned. As he was being led to execution, Emphyletus, a man with whom he had been very intimate, met him, and having exclaimed, with tears, "O what unworthy treatment you suffer, Phocion!" Phocion rejoined, "But not unexpected, for most of the famous men of Athens have come to this end." So violent was the hatred of the multitude towards him, that no free person dared to bury him; and he was accordingly interred by slaves.
XX. TIMOLEON.
Timoleon delivers Corinth from the tyranny of his brother, and causes him to be put to death, I.----He expels Dionysius the younger from Sicily; defeats Hicetas; overcomes the Carthaginians, II.----After settling affairs in Sicily, he lays down the government, III.----He loses his sight from old age, but still attends to the interests of his country; builds a temple to Fortune, IV.----Instances of his patience; his death, V.
I. TIMOLEON of Corinth was doubtless a great man in the opinion of everybody, since it happened to him alone (for I know not that it happened to any one else),213 to deliver his country, in which he was born, from the oppression of a tyrant, to banish a long established slavery from Syracuse (to the assistance of which he had been sent), and, on his arrival, |409 to restore Sicily, which had been disturbed by war for many years, and harassed by barbarians,214 to its former condition. But in these undertakings he struggled not with one kind of fortune only, and, what is thought the more difficult, he bore good much more discreetly than evil fortune; for when his brother Timophanes, on being chosen general by the Corinthians, had made himself absolute by the aid of his mercenary troops, and Timoleon himself might have shared the sovereignty with him, he was so far from taking part in his guilt, that he preferred the liberty of his countrymen to the life of his brother, and thought it better to obey the laws of his country than to rule over his country. With this feeling, he contrived to have his brother the tyrant put to death by a certain augur, a man connected with them both, as their sister by the same parents 215 was married to him. He himself not only did not put his hand to the work, but would not even look upon his brother's blood; for, until the deed was done, he kept himself at a distance on the watch, lest any of his brother's guards should come to his aid. This most noble act of his was not equally approved by all; for some thought that natural affection had been violated by him, and endeavoured, from envy, to lessen the praise of his virtue. His mother, indeed, after this proceeding, would neither admit her son into her house, nor look upon him, but, uttering imprecations against him, called him a fratricide, and destitute of natural feeling. With this treatment he was so much affected, that he was sometimes inclined to put an end to his life, and withdraw himself by death from the sight of his ungrateful fellow-creatures.
II. In the meantime, after Dion was assassinated at Syracuse, Dionysius again became master of that city, and his enemies solicited assistance from the Corinthians, desiring a general whose services they might employ in war. Timoleon, being in consequence despatched thither, expelled Dionysius, with wonderful success, quite out of Sicily. Though he might have put him to death, he refused to do so, and secured him a safe passage to Corinth, because the Corinthians had often |410 been supported by the aid of both the Dionysii, and he wished the memory of that kindness to be preserved, esteeming that victory noble, in which there was more clemency than cruelty; and, finally, he wished it not only to be heard, but seen, what a personage he had reduced from such a height of power to so low a condition. After the departure of Dionysius, he had to go to war with Hicetas, who had been the opponent of Dionysius; but that he did not disagree with him from hatred of tyranny, but from a desire for it, this was a sufficient proof, that after the expulsion of Dionysius he was unwilling to lay down his command. Timoleon, after defeating Hicetas, put to flight a vast army of the Carthaginians on the river Crimessus, and obliged those who had now for several years maintained their ground in Sicily, to be satisfied if they were allowed to retain Africa. He took prisoner also Mamercus, an Italian general, a man of great valour and influence, who had come into Italy to support the tyrants.
III. Having achieved these objects, and seeing not only the lands, but also the cities, deserted through the long continuance of the war, he assembled, in the first place, as many Sicilians as he could, and then sent for settlers also from Corinth, because it was by the Corinthians that Syracuse had been originally founded. He gave back to the old inhabitants their own lands, and divided such estates as had lost their owners in the war, among the new colonists; he repaired the dilapidated walls of the cities, and the neglected temples;216 he restored their laws and liberties to the several communities, and, after a most destructive war, established such tranquillity through the whole island, that he, and not those who had brought colonists thither at first, might have been thought the founder of those cities. The citadel of Syracuse, which Dionysius had built to overawe the city, he demolished to its foundations; other bulwarks of tyranny he removed, and exerted his efforts that as few traces as possible of servitude might be left.
Though he was possessed of so much influence that he |411 might have ruled the Syracusans even against their will, and though he had so strongly gained the affection of all the Sicilians that he might have assumed supreme power without opposition from any one, he chose rather to be loved than to be feared. He therefore laid down his authority as soon as he could, and lived as a private person at Syracuse during the remainder of his life. Nor did he act in this respect injudiciously; for, what other rulers could scarcely effect by absolute power, he attained by the good will of the people. No honour was withheld from him; nor, when any public business was afterwards transacted at Syracuse, was a decision made upon it before Timoleon's opinion was ascertained. Not only was no man's advice ever preferred to his, but no man's was even compared to it; nor was this occasioned more by the good will of others towards him, than by his own prudence.
IV. When he was advanced in age he lost the sight of his eyes, without any apparent disease in them; a misfortune which he bore with so much patience, that neither did any one ever hear him complain, nor did he take a less part in private and public business. He used to come to the theatre,217 when any assembly of the people was held there, riding in a carriage by reason of his infirmity, and used to state from the vehicle what he thought proper. Nor did any one impute this to pride; for nothing arrogant or boastful ever came out of his mouth. Indeed when he heard his praises repeated, he never made any other observation than that "he paid and felt the utmost gratitude to the immortal gods for this favour, that when they had resolved on regenerating Sicily, they had appointed him, above all others, to be the leader to execute their will." For he thought that nothing in human affairs was done without the directing power of the gods; and he therefore erected a temple to Fortune 218 in his own house, and used to worship at it most religiously.
V. To this eminent virtue in his character were added certain wonderful incidents in his life; for he fought all his most remarkable battles on his birth-day; and hence it |412 happened that all Sicily kept his birth-day as a festival. When one Lamestius, an impudent and ungrateful fellow, wanted to compel him to give bail for his appearance, as he said that he was merely dealing with him according to law, and several persons, flocking about him, would have curbed the insolence of the man by laying hands upon him, Timoleon entreated them all "not to do so, for that he had encountered extreme labours and dangers in order that Lamestius and others might enjoy such privileges; since this was the true form of liberty, if it were permitted to every one to try at law what he pleased." When a person, too, something like Lamestius, by name Demaenetus, had proceeded to detract from his actions before an assembly of the people, and uttered some invectives against Timoleon himself, he observed, that "he now enjoyed the fulfilment of his prayers,219 for that he had always made this his request to the immortal gods, that they would re-establish that degree of liberty among the Syracusans, in which it would be lawful for every man to say what he wished of any one with impunity." When he died, he was buried at the public expense by the Syracusans, in the Gymnasium, which is called the Timoleontean Gymnasium,220 all Sicily attending his funeral.
XXI. OF KINGS.
The Spartan kings, kings only in name; the most eminent kings of Persia, I.----The greatest kings of Macedonia; the only great sovereign of Sicily, II.----The kings that arose after the death of Alexander the Great, III.
I. THESE were almost all the generals of Greece 221 that seemed worthy of record, except kings, for we would not treat of them, because the actions of them all are narrated separately;222 nor are they indeed very numerous. As for |413 Agesilaus the Lacedaemonian, he was a king in name, not in power, just like the other Spartan kings. But of those who were sovereigns with absolute authority, the most eminent were, as we think, Cyrus, king of the Persians, and Darius, the son of Hystaspes, both of whom, originally in a private station, obtained thrones by merit. The first of these was killed in battle among the Massagetae; Darius died a natural death at an advanced age. There are also three others of the same nation; Xerxes and the two Artaxerxes, Macrochir and Mnemon.223 The most remarkable act of Xerxes was, that he made war upon Greece, by land and sea, with the greatest armies in the memory of man. Macrochir is greatly celebrated for a most noble and handsome person, which he rendered still more remarkable by extraordinary bravery in the field; for no one of the Persians was more valorous in action than he. Mnemon was renowned for his justice; for, when he lost his wife through the wickedness of his mother, he indulged his resentment so far only, that filial duty overcame it.224 Of these, the two of the same name died a natural death; 225 the third was killed with the sword by Artabanus, one of his satraps.
II. Of the nation of the Macedonians, two kings far excelled the rest in renown for their achievements; Philip, the son of Amyntas, and Alexander the Great. One of these was cut off by a disease at Babylon; Philip was killed by Pausanias, near the theatre at Aegae, when he was going to see the games. Of Epirus, the only great king was Pyrrhus, who made war upon the people of Rome; he was killed by a blow from a stone, when he was besieging the city of Argos in the Peloponnesus. There was also one great sovereign of Sicily, Dionysius the |414 elder; for he was both brave in action and skilful in military operations, and, what is not commonly found in a tyrant, was far from being sensual, or luxurious, or avaricious, and was covetous indeed of nothing but absolute and firmly-established sovereignty; and to attain that object he was cruel; for in his eagerness to secure it he spared the life of no one that he thought to be plotting against it. After having gained absolute power for himself by his abilities, he preserved it with remarkable good fortune, and died at the age of more than sixty, with his dominions in a flourishing condition. Nor in the course of so many years did he see the funeral of any one of his offspring, though he had children by three wives, and several grand-children had been born to him.
III. There arose also some great kings from among the followers of Alexander the Great, who assumed regal authority alter his death. Among these were Antigonus, and his son Demetrius, Lysimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolemy; of whom Antigonus was killed in battle, when he was fighting against Seleucus and Lysimachus; and Lysimachus was cut off in a similar way by Seleucus, for the alliance between the two being broken, they went to war with one another. Demetrius, after he had given his daughter to Seleucus in marriage, and yet the alliance between them could not be maintained the more faithfully on that account, was taken prisoner in battle, and died of some disease, the father-in-law in the custody of his son-in-law. Not long after, Seleucus was treacherously killed by Ptolemy Ceraunus, whom he had entertained, when he was expelled by his father from Alexandria, and stood in need of assistance from others. As for Ptolemy himself, he is said, after having resigned his throne to his son during his life, to have been deprived of life by that same son.
But, as we think that sufficient has been said concerning these, it seems proper not to omit Hamilcar and Hannibal, who, as is agreed, surpassed all the natives of Africa in power and subtilty of intellect. |415
XXII. HAMILCAR.
Hamilcar's success in Sicily; his defence of Eryx, and honourable capitulation, I.----His suppression of the rebellion raised by the Carthaginian mercenaries, II.----He takes his son Hannibal with him into Spain, and his son-in-law Hasdrubal, III.----Is killed in battle in Spain, IV.
I. HAMILCAR the Carthaginian, the son of Hannibal, and surnamed Barcas, began in the first Punic war, but towards the end of it, to hold the command of the army in Sicily; and though, before his coming, the efforts of the Carthaginians were unsuccessful both by sea and land, he, after he arrived, never gave way to the enemy,226 or afforded them any opportunity of doing him harm, but, on the contrary, often attacked the foe when occasion presented itself, and always came off with the advantage. Afterwards, though the Carthaginians had lost almost every place in Sicily, he so ably defended Eryx, 227 that there seemed to be no war going on there. In the meantime, the Carthaginians, having been defeated at sea, near the islands called Aegates,228 by Caius Lutatius, the Roman consul, resolved on putting an end to the war, and left the settlement of the matter to the judgment of Hamilcar, who, though he ardently desired to continue in arms, thought it, nevertheless, necessary to submit to make peace, because he saw that his country, exhausted by the expenses of the war, was no longer in a condition to bear the pressure of it; but such was his feeling on the occasion, that he soon meditated, if the affairs of his country should be but in a small degree improved, to resume the war, and to pursue the Romans with hostilities, until they should indisputably obtain the mastery, or, being conquered, should make submission. With this resolution he concluded a peace, but showed such a spirit in the transaction, that when Catulus refused to desist from hostilities unless Hamilcar, with such of his men as were in |416 possession of Eryx, should lay down their arms and quit Sicily, Hamilcar replied, that, though his country submitted, he himself would rather perish on the spot than return home under such disgrace, for that it was not consistent with his spirit to resign to his enemies arms which he had received from his country as a defence against enemies.
II. Catulus yielded to his resolution. But Hamilcar, when he arrived at Carthage, found the republic in a far different condition than he had expected; for, through the long continuance of foreign troubles, so violent a rebellion had broken out at home, that Carthage was never in such danger, except when it was actually destroyed. In the first place, the mercenary troops, who had served against the Romans, and the number of whom amounted to twenty thousand, revolted; and these drew the whole of Africa over to their side, and laid siege to Carthage itself. With these disasters the Carthaginians were so much alarmed, that they requested aid even from the Romans, and obtained it. But at last, when they were almost sunk into despair, they made Hamilcar general, who not only repulsed the enemy from the walls of Carthage, though they amounted to a hundred thousand men in arms, but reduced them to such a condition, that being shut up in a confined space, they perished in greater numbers by famine than by the sword. All the towns that had revolted, and among them Utica and Hippo, the strongest cities of all Africa, he brought back to their allegiance to his country. Nor was he satisfied with these successes, but extended even the bounds of the Carthaginian empire, and re-established such tranquillity through all Africa, that there seemed to have been no war in it for many years.
III. These objects being executed according to his desire, he then, by dint of a spirit confident and incensed against the Romans, contrived, in order more easily to find a pretext for going to war with them, to be sent as commander-in-chief with an army into Spain, and took with him thither his son Hannibal, then nine years old. There also accompanied him a young man named Hasdrubal, a person of high birth and great beauty, who, as some said, was beloved by Hamilcar with less regard to his character than was becoming; for so great a man could not fail to have slanderers. Hence it happened that Hasdrubal was forbidden by the censor of public morals |417 to associate with him; but Hamilcar then gave him his daughter in marriage, because, according to their usages, a son-in-law could not be interdicted the society of his father-in-law. We have inserted this notice of Hasdrubal, because, after Hamilcar was killed, he took the command of the army, and achieved great exploits; and he was also the first that corrupted the ancient manners of the Carthaginians by bribery. After his death Hannibal received the command from the army.
IV. Hamilcar, however, after he had crossed the sea, and arrived in Spain, executed some great undertakings with excellent success; he subdued some very powerful and warlike nations, and supplied all Africa with horses, arms, men, and money. But as he was meditating to carry the war into Italy, in the ninth year after his arrival in Spain, he was killed in a battle with the Vettones.
His constant hatred to the Romans seems to have been the chief cause of producing the second Punic war; for Hannibal, his son, was so wrought upon by the continual instigations of his father, that he would have chosen to die rather than not make trial of the Romans.
XXIII. HANNIBAL.
Hannibal, the greatest of generals, suffers from the envy of his countrymen, I.----Was the deadly enemy of the Romans, II.----He reduces Spain; besieges Saguntum; crosses the Alps, III.----His successful battles in Italy, IV.----His further proceedings in that country, V.----Is recalled to the defence of his country, and defeated by Scipio, VI.----Quits his country, and seeks refuge with Antiochus, VII.----Endeavours in vain to excite his countrymen to war; defeats the Rhodians, VIII.----Eludes the avarice of the Cretans, IX.----Stirs up Prusias against the Romans, X.----His stratagem in contending with Eumenes, XI.----Commits suicide to escape being delivered to the Romans. XII.----His attachment to literature, XIII.
I. HANNIBAL was the son of Hamilcar, and a native of Carthage. If it be true, as no one doubts, that the Roman people excelled all other nations in warlike merit, it is not to be disputed that Hannibal surpassed other commanders in ability as much as the Romans surpassed all other people in |418 valour; for as often as he engaged with the Romans in Italy, he always came off with the advantage; and, had not his efforts been paralyzed by the envy of his countrymen at home, he would appear to have been capable of getting the mastery over the Romans. But the jealous opposition of many prevailed against the ability of one. He, however, so cherished in his mind the hatred which his father had borne the Romans, and which was left him, as it were, by bequest, that he laid down his life before he would abate it; for even when he was exiled from his country, and stood in need of support from others, he never ceased in thought to make war with the Romans.
II. To say nothing of Philip,229 whom he rendered an enemy to the Romans, though at a distance from him, Antiochus was the most powerful of all kings at that period; and him he so inflamed with a desire for war, that he endeavoured to bring troops against Italy even from the Red Sea.230 As some ambassadors from Rome were sent to that prince, in order to gain information respecting his intentions, and to endeavour, by underhand contrivances, to render Hannibal an object of suspicion to the king (as if, being bribed by them, he entertained other sentiments than before); and as they were not unsuccessful in their attempts, and Hannibal became aware of that fact, and found himself excluded from the privy council, he went at a time appointed to the king himself, and, after having said much concerning his attachment to him and his hatred to the Romans, he added the following statement: "My father Hamilcar," said he, "when I was a very little boy, being not more than nine years old, offered sacrifices at Carthage, when he was going as commander into Spain, to Jupiter, the best and greatest of the gods; and while this religious ceremony was being performed, he asked me whether I should like to go with him to the camp. As I willingly expressed my consent, and proceeded to beg him not to hesitate to take me, he replied, 'I will do so, if you will give me the promise which I ask of you.' At the same time he led me to the altar at which he had begun to sacrifice, and, sending the rest of the company away, required me, taking hold of the altar, to swear |419 that I would never be in friendship with the Romans, This oath, thus taken before my father, I have so strictly kept even to this day, that no man ought to doubt but that I shall be of the same mind for the rest of my life. If, therefore, you entertain any friendly thoughts towards the Romans, you will not act imprudently if you conceal them from me; but whenever you prepare war, you will disappoint yourself unless you constitute me leader in it."
III. At this age, accordingly, he accompanied his father into Spain. After his father's death, when Hasdrubal was made general-in-chief, he had the command of all the cavalry. When Hasdrubal also was killed, the army conferred upon him the supreme command, and this act, when reported at Carthage, received public approbation.
Hannibal being thus made commander-in-chief, at the age of five-and-twenty, subdued in war, during the next three years, all the nations of Spain, took Saguntum, a city in alliance with the Romans, by storm, and collected three vast armies, of which he sent one into Africa, left another with his brother Hasdrubal in Spain, and took the third with him into Italy. He made his way through the forests of the Pyrenees,231 he engaged, wherever he directed his course, with all the inhabitants of the country, and let none go unconquered. On arriving at the Alps, which separate Italy from Gaul, and which no one had ever crossed with an army before him, (except Hercules the Greek, from which achievement the forest there is now called the Grecian forest), he cut to pieces the people of the Alps who endeavoured to prevent his passage, laid open those parts, made roads, and put things in such a state, that an elephant fully equipped could walk where previously one unarmed man could scarcely crawl. Along this tract he led his army, and arrived in Italy.
IV. On the banks of the Rhone he engaged with the consul Publius Cornelius Scipio, and put him to flight. At the Po he fought with the same consul for the possession of Clastidium,232 and expelled him from that place wounded and |420 defeated The same Scipio, with his colleague Tiberius Longus, came against him a third time at the Trebia; he came to battle with them, and put both of them to flight. He then passed through the country of the Ligurians over the chain of the Apennnines, directing his course towards Etruria. During this march he was afflicted with so violent a distemper in his eyes, that he never had the use of his right eye so well afterwards. But even when he was troubled with this malady, and carried in a litter, he cut off Caius Flaminius the consul at the lake Trasimenus, being caught with his army in an ambush; and not long after he killed the praetor Caius Centenius, who was occupying the forest with a choice body of troops. He then proceeded into Apulia, where the two consuls, Caius Terentius Varro, and Paulus Aemilius, met him, both of whose armies he routed in one battle; the consul Paulus he killed, with several others of consular dignity, and among them Cnaeus Servilius Geminus, who had been consul the year before.
V. After fighting this battle, he marched towards Rome, nobody opposing him, and halted on the hills near the city. When he had lain encamped there some days, and was turning back towards Capua, Quintus Fabius Maximus, the Roman dictator, threw himself in his way in the Falernian territory. Here, though enclosed in a confined space, he extricated himself without any loss to his army. He deceived Fabius, a most skilful commander; for, when night had come on, he set fire to some bundles of twigs, tied upon the horns of oxen, and drove forward a vast number of those cattle, scattering themselves hither and thither. By presenting this object suddenly to their view,233 he struck such terror into the army of the Romans, that nobody ventured to stir beyond the rampart. Not many days after this success, he put to flight Marcus Minucius Rufus, master of the horse, who was equal in power with the dictator, and who had been drawn into an engagement by a stratagem. While he was at |421 a distance, too, he cut off 234 Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, consul for the second time, in the country of the Lucanians, after he had been inveigled into an ambush. In like manner he caused the death of Marcus Claudius Marcellus, consul for the fifth time, at Venusia. To enumerate his battles would occupy too much time; and this one observation, accordingly, (from which it will be understood how great a general he was), will be sufficient, that, as long as he continued in Italy, none made a stand against him in a regular engagement, none, after the battle of Cannae, pitched a camp against him in the field.
VI. Being recalled, without having suffered any defeat, to defend his country, he maintained a war with the son of that Publius Scipio whom he had routed first on the Rhone, again on the Po, and a third time on the Trebia. As the resources of his country were now exhausted, he wished, by a treaty with him, to put a stop to the war for a time, in order that he might engage in it afterwards with greater vigour. He came to a conference with him, but the conditions were not agreed upon. A few days after this meeting, he came to battle with Scipio at Zama; and being defeated (incredible to relate! ) he made his way to Adrumetum, which is about three hundred miles 235 from Zama, in two days and two nights. In the course of his retreat, some Numidians, who had left the field in his company, formed a conspiracy against him; however he not only escaped them, but deprived them of life. At Adrumetum he assembled those who had survived the defeat, and, with the aid of new levies, drew together, in a few days, a numerous force.
VII. While he was most vigorously engaged in preparing for action, the Carthaginians made an end of the war by a treaty with the Romans. He had nevertheless afterwards the command of the army, and continued to act, as well as his brother Mago, in Africa, until the time when Publius Sulpicius and Caius Aurelius became consuls; for, during their term of office, ambassadors from Carthage went to Rome, to thank the Roman senate and people for having made peace with |422 them, and to present them, on that account, with a crown of gold, requesting, at the same time, that their hostages might reside at Fregellae,236 and that their prisoners might be restored. An answer was made them, by a resolution of the senate, that "their present was acceptable and welcome, and that their hostages should live in the place which they desired, but that they would not restore the prisoners, because the Carthaginians retained Hannibal, by whose acts the war had been occasioned, and who was the bitterest of enemies to the name of Rome, in command of the army, as also his brother Mago." The Carthaginians, on hearing this answer, recalled Hannibal and Mago home. When he returned, he was made praetor, 237 in the two-and-twentieth year after he had been appointed king; 238 for, as consuls are elected at Rome, so, at Carthage, two kings are annually chosen, retaining their office for a year. In that post Hannibal conducted himself with the same activity as he had exhibited in war; for he took care, not only that there should be money raised from new taxes, to be paid to the Romans according to the treaty, but that there should be a surplus to be deposited in the treasury.
In the year after his praetorship, when Marcus Claudius and Lucius Furius were consuls, ambassadors from Rome came again to Carthage; and Hannibal, supposing that they were sent to demand that he should be delivered to the Romans, went secretly, before an audience of the senate was given them, on board a vessel, and fled into Syria to Antiochus. His departure being made public, the Carthaginians sent two ships to seize him, if they could overtake him. His property they confiscated; his house they razed to its foundations; and himself they declared an outlaw.
VIII. In the third year, however, after he had fled from home, and in the consulship of Lucius Cornelius and Quintus Minucius, Hannibal landed with five ships in Africa, on the coast of the Cyrenaeans, to try if he could move the Carthaginians to war, by giving them hope and confidence in Antiochus, |423 whom he had now persuaded to proceed with his forces to Italy. Thither he summoned his brother Mago; and, when the Carthaginians knew of the circumstance, they inflicted on Mago the same penalties as they had laid on his absent brother. When they had let loose their vessels, and sailed off, in despair of success, Hannibal went to join Antiochus. Of Mago's end two accounts have been given; for some have left on record that he perished by shipwreck, others that he was killed by his own slaves.
Antiochus, if he had been as ready to obey Hannibal's advice in conducting the war as he had resolved to be when he undertook it, might have fought for the empire of the world nearer the Tiber than Thermopylae.239 Hannibal, however, though he saw him attempt many things imprudently, left him in nothing unsupported. He took the command of a few ships, which he had been directed to bring from Syria into Asia, and with these he engaged the fleet of the Rhodians in the Pamphylian sea,240 and though his men were overpowered in the struggle by the number of the enemy, he had the advantage himself in the wing in which he acted.
IX. After Antiochus was put to flight,241 Hannibal, fearing that he should be delivered to the Romans (an event which would doubtless have come to pass, if he had given the king an opportunity of securing him), went off to the people of Gortyn, in Crete, that he might there consider in what place he should settle himself. But, as he was the most perspicacious of all men, he saw that unless he took some precautions, he should be in great danger from the covetousness of the Cretans; for he carried with him a large sum of money, of which he knew that a report had gone abroad. He therefore adopted the following contrivance; he filled several pots with lead, covering the upper part with gold and silver, and deposited them, in the presence of the leading men 242, in the temple of Diana, pretending that he trusted his fortune to |424 their honesty. Having thus deceived them, he filled the whole of some brazen statues, which he carried with him, with his money, and threw them down in an open place at his own residence. The Gortynians, meanwhile, guarded the temple with extreme care, not so much against others as against Hannibal himself, lest he should remove any thing without their knowledge, and carry it off with him.
X. The Carthaginian, having thus saved his property, and deceived all the Cretans, went into Pontus to Prusias, with whom he showed himself of the same mind as to Italy; for he did nothing but excite the king to arms, and animate him against the Romans, and seeing that he was not at all strong in domestic resources, he induced other princes to join him, and united warlike nations on his side. Eumenes, king of Pergamus, was at variance with Prusias, and war was maintained between them by sea and land, for which reason Hannibal was the more desirous that he should be crushed. Eumenes had the superiority on both elements, and Hannibal thought that, if he could but cut him off, his other projects would be easier of execution. To put an end to his life, therefore, he adopted the following stratagem. They were to engage by sea in a few days; Hannibal was inferior in number of vessels, and had to use art in the contest, as he was no match for his enemy in force. He accordingly ordered as many poisonous serpents as possible to be brought together alive, and to be put into earthen vessels, of which when he bad collected a large number, he called the officers of his ships together, on the day on which he was going to fight at sea, and directed them all to make an attack upon the single ship of King Eumenes, and to be content with simply defending themselves against others, as they might easily do with the aid of the vast number of serpents; adding that he would take care they should know in what ship Eumenes sailed, and promising that, if they took or killed him, it should be of great advantage to them.
XI. After this exhortation was given to the soldiers, the fleets were brought out for action by both parties. When the line of each was formed, and before the signal was given for battle, Hannibal, in order to show his men where Eumenes was, despatched to him a letter-carrier in a boat with a herald's staff; who, when he reached the enemy's line of |425 vessels, held out a letter, and signified that he was looking for the king; he was therefore immediately taken to Eumenes, because nobody doubted that there was something written in the letter relating to peace. The messenger, having thus made the king's ship known to his party, returned to the same place from which he had come. Eumenes, on opening the letter, found nothing in it but what was meant to ridicule him; and though he wondered as to the motive of it, and none could be discovered, yet he did not hesitate to come at once to battle. In the conflict, the Bithynians, according to the direction of Hannibal, fell all at once upon the ship of Eumenes. That prince, as he was unable to withstand their onset, sought safety in flight, but would not have found it, had he not taken refuge behind his guards, which had been posted on the neighbouring shore. As the rest of the Pergamenian ships bore hard upon the enemy, the earthen pots, of which we have previously spoken, began suddenly to be hurled into them. These, when thrown, at first excited laughter among the combatants, nor could it be conceived why such a thing was done; but when they saw their ships filled with serpents, and, startled at the strangeness of the occurrence, knew not what to avoid first, they put about their ships, and retreated to their camp upon the coast. Thus Hannibal, by his stratagem, prevailed over the force of the Pergamenians. Nor was this the only occasion; but often, at other times, he defeated the enemy with his troops on land, and with equally skilful management.
XII. While these transactions were taking place in Asia, it happened accidentally at Rome that certain ambassadors from Prusias took supper at the house of Lucius Quintius Flamininus, one of the consuls; and there, as mention was made of Hannibal, one of them observed that he was in the dominions of Prusias. This information Flamininus communicated the next day to the senate. The conscript fathers, who thought that they would never be free from plots as long as Hannibal was alive, sent ambassadors to Bithynia, and among them Flamininus, to request the king not to keep their bitterest enemy with him, but to deliver him up to them. To this embassy Prusias did not dare to give a refusal; he made some opposition, however, to one point, begging them |426 not to require of him 243 what was contrary to the rights of hospitality, saying that they themselves might make Hannibal prisoner, if they could, as they would easily find out the place where he was. Hannibal indeed confined himself to one place, living in a fortress which had been given him by the king; and this he had so constructed that it had outlets on every side of the building, always fearing lest that should happen which eventually came to pass. When the Roman ambassadors had gone thither, and had surrounded his house with a number of men, a slave, looking out at a gate, told Hannibal that several armed men were to be seen, contrary to what was usual. Hannibal desired him to go round to all the gates of the castle, and bring him word immediately whether it was beset in the same way on all sides. The slave having soon reported how it was, and informed him, that all the passages were secured, he felt certain that it was no accidental occurrence, but that his person was menaced, and that his life was no longer to be preserved. That he might not part with it, however, at the pleasure of another, and dwelling on the remembrance of his past honours, he took poison, which he had been accustomed always to carry with him.
XIII. Thus this bravest of men, after having gone through many and various labours, found repose in the seventieth year of his age. Under what consuls he died, is not agreed; for Atticus has left it recorded in his chronicle that he ended his life in the consulship of Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Quintus Fabius Labeo; but Polybius says in that of Lucius Aemilius Paullus and Cnaeus Baebius Tamphilus; and Sulpicius in that of Publius Cornelius Cethegus and Marcus Baebius Tamphilus.
This great man, though occupied in such vast military operations, devoted some portion of his time to literature; for there are some books of his written in the Greek language, and amongst them one addressed to the Rhodians on the acts of Cnaeus Manlius Vulso in Asia.
Of the wars which he conducted many have given the history; and two of them were persons that were with him in the camp, and lived with him as long as fortune allowed, |427 Silenus and Sosilus the Lacedaemonian; and this Sosilus Hannibal had as his instructor in the Greek language. But it is now time to make an end of this book, and to give an account of commanders among the Romans, that, when the actions of both are compared, it may be the better determined which generals deserve the preference.
XXIV. MARCUS PORCIUS CATO.
FROM THE SECOND BOOK OF CORNELIUS NEPOS.
Cato's birth, youth, and the offices that he held, I.----His consulship in Hither Spain; his severity as censor, II.----His eulogy; his studies and writings, III.
I. CATO,244 born in the municipal town of Tusculum,245 resided, when a very young man, and before he turned his attention to the attainment of office, in the territory of the Sabines, because he had an estate there which had been left him by his father. It was at the persuasion of Lucius Valerius Flaccus, whom he had for a colleague in his consulate and censorship, that he removed, as Marcus Perperna Censorius was accustomed to relate, to Rome, and proceeded to employ himself in the forum. He served his first campaign at the age of seventeen, in the consulship of Quintus Fabius Maximus and Marcus Claudius Marcellus. He was military tribune in Sicily. When he returned from thence, he attached himself to the staff of Caius Claudius Nero, and his service was thought of great value in the battle near Sena, in which Hasdrubal, the brother of Hannibal, fell. As quaestor, he happened to be under the consul, Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus, with whom he did not live according to the intimate connexion of his office; for he was at variance with him during his whole life. He was made aedile of the commons 246 with Caius Helvius. As praetor he had the province of Sardinia, from which, when he was returning |428 from Africa some time before in the character of quaestor, he had brought Quintus Ennius, the poet, an act which we value not less than the noblest triumph that Sardinia could have afforded.
II. He held the consulship with Lucius Valerius Flaccus, and had by lot Hither Spain for his province, from which he gained a triumph. As he stayed there a long time, Publius Scipio Africanus, when consul for the second time, wanted to remove him from his province, and to succeed him himself, but was unable, through the senate, to effect that object, even though he then possessed the greatest authority in the state; for the government was then conducted, not with regard for personal influence, but according to justice. Being displeased with the senate on this account, Scipio, after his consulship was ended, remained in the city as a private person.247
Cato, being made censor with the Flaccus above mentioned, exercised that office with severity; for he inflicted penalties on many noblemen, and introduced many new regulations into his edict,248 by means of which luxury, which was even then beginning to germinate, might be repressed. For about eighty years,249 from his youth to the end of his life, he never ceased to incur enmity in behalf of the commonwealth. Though attacked by many,250 he not only suffered no loss of character, but increased in reputation for virtue as long as he lived.
III. In all his pursuits he gave proofs of singular intelligence and industry; for he was a skilful agriculturist, well-informed in political affairs, experienced in the law, an |429 eminent, commander, a respectable orator. He was also much devoted to literature, and though he had entered on the study of it at an advanced age, yet he made such progress in it, that you could not easily discover anything, either in Grecian or Italian history, that was unknown to him. From his youth he composed speeches. In his old age he began to write his Histories, of which there are ten books. The first contains the acts of the kings of Rome; the second and third show from whence each Italian state had its rise, for which reason he seems to have called the whole body of them Origines; in the fourth is related the first Carthaginian war; in the fifth the second; and all these subjects are treated in a summary way. Other wars he has narrated in a similar manner, down to the praetorship of Lucius Galba, who spoiled the Lusitanians. The leaders in these wars, however, he has not named, but has stated the facts without the names. In the same books he has given an account of whatever seemed remarkable in Italy and Spain; and there are shown in them much labour and industry, and much learning.
Of his life and manners we have spoken more at large in the book which we wrote expressly concerning him at the request of Titus Pomponius Atticus; and we therefore refer those who would know Cato to that volume. |430
XXV. TITUS POMPONIUS ATTICUS.
Birth, talents, and education of Atticus, I.----He goes to Athens; assists the Athenians with money; his popularity there, II. III.----Is favourably regarded by Sulla; returns to Rome, IV.---- Inherits property from Quintus Caecilius; his friendship with Cicero and Hortensius, V.----He abstains from, seeking offices or honours, but maintains his dignity of character, VI.----In the civil war he offends neither Pompey nor Caesar, VII.----After Caesar is killed, he supplies Brutus with money, VIII.----Is not even an enemy to Antony, whose wife and children he relieves, IX. ---- Antony's regard for the services of Atticus, X.----He aids many of the proscribed, XI.----He uses his interest only to avert dangers and troubles from his friends, XII.-----Of his private life; is a good father and citizen, XIII.----His meals; his prudence in pecuniary matters, XIV.----His love of truth and diligence, XV.----Agreeable to the old in his youth, and to the young in his old age, XVI.----His dutifulness to his mother, XVII.----His love of antiquity, and literature in general, XVIII.----His connexion with Caesar Octavianus, XIX.----His friendship with Caesar and Antony, XX.----His last illness, XXI.----He starves himself to death; his funeral, XXII.
I. TITUS POMPONIUS ATTICUS, descended from a most ancient Roman family,251 held the equestrian rank received in uninterrupted succession from his ancestors. He had a father who was active, indulgent, and, as times then were, wealthy, as well as eminently devoted to literature; and, as he loved learning himself, he instructed his son in all branches of knowledge with which youth ought to be made acquainted. In the boy, too, besides docility of disposition, there was great sweetness of voice, so that he not only imbibed rapidly what was taught him, but repeated it extremely well. He was in consequence distinguished among his companions in his boyhood, and shone forth with more lustre than his noble fellow-students could patiently bear; hence he stirred them all to new exertions by his application. In the number of them were Lucius Torquatus, Caius Marius the younger, and Marcus Cicero, whom he so attached to himself by his intercourse with them, that no one was ever more dear to them.
II. His father died at an early age. He himself, in his youth, on account of his connexion with Publius Sulpicius, who |431 was killed when tribune of the people, was not unapprehensive of sharing in his danger; for Anicia, Pomponius's cousin, was married to Marcus Servius, the brother of Sulpicius. When he saw that the state, therefore, after the death of Sulpicius, was thrown into confusion by the disturbances of Cinna, and that no facility was allowed him of living suitably to his dignity without offending one side or the other (the feelings of the citizens being divided, as some favoured the party of Sulla and others that of Cinna) he thought it a proper time for devoting himself to his studies, and betook himself to Athens. He nevertheless, however, assisted young Marius, when declared an enemy, by such means as he could, and relieved him in his exile with money. And, lest his sojourn in a foreign country should cause any detriment to his estate, he transported thither a great portion of his fortune. Here he lived in such a manner, that he was deservedly much beloved by all the Athenians; for, in addition to his interest, which was great for so young a man, he relieved their public exigencies from his own property; since, when the government was obliged to borrow money,252 and had no fair offer of it, he always came to their aid, and in such a way, that he never received any interest of them, and never allowed them to be indebted to him longer than had been agreed upon; both which modes of acting were for their advantage, for he neither suffered their debt to grow old upon them, nor to be increased by an accumulation of interest. He enhanced this kindness also by other instances of liberality; for he presented the whole of the people with such a supply of corn, that seven modii 253 of wheat (a kind of measure which is called a medimnus at Athens) were allotted to each person. |432
III. He also conducted himself in such a way, that he appeared familiar with the lowest, though on a level with the highest. Hence it happened that they publicly bestowed upon him all the honours that they could, and offered to make him a citizen of Athens; an offer which he would not accept, because some are of opinion that the citizenship of Rome is forfeited by taking that of another city. As long as he was among them, he prevented any statue from being erected to him; but when absent, he could not hinder it; and they accordingly raised several statues both to him and Phidias,254 in the most sacred places, for, in their whole management of the state, they took him for their agent and adviser. It was the gift of fortune, then, in the first place, that he was born in that city, above all others, in which was the seat of the empire of the world, and had it not only for his native place but for his home; and, in the next, it was a proof of his wisdom, that when he betook himself to a city which excelled all others in antiquity, politeness, and learning, he became individually dear to it beyond other men.
IV. When Sulla arrived at Athens in his journey from Asia, he kept Pomponius in his company as long as he remained there, being charmed with the young man's politeness and knowledge; for he spoke Greek so well that he might have been thought to have been born at Athens; while there was such agreeableness in his Latin style, as to make it evident that the graces of it were natural, not acquired. He also recited verses, both in Greek and Latin, in so pleasing a manner that nothing could have been added to its attractions. It was in consequence of these accomplishments that Sulla would never suffer him to be out of his company, and wanted to take him away with him to Rome. But when he endeavoured to persuade him to go, "Do not desire, I entreat you," replied Pomponius, "to lead me with you against those, with whom, that I might not bear arms against you, I quitted |433 Italy." Sulla, commending the good feeling of the young man, directed, at his departure, that all the presents which he had received at Athens should be carried to his house.
Though he resided at Athens many years, paying such attention to his property as a not unthrifty father of a family ought to pay, and devoting all the rest of his time either to literature or to the public affairs of the Athenians, he nevertheless afforded his services to his friends at Rome; for he used to come to their elections, and whatever important business of theirs was brought forward, he was never found wanting on the occasion. Thus he showed a singular fidelity to Cicero in all his perils; and presented him, when he was banished from his country, with the sum of two hundred and fifty sestertia.255 And when the affairs of the Romans became tranquil, he returned to Rome, in the consulship, as I believe, of Lucius Cotta and Lucius Torquatus; and the whole city of Athens observed the day of his departure in such a manner, that they testified by their tears the regret which they would afterwards feel for him.
V. He had an uncle, Quintus Caecilius, a Roman knight, an intimate friend of Lucius Lucullus, a rich man, but of a very morose temper, whose peevishness he bore so meekly, that he retained without interruption, to the extremity of old age, the good will of a person whom no one else could endure. In consequence, he reaped the fruit of his respectful conduct; for Caecilius, at his death, adopted him by his will, and made him heir to three-fourths of his estate, from which bequest he received about ten thousand sestertia.256
A sister of Atticus was married to Quintus Tullius Cicero; and Marcus Cicero had been the means of forming the connexion, a man with whom Atticus had lived in the closest intimacy from the time that they were fellow-students, in much greater intimacy, indeed, than with Quintus; whence it may be concluded that, in establishing friendship, similarity of manners has more influence than affinity. He was likewise so intimate with Quintus Hortensius, who, in those times, had the highest reputation for eloquence, that it could not be decided which of the two had the greater love for him, Cicero or Hortensius; and he succeeded in effecting what was most |434 difficult, namely, that no enmity should occur between those between whom there was emulation for such eminence, and that he himself should be the bond of union between such great men.
VI. He conducted himself in such a manner in political affairs, that he always was, and always was thought to be, on the best side; 257 yet he did not mingle in civil tumults, because he thought that those who had plunged into them were not more under their own control than those who were tossed by the waves of the sea. He aimed at no offices (though they were open to him as well through his influence as through his high standing), since they could neither be sought in the ancient method, nor be gained without violating the laws in the midst of such unrestrained extravagance of bribery, nor be exercised for the good of the country without danger in so corrupt a state of the public morals. He never went to a public sale,258 nor ever became surety or farmer in any department of the public revenue.259 He accused no one, either in his own name or as a subscriber to an accusation.260 He never went to law about property of his own, nor was ever concerned in a trial. Offers of places, under several consuls and praetors, he received in such a way as never to follow any one into his province, being content with the honour, and not solicitous to make any addition to his property; for he would not even go into Asia with Quintus Cicero, when he might have held the office of legate under him; for he did not think it became him, after he had declined to take the praetorship,261 to become the attendant on a praetor. In such conduct he consulted not only |435 his dignity but his quiet; since he avoided even the suspicion of evil practices. Hence it happened that attentions received from him 262 were more valued by all, as they saw that they were attributable to kindness, not to fear or hope.
VII. When he was about sixty years old, the civil war with Caesar broke out; but he availed himself of the privilege of his age, and went nowhere out of the city. Whatever was needful for his friends when going to Pompey, he supplied for them out of his own property. To Pompey himself, who was his intimate friend, he gave no offence; for he had accepted no distinction from him like others, who had gained honours or wealth by his means, and of whom some followed his camp most unwillingly, and some remained at home to his great disgust. But to Caesar the neutrality of Atticus was so pleasing, that when he became conqueror, and desired money from several private persons by letter, he not only forebore to trouble Atticus, but even released, at his request, his sister's son and Quintus Cicero from Pompey's camp. Thus, by adhering to his old course of life, he avoided new dangers.
VIII. Then followed the time,263 when, on the assassination of Caesar, the commonwealth seemed to be in the hands of the Bruti 264 and Cassius, and the whole state turned towards them. Atticus, at that period, conducted himself towards Brutus in such a way, that that young man was not in more familiar intercourse with any one of his own age, than with him who was so advanced in years, and not only paid him the highest honour at the council, but also at his table. It was projected by some that a private fund should be formed by the Roman knights for the assassins of Caesar; a scheme which they thought might easily be accomplished if even only the leading men of that order would furnish contributions. Atticus was accordingly solicited by Caius Flavius, an intimate friend of Brutus, to consent to become a promoter of the plan. But |436 Atticus, who thought that services were to be done to friends without regard to party, and had always kept himself aloof from such schemes, replied that, "If Brutus wished to make use of any of his property, he might avail himself of it as far as it would allow; but that about that project he would never confer or join with any man." Thus that combination of a party was broken by his dissent alone. Not long after, Antony began to get the advantage; so that Brutus and Cassius, despairing of their fortune, went into exile, into the provinces which had been given them for form's sake 265 by the consuls. Atticus, who had refused to contribute with others to that party when it was prosperous, sent to Brutus, when he was cast down and retiring from Italy, a hundred sestertia 266 as a present; and, when he was parted from him, he ordered three hundred 267 to be sent to him in Epirus. Thus he neither paid greater court to Antony when in power, nor deserted those that were in desperate circumstances.
IX. Next followed the war that was carried on at Mutina, 268 in which, if I were only to say that he was wise, I should say less of him than I ought; for he rather proved himself divine, if a constant goodness of nature, which is neither increased nor diminished by the events of fortune, may be called divinity. 269 Antony, being declared an enemy, had quitted Italy, nor was |437 there any hope of bringing him back. Not only his open enemies, who were then very powerful and numerous, but also such as had lent themselves to the party opposed to him, and hoped to gain some share of praise 270 by doing him injury, persecuted his friends, sought to spoil his wife Fulvia of all her property, and endeavoured even to get his children put to death. Atticus, though he lived in intimate friendship with Cicero, and was very warmly attached to Brutus, yet would not only never give them his consent to act against Antony, but, on the contrary, protected, as much as he could, such of his friends as fled from the city, and supplied them with whatever they wanted. On Publius Volumnius, indeed, he conferred such obligations, that more could not have proceeded from a father. To Fulvia herself, too, when she was distracted with lawsuits, and troubled with great alarms, he gave his services with such constancy, that she never appeared to answer to bail 271 without the attendance of Atticus. He was her surety in all cases, and even when she had bought an estate, in her prosperous circumstances, to be paid for by a certain day, and was unable after her reverse of fortune to borrow money to discharge the debt,272 he came to her aid, and lent her the money without interest, and without requiring any security for the repayment, thinking it the greatest gain to be found grateful and obliging, and to show, at the same time, that it was his practice to be a friend, not to fortune but to men; and when he acted in such a manner, no one could imagine that he acted for the sake of time-serving, for it entered into nobody's thoughts that Antony could regain his authority. But he gradually incurred blame from some of the nobles, because he did not seem to have sufficient hatred towards bad citizens.
X. Being under the guidance of his own judgment, however, he considered 273 rather what it was right for him to do, than |438 what others would commend. On a sudden fortune was changed. When Antony returned into Italy, every one thought that Atticus would be in great peril, on account of his close intercourse with Cicero and Brutus. He accordingly withdrew from the forum on the approach of the leaders,274 from dread of the proscription, and lived in retirement at the house of Publius Volumnius, to whom, as we have said, he had not long before given assistance; (such were the vicissitudes of fortune in those days, that sometimes one party, and sometimes the other, was in the greatest exaltation or in the greatest peril;) and he had with him Quintus Gellius Canus, a man of the same age, and of a character very similar to his own; and this also may be given as an instance of the goodness of Atticus's disposition, that he lived in such close intimacy with him whom he had known when a boy at school, that their friendship increased even to the end of their lives. But Antony, though he was moved with such hatred towards Cicero, that he showed his enmity, not only to him, but to all his friends, and resolved to proscribe them, yet, at the instance of many, was mindful of the obliging conduct of Atticus; and, after ascertaining where he was, wrote to him with his own hand, that he need be under no apprehension, but might come to him immediately; as he had excepted him and Gellius Canus, for his sake, from the number of the proscribed; and that he might not fall into any danger, as the message was sent at night, he appointed him a guard. Thus Atticus, in a time of the greatest alarm, was able to save, not only himself, but him whom he held most dear; for he did not seek aid from any one for the sake of his own security only, but in conjunction with his friend; so that it might appear that he wished to endure no kind of fortune apart from him. But if a pilot is extolled with the greatest praise, who saves a ship from a tempest in the midst of a rocky sea, why should not his prudence be thought of the highest character, who arrives at safety through so many and so violent civil tumults?
XI. When he had delivered himself from these troubles, he had no other care than to assist as many persons as possible, |439 by whatever means he could. When the common people, in consequence of the rewards offered by the triumvirs, were searching for the proscribed, no one went into Epirus 275 without finding a supply of everything; and to every one was given permission to reside there constantly. After the battle of Philippi, too, and the death of Caius Cassius and Marcus Brutus, he resolved on protecting Lucius Julius Mocilla, a man of praetorian rank, and his son, as well as Aulus Torquatus, and others involved in the same ill fortune, and caused supplies of everything to be sent them from Epirus to Samothrace.
To enumerate all such acts of his would be difficult; nor are they necessary to be particularized. One point we would wish to be understood, that his generosity was not timeserving or artful, as may be judged from the circumstances and period in which it was shown; for he did not make his court to the prosperous, but was always ready to succour the distressed. Servilia, for instance, the mother of Brutus, he treated with no less consideration after Brutus's death than when she was in the height of good fortune. Indulging his liberality in such a manner, he incurred no enmities, since he neither injured any one, nor was he, if he received any injury, more willing to resent than to forget it. Kindnesses that he received he kept in perpetual remembrance; but such as he himself conferred, he remembered only so long as he who had received them was grateful. He accordingly made it appear, to have been truly said, that "Every man's manners make his fortune." Yet he did not study his fortune 276 before he formed himself, taking care that he might not justly suffer for any part of his conduct.
XII. By such conduct, therefore, he brought it to pass, that Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa, who was united in the closest intimacy with young Caesar, though, through his own interest and Caesar's influence, he had power to choose a wife from any rank whatever, fixed on a connexion with him rather than |440 with any other, and preferred a marriage with the daughter of a Roman knight to an alliance with the most noble of women. The promoter of this match (for it is not to be concealed) was Mark Antony, when triumvir for settling the state; but though Atticus might have increased his property by the interest of Antony, he was so far from coveting money, that he never made use of that interest except to save his friends from danger or trouble;277 a fact which was eminently remarkable at the time of the proscription; for when the triumviri, according to the way in which things were then managed, had sold the property of Lucius Saufeius, a Roman knight, who was of the same age as Atticus, and who, induced by a love for the study of philosophy, had lived with him several years at Athens, and had valuable estates in Italy, it was effected by the efforts and perseverance of Atticus, that Saufeius was made acquainted by the same messenger, that "he had lost his property and had recovered it." He also brought off Lucius Julius Calidus, whom I think I may truly assert to have been the most elegant poet that our age has produced since the death of Lucretius and Catullus, as well as a man of high character, and distinguished by the best intellectual accomplishments, who, in his absence, after the proscription of the knights, had been enrolled in the number of the proscribed by Publius Volumnius, the captain of Antony's engineers, on account of his great possessions in Africa; an act on the part of Atticus, of which it was hard to judge at the time, whether it were more onerous or honourable. But it was well known that the friends of Atticus, in times of danger, were not less his care in their absence than when they were present.
XIII. Nor was he considered less deserving as a master of a family than as a member of the state; for though he was very rich, no man was less addicted to buying or building than he. Yet he lived in very good style, and had everything of the best; for he occupied the house that had belonged to Tamphilus 278 on the Quirinal hill, which was bequeathed to him by his uncle, and the attractions of which consisted, not in |441 the building itself, but in the wood by which it was surrounded; for the edifice, constructed after the ancient fashion, showed more regard to convenience 279 than expense, and Atticus made no alteration in it except such as he was obliged to make by the effects of time. He kept an establishment of slaves of the best kind, if we were to judge of it by its utility, but if by its external show, scarcely coming up to mediocrity; for there were in it well-taught youths, excellent readers, and numerous transcribers of books, insomuch that there was not even a footman 280 that could not act in either of those capacities extremely well. Other kinds of artificers,281 also, such as domestic necessities require, were very good there, yet he had no one among them that was not born and instructed in his house; all which particulars are proofs, not only of his self-restraint, but of his attention to his affairs; for not to desire inordinately what he sees desired by many, gives proof of a man's moderation; and to procure what he requires by labour rather than by purchase, manifests no small exertion. Atticus was elegant, not magnificent; polished, not extravagant; he studied, with all possible care, neatness, and not profusion. His household furniture was moderate, not superabundant, but so that it could not be considered as remarkable in either respect. Nor will I omit the following particular, though I may suppose that it will be unimportant to some: that though he was a hospitable Roman knight, and invited, with no want of liberality, men of all ranks to his house, we know that he was accustomed to reckon from his day-book, as laid out in current expenses, not more than three thousand asses 282 a |442 month, one month with another; and we relate this, not as hearsay, but as what we know, for we were often present, by reason of the intimacy between us, at his domestic arrangements.
XIV. At his banquets no one ever heard any other entertainment for the ears 283 than a reader; an entertainment which we, for our parts, think in the highest degree pleasing; nor was there ever a supper at his house without reading of some kind, that the guests might find their intellect gratified no less than their appetite, for he used to invite people whose tastes were not at variance with his own. After a large addition, too, was made to his property, he made no change in his daily arrangements, or usual way of life, and exhibited such moderation, that he neither lived unhandsomely, with a fortune of two thousand sestertia,284 which he had inherited from his father, nor did he, when he had a fortune of a hundred thousand sestertia,285 adopt a more splendid mode of living than that with which he had commenced, but kept himself at an equal elevation in both states. He had no gardens, no expensive suburban or maritime villa, nor any farm except those at Ardea and Nomentum; and his whole revenue arose from his property in Epirus and at Rome. Hence it may be seen that he was accustomed to estimate the worth of money, not by the quantity of it, but by the mode in which it was used.
XV. He would neither utter a falsehood himself, nor could he endure it in others. His courtesies, accordingly, were paid with a strict regard to veracity, just as his gravity was mingled with affability; so that it is hard to determine whether his friends' reverence or love for him were the greater. Whatever he was asked to do, he did not promise without solemnity,286 for he thought it the part, not of a liberal, but of a light-minded man, to promise what he would be unable to perform. But in striving to effect what he had once engaged to do, he used to take so much pains, that he seemed to be |443 engaged, not in an affair entrusted to him, but in his own. Of a matter which he had once taken in hand, he was never weary; for he thought his reputation, than which he held nothing more dear, concerned in the accomplishment of it. Hence it happened that he managed all the commissions 287 of the Ciceros, Cato, Marius, Quintus Hortensius, Aulus Torquatus, and of many Roman knights besides. It may therefore be thought certain that he declined business of state, not from indolence, but from judgment.
XVI. Of his kindness of disposition, I can give no greater proof than that, when he was young, he was greatly liked by Sulla, who was then old, and when he was old, he was much beloved by Marcus Brutus, then but young; and that with those friends of the same age as himself, Quintus Hortensius and Marcus Cicero, he lived in such a manner that it is hard to determine to which age his disposition was best adapted, though Marcus Cicero loved him above all men, so that not even his brother Quintus was dearer or more closely united to him. In testimony of this fact (besides the books in which Cicero mentions him, and which have been published to the world), there are sixteen books of letters, written to Atticus, which extend from his consulship to his latter days, and which he that reads will not much require a regular history of those times; for all particulars concerning the inclinations of leading men, the faults of the generals, and the revolutions in the government, are so fully stated in them that every thing is made clear; and it may be easily concluded that wisdom is in some degree divination, as Cicero not only predicted that those things would happen which took place during his life, but foretold, like a prophet, the things which are coming to pass at present.
XVII. Of the affectionate disposition of Atticus towards his relatives, why should I say much, since I myself heard him proudly assert, and with truth, at the funeral of his mother, whom he buried at the age of ninety, that "he had never had occasion to be reconciled to his mother," 288 and that "he had never been at all at variance with his sister," who was nearly of the |444 same age with himself; a proof that either no cause of complaint had happened between them, or that he was a person of such kind feelings towards his relatives, as to think it an impiety to be offended with those whom he ought to love. Nor did he act thus from nature alone, though we all obey her, but from knowledge; for he had fixed in his mind the precepts of the greatest philosophers, so as to use them for the direction of his life, and not merely for ostentation.
XVIII. He was also a strict imitator of the customs of our ancestors, and a lover of antiquity, of which he had so exact a knowledge, that he has illustrated it throughout in the book in which he has characterized 289 the Roman magistrates; for there is no law, or peace, or war, or illustrious action of the Roman people, which is not recorded in it at its proper period, and, what was extremely difficult, he has so interwoven in it the origin of families, that we may ascertain from it the pedigrees of eminent men. He has given similar accounts too, separately, in other books; as, at the request of Marcus Brutus, he specified in order the members of the Junian family, from its origin to the present age, stating who each was, from whom sprung, what offices he held, and at what time. In like manner, at the request of Marcellus Claudius, he gave an account of the family of the Marcelli; at the request of Scipio Cornelius and Fabius Maximus, of that of the Fabii and Aemilii; than which books nothing can be more agreeable to those who have any desire for a knowledge of the actions of illustrious men.
He attempted also poetry, in order, we suppose, that he might not be without experience of the pleasure of writing it; for he has characterized in verse such men as excelled the rest of the Roman people in honour and the greatness of their achievements, so that he has narrated, under each of their effigies, their actions and offices, in not more than four or five lines; and it is almost inconceivable that such important matters could have been told in so small a space. There is also a book of his written in Greek, on the consulship of Cicero.
These particulars, so far, were published by me whilst Atticus was alive. |445
XIX. Since fortune has chosen that we should outlive him, we will now proceed with the sequel, and will show our readers by example, as far as we can, that (as we have intimated above) "it is in general a man's manners that bring him his fortune."290 For Atticus, though content in the equestrian rank in which he was born, became united by marriage with the emperor Julius's son, whose friendship he had previously obtained by nothing else but his elegant mode of living, by which he had charmed also other eminent men in the state, of equal birth,291 but of lower fortune; for such prosperity attended Caesar, that fortune gave him everything that she had previously bestowed upon any one, and secured for him what no citizen of Rome had ever been able to attain. Atticus had a granddaughter, the daughter of Agrippa, to whom he had married his daughter in her maidenhood; and Caesar betrothed her, when she was scarcely a year old, to Tiberius Claudius Nero, son of Drusilla, and step-son to himself; an alliance which established their friendship, and rendered their intercourse more frequent.
XX. Even before this connexion, however, Caesar not only, when he was absent from the city, never despatched letters to any one of his friends without writing to Atticus what he was doing, what, above all, he was reading, in what place he was, and how long he was going to stay in it, but even when he was in Rome, and through his numberless occupations enjoyed the society of Atticus less frequently than he wished, scarcely any day passed in which he did not write to him, sometimes asking him something relating to antiquity, sometimes proposing to him some poetical question, and sometimes, by a jest, drawing from him a longer letter than ordinary. Hence it was, that when the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, built in the Capitol by Romulus, was unroofed and falling down through age and neglect, Caesar, on the suggestion of Atticus, took care that it should be repaired.
Nor was he less frequently, when absent, addressed in letters by Mark Antony; so that, from the remotest parts of the earth, he gave Atticus precise information what he was doing, and what cares he had upon him. How strong such |446 attachment is, he will be easily able to judge, who can understand how much prudence is required to preserve the friendship and favour of those between whom there existed not only emulation in the highest matters, but such a mutual struggle to lessen one another as was sure to happen between Caesar and Antony, when each of them desired to be chief, not merely of the city of Rome, but of the whole world.
XXI. After he had completed, in such a course of life, seventy-seven years, and had advanced, not less in dignity, than in favour and fortune (for he obtained many legacies on no other account than his goodness of disposition), and had also been in the enjoyment of so happy a state of health, that he had wanted no medicine for thirty years, he contracted a disorder of which at first both himself and the physicians thought lightly, for they supposed it to be a tenesmus, and speedy and easy remedies were proposed for it; but after he had passed three months under it without any pain, except what he suffered from the means adopted for his cure, such force of the disease fell into the one intestine,292 that at last a putrid ulcer broke out through his loins. Before this took place, and when he found that the pain was daily increasing, and that fever was superadded, he caused his son-in-law Agrippa to be called to him, and with him Lucius Cornelius Balbus and Sextus Peducaeus. When he saw that they were come, he said, as he supported himself on his elbow, "How much care and diligence I have employed to restore my health on this occasion, there is no necessity for me to state at large, since I have yourselves as witneses; and since I have, as I hope, satisfied you, that I have left nothing undone that seemed likely to cure me, it remains that I consult for myself. Of this feeling on my part I had no wish that you should be ignorant; for I have determined on ceasing to feed the disease; as, by the food and drink that I have taken during the last few days, I have prolonged life only so as to increase my pains without hope of recovery. I therefore entreat you, in the first place, to give your approbation to my resolution, and in the next, not to labour in vain by endeavouring to dissuade me from executing it." |447
XXII. Having delivered this address with so much steadiness of voice and countenance, that he seemed to be removing, not out of life, but out of one house into another,----when Agrippa, weeping over him and kissing him, entreated and conjured him "not to accelerate that which nature herself would bring, and, since he might live some time longer,293 to preserve his life for himself and his friends,"----he put a stop to his prayers, by an obstinate silence. After he had accordingly abstained from food for two days, the fever suddenly left him, and the disease began to be less oppressive. He persisted, nevertheless, in executing his purpose; and in consequence, on the fifth day after he had fixed his resolution, and on the last day of February, in the consulship of Cnaeus Domitius and Caius Sosius, he died.294 His body was carried out of his house on a small couch, as he himself had directed, without any funereal pomp, all the respectable portion of the people attending, 295 and a vast crowd of the populace. He was buried close by the Appian way, at the fifth milestone from the city, in the sepulchre of his uncle Quintus Caecilius. |448
FRAGMENTS 296
I. Words excerpted from the letter of Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, from the book of Cornelius Nepos On the Latin Historians.297
You will say that it is beautiful to take revenge on enemies. That seems neither greater nor more beautiful to anyone than to me, but if it is allowed by the safety of the republic to pursue it. But inasmuch as that cannot be done, for a long time and in many ways our enemies will not perish, as this is better than that the republic be overthrown and perish.
II. Likewise from another place.
I intend to swear formally that, apart from those who killed Tiberius Gracchus, no enemy has caused me so many troubles and so many labours as you on account of these things; you who should, as the only one of all those children whom I had previously, have taken trouble and care that I should have the fewest anxieties in my old age; certainly you should have wished that all your actions should be pleasing to me and to consider it a sin to do things of great importance against my advice, especially when a small part of life remains to me. Cannot even that brief span aid me in preventing you from opposing me and ruining the republic? Finally what end will there be? Will our family ever stop the insanity? Will it ever be possible to have moderation? Will we ever desist from causing and suffering trouble? Will we ever be embarrased to confuse and disturb the republic? But if it is not possible in any way, when I am dead, campaign for the tribunacy; do whatever you like, as far as I am concerned, when I am no longer aware of it. When I am dead, you will make sacrifices at my tomb, and invoke the parental deity. In that time, will you not be ashamed to ask for the prayers of those as gods whom living and present you abandoned and deserted? Jupiter forbid you to persist in that, or allow such madness to come into your soul. And if you persist, I fear that you will receive so much trouble in your whole life that it will never be possible to make peace with yourself.
III. Cornelius Nepos, in the book On the Latin Historians, in praise of Cicero.298
You should not ignore that this 299 is the sole branch of Latin letters that still cannot be compared with that of the Greeks, but was left rude and inchoate by the death of Cicero. For he was the only man who could or sought to produce history in a worthy way, since he highly polished up the rude eloquence handed down from the great men of the past, and strengthened Latin philosophy, before him uncouth, with his style. From which I doubt whether from his loss the republic or history suffered more.
IV. Likewise.
Opulent and divine nature, to obtain greater admiration and wider benefit, has chosen not to give every gift to one man, nor further to deny every gift to anyone.
V. Cornelius Nepos so wrote to... Cicero. 300
I am so far from thinking that philosophy teaches how to live, and the thing that perfects a blessed life, that I consider no men have more need of teachers in how to live than most of those who spend their time teaching it. For I see that a great part of those who lecture most subtly in the schools on decency and continence themselves live in lusts for every kind of sensual pleasure.
|448
CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY OF EVENTS MENTIONED BY CORNELIUS NEPOS.
In this Chronological Summary such events only are noticed as more immediately concern Cornelius Nepos. Facts that are not found here may be sought in the Chronology appended to Justin in this volume, or in general Chronological Tables. The dates are taken from Tzschucke.
B.C.
512. Miltiades sent to the Chersones. Milt. 1
507. -----------returns to Athens. Milt 3.
489. -----------dies. Milt. 7.
483. Aristides banished. Arist. 1.
----Themistocles begins to construct the harbour of the Piraeeus.
479.----------------prevails on the Athenians to rebuild the walls of their city. Them. 6.
477. --------------- completes the Piraeeus. Them. 6.
----Pausanias sails to Cyprus with the combined fleet of Greece. Paus. 2.
---- Aristides establishes the treasury of Greece at Delos. Arist. 3.
471. Themistocles flees to Artaxerxes. Them. 8.
467. Death of Aristides. Arist. 3.
466. ----------. Themistocles. Them. 10.
463. Cimon subdues the Thasians. Cim 2.
460. -------banished. Cim. 3.
455. -------recalled. Ib.
450.-------defeats the Persians in Cyprus. Ib.
449. -------dies in Cyprus. Ib.
416. Alcibiades, with Nicias and Lamachus, sails against Syracuse. Alcib. 3.
415. -------------, accused of treachery to his country, flees to Sparta. Alcib. 4.
414.-------------prevails on the Lacedaemonians to fortify Decelia. Ib.
411. -------------joins the Athenian army; is united in command with Thrasybulus and Theramenes; defeats the Lacedaemonians. Alcib. 5.
408.-------------is unsuccessful, and banished. Alcib. 6, 7.
406. Dionysius the elder becomes tyrant of Syracuse. Dion. 1; De Reg. 2.
405. Lysander terminates the Peloponnesian war. Lys. 1; Alcib. 8; Conon 1
404. Alcibiades killed, Alcib. 10.
403. Lysander tried for attempting to bribe the oracle of Jupiter Ammon. Lys. 3.
401. Thrasybulus overthrows the Thirty Tyrants. Thras. 1.
400. Agesilaus becomes king of Sparta. Ages. 1.
398. Plato goes to Syracuse. Dion 2.
396. Lysander falls in battle against the Thebans at Haliartus. Lys, 3.
395. Conon defeats Pisander at Cnidus. Con. 4.
394. --------, with the aid of the Thebans, rebuilds the walls of Athens, Con. 4, 5.
---- ---------is made prisoner by Tiribazus at Sardis. Ib.
393 Iphicrates defeats the Spartans at Corinth. Iph. 2.
390. Thrasybulus killed at Aspendus. Thras 4.
387. Chabrias subdues Cyprus. Chab. 2.
385. Datames made governor of Cilicia by Artaxerxes. Dat. 1.
382. Phoebidas seizes on the citadel of Thebes. Pelop. 1.
378. The Theban exiles retake it. Pelop. 3.
377. Agesilaus invades Boeotia; is withstood by Chabrias. Chab. 1.
---- Chabrias assists Acoris king of Egypt. Chab. 3.
---- Iphicrates goes to the assistance of Artaxerxes. Iph. 2.
376. Timotheus defeats the Lacedaemonians at Leucate. Tim. 2.
374. Iphicrates returns to Athens. Iph. 2.
371. Epaminondas defeats the Spartans at Leuctra. Epam. 8
370. Iphicrates protects Eurydice of Macedonia. Iph. 3.
369. Epaminoudas invades Laconia, advances on Sparta, and restores Messene. Epam. 7. 8.
-----------------------and Pelopidas support the Arcadians in their struggle with the Spartans. Pelop. 4.
---- Iphicrates assists the Lacedaemonians. Iph. 2.
388. Pelopidas imprisoned by Alexander of Pherae. Pelop. 5.
------------------rescued by Epaminondas. Ib.
386. Epaminondas at war in the Peloponnesus. Epam. 7.
334. Pelopidas killed in a battle with Alexander of Pherae. Pelop. 5.
----Timotheus at war with the Olynthians. Tim. 1.
363. Epaminoudas falls victorious at Mantinea. Epam. 9.
332. Death of Agesilaus. Ages. 8.
---- Datames revolts from Artaxerxes. Dat.
358. Death of Chabrias. Chab. 4.
----Dion flees from Dionysius, and prepares to go to war with him. Dion. 4.
357. ------takes possession of Syracuse. Dion. 5.
356. The Athenians, under Chares, Iphicrates, and Timotheus, at war with their allies. Tim. 3.
----- Timotheus fined by the Athenians. Tim. 3.
355. Dion assassinated at Syracuse. Dion 9; Timol. 2.
345. Expedition of Timoleon to Syracuse; he gives liberty to the Syracusans. Ib.
344. Timoleon expels Dionysius, who goes to Corinth. Ib.
342. Timoleon re-establishes a republican form of government at Syracuse; secures peace to all Sicily. Ib.
337. -----------dies. Timol. 4.
322. Phocion procures for Athens the protection of Antipater. Phoc. 2.
321. Eumenes defeats Craterus and Neoptolemus. Eum. 3, 4.
-----------------besieged by Antigonus at Nora. Eum. 5.
318. Nicanor, at the command of Cassander, takes possession of the Piraeeus. Phoc. 2.
----Death of Phocion. Phoc. 4.
317. Eumenes commences hostilities against Antigonus. Eum. 7.
316. -----------taken and put to death by Antigonus. Eum. 10-12.
301. Antigonus killed at Ipsus. De Reg. 3.
272. Pyrrhus killed at Argos. De Reg. 2.
248. Hamilcar made commander of the Punic fleet. Hamil. 1.
238. -----------sent as commander-in-chief into Spain. Hamil. 3; Hann. 2.
229. -----------'s death. Ham. 3.
221. Hannibal becomes commander-in-chief in Spain. Hamil. 3; Hann. 3.
214. Cato military tribune. Cat. 1.
205. ------quaestor to Publius Scipio. 76.
198. ------praetor, with Sardinia for his province. Cat. 1.
195. ------made consul with Lucius Valerius Flaccus. Cat. 1, 2.
194. ------obtains a triumph for his successes in Spain. Cat. 2.
184. ------Censor with L. Flaccus. Cat. 2.
149. ------dies at the age of 85. Cat. 2.
109. Birth of Pomponius Atticus.
88. Publius Sulpicius, tribune of the people, killed by Sulla. Att. 2,
87. Atticus retires to Athens. Ib.
84. Sulla visits Athens in his return from Asia. Att. 4.
65. Atticus returns to Rome. Ib.
32. Death of Atticus. Att 22.
[Footnotes numbered and moved to the end]
1. * Plerosque.] For plurimos. So, a little below, pleraque----sunt decora, for plurima.
2. † Hoc genus scriptures.] These brief memoirs of eminent men, interspersed with allusions to national habits and peculiarities.
3. ‡ Tibiis cantasse.] The plural, flutes, is used, because the Greeks, and the Romans, who adopted the practice from them, played on different kinds of flutes or pipes, equal and unequal, right and left-handed, and often on two at once. See Colman's preface to his translation of Terence; Smith's Classical Dict. art. Tibia; Life of Epaminondas, c. 2.
4. § Sororem germanam.] A half-sister by the mother's side was called soror uterina. Her name was Elpinice. See the Life of Cimon.
5. * Amatores.] See the Life of Alcibiades, c. 2. Apud Graecos, says Cic. de Rep. fragm. lib. iv., opprobrio fuit adolescentibus, si amatores non haberent. See Maxiinus Tyrius, Dissert, viii.----xi.; Potter's Antiq. of Greece, b. iv. c. 9.
6. † Nulla----vidua----quae non ad scenam eat mercede conducta.] This is not said with reference to that period in the history of Sparta when it adhered to the laws of Lycurgus, under which it was not allowed to witness either comedy or tragedy, as Plutarch in his Instituta Laconica shows, but to the time when the ancient discipline and austerity were trodden under foot, and the state sunk into luxury and effeminacy; a condition of things which took place under Leonidas and Agis, and chiefly, indeed, through the licentiousness of the women, if we may credit what Plutarch says in his life of Agis. From the earliest times, however, according to Aristotle, Polit. ii. 9, the Spartan women were inclined to live very intemperately and luxuriously, and Lycurgus endeavoured to subject them to laws, but was obliged to desist, through the opposition which they made. Hence Plato, also, de Legg. lib. ii., alludes to the a!nesij, laxity, of the Spartan women. ----Buchner. But with all such explanations the passage is still difficult and unsatisfactory. Why is a widow particularly specified? No passage in any ancient author has been found to support this observation of Nepos, if it be his. What Aristotle says in disparagement of the Lacedaemonian women is pretty well refuted, as Van Staveren observes, by Plutarch in his life of Lycurgus, c. 14. Besides, there were no female actors among the Greeks. For ad scenam Freinshemius (apud Boecler, ad h. 1.) proposes to read ad coenam, which Gesner approves; Heusinger conjectures ad lenam. The conjecture of Withof, ad encaenia, compared with Hor. A. P. 232, Festis matrona moveri jussa diebus, might appear in some degree plausible, were not e0gkai/nia a word resting on scarcely any other authority than that of the Septuagint and ecclesiastical writers; for though it occurs in Quintilian, vii. 2, the passage is scarcely intelligible, and the reading has generally been thought unsound. Goerenz, ad Cic. de Fin. ii. 20, would read quae non ad coenam, eat mercede condictam, i.e. to a supper or banquet furnished by a general contribution of the guests. But none of these critics cite any authority in support of their emendations. As to the last, it would be casting no dishonour upon a noble widow to say that she went to a coena condicta, for such coena might be among those of her own class. Nor is the applicability of mercede in such a phrase quite certain.
7. ‡ In scenam prodire et populo esse spectaculo, &c ] Actors are here confounded with the rhapsodists, or reciters of poetry. Demosthenes, de Corona, upbraids Aeschines as being an actor.----Rinckii Prolegom. in Aem. Prob. p. xlii.
8. * This is not true of the Spartan women, for they, who boasted that they alone were the mothers of men, led a life of less restraint. Besides, by the laws of Lycurgus, the young women took part in the public exercises.----Rinck. Prolegom. ibid.
9. * Modestia.] "Good conduct," or "prudence," or "knowledge how to act," seems to be the true sense of the word. "Itaque, ut eandem [eu)taci/an] nos modestiam appellemus, sic definitur a Stoicis, ut modestia sit scientia earum rerum, quae agentur aut dicentur, suo loco collocandarum:... scientia----opportunitatis idoneorum ad agendum temporum. Sed potest esse eadem prudentiae definitio."----Cic. de Off. i. 40.
10. † The Thracian Chersonese. But it is to be observed that the author, in this biography, confounds Miltiades, the son of Cimon, with Miltiades the elder, the son of Cypselus. It was the latter who settled the colony in the Thracian Chersonese, and left the sovereignty of it at his death to Stesagoras, the son of his half-brother Cimon, and brother to Miltiades the younger, who became governor of it on the death of Stesagoras, being sent out by Pisistratus for that purpose.
11. ‡ Ex his delecti Delphos deliberatum missi sunt, oui consulerent Apollinem, &c.] Either deliberatum, or qui consulerent Apollinem, might be emitted as superfluous. Bos retains both in his text, but suspects the latter.
12. * Cum delecta manu.] A body independent of those who were going to settle in the colony.
13. † Loca castellis idonea communiit.] A late editor absurdly takes castellis for a dative. Tacit. Ann. iii. 74: Castella et munitiones idoneis locis imponens.
14. * Dum ipse abesset.] He fixed, according to Herodotus, a term of sixty days for his absence, on the expiration of which the guardians of the bridge might depart.
15. † Principes.] The tyrants or sovereigns of the Greek cities, who held their power under the protection of Darius.
16. ‡ Se oppressa.] If he should be crushed, and the Persian empire consequently overthrown, they would be left without a protector.
17. * Civibus suis poenas daturos.] They would be called to account for having made themselves tyrants.
18. † The Ionians had rebelled against Persia, to which they had been subject, and, with some Athenians and Eretrians, had burned Sardis. This is alleged among the frivolous reasons for the Persian war. See Herod, v. 101-105; Perizon. ad Aelian. V. H. xii. 53; Fabric. ad Oros. ii. 8; and Plut. Vit. Aristid.---- Van Slaver en.
19. ‡ Omnes ejus gentis cives.] That is, all the people of Eretria in Euboea. They were carried to Susa, and treated kindly by Darius, See Herod, vi. 119.
20. § 9Hmerodro&moi, "day couriers," who could run a great distance in a day. Ingens die uno cursu emetientes spatium. Liv. xxxi. 24.
21. * The text is here in an unsatisfactory state, as all the critics remark, but I have given what is evidently the sense of the passage.
22. * Poiki/lh Stoa&, "the painted portico," as being adorned with pictures on subjects from Athenian history.
23. † Ad officium redire.] To submit again to the power of the Athenians.
24. ‡ Urbem.] The chief town of the island, bearing the same nama with it.
25. § See on Sall. Jug. c 37. The testudines were similar in construction and use to the vineae.
26. || Deterrerentur.] They feared the vengeance of the Persians if they submitted to Miltiades.
27. * Acharnanam civem.] This is the reading of most, if not all, of the MSS., and Bos retains it. "Aldus," says Bos, "was the first, I think, to change Acharnanam into Halicarnassiam, from having read in Plutarch that Neanthes said Halicarnassus in Caria was the birth-place of Themistocles's mother. For my part, I am unwilling to give up the old reading, especially as there is so much uncertainty on the point among writers." Some make Themistocles the son of a Thracian woman, and called her Abrotonus, some of a Carian, and called her Euterpe. See Plutarch. Themist, init. and Athenseus, xiii. 5. Acharnae was a borough of Attica. Plutarch, however, asserts that Themistocles was not of pure Attic blood on the mother's side. Nor is there any thing either in him or Athenaeus to support the reading Acharnanam.
28. * Bello Corcyraeo.] Rather Aeginetico, in the war with Aegina, as Lambinus and other commentators have observed; for that war happened about the time to which allusion is here made. See Herod. vii. 144, and Plutarch. Them. c. 4. But of a war with Corcyra neither Herodotus nor Thucydides makes any mention; a dispute between the Corcyreeans and Corinthians is noticed by Plutarch, Them. c. 24, which Themistocles, as arbiter, is said to have settled. The passage is therefore corrupt, perhaps from an error of Aemilius Probus, or perhaps Nepos himself made a mistake as to the name of the war.----Fischer.
29. † Largitione.] The money was divided, if we listen to Herodotus, vi. 46, 47; vii. 144, among the whole people, ten drachmae to every person of full-grown age.----Bos. But the division of it was the act of the people themselves, though it might be promoted by the influence of some of the leading men.
30. * Adeo angusto mari.] It was in the strait between the island of Salamis and the temple of Hercules, on the coast of Attica.----Bos.
31. † Interim.] The MSS. and editions are divided between interim and iterum. Bos prefers the former; Van Staveren the latter.
32. ‡ Pari modo.] Under the same circumstances as at Marathon a greater force being defeated by a smaller.
33. § Triplex Piraeei portus.] It is acutely shown by Bos that the Piraeeus was called triple from its containing three stations or basins, Cantharos, Aphrodision, and Zea.
34. * By public gods, deos publicos, are meant the deities worshipped throughout all the states of Greece, as Jupiter, Mercury, &c.; by national gods, patrios, such as were peculiar to Attica itself.
35. † Hospitium.] A mutual agreement to receive one another as guests. But according to Thucydides, i. 136, there was no such relation existing between them, for he speaks of Admetus as o!nta au)tw~| ou) fi/lon.
36. * Multo commodius.] This seems impossible. He might have better matter to produce, but surely not better language.
37. † Opsonium.] The word signifies all that was eaten with bread; all kinds of food besides bread.
38. ‡ Prope oppidum.] That is, near the city of Athens, where we learn from Pausanias that the tomb of Themistocles was to be seen in his time, in the reign of Marcus Antoninus.----Bos.
39. * Obtrectârunt inter se.] Diepoliteu&santo: they supported opposite parties in the state. So in the Life of Epaminondas, c. 5, it is said that he had Meneclides for an obtrectator. Such obtrectationes are called by Vell. Pat. ii. 43, civiles contentiones, and by Val. Max. iii. 8, acerrimi studii in administratione Reipublicae dissidia.----Gebhard. Plutarch says, that according to some there were dissensions between Aristides and Themistocles from their earliest years, so that in all their communications, whether on graver or lighter topics, the one always opposed the other.----Buchner.
40. † Abstinente.] That is, abstaining from the property of others; moderation; disinterestedness.
41. ‡ Priusquam poenâ liberaretur.] Before he was freed from the punishment (of exile).
42. * At the commencement of this chapter I have departed from Bos's text, and followed that of Freund and others, who make it begin with Quos quo facilius repellerent, &c.
43. * Plurima miscere.] To mingle, or throw into confusion, very many things.
44. † Book i. c. 128.
45. * Cum scytala.] The scytala was a staff, round which a slip of parchment being rolled obliquely, the orders of the Ephori were written on it longitudinally, so that, when unrolled, they could not be read until the parchment was again rolled round a staff of the same thickness, which the general had with him.
46. † More illorum. ] That is, with extreme brevity.
47. * Regi.] Pausanias was not actually a king, but guardian to the young prince Pleistarchus, the son of Leonidas. Thucyd. i. 132.
48. † Argilius.] A native of Argilus, a town of Thrace on the Strymonic Gulf.
49. ‡ Amore venereo.] See the note on amatores in the preface.
50. § Vincula epistolae laxavit.] Letters were tied round with a string, which was sealed, probably, over the knot. The Argilian, according to Nepos, contrived to take off the string without breaking the seal, so that he might readily replace it.
51. * Quae Chalcioecos vocatur.] Whether the quae refers to aedem of Minervae, the critics are not agreed. Thucydides, i. 134, to_ i9ero_n th~j Xalkioi/kou, makes it apparent that it should be referred to Minerva. But Bos and Bremi concur in referring it to aedes.
52. * Neque legibus Atheniensibus emitti poterat.] Yet by Justin, ii. 15, Val. Maximus, v. 3 ext. 3, and v. 4 ext. 2, Seneca, Controvers. 24, and others, it has been said that Cimon's submission to go to prison was voluntary. Bos collects ample testimony to the contrary.
53. † See note on the preface.
54. * Hospitio.] See note on Themistocles, c. 8. Hospitium, might exist between two states, or between a state and a private individual, as well as between two individuals.
55. * Offensum fortuna.] That is, casu obvium, fortuito oblatum, "thrown in his way by chance," as Heusinger explains it in his note on the passage.----Fischer. This explanation is also approved by Boeclerus and Freinshemius. Lambinus erroneously interpreted it cui fortuna esset iniqua, and several others have trodden in his steps.
56. * Pervertere.] "Corrupt" is evidently the sense of pervertere in this passage, not "destroy," as some would make it. Lysander first endeavoured to corrupt the fidelity of the Thasians to the Athenians, and afterwards, when he found his endeavours unsuccessful, proceeded to use treachery and cruelty towards them.
57. * The account of Lysander's treachery to the Thasians is wanting in the manuscripts, but may be supplied from Polyaenus, i. 45. Those of the Thasians who had the greatest reason to fear Lysander, had fled to a temple of Hercules, which was held in the greatest veneration. At this temple Lysander called them all together to hear him address them, when he made them a speech full of the fairest promises of mercy and clemency. He said that he would think nothing of what was past; that no one had cause for fear or concealment; that they might all appear before him with full confidence in his good feelings towards them; and that he called Hercules, in whose temple they were, to witness that he spoke only what he meant. Having thus drawn them forth from their sanctuary, he, a few days after, when they were free from apprehension, fell upon them and put them to death. "He was guilty of a similar instance of perfidy at Miletus," says Bos, "as is also related by Polyaenus, and by Plutarch."
58. † Quàm verè de eo foret judicatum.] That is, how little he deserved acquittal.
59. * Librum graveni multis verbis.] "A heavy letter in many words."
60. * Dives; quum tempus posceret, &c.] This is Bos's reading. Many editions have Idem, quum tempus, &c.
61. † Non minus in vitâ quàm victu.] Bos and Boeder distinguish vita and victus in this manner; vita, they say, means a man's mode of living in public and among other men; victus his way of life at home, and diet at his own table. Cicero de Legg. iii. 14: Nobilium vita victuque mutato.
62. ‡ Privignus.] If we believe Diodorus Siculus, lib. xii, and Suidas, Alcibiades was the son of Pericles's sister. Hence Pericles is called his uncle by Val. Max, iii. 1, and Aul. Gell. xv. 17. Pericles appears, however, to have been the step-father of Alcibiades's wife, as Magius observes; for Alcibiades married Hipparete, the daughter of Hipponicus, whose wife Pericles afterwards espoused.----Bos.
63. * Omnes Hermae.] Mercury was reckoned the god of thieves, and therefore they used to erect his statues before their doors by way of prevention against the attempts of robbers and house-breakers.----Clarice.
64. † Itaque ille postea Mercurius Andocidis vocitatus est.] This is the reading of Bos and Van Staveren. Many other editions have, instead of these words, Andocidisque Hermes vocatus est.
65. ‡ Quod non ad privatam, sed ad publicam rem pertineret.] A manuscript of Boeder's has quae, but, as I suppose, from a fancy of the transcriber, who thought that the word must be a pronoun, referring to consensione, whereas it is a conjunction, showing the reason why "great dread was excited" by this occurrence "among the multitude," namely, because a union of many in the affair indicated a conspiracy, and must have respect to something of a public nature.----Bos.
66. § Mysteria.] The mysteries of Ceres; the Eleusinian mysteries.
67. * They thought that there was some conspiracy under the cloak of it.
68. † Consuetudinem.] Knowing the fickle character of the Athenians,
69. ‡ Crimine invidiae.] This is evidently the sense. Crimine invidiae for crimine invidioso.
70. § Licentia.] The license of the populace, which could scarcely be controlled.
71. * Ab hoc destitutus.] On the contrary, he was, according to Thucydides, viii. 49, 53, supported by Pisander.---- Bos.
72. * A considerable town of Aeolia. But it was at Notium, near Ephesus, not at Cyme, that the affair that caused the unpopularity of Alcibiades took place, through the folly of his lieutenant-general Antiochus, who, during his absence, brought on an engagement with Lysander, contrary to the express orders of Alcibiades.
73. † A city on the isthmus of the Thracian Chersonese. Most editions, previous to that of Bos, had Perinthus, from a conjecture of Longolius.
74. ‡ Primus Graeciae civitatis.] He was the first man of Greece that penetrated into that part of Thrace which was free, and where no colonies of Greeks had been established.----Fischer.
75. * Agere.] In its rhetorical sense, to state, plead, declare.
76. * Quem manu superari posse diffidebant.] "Whom they despaired would be able (i.e. whom they expected or thought would be unable) to be overcome by the hand."
77. † Emanus.] Bos would omit this word, as wanting authority.
78. * Matrem timidi flere non solere.] I have translated this according to the notion of Bremi, who says that timidus here means a cautious person, one who takes care of himself, and is on his guard against contingencies. Most translators have rendered it "the mother of a coward," &c., in which sense it would seem that the proverb was generally used.
79. † One of the minor harbours of Athens.
80. ‡ Quae ad victum pertinebant.] "Things which pertained to sustenance," i.e. provisions.
81. * Superioris more crudelitatis erant usi.] "Had used the manner of the former cruelty."
82. † Jugerum.] Though the juger or jugerum is generally rendered an acre, it in reality contained little more than half an acre. The juger was 240 feet long and 120 broad, containing therefore 28,800 square feet; the content of an English acre is 43,566 square feet.
83. ‡ Non propria esse consueverunt.] By propria, is meant "peculiarly one's own, and likely to continue so; appropriated to one's self." I have rendered it by "permanent;" most other translators have given something similar. Bos gives this remark about gifts to Nepos; other editors give it to Pittacus.
84. * Ex oppido.] The town was Aspendus, as appears from Xen. Hell. iv. 8, 30; Diod. Sic. xiv. 99.
85. * Apud quem ut multùm gratia valeret----effecit.] With whom he brought it to pass that he prevailed much by personal influence.
86. † What Nepos says here, as to the Lacedaemonians being persuaded by Tissaphernes to go to war with Persia, is scarcely reconcileable with fact, as Fischer observes, or with what is stated in the second chapter of the life of Agesilaus. Yet Schlegel and Wetzel, he adds, have made strong efforts to justify or excuse his statement. Thirlwall, however, seems to come nearer to the truth in his History of Greece, c. xxxv. The reader may also consult Smith's Biog. Dictionary, art. Tissaphernes.
87. ‡ Chiliarchum.] "Captain of a thousand." He is generally considered to have been chief of the life-guards, and to have been responsible, consequently, for the safety of the king's person.
88. * Sine hoc.] Some consider hoc masculine, referring to the chiliarchus.
89. * If this statement respecting Conon be true, his conduct in the matter is not to be reckoned among pia et probanda, "patriotic and deserving of praise." But it would appear from Diod. Sic. xiv. 85, and Xen. Hell. iv. 8, that the charge against him arose from envy on the part of Tithraustes and the other Persians.
90. † He was the father of Cleitarchus, who wrote a history of Alexander the Great's expedition. See Plin. H. N. x. 70. From what Pliny says of him, he seems to have been extremely credulous.
91. * Utrâque implicatus tyrannide Dionysiorum.] "Involved in," or "connected with, each tyranny of the Dionysii." For utroque Dionysio tyranno.
92. † Dionysius married two wives in the same day, Doris, a native of Locris, and Aristomache, the sister of Dion. But Dionysius the Younger was the son of Doris; so that, if Nepos is correct in saying that Sophrosyne was the daughter of Aristomache, he married his half-sister. See Plut. Vit. Dion. c. 3.
93. ‡ Dion, therefore, as Ernstius observes, married his own niece.
94. § Quae non minimum commendatur.] "Which is not in the lowest degree (i.e. which is in the highest degree) commended." Lambinus, from conjecture, read commendat, sc. hominem, which is more elegant (as Bos admits), and has been generally adopted by editors.
95. * Suorum causa.] For the sake of Aristomache and her children.
96. † Legationes.] Most editions have omnes after legationes. Bos and Van Staveren omit it.
97. ‡ Uni huic maxime indulgeret.] "He indulged him alone most "
98. § Ambitione.] Exquisito apparatu et ambitioso comitatu.----Gebhard. It was not, however, the elder, but the younger Dionysius, that received Plato with such ceremony. See Plato's Epist. 3 and 7; Plutarch, Vit. Dion., and Aelian, Var. Hist. iv. 18. Plato visited Sicily three times; the ostentatious reception occurred on the second occasion.
99. || Quippe quem venundari jussisset.] Bremi conjectures quippe qui eum, &c, which the sense indeed requires. Consult Plutarch, Vit. Dion., who, however, relates the matter a little differently. Lucian says that Plato was sent to a parasite, because he was ignorant of the parasite's art. See Diod. Sic. xv. 7; Diog. Laërt. iii. 18, 21.----Bos.
100. * That is, the portion of Italy, or Great Greece, which had been under the power of the elder Dionysius, part of which was still retained by his son.
101. † Lambinus first saw that we ought to read Dionysius, not Dion, Bos, Mosche, and most other editors, approve Lambinus's suggestion. Van Staveren omits the name altogether the sense being sufficiently clear without it.
102. * Ver. 204.
103. * Offensa in eum militum voluntate.] Yet Nepos says above, in this same chapter, that Dion "had gained the soldiery." Quum milites reconciliâsset, amitteret optimates.
104. * The ancients were accustomed, when they wished to devote themselves to prayer, or to do anything in private, to go up into the higher part of the house, or to keep a chamber in that part for that particular purpose. So Suetonius says of Augustus, c. 72, Si quando quid secreto aut sine interpellatione agere proposuisset, erat illi locus in edito sincularis. So Tacitus of Tiberius, Ann. vi. 21, Quoties super negotio Consultaret, edita domus parte utebatur.----Bos. He also refers to Judith, c. 8, and to Acts x. 9.
105. † Illi ipsi custodes.] The guards that had been stationed by Callicrates round Dion's house.
106. * Peltam pro parmâ fecit.] The pelta, was smaller than the parma, but both were smaller than the clypeus.----Bos.
107. * Apud Corinthum.] In the war generally called the Corinthian war, carried on by the Athenians, Thebans, and Argives, against the Lacedaemonians. See Diod. Sic. xiv. 86; Xen. Hell. iv. 4.
108. † From Xenophon, de Rep. Lacedaem., we learn that the mora consisted of 400 men; for it had four lochagi and eight pentecosteres.----Fischer. This seems to have been the regular and original number appointed by Lycurgus, but it varied afterwards according to times and circumstances. In the time of Xenophon (Hell. iv. 5) it appears to have consisted usually of 600. At other times it contained five, seven, or nine hundred. See Plutarch. Pelop. c. 17; Thucyd. v. 68, ibique Schol. Smith's Dict. of G. and R. Ant. art. Army, Greek.
109. † His name was Acoris; he had assisted Evagoras of Cyprus against Artaxerxes Mnemon. See Diod. Sic. xv. 29. He appears to have been the immediate predecessor of Nectanebis.
110. § Fabiani.] If the Roman soldiers were used to be called Fabians, which is an account given by none but our author, that I know of, it was occasioned by the gallantry of the Fabian family, that undertook to manage the war against the Vejentes by themselves, and were cut off, 300 of them in one battle.----Clarke. Others think that the name must have been derived from Fabius Cunctator. None of the better commentators say anything on the point.
111. * Nisi ejus adventus appropinquasset.] "Unless his approach, had been drawing near."
112. † The father of Philip, and grandfather of Alexander the Great. "This subject is more fully noticed by Aeschines de Fals. Leg. haud longe à principio."-----Bos. See Justin, vii. 4.
113. ‡ Bella Sociali.] A war in which Byzantium, Rhodes, Chios, and Cos leagued themselves against the Athenians, from their alliance with whom they had revolted. See Diod. Sic. xv. 78; xvi. 7, Ferizon. ad Aelian. Var. Hist. ii. 10. Comp. Life of Chabrias, c. 4.
114. * Phalanx is here used as a general term for a body of troops in close array.
115. † Artifices.] This word is here used in a very comprehensive sense, including actors, musicians, and every other kind of public exhibitors.
116. ‡ Often written Nectanebis. "Diodorus Siculus has it either Nektenabw_j or Nektanebw&j."----Bos.
117. * A quitus magnas proedas Agesilaus rex eorum faciebat.] Attempts to interpret this passage have much exercised the ingenuity of the learned. Heusinger would have à quibus to signify "on whose side," or the same as pro quibus, but this Van Staveren justly rejects, and I, as well as he and Schmieder, doubt whether pro aliquo proedam facere can be regarded as good Latin.... For myself, I know not what to make of the passage, unless we receive the cautious interpretation of Harles, Ithius, and Bremi, who understand proedam in a large or metaphorical sense for gain, presents, or a large sum of money, which Agesilaus either received from the Egyptians by agreement, or exacted from them, so that it might not improperly be regarded as proeda. Concerning the signification of this word, see Heyne ad Tibull. ii. 3, 38.----Fischer.
118. * See Life of Iphicrates, c. 3.
119. * Id----restituit.] Many editions, for id, have hanc, sc. pecuniam, but "id" says Bos, "for argentum or argentipondus, is perfectly correct."
120. † A prince of Thrace. Comp. Iphic. c. 3.
121. ‡ A strong city of the Propontis, on an island of the same name. It was besieged on this occasion, as Mitford supposes, by a force sent thither by Epaminondas, who was endeavouring to make Thebes a naval power to rival Athens.
122. § Satrap of Phrygia, who had revolted from Artaxerxes. "This war is mentioned by Demosthenes de Rhodior. Libertate."----Fischer.
123. || A city on the Hellespont, in the Thracian Chersonese, mentioned by Scylax, Stephanus de Urb., Strabo, and Pliny. The introduction of the name of this city into the text is due to Gebhard. Previously the common reading was Ericthonem, of which nobody knew what to make.
124. ¶ The Ionian Sea.
125. ** A pulvinus or pulvinar was a cushion, pillow, or bolster, and to support the arm or side of those who reclined on couches, like the bolsters on sofas in the present day. Pulvinar was afterwards used for the entire couch, on which the statues of the gods were placed on solemn occasions, as in the Roman lectisternia.
126. * That is, the cities on the Hellespont.
127. † Cui oppositus Chares quum esset, non satis in eo praesidii putabatur.] "To whom, when Chares had been opposed, there was not thought to be sufficient defence in him." Chares was a vain and ignorant braggart. See Diod. Sic. xvi. 86.
128. ‡ In consilium.] The words quorum consilio uteretur, which occur a little below, are not translated, as they appear, in the judgment of Bos and others, to be a mere interpolation.
129. § Classem suppresserunt.] Probably that they might not be driven on shore.
130. || It does not appear what place this was.
131. * Jason tyrannus.] He was tyrant of Pherae in Thessaly, and was, as it were, from his great power, king of the whole country. By calling him the "most powerful of all men," omnium potentissimus, Nepos seems to mean that he was more powerful than any single individual that had at that time to do with Greece.
132. † De famâ.] For his honour as a citizen. Conviction, on this occasion, would have subjected him, it appears, to loss of civil rights, or a)timi/a.
133. ‡ Unless we except Phocion, whose military character, however, was not very high.
134. * Pylaemenes was not killed by Patroclus, but by Menelaus; Hom. Il. v. 576.
135. † Agresti duplici amiculo.] Called duplex because it was thick and stout, woven of thread of a double thickness; or because it was made of cloth doubled. The Greeks called it xlai=na diplh~.----Fischer. A modern annotator thinks that duplica refers to the "folding" of the cloak as it was worn, not to the "texture!"
136. * Qui tantum quod ad hostes pervenerat..] This reading is an emendation of Lambinus, and it is extremely doubtful whether it ought to have been so favourably regarded by Van Steveren and Bos, who have admitted it into their texts. Some of the manuscripts have qui dum ad hostes pervenerat. Heusinger thinks we might read tantum qui dum, or qui tantum dum, tantum dum, being a form of expression similar to vixdum, nondum. The Ed. Ultraject. has qui tantum non ad, &c. Most of the older common editions have qui nondum ad, &c.
137. * Cilciae vortae.] A pass so called.
138. † A body of soldiery among the Persians, mentioned by Strabo, Plutarch, Arrian, Pausanias, and others. Hesychras thinks that they had their name from some place or tribe.
139. ‡ Captianorum. A people unknown to geographers. Schottus suggested that we should read, with a slight alteration, Caspianorum, people from the borders of the Caspian sea.----Bos. Bos, on the whole, approves this suggestion.
140. * Quibus fretus.] I have given the quibus that sense which it evidently requires.
141. † Peace and friendship with himself, preparatory to his being received into favour by the kiag. This is Nipperdey's explanation. Other editors have merely complained of the apparent tautology in
142. * A rege missam.] These words are wanting in some editions. The king presented his right hand to some person, in order that that person might present his own to Mithridates in the king's name.
143. *. In vitiis poni.] "Is accounted among disparagements, disgraces, or vices."
144. † A plurimis omnium anteponuntur virtutibus.] "Are by many preferred to the best qualities of all." Many would rather hear of the actions than of the virtues of eminent men.
145. ‡ Damon was an Athenian, mentioned by Plutarch de Musicâ, Plato, de Rep., lib. iv., and Athenaeus, xiv. 11. Lamprus is also noticed by Plutarch in the same treatise, by Plato in his Menexenus, and by Athenœus, i. 16, ii. 2. Damon is said to have taught Pericles, and Lamprus Sophocles.
146. § Tibiis.] See the note on this word in the preface.
147. || See Cic. de Orat. iii. 34; Off. i. 4; Diod. Sic. lib. vi. in Exc. Peiresc. p. 247; Pausanias, ix. 13; Aelian, V. H. iii. 17; Porphyr. Vit. Pythag. extr.; Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. c. 35.... A letter of his to a certain Hipparchus is among the Epistles of the Greeks published by Aldus, and also among the fragments of the Pythagoreans added by Casaubon to Diogenes Laertius.----Bos.
148. * Tristem et severum senem in familiaritate antepossuerit.] "He preferred a grave and austere old man in familiarity," i. e. as an associate.
149. † Levia et potius contemnenda.] The study of philosophy, at least in the time of Nepos, was not numbered by the Romans among despicable pursuits.
150. ‡ Ad eum finem quoad, &c.] Ad eum finem, as Bos observes, is the same as usque eo.
151. * Multis millibus versuum.] "In many thousands of verses." Versus was used by the Roman as well for a line in prose as for a line in poetry.
152. † Indidem Thebis.] That is, "from the same place, Thebes."
153. ‡ Castris est vobis utendum, non palaestra.] That is, you must give your serious attention to the one more than to the other. You may in the palaestra inure yourselves to exercise; but you must remember that your thoughts are to be directed beyond the palaestra to the camp.
154. * Hîc.] Some read huic, "to him."
155. † The argument of Epaminondas, in these observations, is this, referring properly only to Orestes and Oedipus: that they were born, it must be granted, the one at Argos, and the other at Thebes, but that, as they were born innocent, neither of those cities can be blamed merely for having been their birth-place; after they were polluted with crimes, however, and were in consequence expelled from their native cities, they were received by the Athenians, who, by sheltering them, might be considered to have become partakers in their guilt.
156. ‡ Legati ante pugnam Leuctricam.] These words are rejected by Longolius, Magius, Lambinus, and Schottus, as a gloss that has intruded itself from the margin into the text. But as they are found in the best copies, Bos, who cannot but suspect them, is content with including them in brackets.
157. * This was the army that was sent into Thessaly to rescue Pelopidas from Alexander of Pherae. See Diod. Sic. xv. 71, 72.
158. † He had been accused of treachery, and the people in consequence had taken from him his Boiwtarxi/a, and reduced him to a private station. Diod. Sic. ibid.
159. ‡ Saepius.] Nepos mentions, however, only two occasions; and no more are discoverable from other authors.
160. * Collegae ejus.] His colleagues and himself.
161. † In periculo suo.] The word periculum, in this passage, greatly perplexed the old commentators; no one could find any satisfactory sense for it; and various conjectures were offered as to a substitute for it. At last Gebhard suggested that the passage might be interpreted "Epaminondam petiisse, ut in actis illis, in quibus suum periculum ad memoriam notetur, talia inscriberent," so that periculum, in his opinion, would be the same as "adnotatio sive commemoratio periculi illius in tabulis publicis," the record of his periculum in the public registers. Schoppius, Verisim. iv. 18, went farther, and said that periculum signified "libellum sive annalem publicum." This interpretation was adopted by Bos and Fischer, and subsequently by Bremi and others, and is approved by Gesner in his Thesaurus sub voce. Tzschucke interprets it elogium damnationis, or scripta judicii sententia.
162. ‡ Messene constituta.] He settled or built (e!ktise) Messene, and brought many colonists to it, says Diod. Sic. xv. 66. See Pausan. ix. 14, atque alibi.
163. * Quod liberos non relinqueret.] These words, in most editions, are placed lower down, after consulere diceret, where Lambinus was the first to put them. Bos suspects that they may be altogether spurious.
164. * Apud Cadmaeam.] The citadel of Thebes, said to have been founded by Cadmus.
165. † Aliena paruisse imperio.] By these words it is not signified that Thebes was actually subject to any other power, but that it always held a secondary place.
166. ‡ Phoebidas was sent to assist Amyntas, king of Macedonia, who was going to besiege Olynthus with the aid of his allies the Lacedaemonians, because its inhabitants had refused to make satisfaction to him. See Diod. Sic. xv. 19.----Fischer.
167. § Per Thebas.] This is evidently the sense.
168. * See Epaminondas, c. 10.
169. † Ut quemque ex proximo locum fors obtulisset, eo patriam recuperare niterentur.] "Opportunity" seems to be the sense of locus in this passage, as in Hamilc. c. 1, locus nocendi. Quemque is for quemcumquei as Van Staveren remarks.
170. * Tempus et dies.] Charon had not only settled the day, but the time of the day.----Bos.
171. † Sejunctum ab re positâ.] By res, "the subject," we must understand the life of Pelopidas. Yet no apology was necessary for introducing the remark, as it is extremely applicable to the enterprise which Nepos is relating.
172. ‡ Hierophante.] A hierophantes was one who understood and could interpret religious mysteries. Archias was high-priest of the Eleusinian rites of Ceres.
173. * See Epaminondas, c. 8.
174. * In comitio.] A Latin word used by the author for the Greek, which would be e0forei=n, the court of the Ephori.
175. † Quod iter Xerxes anno vertente confecerat.] Anno vertente, sc. se, "a year turning itself or revolving," i.e. in the course of a year, in a full year. In the Life of Themistocles, however, c. 5, Xerxes is said to have made the journey in six months.
176. * Supplicibus eorum.] Whether eorum refers to barbaros, which is nearer to it, or to deorum, which is farther from it, has been a question among the commentators. Bos refers it to deorum, and I think him right. A recent editor imagines that it is to be referred to simulacra arasque. Magius would read deorum instead of eorum, and his suggestion is approved by Bremi and Buchung.
177. † This appears to be an error; for Xenophon, Ages. 7, 5, and Plutarch, Vit. Ages, speak of Agesilaus as having heard about the battle; and it is therefore to be concluded, as Magius and Lambinus observe, that he was not present in it, but that it took place while he was on his march homeward.
178. ‡ Ab insolentia gloriae.] "From the presumptuousness of boasting."
179. * Quo ne proficisceretur----exire noluit.] The conclusion of the sentence does not suit the commencement of it. It is a decided anacoluthon, as Harles, Bremi, and Bardilis observe.
180. † Nisi ille fuisset, Spartam futuram non fuisse.] "Unless he had been, Sparta would not have been."
181. ‡ Aucto numero eorum qui expertes erant consilii.] Bos suggests this explanation of the passage: that only a part of those who occupied the height intended to go over to the enemy, and designed, by force or persuasion, to bring over the others qui expertes erant consilii; but were deterred from doing so when the number of the true men was strengthened by the followers of Agesilaus. Bos, however, suggests at the same time, that we might read aucti numero eorum, which Bremi is inclined to adopt.
182. * Among whom were Tachos of Egypt, and Mausolus, king of Caria, from both of whom he received large presents; as he did also, probably, from Cotys and Autophradates. See Xen. Ages. 2, 26, 27.
183. † Huc.] That is, on the straw.
184. * Nectanabis II., nephew of Tachos, whom he dethroned with the aid of Agesilaus.
185. † Portum qui Menelai vocatur.] On the coast of Marmorica.
186. ‡ Cyrenae, -arum, or Cyrene, -es, but the latter is the far more common form.
187. * Cardianus.] Cardia was a town in the Thracian Chersonese, on the gulf of Mêlas.
188. † Multo honorificentius.] Because freedmen and slaves, for the most part, purchased the office of scribe or secretary among the Romans with money, as is observed by Casaubon in Capitolin. Vit. Macrini, c. 7, and by Lipsius, Elect. i. 32.----Loccenius. At Athens, however, Samuel Petit, Comm. in Leges Atticas, 1. iii. tit. 2, shows that the office of scribe was as little honourable as it was at Rome.-----Bos. Such was doubtless the case throughout Greece a few of the more eminent secretaries might be held in esteem and respect, but the majority would be of just the same standing as at Rome.
189. * 9Etairikh_ i ppoj, about a thousand or twelve hundred of the flower of the Macedonian cavalry. The name is from e tairoj, a friend or companion, either because they were united with one another as friends, or because they were associates or companions of the king.
190. † Tradita esset tuenda eidem----Perdiccae.] "Was committed, to be taken care of, to the same Perdiccas."
191. ‡ In suam tutelam pervertissent.] Should come "to their own guardianship," should be out of their minority, and no longer under the guardianship of others.
192. § Industriam.
193. * A distinguished officer in the army of Alexander, after whose death he had the government of Phrygia on the Hellespont.
194. † Ad internecionem.] Properly, "to the utter destruction" of one of the two contending parties.
195. ‡ Antipater, Craterus, and their supporters.
196. * A Seleuco et Antigono.] For Antigono it is now generally supposed that we should read Antigene, Antigenes being mentioned by Diod. Sic. xviii. 59, as one of the leaders of the Argyraspides; another being Teutamus. Antigenes was the first to attack Perdiccas, as Van Staveren observes, referring to Arrian apud Photium, p. 224. The same critic suggests that we might even, with some probability alter Seleuco into Teutamo, but does not wish to press this conjecture
197. † Plaga.] Meaning the death of Perdiccas.
198. * Callidum fuit ejus inventum, quemadmodum, &c.] "It was an ingenious contrivance of his, how the animal might be warmed," &c.
199. † Caput.] Not only the head, however, but all the fore-part of the body must have been tied up, the strap being passed round the body behind the fore-legs.
200. * In principiis.] See note on Florus, iii. 10, Bonn's Cl. Library. Eumenes, to give effect to this device, pretended, as Polyaenus tells us, to have received directions from the spirit of Alexander, which had appeared to him in a dream. It is strange that the Macedonian officers should have allowed themselves to be so deluded.
201. * De rebus summis.] "Of their chief concerns."
202. † Non minus totidem dierum spatio.] "Not less than the space of just as many days."
203. * Fructum oculis capere.] "To gain gratification for their eyes."
204. † Ut deuteretur.] The word deutor is not found elsewhere. It seems not to be the same with abutor, as some suppose, but to have much the same sense as the simple verb. But most editions have se uteretur, an alteration of Lambinus.
205. * This is so little of a reason for Eumenes' success against his opponents in the field, that Buchner, Bos, and others, suppose that some words have been lost out of the text.
206. * The sentence begins with Sic Eumenes, and ends with talem habuit exitum vitae, a fault similar to that which has been noticed in Ages. c. 6.
207. † Memoria est nulla.] That is, no one thinks of praising his military exploits equally with his moral virtues.
208. * Quum adversus Charetem eum subornaret.] I have given to subornaret the sense to which Bos thinks it entitled. To what part of Phocion's life this passage relates is uncertain. Bos refers to Plutarch, Phocion, c. 14, where it is stated that Phocion was sent to Byzantium with a force to accomplish what Chares had failed in doing. But no mention is made there of any support given to Phocion by Demosthenes.
209. * Capitis damnatos.] That is, made atimous, or infamous, deprived of civil rights, and condemned, perhaps, in addition, to exile or death.
210. † Philip Aridaeus, the half brother and nominal successor of Alexander the Great.
211. ‡ An Athenian demagogue, who was put to death by the people of Athens soon after the death of Phocion.
212. * Undecim viris.] Eleven petty officers, whose duty was to see the sentences of the law put in execution.
213. † Namque huic uni contigit, quod nescio an nulli.] I have endeavoured to give a satisfactory turn in the English to that which is not very satisfactory in the Latin. "For (that) happened to (him) alone, (of) which I know not whether (it happened) to any one (else)." If it happened to him alone, it of course happened to no one else. Some editors read ulli: but nulli appears to be the right reading, nescio an being taken in the sense of ''perhaps."
214. * A barbaris.] The Carthaginians, when they were at war with the elder Dionysius.
215. † Soror ex iisdem parentibus nata.] She was whole sister to him and Timophanes.
216. * Fana deserta.] Bos retains deserta, in his text, but shows an inclination, in his note, to adopt the emendation of Lambinus, deleta; déserta, however, which is found, I believe, in all the manuscripts, is susceptible of a very good interpretation; for temples that were deserted or neglected might have fallen into decay, and require to be repaired or rebuilt.
217. * In theatrum.] Public assemblies were often held in theatres.
218. † Sacellum Au)tomati/aj.] A word compounded of au)toj, self, and ma&w, to desire or will, and applied to Fortune as acting from her own will or impulse.
219. * Se voti esse damnatum.] The meaning is, that he was now obliged to the fulfilment of that which he had vowed when he prayed for such a degree of freedom.
220. † Timoleonteum.] Sc. Gymnasium.
221. ‡ Graecae gentis.] All the preceding biographies are those of Greeks, except that of Datames.
222. § Separatem sunt relatae.] In another book written by Nepos, which contained the lives of kings, as Lambinus thinks; and Vossius de Hist. Lat. i. 14, is of the same opinion. I rather imagine that the writings of other authors, who have spoken of the acts of kings, are intended; for if Nepos had meant a composition of his own, he would have said à me sunt relatae, as in the Life of Cato, c. 3, he says in eo libra quem separatim de eo fecimus.----Bos.
223. * Macrochir, Longimanus, or "long-handed." Mnemon, mnh&mwn, signifying one that has a good memory.
224. † There was no remarkable proof of his justice given on this occasion. His mother Parysatis poisoned his wife Statira; but he spared Parysatis, and put to death Gingis, who had merely been her tool. See Plutarch, Life of Artaxerxes, c. 19.
225. ‡ Morbo naturae debitum reddiderunt.] "Paid (their) debt to nature by disease."
226. * Nunquam hosti cessit.] Not exactly true; but he doubtless resisted the enemy vigorously.
227. † Erycem.] Not the mountain, as Bos observes, but the town situated between the top and the foot of the mountain, of both of which the Romans had possession. See Polyb. i. 53; ii. 7; Diod. Sic. xxiv. 2; Cluverius, Sicil. Antiq. ii. 1.
228. ‡ Three islands on the western coast of Sicily. This battle brought the first Punic war to an end.
229. * Son of Demetrius, and last king but one of Macedonia. See Justin, xxviii. 4; xxix. 1-4; xxx. 3; xxxii. 2.
230. † A Rubro Mari.] It is the Mare Erythraeum that is meant, lying between Arabia and India.
231. * Saltum Pyrenaeum.] The forest, i. e. the woody chain or range of the Pyrenees.
232. † Clastidio.] Clastidio, thus given by Bos, without a preposition or any word to govern it, cannot be right. It seems necessary either to read Clastidii, or, with Lambinus, de Clastidio. I have adopted the latter, as the termination in o is found in all the manuscripts. But no account of a battle between Hannibal and Scipio at Clastidium (a town of Gallia Cispadana, at no great distance from the Po), is found in any other author. Ithe has therefore ventured, somewhat boldly, to eject Clastidio from his text altogether.
233. * Quo repentino objectu viso.] "Which sudden appearance being seen" by the Romans.
234. * Absens----sustulit.] The battle being fought by one of Hannibal's generals in his absence.
235. † Circiter millia passuum trecenta.] One hundred and fifty miles is supposed to be nearer the truth.
236. * A town on the Liris, in the Volscian territory.
237. † Praetor.] This office seems, from what follows, to have been in a great degree financial; but judicial duties were probably combined in it.
238. ‡ Rex.] The two annual magistrates at Carthage were called suffetes in the Punic tongue; the Greeks and Romans called them kings.
239. * Antiochus here suffered a defeat from the Romans.
240. † In Pamphylio mari.] The sea on the coast of Pamphylia in Asia Minor.
241. ‡ Antiocho fugato.] Viz., in the battle near Magnesia, at the bottom of Mount Sipylus in Lydia.
242. § Principibus praesentibus.] Many of the old editions have Gortyniis praesentibus, a manifest error, as Bos observes. Principibus occurs in three manuscripts.
243. * Illud recusavit, ne id a se fieri postularent.] "He refused this, (requesting) that they would not require that to be done by him."
244. * Cato the censor, the great grandfather of the Cato that killed himself at Utica.
245. † Situate about ten miles south-east of Rome, not far from the modern Frascati.
246. † Aedilis plebis.] There were two sorts of aediles, plebeian and curule.
247. * Privatus in urbe mansit.] That is, he did not take any other foreign province. Plutarch, however, in his life of Cato, says that Scipio was appointed to succeed Cato in Spain, but that, being unable to procure from the senate a vote of censure on Cato's administration, he passed his term of office in inactivity.
248. † Edictum.] The code of regulations which a magistrate published on entering upon his office, adopting what he chose from the edicts of his predecessors, and adding what he thought proper of his own. See Adam's Rom. Ant. p. 111, vo. ed.
249. ‡ Circiter annos octoginta.] This passage is in some way faulty. Bos thinks that the number is corrupt, or that the three words have been intruded from the margin into the text. Pighius would read Vixit circiter annos octoginta, et, &c.
250. § A multis tentatus.] Plutarch, in his life of Cato, c. 15, says that Cato was attacked or accused about fifty times in the sourse of his political life.----Bos.
251. * Ab origine ultima stirpis Romanae.] "From the most remote origin of the Roman race." His family was so old that it reached back to the earliest age of Rome.
252. * Versuram facere.] Versura, according to Festus süb voce, properly signifies borrowing from one to pay another. Our language has no word corresponding to it.
253. † Septem modii.] This is the reading of the old editions, and of the manuscripts of Manutius, Gifanius, Schottus, Leid, and Medic. 2. But since it appears from Cicero in Verr. iii. 45, 46, 49, as well as from Ausonius, Suidas, and other ancient writers, that the medimnus contained six modii, Manutius, Faernus, and Ursinus, following Georg. Agricola de Mens. et Pond. Gr. et Rom. lib. ii., substituted sex for septem in this passage, and Lambinus, with all the subsequent editors of Nepos, adopted it. There seem, however, to have been variations in the content of the medimni and modii. According to the old author on measures, published by Rigaltius among the Auctores Finium Regundorum, p. 335, five modii made a medimnus; and Isidore, Orig. xvi. 25, makes the same statement..... Phavorinus, again, says that the medimnus was mo&dioi e(pta.----Bos. On the whole, therefore, Bos prefers that septem should stand. The modius was 1 gal. 7.8576 pints English.
254. * Phidiae.] Some editions have Piliae. "This was some Phidias, who, though unmentioned by any other writer, was known to Nepos through Atticus with whom he was intimate." See c. 13.---- Van Staveren.
255. * About £1600 of our money.
256. † About £80,729 s. d.
257. * Optimarum partium.] Ursinus and Schottus conjecture optimatum partium.----Heusinger thinks optimarum right.
258. † Ad hastam publicam nunquam, accessit.] That is, to a sale of the property confiscated in the proscriptions. A hasta, or spear, set up, was the signal of an auction; a custom derived from the sale of spoils taken in war.
259. † Nullius rei neque praes, neque manceps factus est.] The farmers, mancipes, of the revenues were chiefly equités, but Atticus, though of that order, neither became a farmer himself, nor a surety, praes, for any farmer.
260. § Neque suo nomine neque subscribens.] He neither brought accusations against people himself, nor supported the accusations of others by setting his hand to them. This is said with reference to the time of the proscriptions.
261. || That he declined offices generally is stated above in this chapter; there is no particular mention that he declined the praetorship.
262. * Ejus observantia.] Observantia, as Bos and Fischer observe, is evidently to be understood actively.
263. † Secutum est illud, occiso Caesare, &c.] The commencement of this chapter is extremely bald. Whether tempus, which Bos understands with illud, has dropped out of the text, or whether the author purposely omitted it, must remain doubtful. Perhaps more words than one are lost.
264. ‡ Penes Brutos.] Some editions have Brutum. I prefer the plural, says Bos, Marcus and Decimus being meant.
265. * Dicis----causa.] Bos's text, and many others, with all the manuscripts, have necis causa. Dicis causa is a conjecture of Cujacius. Necis is defended by Savaro, who says that the provinces were given to Brutus and Cassius for killing Caesar. Gebhard supports Savaro, referring to Vell. Pat. ii. 62: Bruto Cassioque provinciae, quas jam ipsi sine ullo senatus consulto occupaverant, decretae. Bos, too, quotes from. Appian, 9H boulh_ ge/ra toi=j a)nelou~sin w(j turannokto&noij e0yhfi/zeto. But, as Ernstius observes, the provinces could not have been given to Brutus and Cassius particularly for killing Caesar, for they were not the only ones concerned in his death; and he therefore prefers dicis causa, supposing that the provinces were given to them merely to afford them an honourable pretext for leaving the city to avoid the fury of the lower orders. Heusinger not unhappily conjectures necessitatis causa.
266. † £807 s. 10d.
267. ‡ £2421 17s. d.
268. § A war that arose between Mark Antony and Octavius (see Florus, iv. 4), through a dispute about the will of Caesar, in which Octavius had been set before Antony, who, in displeasure, had recourse to arms, and besieged Decimus Brutus, who took the side of Octavius, in Mutina, now Modena.----Fischer.
269. || Divinatio.] We should rather read divinitas, as Buchner first observed. Divinatio occurs below, c. 16, but in its proper sense.
270. * Commendationem.] Manuscripts and editions are divided between this word and commoditatem.
271. † Stiterit vadimonium.] Promittere vadimonium is to give bail for one's appearance in court on a certain day; sistere or obire vadimonium is to appear according to the obligation entered into when the bail was given.
272. ‡ Versuram facere.] See note on c. 2.
273. § Ille autem sui judicii----intuebatur, &c.] The words sui judicii must be taken as a genitive of the quality, Ille autem, cum vir esset sui judicii, &c. But they are, as they stand, by no means satisfactory: something seems to be wanting in the text. Schottus, however, thinks them an intruded gloss.
274. * Imperatorum.] The triumvirs, Caesar, Antony, and Lepidus. At their approach he retired from the forum, i.e., from all public business.
275. * Where Atticus had estates. See c. 14.
276. † Neque tamen priùs ille fortunam, quàm se ipse, finxit.] A very inapplicable observation. Nepos first says that a man's manners fashion his fortune, and then speaks of Atticus forming himself and his fortune. The word tamen would intimate some opposition; but there is none. Atticus, having formed his manners, might leave his manners to form his fortune.
277. * Nisi in deprecandis amicorum aut periculis aut incommodis.] "Unless in deprecating either the dangers or troubles of his friends."
278. † Domum Tamphilanam.] To what Tamphilus the house had belonged is not known. There were two consuls with that surname, A.U.C. 570, 571.
279. * Plus salis.] The word salis does not admit of a very satisfactory explanation in this passage. Most interpreters, says Boecler, take it for gratia, venustas, ars, elegantia.
280. † Pedissequus.] The word signifies any slave or servant who follows or attends on his master; a footman, lacquey, or page. Many of the better sort of slaves, among the Romans, were so well educated that, while they still continued pedissequi, they were able to act as anagnostae or librarii, readers or transcribers.
281. † Artifices caeteri.] Workmen of all kinds.
282. § Terna millia ceris.] Such is the reading of all the manuscripts and editions, but no commentator has thought it a sufficient sum. It amounts only to £24 s. 4 1/ d. Hotomannus, Tract. de Re Nummaria, p. 87, would read tricena, thirty, but even £240 a month would be a very small expenditure for a man of such income as Atticus. Conjecture, however, in such a case, is useless.
283. * Aliud acroama.] Acroama, as Fischer observes, generally signified among the Latins, not a thing, but a person; and it may be so interpreted in this passage.
284. † In sestertio vicies.] £16,145 16s. d.
285. ‡ In sestertio centies.] £80,729 s. d
286. § Religiose promittebat.] He made no promise lightly, but as if he were religiously determined to fulfil it.
287. * Omnia negotia.] This must be taken with much limitation; he might do all the business with which they troubled him.
288. † Nunquam cum matre in gratiam rediisse.] Never having had any disagreement with her.
289. * Ornavit.] Bos, Vossius, and others, prefer ordinavit. But Hensinger thinks ornavit may very well be taken in the sense in which I have rendered it.
290. * Conciliare fortunam.] "Procure him his fortune," make his fortune. As the mores are, so the fortune will be.
291. † Dignitate pari.] It is evidently dignity of birth that is intended.
292. * In unum intestinum.] Barthius wished to alter it to imum intestinum, because, I suppose, he knew that there was the seat of the disease.... But there is no need of change; unum is the same as solum.----Bos.
293. * Temporibus superesse.] The commentators are not agreed about the exact sense of these words. I follow Heusinger, who understands them in the sense of "getting over, and surviving, the troubles and danger of the present time."
294. † A.U.C. 720; B.C. 34.
295. ‡ Comitantibus omnibus bonis.] This omnibus, like the omnia in c. 15, must be understood in a limited sense.
296. The following text, and the notes to it, are not found in the Bohn text, and have been added to the public domain online edition. I have located the Latin text in the Loeb edition, and made a public domain translation from them. Robert Stonehouse in humanities.classics kindly made a translation of fragment V, which I have also consulted.
297. This comes from the Codex Gif., according to Savaro and Patavius.
298. On the first page of the Codex Guelferbytanus Gudianus 2788, saec. xiii, of Cicero's Philippics. Apparently formed part of the preface of the book De Historicis Latinis.
299. I.e., history.
300. From Lactantius, Inst. Div. iii.15.10. The dots indicate a lacuna in the Latin. Other brief quotations from Nepos may be found, I gather, in Suetonius and Aulus Gellius.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2003. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: martial_on_the_games_of_domitian_01_text.htm
Martial, On the Public Shows of Domitian (1897)
Martial, On the Public Shows of Domitian (1897)
MARTIAL
ON THE PUBLIC SHOWS OF DOMITIAN.
1. ON THE AMPHITHEATRE.
Let barbarian Memphis keep silence concerning the wonders of her pyramids, and let not Assyrian toil vaunt its Babylon. Let not the effeminate Ionians claim praise for their temple of the Trivian goddess; and let the altar, bristling with horns, speak modestly of the name of Delos.1 Their mausoleum too, hanging in empty air, let not the Carians with immoderate praise extol to the skies. Every work of toil yields to Caesar's amphitheatre; fame shall tell of one work for all.
1 There was an altar in Delos, said to have been constructed by Apollo of the horns of the stags slain by Diana, or "the Trivian goddess."
II. ON THE PUBLIC WORKS OF DOMITIAN.
Here, where the starry Colossus1 surveys the skies from nearer point than we, and where lofty scaffoldings2 now rise the midst of the street, the detested halls of a cruel king lately glistened, and one single mansion began to occupy the whole space of the city. Here, where the venerable 3 mass of the far-seen Amphitheatre now rises, were the ponds of Nero. Here, where we gaze with admiration at the Thermae, a boon so suddenly bestowed 4, a proud lawn had deprived poor wretches of their homes. Where the Claudian portico now throws its wide-spreading shadows, was the last remnant of a felling court. Rome has been restored to herself, and what were formerly the delights of the master, are now, under thy rule, Caesar, those of the people.
1 A colossal statue of himself, raised by Nero as an ornament to the vestibule of his golden house, 120 feet in height.
2 Scaffoldings, or pageants, consisting of several stories
3 Because dedicated to Mars.
4 Hastily erect by Titus. Suetonius, Titus, c. 7
III. TO CAESAR, ON THE CONCOURSE OF STRANGERS TO ROME.
What race is so distant from us, what race so barbarous, Caesar, as that from it no spectator is present in thy city? The cultivator of Rhodope is here from Orpheus' Haemus:1 the Sarmatian nourished by the blood drawn from his steed, is here. He too who drinks the waters of the Nile where it first becomes known to us, and he whose shores the surge of the remotest ocean laves. The Arabian has hastened hither, the Sabaeans have hastened, and Cilicians have here dripped with showers of their own perfume. With locks twisted into a knot, are come the Sicambrians; and with hair twisted in other forms, the Ethiopians. Though different the speech of the various races, there is but one utterance, when thou art hailed as the true father of thy country.
1 Rhodope and Haemus. Two of the highest mountains in Thrace,
IV. TO CAESAR,1 UPON HIS BANISHING INFORMERS.
That crowd, hostile to peace, and foe to calm repose; that crowd, which was ever molesting unfortunate opulence, has been handed over to the Gaetulians. The arena did not suffice for the number of the guilty:2 and the informer now suffers that exile which he sought to give to others.
The hateful crew to peace and sweet repose,
Informers, anxious wealth's molesting foes
(The lions not sufficing to destroy
The num'rous caitiffs that did all annoy),
To th'Isles and furthest Africa are sent;
And those that caused now suffer banishment
Anon. 1695.
1 Who is meant? Titus or Domitian? It is equally applicable to either of them. See Suetonius, Tit 8, and Domit. 9.
2 Nec capit arena nocentes is rendered by some transistors, "and the sandy desert was not large enough to contain the number of the guilty." Others, with greater probability, suppose that the informers were exposed to the public gaze in the arena of the Amphitheatre, before they were sent into exile; see Sueton. Tit c 8.
IV. B. ON THE SAME SUBJECT.
The informer now wanders an outcast from the Ausonian city: this you may add to the other boons of our prince.
The head of Italy Caesar acquits
From sycophants.
New days, fresh benefits.
Anon. 1695.
V. ON THE SPECTACLE OF PASIPHAE.
Believe that Pasiphae was enamoured of a Cretan bull: we have seen it. The old story has been confirmed. Let not venerable antiquity boast itself, Caesar; whatever fame celebrates, thy arena reproduces for thee.1
1 See Suetonius, Nero, c. 12.
VI TO CAESAR, ON A WOMAN'S FIGHTING WITH A LION.
That the warrior Mars serves thee in arms, suffices not, Caesar; Venus, too, herself serves thee.
VI B. ON THE SAME SUBJECT.
A lion laid low in the vast vale of Nemea fame trumpeted abroad as a noble exploit, and worthy of Hercules. Let ancient tales be silent; for since thy shows have been exhibited, Caesar, we have seen this accomplished by a woman's hand.1
1 The last words are a conjectural mode of filling up a lacuna in the MSS. In some editions, these two epigrams are given as one.
VII. ON LAUREOLUS.1
As first, bound down upon the Scythian rock, Prometheus with ever-renewed vitals feasted the untiring vulture, so has Laureolus, suspended on no feigned cross, offered his defenceless entrails to a Caledonian bear. His mangled limbs quivered, every part dripping with gore, and in his whole body no shape was to be round. In short, he suffered such punishment as one who had been guilty of parricide, or who had cut his master's throat, or had insanely despoiled the temples of their hidden gold,2 or had applied the incendiary torch to thee, O Rome. This criminal had surpassed the crimes of ancient story, and what had been fabulous, was in his case a real punishment.
1 The epigram refers to a Ballet or Drama of Action, composed either by Naevius or by Ennius,—for on this point the learned disagree,—in which a certain Laureolus, a noted robber, was crucified on the stage. Usually the death was simply a steps-death, without harm to the actor. Domitian has the honour of introducing a real death—that of an unfortunate wretch already condemned "for the amusement of this detestable people."—See Gifford and Mayor on Juv. viii. 187; and for a curious comment, compare what Martial says of the tigress in Ep. 18.6: "Postquam inter nos est, plus feritatia habet!"
2 It was a common practice for the ancients to deposit their private property in the temples for greater security.
VIII ON DAEDALUS.1
Daedalus, while you were being thus torn by a Lucanian bear, how must you have desired to have those wings of yours.
1 A similar argument to the preceding, a criminal being compelled to act the part of Daedalus, and precipitated by the failure of his wings among a crowd of hungry bears. On the bear-fights in the arena, see below, Ep. 11; Juv. iv. 99.
IX. ON THE RHINOCEROS.
The rhinoceros, exhibited for thee, Caesar, in the whole space of the arena, fought battles of which he gave no promise. Oh, into what terrible wrath did he with lowered head, blaze forth! How powerful was that tusk to whom a bull was a mere ball!1
1 A ball covered with red cloth, used for the purpose of irritating the animals; see below, Ep. 19; B. ii. Ep. 43; B. xiv. Ep.53, in which last epigram reference, is made to the same contest between the rhinoceros and a bull.
X. ON A LION THAT HURT HIS KEEPER.
A perfidious lion with ungrateful jaws had wounded his keeper, haying dared to attack with violence the hands so well known to him. But worthy of such a crime was the offender's punishment, and he who would not submit to correction, succumbed to weapons. What should be the characters of men under such a prince, who bids the savage nature of brutes become more gentle!
XI. ON A LIMED BEAR
Whilst Bruin was rolling himself impetuously on the blood-stained arena, he lost the power of flight, entangled in bird-lime. Henceforth let glittering hunting-spears lie neglected, and their iron points be hid; no more let the dart fly forth, lanced by the exerted arm. Let the huntsman surprise his prey in the open air, if beasts are to be caught by the fowler's art.
XII. ON A SHE-BOAR, THAT BROUGHT FORTH YOUNG IN CONSEQUENCE OF A WOUND.
Amidst the terrible contests by which Caesar imitates the sports of Diana, a light spear having pierced a pregnant she-boar, one of her litter leaped forth from the wound of its wretched mother. Oh! cruel Lucina! was this a delivery? She would willingly have died wounded by more weapons, that this sad way to life might have been opened to all her young ones. Who will now deny that Bacchus owed his birth to the death of his mother? you may believe that a deity was so produced; for thus has a beast been born.
XIII. ON THE SAME.
Stricken with deadly weapon, and pierced with a mortal wound, the pregnant sow at once lost life and save it. Oh! how unerring was the hand with the well-poised dart! This I believe to. have been Lucina's stroke. Dying, she experienced the power of either Diana;1 hers, by whom the mother was delivered, and hers by whom the savage beast was destroyed.
1Diana in her two characters; that of huntress, and that of the goddess presiding over childbirth.
XIV. ON THE SAME.
A wild she-boar, just about to be delivered of the pledge of her ripen'd womb, gave birth to her offspring, being made a parent by a wound; nor did the litter lie still-born, but ran about while its mother was falling. Oh! how great invention is evoked by sudden chances!
XV. ON CARPOPHORUS.
That which was the utmost glory of thy renown, Meleager, a boar put to flight, what is it? a mere portion of that of Carpophorus. He, in addition, planted his hunting-spear in a fierce rushing bear, the monarch in the realm of the northern pole; he also laid low a lion remarkable for its unheard-of sire,—a lion, which might have become the hands of Hercules; and he then, with a wound from a distance, stretched lifeless a fleet leopard. And when at length he carried off his prizes, he was still in a condition to engage in new combats.
XVI. ON A BULL BEARING HERCULES TO THE SKIES.
That a bull, snatched up from the midst of the arena, ascended to the skies, was a work, not of art, but of piety.
XVI. B. ON THE SAME SUBJECT.
A bull1 had earned Europa through his brother's waves; but now a bull has borne Alcides to the stars. Compare now, Fame, the bulls of Caesar and of Jove: 2 grant that they carried an equal weight, Caesar's bore it to a greater height.
1 That is, Jupiter in the shape of a bull.
2 See Juvenal iv 101.
XVII. ON AN ELEPHANT'S KNEELING TO CAESAR.
Whereas piously and in suppliant guise the elephant kneels to thee, Caesar,—that elephant which erewhile was so formidable to the bull his antagonist,—this he does without command, and with no keeper to teach him: believe me, he too feels our present deity.
XVIII. ON A TIGRESS MATCHED WITH A LION.
A tigress that had been accustomed to lick the hand of her unsuspecting keeper, an animal of rare beauty from the Hyrcanian mountains, being enraged, lacerated with maddened tooth a fierce lion; a strange occurrence, such as had never been known in any age. She attempted nothing of the sort while she lived in the depth of the forests; but since she has been amongst us, she has acquired greater ferocity.
XIX. ON THE BULL AND THE ELEPHANT.
The bull, which, lately goaded by flames through the whole arena, had caught up and cast aloft the balls, succumbed at length, being struck by a more powerful horn, while he imagined the elephant might easily be thus tossed.
XX. OF MYRINUS AND TRIUMPHUS, TWO GLADIATORS.
When one faction was calling for Myrinus, the other for Triumphus, Caesar promised them both with either hand. He could not have terminated the amusing contention in a better way. Oh, the charming wit of our unrivalled prince
XXI. ON ORPHEUS.
Whatever Rhodope is said to have beheld upon Orpheus' stage, your arena, Caesar, has exhibited to you. Rocks have crept along, and, marvellous sight! a wood, such as the grove of the Hesperides is believed to have been, has run. There was to be seen every species of wild beast mingled with flocks, and above the poet hung many a bird. But he himself was laid low, torn by an ungrateful bear. Thus, however, this story, which was before but a fiction, has now become fact.
1 Sueton. Domit. c 4. Myrinus is mentioned again, B. xii. Ep. 29.
XXI. B. ON ORPHEUS.
Do we wonder that the ground with sudden opening sent forth Orpheus? He came from Eurydice who was compelled to return to the shades.1
XXII. ON A RHINOCEROS.
While the trembling keepers were exciting the rhinoceros, and the wrath of the huge animal had been long arousing itself the conflicts of the promised engagement were beginning to be despaired of; but at length his fury, well-known of old, returned. For easily as a bull tosses to the skies the balls placed upon his horns so with his double horn did he hurl aloft the heavy bear.
1 This Epigram, which many of the books and editions omit, is very corrupt. The text followed is, as usual, that of Shneidewin.
XXIII. ON CARPOPHORUS.
The bold right hand of the still youthful Carpophorus now directs with unerring blow the Noric hunting-spears. He carried two steers on his shoulder with ease; to him succumbed the bubalus1 and the bison. Fleeing from him, the lion fell headlong among the darts of others.2 Go now, impatient crowd, and complain of the tardy delay to which you are exposed.
1 It is uncertain what animal is meant. Pliny, H. N. viii, 15, speaks of it as resembling a stag or a cow. Many suppose it to be the buffalo.
2 That is, the darts of the subsessores of liers-in-wait; those who were ready to support Carpophorus, if he should be in danger.
XXIV. ON THE EXHIBITION OF A SEA-FIGHT.
Whoever you may be, who are here a lately arrived spectator from distant lands, upon whom for the first time has shone the vision of the sacred show,—that the goddess of naval warfare may not deceive you with these ships, nor the water so like to the waves of the sea,—here, awhile since, was the dry land. Do you hesitate to believe it? look on, whilst the waves fatigue the god of war. A short interval, and you will say, "Here but a while since was the sea."
XXV. ON THE EXHIBITION OF THE STORY OF LEANDER.
That the wave in thy nocturnal journey should have spared thee, Leander, cease to wonder: it was Caesar's wave.
XXV. B. ON LEANDER.
While the daring Leander was seeking the sweet object of his lore, and, exhausted, was just being ingulfed by the swelling waves, the unfortunate adventurer is said to have thus addressed the menacing surges: "Spare me on my way; drown me on my return."l
XXVI. ON A SWIMMING EXHIBITION.
The gentle band of Nereids sported throughout the sea, and adorned the yielding waves with many an antic. There was the trident threatening with its barbs, the anchor with its curved prong: we thought that we looked sometimes on an oar, sometimes on a ship; that the constellation of the Laconian twins,1 welcome to sailors, was shining, and that wide-spreading sails were clearly swelling before ua. Who invented such arts in the liquid waves? Thetis either taught these gambols, or learned them.3
1 Probably this Epigram is not genuine. It seems made up from B.xiv.Ep. 181.
2 I. e. the constellation of Castor and Pollux, so called because their, mother Leda was a Lacedemonian.
3 The meaning is, she either learned them of Caesar, or taught them to him.
XXVII. ON CARPOPHORUS.
Had the ages of yore, Caesar, given birth to Carpophorus, barbarian lands would not have boasted of their monsters].1 Marathon would not have feared the bull, the woods of Nemea the lion, Arcadia the Mamalian boar. Had Carpophorus armed his hands, one deadly stroke would hare sufficed for the hydra; by him would the whole of the Chimaera have been stricken down at once. He would have yoked together the fire-breathing bulls without the assistance of the Colchian princess; he could hare conquered either monster of Pasiphae. Could the fable of the marine prodigy be revived, he alone would release Hesione and Andromeda. Let all the glories of the praise bestowed on Hercules be counted up; it is more to have subdued twenty animals at one time.2
1 Ver. 2 is entirely corrupt, although the sense, as given in the text, is manifestly that intended by the author.
2 The meaning is, there were only twelve labours of Hercules, whereas Carpophorus slew twenty animals on the same occasion.
XXVIII. ON THE EXHIBITION OF A SEA-FIGHT.
The task of Augustus had been to embattle fleets, and to arouse the waves with the sound of the naval trumpet. How inferior is this to what our Caesar accomplishes! Thetis and Galatea have beheld in the waves wild animals previously unknown to them, Triton has seen chariots glowing along the foaming ocean course, and thought the steeds of his master1 were passing before him; and Nereus, while he was preparing fierce contests with bold vessels, shrunk from going on foot through the liquid ways.2 Whatever is seen in the circus and the amphitheatre, the rich lake of Caesar has shown to thee. Let Fucinus, and the ponds of the dire Nero, be vaunted no more; and let ages to come remember but this one sea-fight.
1 i.e. Neptune.
2 That is, he chose a chariot drawn by sea-horses.
XXIX. ON PRISCUS AND VERUS.
While Verus and Priscus were prolonging the combat, and the valour of each had been for a long time equal, quarter for the combatants was demanded with great clamour. But Caesar obeyed his own law. The law was to fight with a stated reward in view, till by his thumb one of the pair proclaimed himtelf vanquished:1 but, as was allowed, he frequently gave them dishes and gifts.2 An end, however, was found for the well-matched contest: equal they fought, equal they resigned. Caesar sent wands to each,3 to each the meed of victory. Such was the reward that adroit valour received. Under no other prince save thee, Caesar, has this ever happened, that, when two fought with each other, both were victors.
1 Ad digitum concurrere. There has been much doubt about the sense of these words. Ramiresins supposes that the gladiators were to fight till one of them, sublato digito, by holding up his thumb or finger, acknowledged himself conquered. See note on Quint. viii. 5, 20.
2 It was the custom to distribute dishes of various kinds of food to the combatants, to reinvigorate them to continue the contest; and to the people, to keep them quiet till its conclusion.
3 Misit utrisque rudes. This rudis or wand was the sign of their acquittal from all further service as gladiators. See Hor. i. Ep. 1, 2, &c
XXX. ON A HIND AND DOGS.
A hunted hind, as she was fleeing from swift Molossian hounds, and was by various turns contriving a lingering protraction of the fatal moment, halted before Caesar's feet suppliant and in pleading guise; and the hounds touched not their prey.....1 Such was the boon which she derived from recognising the emperor. Caesar is a divinity: sacred, sacred is his power, believe it; the beasts of the field have not learned to lie.
1 A line is here wanting in the original.
XXXI. ON AN UNEQUAL COMBAT,
To yield to superior force is the second honour. That is an insupportable victory, which an inferior enemy gains.
XXXII. TO CAESAR.
Be indulgent to impromptus: he does not deserve to displease, whose haste, Caesar, was to please thee.
XXXIII. AGAINST DOMITIAN.
Race of the Flavii, how much has the third of thy name taken from thee! It had been almost as well not to have had the other two.1
1 I.e. Vespasian and Titus. As this Epigram is written against Domitian, it appears either not to be Martial's, or to be out of place here. The only authority for ascribing it to Martial is a scholiast on Juvenal, iv. 38.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: martial_epigrams_00eintro.htm
Martial, Epigrams. Mainly based on Bohn's Classical Library (1897). Preface to the online edition
Martial, Epigrams. Mainly based on Bohn's Classical Library (1897). Preface to the online edition
INTRODUCTION
Marcus Valerius Martial was born on the st March 43 AD, in Bilbilis in Spain, but was active as a poet at Rome. His works were mainly published under Domitian, whom he flatters outrageously, although he continued to be active under Nerva and then Trajan. Finding the latter less responsive to his flattery, he eventually left Rome and returned to his home town of Bilbilis, with the aid of Pliny the Younger, where he died.
His surviving works consist of 14 books of epigrams, plus a further collection from a work on the Games. The last two books of the epigrams are a collection of short epigrams sent out with presents at various times. The whole collection is a valuable source of information on life and customs in ancient Rome. It is particularly valuable for insights into the Roman book trade.
ABOUT THIS VERSION
I recently wanted to use some material from Martial, and found that there was no scanned copy anywhere online. Since it depicts the world in which the early Christians at Rome had to live, and indeed throws light on the Jews in Rome, I decided to scan the text myself.
The first complete translation into English was Elphinstone's 18th century edition. But the anonymous translation published in the Bohn edition and reprinted by George Bell and sons is what has been used here. This can be found in PDF form online, and this was used for OCR. Such PDF books are a blessing; but can also be hard to consult and use. It seemed worthwhile to create an HTML text.
Because the complete text of the Bohn translation is online and may be consulted by those who need to do so, I have felt able to take liberties with this HTML version. Firstly I have turned 'thee'/'thou'/'thy' into you/you/your, etc, and generally ensured that the text is in modern English and so rather more readable for that reason. Secondly I have not thought it necessary to reproduce pagination, or indeed the exact form of footnotes.
The Bohn translation also included older English verse versions of many of the epigrams. These are rarely exact, and often of inferior quality. I have omitted nearly all of these, apart from a few which seemed to me to be worth retaining. It should be remembered that the original epigrams were in verse, and were witty; a quality not preserved in English prose translations. The verse translations help to convey to the reader something of the quality for which Martial was originally read.
THE OBSCENITY OF MARTIAL
A problem for all translators is the obscene epigrams. Martial deliberately sprinkled his books with these, in order to boost readership of his books, rather as bed-scenes are introduced into television dramas by modern producers. The anonymous Bohn translator left these untranslated, and accompanied them with an existing Italian translation. I have omitted both the Latin and Italian as a rule. However I have looked again at most of the obscene epigrams, and consulted the 1920 W. Ker Loeb edition and translation, to see if anything more could be rescued. In the vast majority of cases the epigrams are best left out; in one or two, however, I have added a translation from Ker or made one myself, where I felt the omission owed more to the needs of the Victorian schoolroom than to actual obscenity.
The reader who seeks factual information on the details of Roman vices -- copiously documented by Martial -- should seek another translation which renders brutally all the epigrams, as I have found instances of silent omission of obscene material without footnotes. Those I have found, I have noted in notes myself, but there must be more. The modern Loeb edition and translation may be consulted if need be.
I do not believe that most people who read Martial will feel any sorrow at these omissions. To read Martial is to walk with him along the streets of ancient Rome; but few of us need accompany him when he jumps into the sewers. We can all enjoy, however, his portrait of a society which was in some ways so like our own, and in others so very different.
MANUSCRIPTS
The manuscripts of Martial were first analysed scientifically by Schneidwin for his 1842 edition. They divide into three families of manuscript sources.
In the middle ages, in northern Europe, Martial was found in manuscripts of the 'C' family. These all contains books 1-14, and derive from a manuscript in minuscule, which was lacking 10.56.7-72 and 87.20-91.2; later descendants also misplaced 3.22.1-63.4 after 5.67.5. The earliest extant manuscripts are:
E. Edinburgh, Adv. 18.3.1. Written in the second quarter of the 9th century, at a scriptorium in Northern France.
X. Paris latin. 8067. Third quarter of the 9th century, at Corbie.
V. Vatican latin. 3294. Second/third quarter of the 9th century, at Auxerre.
Other later copies exist.
The 'B' family of manuscripts of books 1-14 is rarer. All those known derive from L, which did not become known until 1900. This in turn derives from a manuscript written in Beneventan minuscule, so in the South of Italy. Books 1-4 have various disarrangements. But this family contains subscriptions at the end by ancient copyists, most fully preserved in L and Q, which indicate that this family derives from a manuscript emended in 401 AD: 'emendavi ego Torquatus Gennadius in foro divi Augusti Martis consulatu Vincentii et Fraguitii virorum clarissimorum feliciter'; 'I, Torquatus Gennadius, amended [this] in the forum of the deified Augustus in March in the consulate of the honourable Vincentius and Fragvitius. Good luck.' The manuscripts are:
L. Berlin latin. 2° 612. 12th century. Once at S. Maria Corteorlandini at Lucca.
-. A fragment of a 13th century of book 10 was discovered in the 1820's by K. Witte, whereabouts now unknown.
P. Vatican Palatinus latin. 1696. 15th century, possibly from Padua.
Q. British Library, Arundel 136. Second/third quarter of the 15th century, acquired, presumably at Padua, by Joh. Pirckheimer around 1460.
f. Florence, Laurentianus 35.39. Third quarter of the 15th century, written by the Florentine humanist G.A.Vespucci.
Finally epigrams are preserved in a family of anthologies, known as family 'A'. Copies of this family contain excerpts from books 1-12, about half in all, plus books 13 and 14 in full. But it also preserves excerpts from a book of Games, unknown to the families B and C. The manuscripts are:
H. Vienna 277, folios 71-3. th or 9th century, probably French. Unfortunately this has lost nearly all of its contents.
T. Paris latin. 8071. 9th century, central or southern France. The only complete copy of this family.
R. Leiden, Voss Latin. Q.86. Written around 850, perhaps at Tours.
Other now lost early manuscripts are mentioned in medieval catalogues at Lorsch in the 9th century and Bobbio (with Juvenal and Persius) in the second quarter of the 9th century; another in the library of Charlemagne contained 9 books 'to Lucanus and Tullus'.
There are also excerpts in three manuscripts, of uncertain relation to the main families:
St. Gall 870, 9th century, contains the Florilegium Sangallense which cites five lines for points of prosody.
Leipzig Rep. I.4º.74, second quarter of the 9th century, probably from Orleans, which on ff.25r-26r contains a selection of epigrams.
Munich Clm 6292. 11th century, from Freising, ff.118r-119v which contains excerpts from books 1-6 headed 'Martialis exeniorum'.
Further manuscripts exist, compiled from more than one family. This process began in France, the home of both A and C. The Florilegium Gallicum contains some material drawn from both, plus Games 31-2, found nowhere else. One manuscript compiled from both A and C is
W. Westminster Abbey 15. 13th century. At Wilton in the 16th century. This is a member of C for books 1-14, but includes the Games from A.
By the 14th century both A and C had reached Italy, where a member of C also was prefixed by the Games from A:
Bologna, Univ. 2221. 14th century. Now incomplete.
Vienna 316 is a copy of Bologna Univ 2221, written in the third quarter of the 15th century.
By the 15th century humanist copies began to proliferate, in various orders, trying to reconcile the text in the three families. This process continues in the editions from then on.
Roger PEARSE
April 2008
Slightly revised September 2010
BIBLIOGRAPHY
M.D.Reeve, in L.D.Reynolds, Texts and Transmissions: a survey of the Latin classics (1983) pp. 239-244. Available on Amazon.com and Amazon.co.uk.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: martial_epigrams_book01.htm
Martial, Epigrams. Book 1. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
Martial, Epigrams. Book 1. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
BOOK I.
TO THE READER
I trust that, in these little books of mine, I have observed such self-control, that whoever forms a fair judgment from his own' mind can make no complaint of them, since they indulge their sportive fancies without violating the respect due even to persons of the humblest station; a respect which was so far disregarded by the authors of antiquity, that they made free use, not only of real, but of great names. For me; let fame be held in less estimation, and let such talent be the last thing commended in me.
Let the ill-natured interpreter, too, keep himself from meddling with the simple meaning of my jests, and not write my epigrams for me.1 He acted honourably who exercises perverse ingenuity on another man's book: For the free plainness of expression, that is, for the language of epigram, I would apologize, if I were introducing the practice; but it is thus that Catullus writes, and Marsus, and Pedo, and Getulicus, and every one whose writings are read through. If any assumes to be so scrupulously nice, however, that it is not allowable to address him, in a single page, in plain language, he may confine himself to this address, or rather to the title of the book. Epigrams are written for those who are accustomed to be spectators at the games of Flora. Let not Cato enter my theatre; or, if he do enter, let him look on. It appears to me that I shall do only what I have a right to do, if I close my address with the following verses:----
1 Let him not make them his own, by the false interpretation which he puts upon them.
TO CATO.
Since you knew the lascivious nature of the rites of sportive Flora, as well as the dissoluteness of the games, and the license of the populace, why, stern Cato, did you enter the theatre? Did you come in only that you might go out again?
I. TO THE READER.
The man whom you are reading is the very man that you want,----Martial, known over the whole world for his humorous books of epigrams; to whom, studious reader, you have afforded such honours, while he is alive and has a sense of them, as few poets receive after their death.
II. TO THE READER; SHOWING WHERE THE AUTHOR'S BOOKS MAY BE PURCHASED.
You who are anxious that my books should be with you everywhere, and desire to have them as companions on a long journey, buy a copy of which the parchment leaves are compressed into a small compass.1 Bestow book-cases upon large volumes; one hand will hold me. But that you may not be ignorant where I am to be bought, and wander in uncertainty over the whole town, you shall, under my guidance, be sure of obtaining me. Seek Secundus, the freedman of the learned Lucensis, behind the Temple of Peace and the Forum of Pallas.
1 That is, a copy with small pages; a small copy.
III. THE AUTHOR TO HIS BOOK.
You prefer, little book, to dwell in the shops in the Argiletum,1 though my book-case has plenty of room for you. You are ignorant, alas! you are ignorant of the fastidiousness of Rome, the mistress of the world; the sons of Man, believe me, are much too critical. Nowhere are there louder sneers; young men and old, and even boys, have the nose of the rhinoceros.2 After you have heard a loud "Bravo!" and are expecting kisses, you will go, tossed to the skies, from the jerked toga.3 Yet, that you may not so often suffer the corrections of your master, and that his relentless pen may not so often mark your vagaries, you desire, frolicsome little book, to fly through the air of heaven. Go, fly; but you would have been safer at home.
1 An open place, or square, in Rome, where tradesmen had shops.
2 Have great powers of ridicule, which the Romans often expressed by turning up or wrinkling the nose.
3 People will take you into their lap, and then jerk you out of it, as if you were tossed in a blanket
IV. TO CAESAR.
If you should chance, Caesar, to light upon my books, lay aside that look which awes the world. Even your triumphs have been accustomed to endure jests,1 nor is it any shame to a general to be a subject for witticisms. Read my verses, I pray you, with that brow with which you behold Thymele 2 and Latinus 3 the buffoon. The censorship 4 may tolerate innocent jokes: my page indulges in freedoms, but my life is pure.
1 In allusion to the jests which the soldiers threw out on their generals while they were riding in the triumphal procession.
2 A female dancer.
3 A dancer in pantomime; a sort of harlequin.
4 Alluding to Domitian having made himself perpetual censor.
V. THE EMPEROR'S REPLY.
I give you a sea-fight, and you give me epigrams: you wish, I suppose, Marcus, to be set afloat with your book.
VI. ON A LION OF CAESAR'S THAT SPARED A HARE.
While through the air of heaven the eagle was carrying the youth,1 the burden unhurt clung to its anxious talons. From Caesar's lions their own prey now succeeds in obtaining mercy, and the hare plays safe in their huge jaws. Which miracle do you think the greater? The author of each is a supreme being: the one is the work of Caesar; the other,2of Jove.
1 Ganymede.
2 Comp. Eps. 14, 22.
VII. TO MAXIMUS
The dove, the delight of my friend Stella,3----even with Verona4 listening will I say it, ---- has surpassed, Maximus, the sparrow of Catullus. By so much is my Stella greater than your Catullus, as a dove is greater than a sparrow.
3 A poet of Patavium, who wrote an elegy on the dove of his mistress Ianthis. See B. vi. Ep. 21; B. vii. Ep. 13.
4 The birth-place of Catullus.
VIII. TO DECIANUS
In that you so far only follow the opinions of the great Thrasea and Cato of consummate virtue, that you still wish to preserve your life, and do not with bared breast rush upon drawn swords, you do, Decianus, what I should wish you to do. I do not approve of a man who purchases fame with life-blood, easy to be shed: I like him who can be praised without dying to obtain it.
IX. TO COTTA.
You wish to appear, Cotta, a pretty man and a great man at one and the same time: but he who is a pretty man, Cotta, is a very small man.
X. ON GEMELLUS AND MARONILLA.
Gemellus is seeking the hand of Maronilla, and is earnest, and lays siege to her, and beseeches her, and makes presents to her. Is she then so pretty? Nay; nothing can be more ugly. What then is the great object and attraction in her? ----Her cough.
XI. TO SEXTILIANUS.
Seeing that there are given to a knight twice five pieces,1wherefore is twice ten the amount which you spend by yourself, Sextilianus, in drink? Long since would the warm water have failed the attendants who carried it, had you not, Sextilianus, been drinking your wine unmixed.2
1 Ten sesterces, the usual sportula, or donation from the emperor.
2 The Romans used to drink their wine mixed with warm water.
XII. ON REGULUS.
Where the road runs to the towers of the cool Tivoli, sacred to Hercules, and the hoary Albula 3 smokes with sulphureous waters, a milestone, the fourth from the neighbouring city, points out a country retreat, and a hallowed grove, and a domain well beloved of the Muses. Here a rude portico used to afford cool shade in summer; a portico, ah! how nearly the desperate cause of an unheard-of calamity: for suddenly it fell in ruins, after Regulus had just been conveyed in a carriage and pair from under its high fabric. Truly Dame Fortune feared our complaints, as she would have been unable to withstand so great odium. Now even our loss delights us; so beneficial is the impression which the very danger produces; since, while standing, the edifice could not have proved to us the existence of the gods.
3 A plain near Tivoli.
XIII. ON ARRIA AND PAETUS.
When the chaste Arria handed to her Paetus the sword which she had with her own hand drawn forth from her heart, "If you believe me," said she, "the wound which I have made gives me no pain; but it is that which you will make, Paetus, that pains me."
XIV. TO DOMITIAN.
The pastimes, Caesar, the sports and the play of the lions, we have seen: your arena affords you the additional sight of the captured hare returning often in safety from the kindly tooth, and running at large through the open jaws. Whence is it that the greedy lion can spare his captured prey? He is said to be yours: thence it is that he can show mercy.
XV. TO JULIUS.
Oh! you who are regarded by me, Julius, as second to none of my companions, if well-tried friendship and longstanding ties are worth anything, already nearly a sixtieth consul is pressing upon you, and your life numbers but a few more uncertain days. Not wisely would you defer the enjoyment which you see maybe denied you, or consider the past alone as your own. Cares and linked chains of disaster are in store; joys abide not, but take flight with winced speed. Seize them with either hand, and with your full grasp; even thus they will oft-times pass away and glide from your closest embrace. 'Tis not, believe me, a wise man's part to say, "I will live." To-morrow's life is too late: live to-day.
XVI. TO AVITUS.
Of the epigrams which you read here, some are good, some middling, many bad; a book, Avitus, cannot be made in any other way.
XVII. TO TITUS.
Titus urges me to go to the Bar, and often tells me, "The gains are large." The gains of the husbandman, Titus, are likewise large.
XVIII. TO TUCCA, ON HIS PARSIMONY.
What pleasure can it give you, Tucca, to mix with old Falernian wine new wine stored up in Vatican casks? What vast amount of good has the most worthless of wine done you? or what amount of evil has the best wine done you? As for us, it is a small matter; but to murder Falernian, and to put poisonous wine in a Campanian cask, is an atrocity. Your guests may possibly have deserved to perish: a wine-jar of such value has not deserved to die.
XIX. TO AELIA.
If I remember right, Aelia, you had four teeth; a cough displaced two, another two more. You can now cough without anxiety all the day long. A third cough can find nothing to do in your mouth.
XX. TO CAECILIANUS.
Tell me, what madness is this? While a whole crowd of invited guests is looking on, you alone, Caecilianus, devour the truffles. What shall I imprecate on you worthy of so large a stomach and throat? That you may eat a truffle such as Claudius ate.
XXI. ON PORSENA AND MUCIUS SCAEVOLA.
When the hand that aimed at the king mistook for him his secretary, it thrust itself to perish into the sacred fire but the generous foe could not endure so cruel a sight, and bade the hero, snatched from the flame, to be set free. The hand which, despising the fire, Mucius dared to burn, Porsena could not bear to look on Greater was the fame and glory of that right hand from being deceived; had it not missed its aim, it had accomplished less.
XXII. TO A HARE.
Why, silly hare, are you fleeing from the fierce jaws of the lion now grown tame? They have not learned to crush such tiny animals. Those talons, which you fear, are reserved for mighty necks, nor does a thirst so great delight in so small a draught of blood. The hare is the prey of hounds; it does not fill large mouths: the Dacian boy should not fear Caesar.
XXIII. TO COTTA.
You invite no one, Cotta, except those whom you meet at the bath; and the bath alone supplies you with guests. I used to wonder why you had never asked me, Cotta; I know now that my appearance in a state of nature was unpleasing in your eyes.
XXIV. TO DECIANUS.
You see yonder individual, Decianus, with locks uncombed, whose grave brow even you fear; who talks incessantly of the Curii and Camilli, defenders of their country's liberties: do not trust his looks; he was taken to wife but yesterday.
XXV. TO FAUSTINUS.
Issue at length your books to the public, Faustinus, and give to the light the work elaborated by your accomplished mind,----a work such as neither the Cecropian city of Pandion would condemn, nor our old men pass by in silence. Do you hesitate to admit Fame, who is standing before your door; and does it displease you to receive the reward of your labour? Let the writings, destined to live after you, begin to live through your means. Glory comes too late, when paid only to our ashes.
XXVI. TO SEXTILIANUS.
Sextilianus, you drink as much as five rows of knights 1 alone: you might intoxicate yourself with water, if you so often drank as much. Nor is it the coin of those who sit near you alone that you consume in drink, but the money of those far removed from you, on the distant benches. This vintage has not been concerned with Pelignian presses, nor was this juice of the grape produced upon Tuscan heights; but it is the glorious jar of the long-departed Opimius 2 that is drained, and it is the Massic cellar that sends forth its blackened casks. Get dregs of Laletane wine from a tavern-keeper, Sextilianus, if you drink more than ten cups.3
1 Seated on the benches allotted them in the theatre. See Ep. 12.
2 The vintage of B. C. 121, in which year L. Opimius was one of the consuls, was extremely celebrated, and is frequently mentioned by the Roman writers.
3 The number to which persons at feasts usually restricted themselves.
XXVII. TO PROCILLUS.
Last night I had invited you----after some fifty glasses, I suppose, had been despatched----to sup with me to-day. You immediately thought your fortune was made, and took note of my unsober words, with a precedent but too dangerous. I hate a boon companion whose memory is good, Procillus.
XXVIII. ON ACCERRA.
Whoever believes it is of yesterday's wine that Acerra smells, is mistaken: Acerra always drinks till morning.
XXIX. TO FIDENTINUS.
Report says that you, Fidentinus, recite my compositions in public as if they were your own. If you allow them to be called mine, I will send you my verses gratis; if you wish them to be called yours, pray buy them, that they may be mine no longer.
XXX. ON DIAULUS.
Diaulus had been a surgeon, and is now an undertaker. He has begun to be useful to the sick in the only way that he could.
XXXI. TO APOLLO, OF ENCOLPUS.
Encolpus, the favourite of the centurion his master, consecrates these, the whole of the locks from his head, to you, O Phoebus.1 When Pudens shall have rained the pleasing honour of the chief-centurionship, which he has so well merited, cut these long tresses close, O Phoebus, as soon as possible, while the tender face is yet undisfigured with down, and while the flowing hair adorns the milk-white neck; and, that both master and favourite may long enjoy your gifts, make him carry shorn, but late a man.2
1 Encolpus, a favourite of Aulus Pudens the centurion, had vowed his hair to Phoebus, is order that his master might soon be made chief centurion. Martial prays that they may both obtain what they desire.
2 Extend his youth as long as possible.
XXXII. TO SABIDIUS.
I do not love you, Sabidius, nor can I say why; I can only say this, I do not love you.
The following lines, in imitation of this epigram, were made by some Oxford wit, on Dr John Fell, Bishop of Oxford, who died in 1686:
I do not love thee, Doctor Fell;
The reason why I cannot tell.
But this I'm sure I know full well,
I do not love thee, Doctor Fell.
XXXIII. ON GELLIA.
Gellia does not mourn for her deceased father, when she is alone; but if any one is present, obedient tears spring forth. He mourns not, Gellia, who seeks to be praised; he is the true mourner, who mourns without a witness.
XXXIV. TO LESBIA.
You always take your pleasure, Lesbia, with doors unguarded and open, nor are you at any pains to conceal your amusements. It is more the spectator, than the accomplice in your doings, that pleases you, nor are any pleasures grateful to your taste if they be secret. Yet the common courtesan excludes every witness by curtain and by bolt, and few are the chinks in a suburban brothel. Learn something at least of modesty from Chione, or from Alis: even the monumental edifices of the dead afford hiding-places for abandoned harlots. Does my censure seem too harsh? I do not exhort you to be chaste, Lesbia, but not to be caught.
XXXV. TO CORNELIUS.
You complain, Cornelius, that the verses which I compose are little remarkable for their reserve, and not such as a master can read out in his school; but such effusions, as in the case of man and wife, cannot please without some spice of pleasantry in them. What if you were to bid me write a hymeneal song in words not suited to hymeneal occasions? Who enjoins the use of attire at the Floral games, and imposes on the courtesan the reserve of the matron? This law has been allowed to frolicsome verses, that without tickling the fancy they cannot please. Lay aside, therefore, your severe look, I beseech you, and spare my jokes and gaiety, and do not desire to mutilate my compositions. Nothing is more disgusting than Priapus become a priest of Cybele.
XXXVI. TO THE BROTHERS LUCANUS AND TULLUS.
If, Lucanus, to you, or if to you, Tullus, had been offered such fates as the Laconian children of Leda enjoy, there would have been this noble struggle of affection in both of you, that each would have wished to die first in place of his brother; and he who should have first descended to the nether realms of shade would have said, "Live, brother, thine own term of days; live also mine."
XXXVII. TO BASSUS.
Yon deposit your excretions, without any sense of shame, into an unfortunate vessel of gold, while you drink out of glass. The former operation, consequently, is the more expensive.
XXXVIII. TO FIDENTINUS.
The book which you are reading aloud is mine, Fidentinus but, while you read it so badly, it begins to be yours.
With fruity accents, and so vile a tone,
You quote my lines, I took them for your own. Anon.
XXXIX. TO DECIANUS.
If there be any man fit to be numbered among one's few choice friends, a man such as the honesty of past times and ancient renown would readily acknowledge; if any man thoroughly imbued with the accomplishments of the Athenian and Latin Minervas, and exemplary for true integrity; if there be any man who cherishes what is right, and admires what is honourable, and asks nothing of the gods but what all may hear; if there be any man sustained by the strength of a great mind, may I die, if that man is not Decianus.
XL. TO AN ENVIOUS MAN.
You who make grimaces, and read these verses of mine with an ill grace, you, victim of jealousy, may, if you please, envy everybody; nobody will envy you.
XLI. TO CAECILIUS.
You imagine yourself Caecilius, a man of wit. You are no such thing, believe me. What then? A low buffoon; such a thing as wanders about in the quarters beyond the Tiber, and barters pale-coloured sulphur matches for broken glass; such a one as sells boiled peas and beans to the idle crowd; such as a lord and keeper of snakes; or as a common servant of the salt-meat-sellers; or a hoarse-voiced cook who carries round smoking sausages in steaming shops; or the worst of street poets; or a blackguard slave-dealer from Gades;1 or a chattering old debauchee. Cease at length, therefore, to imagine yourself that which is imagined by you alone, Caecilius, you who could have silenced Gabba, and even Testius Caballus, with your jokes. It is not given to every one to have taste; he who jests with a stupid effrontery is not a Testius, but a Caballus.3
1 See Juvenal xi. 163, and Mayor's note.
3 A play on the word Caballus, which, as an appellative noun, meant a hack-horse.
XLII. ON PORCIA.
When Porcia had heard the fate of her consort Brutus, and her grief was seeking the weapon, which had been carefully removed from her," You know not yet," she cried, "that death cannot be denied: I had supposed that my father had taught you this lesson by his fate. She spoke, and with eager mouth swallowed the blazing coals. "Go now, officious attendants, and refuse me a sword, if you will."
XLIII. ON MANCINUS.
Twice thirty were invited to your table, Mancinus, and nothing was placed before us yesterday but a wild-boar. Nowhere were to be seen grapes preserved from the late vines, or apples vying in flavour with sweet honey-combs; nowhere the pears which hang suspended by flexible twigs, or pomegranates the colour of summer roses: nor did the rustic basket supply its milky cheeses, or the olive emerge from its Picenian jar. Your wild-boar was by itself: and it was even of the smallest size, and such a one as might have been slaughtered by an unarmed dwarf. Besides, none of it was given us; we simply looked on it as spectators. This is the way in which even the arena places a wild-boar before us. May no wild-boar be placed before you after such doings, but may you be placed before the boar in front of which Charidemus was placed.1
1 By Domitian, to be torn in pieces. See Sueton. Life of Domit.
XLIV. TO STELLA.
If it seems to you too much, Stella, that my longer and shorter compositions are occupied with the frisky gambols of the hares and the play of the lions, and that I go over the same subject twice, do you also place a hare twice before me.
XLV. ON HIS BOOK.
That the care which I have bestowed upon what I have published may not come to nothing through the smallness of my volumes, let me rather fill up my verses with Τὸν δ̕ ἀπαμειθόμενος.1
1 Let me rather use frequent repetitions, just as Homer frequently repeats these words.
XLVI. TO HEDYLUS.
[From the Loeb translation]
When you say "I haste; now is the time," then, Hedylus, my ardour at once flags and weakens.
Bid me wait: more quickly, stayed, shall I speed on. Hedylus, if you do haste, tell me not to haste!
XLVII. ON DIAULUS.
Diaulus, lately a doctor, is now an undertaker: what he does as an undertaker, he used to do also as a doctor.
XLVIII. ON THE LION AND HARE.
The keepers could not snatch the bulls from those wide jaws, through which the fleeting prey, the hare, goes and returns in safety; and, what is still more strange, he starts from his foe with increased swiftness, and contracts something of the great nobleness of the lion's nature. He is not safer when he courses along the empty arena, nor with equal feeling of security does he hide him in his hutch. If, venturous hare, you seek; to avoid the teeth of the hounds, you have the jaws of the lion to which you may flee for refuge.
XLIX. TO LICINIANUS.
O you, whose name must not be left untold by Celtiberian nations, you the honour of our common country, Spain, you, Licinianus, will behold the lofty Bilbilis, renowned for horses and arms, and Catus1 venerable with his locks of snow, and eased Vadavero with ita broken cliffs, and the sweet grove of delicious Botrodus, which the happy Pomona loves. You will breast the gently-flowing water of the warm Congedus and the calm lakes of the Nymphs, and your body, relaxed by these, you may brace up in the little Salo, which hardens iron. There Voberca 2 herself will supply for your meals animals which may be brought down close at hand. The serene summer heat you will disarm by bathing in the golden Tagus, hidden beneath the shades of trees; your greedy thirst the fresh Dercenna will appease, and Nutha, which in coldness surpasses snow. But when hoar December and the furious solstice shall resound with the hoarse blasts of the north-wind, you will again seek the sunny shores of Tarraco and thine own Laletania. There you will despatch hinds caught in your supple toils, and native boars; and you will tire out the cunning hare with your hardy steed; the stags you will leave to your bailiff. The neighboring wood will come down into your very hearth, surrounded as it will be with a troop of uncombed children. The huntsman will be invited to your table, and many a guest called in from the neighbourhood will come to you. The crescent-adorned boot 3 will be nowhere to be seen, nowhere the toga and garments smelling of purple dye. Far away will be the ill-favoured Liburnian porter 4 and the grumbling client; far away the imperious demands of widows. The pale criminal will not break your deep sleep, but all the morning long you will enjoy your slumber. Let another earn the grand and wild "Bravo!" Do you pity such happy ones, and enjoy without pride true delight, while your friend Sura is crowned with applause. Not unduly does life demand of us our few remaining days, when fame has as much as is sufficient.
1 Catus and Vadavero are names of mountains near Bilbilis. Botrodus is a small town; Congedus and Salo, riven.
2 The name of a town. Dercenna and Nutha are fountains.
3 Worn by senators.
4 See Juvenal, iv. 75.
L. TO AEMILIANUS.
If your cook, Aemilianus, is called Mistyllus, why should not mine be called Taratalla?1
1 A meaningless jest taken from Homer's words (Il. i.465).
LI. TO A HARE.
No neck, save the proudest, serves for the fierce lion. Why do you, vain-glorious hare, flee from these teeth? No doubt you would wish them to stoop from the huge bull to you, and to crush a neck which they cannot see. The glory of an illustrious death must be an object of despair to you. You, a tiny prey, canst not fall before such an enemy!
LII. TO QUINCTIANUS.
To you, Quinctianus, do I commend my books, if indeed I can call books mine, which your poet recites.1 If they complain of a grievous yoke, do you come forward as their advocate, and defend them efficiently; and when he calls himself their master, say that they were mine, but have been given 2 by me to the public. If you will proclaim this three or four times, you will bring shame on the plagiary.
1 A poet that recited verses to Quinctianus; the same, probably, that is mentioned in the next epigram.
2 Manumitted; released from my portfolio.
LIII. TO FIDENTINUS.
One page only in my books belongs to you, Fidentinus, but it bears the sure stamp of its master, and accuses your verses of glaring theft. Just so does a Gallic frock coming in contact with purple city cloaks stain them with grease and filth; just so do Arretine1 pots disgrace vases of crystal; so is a buck crow, straying perchance on the banks of the Cayster, laughed to scorn amid the swans of Leda: and so, when the sacred grove resounds with the music of the tuneful nightingale, the miscreant magpie disturbs her Attic plaints. My books need no one to accuse or judge you: the page which is yours stands up against you and says, "You are a thief"
1 Earthen pots from Arretium, a town of Etruria.
LIV. TO FUSCUS.
If, Fuscus, you have room to receive still more affection, (for you have friends around you on all sides), I ask you one place in your heart, if one still remains vacant, and that you will not refuse because I am a stranger to you: all your old friends were so once. Simply consider whether he who is presented to you a stranger is likely to become an old friend.
LV. TO FRONTO.
If you, Fronto, so distinguished an ornament of military and civil life, desire to learn the wishes of your friend Marcus, he prays for this, to be the tiller of his own farm, nor that a large one, and he loves inglorious repose in as unpretending sphere. Does any one haunt the porticoes of cold variegated Spartan marble, and run to offer, like a fool, his morning greetings, when he might, rich with the spoils of grave and field, unfold before his fire his well-filled nets, and lift the leaping fish with the quivering line, and draw forth the yellow honey from the red1 cask, while a plump housekeeper loads his unevenly-propped table, and his own eggs are cooked by an unbought fire? That the man who loves not me may not love this life, is my wish; and let him drag out life pallid with the cares of the city.
1 Stained with vermilion.
LVI. TO A VINTNER.
Harassed with continual rains, the vineyard drips with wet. You cannot sell us, vintner, even though you wish, neat wine.
LVII. TO FLACCUS.
Do you ask what sort of maid I desire or dislike, Flaccus? I dislike one too easy, and one too coy. The just mean, which lies between the two extremes, is what I approve; I like neither that which tortures, nor that which cloys.
LVIII. DE PUERI PRETIO.
[Untranslated]
LIX. TO FLACCUS.
The sportula1 at Baiae brings me in a hundred farthings; of what use is such a miserable sum in the midst of such sumptuous baths? Give me back the darksome baths of Lupus and Gryllus. When I sup so scantily, Flaccus, why should I bathe so luxuriously?
1 Sportula. A present from the richer class to the poorer; nominally the price of a supper. See Dict. Antiqq. s. v.
LX. ON THE LION AND HARE.
Hare, although you enter the wide jaws of the fierce lion, still he imagines his mouth to be empty. Where is the back on which he shall rush? where the shoulders on which he shall flail? where shall he fix those deep bites which he inflicts on young bulls? why do you in vain weary the lord and monarch of the groves? 'Tis only on the wild prey of his choice that he feeds.
LXI. TO LICINIANUS, ON THE COUNTRIES OF CELEBRATED AUTHORS.
Verona loves the verses of her learned Poet; Mantua is blest in her Maro; the territory of Apona is renowned for its Livy, its Stella, and not less for its Flaccus. The Nile, whose waters are instead of rain, applauds its Apollodorus; the Pelignians vaunt their Ovid. Eloquent Cordova speaks of its two Senecas and its single and preeminent Lucan. Voluptuous Gades delights in her Canius,1 Emerita in my friend Decianus. Our Bilbilis will be proud of you, Licinianus, nor will be altogether silent concerning me.
1 See b. iii. Ep. 20.
LXII. ON LAEVINA.
Laevina, so chaste as to rival even the Sabine women of old, and more austere than even her stern husband, chanced, while entrusting herself sometimes to the waters of the Lucrine lake, sometimes to those of Avernus, and while frequently refreshing herself in the baths of Baiae, to fall into flames of love, and, leaving her husband, fled with a young gallant. She arrived a Penelope, she departed a Helen.
LXIII. TO CELER.
You ask me to recite to you my Epigrams. I cannot oblige you; for you wish not to hear them, Celer, but to recite them.1
1 To plagiarise them from me, and then to recite them as your own.
LXIV. TO FABULLA.
You are pretty,----we know it; and young,----it is true; and rich,----who can deny it? But when you praise yourself extravagantly, Fabulla, you appear neither rich, nor pretty, nor young.
LXV. TO CAECILIANUS.
When I said ficus, you laughed at it as a barbarous word, Caecilianus, and bade me say ficos. I shall call the produce of the fig-tree ficus; yours I shall call ficos.1
1 An untranslatable jest on the double meaning of the word ficus, which, when declined ficus, -i, means piles or someone afflicted with it; and when ficus -lis, a fig-tree.
LXVI. TO A PLAGIARIST.
You are mistaken, insatiable thief of my writings, who think a poet can be made for the mere expense which copying, and a cheap volume cost. The applause of the world is not acquired for six or even ten sesterces. Seek out for this purpose verses treasured up, and unpublished efforts, known only to one person, and which the father himself of the virgin sheet, that has not been worn and scrubbed by bushy chins, keeps sealed up in his desk. A well-known book cannot change its master. But if there is one to be found vet unpolished by the pumice-stone, yet unadorned with bosses and cover, buy it: I have such by me, and no one shall know it. Whoever recites another's compositions, and seeks for fame, must buy, not a book, but the author's silence.
LXVII. TO CHOERILUS.
"You are too free-spoken," is your constant remark to me, Choerilus. He who speaks against you, Choerilus, is indeed a free speaker.1
1 Free from all restraint, for he may say all sorts of things against you without fear of contradiction.
LXVIII. ON RUFUS.
Whatever Rufus does, Naevia is all in all to him. Whether he rejoices, or mourns, or is silent, it is ever Naevia. He eats, he drinks, he asks, he refuses, he gesticulates, Naevia alone is in his thoughts: if there were no Naevia, he would be mute. When he had written a dutiful letter yesterday to his father, he ended it with, "Naevia, light of my eyes, Naevia, my idol, farewell" Naevia read these words, and laughed with downcast looks. Naevia is not yours only: what madness is this, foolish man?
LXIX. TO MAXIMUS.
Tarentos,3 which was wont to exhibit the statue of Pan, begins now, Maximus, to exhibit that of Canius.
3 Tarentos, a place in the Campus Martius, in which was a temple consecrated to Plato, and filled with statues of Pan, the Satyrs, and other deities or remarkable personages. On Canius, a humorous poet of Gades, whose statue, it appears, was put there with Pan's, see above, Ep. 61; B. iii. Ep. 29.
LXX. TO HIS BOOK.
Go, my book, and pay my respects for me: you are ordered to go, dutiful volume, to the splendid halls of Proculus. Do you ask the way? I will tell you. You will go along by the temple of Castor, near that of ancient Vesta, and that goddess's virgin home. Thence you will pass to the majestic Palatine edifice on the sacred hill, where glitters many a statue of the supreme ruler of the empire. And let not the ray-adorned mass of the Colossus detain you, a work which is proud of surpassing that of Rhodes. But turn aside by the way where the temple of the wine-bibbing Bacchus rises, and where the couch of Cybele stands adorned with. pictures of the Corybantes. Immediately on the left is the dwelling with its splendid facade, and the halls of the lofty mansion which you are to approach. Enter it; and fear not its haughty looks or proud gate; no entrance affords more ready access; nor is there any house more inviting for Phoebus and the learned sisters to love. If Proculus shall say, "But why does he not come himself?" you may excuse me thus, "Because he could not have written what is to be read here, whatever be its merit, if he had come to pay his respects in person."
LXXI. TO SLEEP.
Let Laevia be toasted with six cups,. Justine with seven, Lycas with five, Lyde with four, Ida with three. Let the number of letters in the name of each of our mistresses be equalled by the number of cups of Falernian. But, since none of them comes, come you, Sleep, to me.
LXXII. TO FIDENTINUS, A PLAGIARIST.
Do you imagine, Fidentinus, that you are a poet by the aid of my verses, and do you wish to be thought so? Just so does Aegle think she has teeth from having purchased bone or ivory. Just so does Lycoris, who is blacker than the falling mulberry, seem fair in her own eyes, because she is painted. You too, in the same way that you are a poet, will have flowing locks when you are grown bald.
LXXIII. TO CAECILIANUS.
These was no one in the whole city, Caecilianus, who desired to meddle with your wife, even gratis, while permission was given; but now, since you have set a watch upon her, the crowd of gallants is innumerable. You are a clever fellow!
LXXIV. TO PAULA.
He was your gallant, Paula; you could however deny it He is become your husband; can you deny it now, Paula? 1
1 He was said to be your gallant when your first husband was alive. You then denied it. You married him as soon as your husband died. Will you deny it now?
He was the favourite; you might it disavow:
He is your consort; can you, Paula, now?
Elphinstone.
LXXV. ON LINUS.
He who prefers to give Linus the half of what he wishes to borrow, rather than to lend him the whole, prefers to lose only the half.
LXXVI. TO VALERIUS FLACCUS.1
Flaccus, valued object of my solicitude, hope and nursling of the city of Antenor,2 put aside Pierian strains and the lyre of the Sisters; none of those damsels will give you money. What do you expect from Phoebus? The cheat of Minerva contains the cash; she alone is wise, she alone lends to all the gods. What can the ivy of Bacchus give? The dark tree of Pallas bends down its variegated boughs under the load of fruit. Helicon, besides its waters and the garlands and lyres of the goddesses, and the great but empty applause of the multitude, has nothing. What have you to do with Cirrha? What with bare Permessis? The Roman forum is nearer and more lucrative. There is heard the chink of money; but around our desks and barren chairs kisses 3 alone resound.
Though midst the noblest poets you have place,
Flaccus, the offering of Antenor's race;
Renounce the Muses' songs and charming quire,
For none of them enrich, though they inspire.
Court not Apollo, Pallas has the gold;
She 's wise, and does the gods in mortgage hold.
What profit is there in an ivy wreath?
Its fruits the loaden olive sinks beneath.
In Helicon there's nought but springs and bays,
The Muses' harps loud sounding empty praise.
1 The author of the Argonautica.
2 The city of Patavium, founded by Antenor
3 As tokens of applause.
LXXVII. ON CHARINUS.
Charinus is perfectly well, and yet he is pale; Charinus drinks sparingly, and yet he is pale; Charinus digests well, and yet he is pale; Charinus suns himself and yet he is pale; Charinus dyes his skin, and yet he is pale; Charinus indulges in [infamous debauchery], and yet he is pale.1
1 That is, he does not blush at his infamy.
LXXVIII. ON FESTUS, WHO STABBED HIMSELF.
When a devouring malady attacked his unoffending throat, and its black poison extended its ravages over his face, Festus, consoling his weeping friends, while his own eyes were dry, determined to seek the Stygian lake. He did not however pollute his pious mouth with secret poison, or aggravate his sad fate by lingering famine, but ended his pure life by a death befitting a Roman, and freed his spirit in a nobler way. This death fame may place above that of the great Cato; for Domitian was Festus' friend.2
2 Cato said that he died to avoid looking on the face of the tyrant Caesar.
LXXIX. TO ATTALUS, A BUSY-BODY.
Attalus, you are ever acting the barrister, or acting the man of business: whether there is or is not a part for you to act, Attalus, you are always acting a part. If lawsuits and business are not to be found, Attalus, you act the mule-driver. Attalus, lest a part should be wanting for you to act, act the part of executioner on yourself..
You act the pleader, and you act the man
Of business; acting is your constant plan:
So prone to act, the coachman's part is tried;
Lest all parts fail you, act the suicide. L. H. S.
LXXX. TO CANUS.
On the last night of your lift, Canus, a sportula was the object of your wishes. I suppose the cause of your death was, Canus, that there was only one.1
1 He had hoped for several largesses; he died of mortification at receiving only one.
LXXXI. TO SOSIBIANUS.
You know that you are the son of a slave, and you ingenuously confess it, when you call your father, Sosibianus, "master".2
2 The mother of Sosibianus had been guilty of adultery with a slave. When Sosibianus calls his reputed father Dominus, as a title of respect, but which was also a term for a master of slaves, he confessed himself a verna, or born-slave.
LXXXII. ON REGULUS.
See from what mischief this portico, which, overthrown amid clouds of dust, stretches its long ruins over the ground, lies absolved. For Regulus had but just been carried in his litter under its arch, and had got out of the way, when forthwith, borne down by its own weight, it fell; and, being no longer in fear for its master, it came down free from blood-guiltiness, a harmless ruin, without any attendant anxiety. After the fear of so great a cause for complaint is passed, who would deny, Regulus, that you, for whose sake the fall was harmless, are an object of care to the gods?
LXXXIII. ON MANNEIA.
Your lap-dog, Manneia, licks your mouth and lips: I do not wonder at a dog liking to eat ordure.1
1 A sarcasm on the foulness of Manneia's breath.
LXXXIV. ON QUIRINALIS.
Quirinalis, though he wishes to have children, has no intention of taking a wife, and has found out in what way he can accomplish his object. He takes to him his maid-servants, and fills his house and his lands with slave-knights.2 Quirinalis is a true pater-familias.
2 Equitibus vernis. (See Heinrich on Juv. ix. 10.) Eques verna, the offspring of a knight and a slave.
LXXXV. ON AN AUCTIONEER.
A wag of an auctioneer, offering for sale some cultivated heights, and some beautiful acres of land near the city, says, "If any one imagines that Marius is compelled to sell, he is mistaken; Marius owes nothing: on the contrary, he rather has money to put out at interest." "What is his reason, then, for selling?" "In this place he lost all his slaves, and his cattle, and his profits; hence he does not like the locality." Who would have made any offer, unless he had wished to lose all his property? So the ill-fated land remains with Marius.
LXXXVI. ON NOVIUS.
Novius is my neighbour, and may be reached by the hand from my windows. Who would not envy me, and think me a happy man every hour of the day when I may enjoy the society of one so near to me? But, he is as far removed from me as Terentianus, who is now governor of Syene on the Nile. I am not privileged either to live with him, or even see him, or hear him; nor in the whole city is there any one at once so near and so far from me. I must remove farther off, or he must. If any one wishes not to see Novius, let him become his neighbour or his fellow-lodger.
My neighbour Hunks's house and mine
Are built so near they almost join;
The windows too project so much,
That through the casements we may touch.
Nay, I'm so happy, most men think,
To live so near a man of chink,
That they are apt to envy me,
For keeping such good company:
But he's far from me, I vow,
As London is from good Lord Howe;
For when old Hunks I chance to meet,
Or one or both must quit the street.
Thus he who would not see old Roger,
Must be his neighbour----or his lodger. Swift
LXXXVII. TO FESCENNIA.
That you may not be disagreeably fragrant with your yesterday's wine, you devour, luxurious Fescennia, certain of Cosmus's1 perfumes. Breakfasts of such a nature leave their mark on the teeth, but form no barrier against the emanations which escape from the depths of the stomach. Nay, the fetid smell is but the worse when mixed with perfume, and the double odour of the breath is carried but the farther. Cease then to use frauds but too well known, and disguises well understood; and simply intoxicate yourself!
1 Cosmus: a celebrated perfumer of the day, and frequently mentioned.
LXXXVIII. ON ALCIMUS.
Alcimus, whom, snatched from your lord in your opening years, the Labican earth covers with light turf, receive, not a nodding mass of Parian marble,----an unenduring monument which misapplied toil gives to the dead,----but shapely box-trees and the dark shades of the palm leaf, and dewy flowers of the mead which bloom from being watered with my tears. Receive, dear youth, the memorials of my grief: this tribute will live for you in all time. When Lachesis shall have spun to the end of my last hour, I shall ask no other honours for my ashes.
LXXXIX. TO CINNA.
You always whisper into every one's ear, Cinna; you whisper even what might be said in the hearing of the whole world. You laugh, you complain, you dispute, you weep, you sing, you criticise, you are silent, you are noisy; and all in one's ear. Has this disease so thoroughly taken possession of you, that you often praise Caesar, Cinna, in the ear? 1
1 When his praise ought to be proclaimed aloud everywhere.
XC. ON BASSA.
Inasmuch as I never saw you, Bassa, surrounded by a crowd of admirers, and report in no case assigned to you a favoured lover; but every duty about your person was constantly performed by a crowd of your own sex, without the presence of even one man; you seemed to me, I confess it, to be a Lucretia.
XCI. TO LAELIUS.
You do not publish your own verses, Laelius; you criticise mine. Pray cease to criticise mine, or else publish your own.
You blame my verses and conceal your own:
Either publish yours, or else let mine alone!
Anon. 1695.
XCII. TO MAMURIANUS.
Cestus with tears in his eyes often complains to me, Hamurianus, of being touched with your finger. You need not use your finger merely; take Cestos all to yourself if nothing else is wanting in your establishment, Mamurianus.2 But if you have neither fire, nor legs for your bare bedstead, nor broken basin of Chione or Antiope;3 if a cloak greasy and worn hangs down your back, and a Gallic jacket covers only half of your loins; and if you feed on the smell alone of the dark kitchen, and drink on your knees dirty water with the dog;
Non culum, neque enim est cuius, qui non cacat olim,
Sed fodiam digito qui super est oculum.4
Nec me zelotypum nec dixeris esse malignum:
Denique paedica, Mamuriane, satur.
2 Mamurianus is ridiculed for his sordid and licentious life. He had but one eye, as appears from what is said below. Cestus was Martial's servant.
3 Names of courtesans, from whom Martial intimates that Mamurianus would accept broken vessels.
4 A play on the words culus and oculus. A common threat was, "Oculos tibi effodiam," often used in Plautus.
XCIII. ON AQUINUS AND FABRICIUS.
Here reposes Aquinas, reunited to his faithful Fabricius, who rejoices in having preceded him to the Elysian retreats. This double altar bears record that each was honoured with the rank of chief centurion; but that praise is of still greater worth which you read in this shorter inscription: Both were united in the sacred bond of a well-spent life, and, what is rarely known to fame, were friends.
XCIV. TO AEGLE THE FELLATRIX.
[Not translated in the Bohn - adapted from the Loeb]
Badly you sang while you fornicated, Aegle. Now you sing well; but I won't kiss you.
XCV. TO AELIUS.
In constantly making a clamour, and obstructing the pleaders with your noise, Aelius, you act not without an object; you look for pay to hold your tongue.
That bawlers you out-bawl, the busy crush,
No idler you, who bring to sale your hush.
Elphinston.
XCVI. TO HIS VERSE, ON A LICENTIOUS CHARACTER.
If it is not disagreeable, and does not annoy you, my verse, say, I pray, a word or two in the ear of our friend Maternus, so that he alone may hear. That admirer of sad-coloured coats, clad in the costume of the banks of the river Baetis, and in grey garments, who deems the wearers of scarlet not men, and calls amethyst-coloured robes the dress of women, however much he may praise natural hues, and be always seen in dark colours, has at the same time morals of an extremely flagrant hue. You will ask whence I suspect him of effeminacy. We go to the same baths; Do you ask me who this is? His name has escaped me.
XCVII. TO NAEVOLUS.
When every one is talking, then and then only, Naevolus, do you open your month; and you think yourself an advocate and a pleader. In such a way every one may be eloquent. But see, everybody is silent; say something now, Naevolus.
XCVIII. TO FLACCUS, ON DIODORUS.
Diodorus goes to law, Flaccus, and has the gout in his feet But he pays his counsel nothing; surely he has the gout also in his hands.
XCIX. TO CALENUS.
But a short time since, Calenus, you had not quite two millions of sesterces; but you were so prodigal and open-handed, and hospitable, that all your friends wished you ten millions. Heaven heard the wish and our prayers; and within, I think, six months, four deaths gave you the desired fortune. But you, as if ten millions had not been left to you, but taken from you, condemned yourself to such abstinence, wretched man, that you prepare even your most sumptuous feasts, which you provide only once in the whole year, at the cost of but a few dirty pieces of black coin; and we, seven of your old companions, stand you in just half a pound of leaden money. What blessing are we to invoke upon you worthy of such merits? We wish you, Calenus, a fortune of a hundred millions. If this falls to your lot, you will die of hunger.
C. ON AFRA.
Afra talks of her papas and her mammas; but she herself may be called the grandmamma of her papas and mammas.
CI. ON THE DEATH OF HIS AMANUENSIS DEMETRIUS.
Demetrius, whose hand was once the faithful confidant of my verses, so useful to his master, and so well known to the Caesars, has yielded up his brief life in its early prime. A fourth harvest had been added to his years, which previously numbered fifteen. That he might not, however, descend to the Stygian shades as a slave, I, when the accursed disease had seized and was withering him, took precaution, and remitted to the sick youth all my right over him as his master; he was worthy of restoration to health through my gift.1 He appreciated, with failing faculties, the kindness which he had received; and on the point of departing, a free man, to the Tartarean waters, saluted me as his patron.
1 I.e. I wish my gift could have restored him to health.
CII. TO LYCORIS.
The painter who drew your Venus, Lycoris, paid court, I suppose, to Minerva.2
2 Represented Venus less beautiful than she is, in order to please Minerva, her rival for the golden apple.
CIII. TO SCAEVOLA.
"If the gods were to give me a fortune of a million sesterces," you used to say, Scaevola, before you were a full knight,1 "oh how would I live! how magnificently, how happily!" The complaisant deities smiled and granted your wish. Since that time your toga has become much more dirty, your cloak worse; your shoe has been sewn up three and four times; of ten olives the greater portion is always put by, and one spread of the table serves for two meals; the thick dregs of pink Vejentan wine are your drink; a plate of lukewarm peas costs you a penny; your mistress a penny likewise. Cheat and liar, let us go before the tribunal of the gods; and either live, Scaevola, as befits you, or restore to the gods your million sesterces.
1 That is, before you had four hundred thousand sesterces; which was the fortune that a man must have before he could be a knight
CIV. ON A SPECTACLE IN THE ARENA.
When we see the leopard bear upon his spotted neck a light and easy yoke, and the furious tigers endure with patience the blows of the whip; the stags champ the golden curbs; the Libyan bears tamed by the bit; a boar, huge as that which Calydon is said to have produced, obey the purple muzzle; the ugly buffaloes drag chariots, and the elephant, when ordered to dance nimbly, pay prompt obedience to his swarthy leader; who would not imagine such things a spectacle given by the gods? These, however, any one disregards as of inferior attraction who sees the condescension of the lions, which the swift-footed timorous hares fatigue in the chase. They let go the little animals, catch them again, and caress them when caught, and the latter are safer in their captors' mouths than elsewhere; since the lions delight in granting them free passage through their open jaws, and in holding their teeth as with fear, for they are ashamed to crush the tender prey, after having just come from slaying bulls; This clemency does not proceed from art; the lions know whom they serve.
CV. TO QUINTUS OVIDIUS.
The wine, Ovidius, which is grown in the Nomentan fields, in proportion as it receives the addition of years, puts off, through age, its character and name; and the jar thus ancient receives whatever name you please.1
1 Being mellowed by age, it maybe called Falernian, Cecuban, or any other name given to the best wines.
CVI. TO RUFUS.
Rufus, you often pour water into your wine, and, if hard pressed by your companion, you drink just a cup now and then of diluted Falernian. Pray, is it that Naevia has promised you a night of bliss; and you prefer by sobriety to enhance your enjoyment? You sigh, you are silent, you groan: she has refused you. You may drink, then, and often, cups of four-fold size, and drown in wine your concern at her cruelty. Why do you spare yourself, Rufus? You have nothing before you but to sleep.
CVII. TO LUCIUS JULIUS.
You often say to me, dearest Lucius Julius, "Write something great: you take your ease too much." Give me then leisure,----but leisure such as that which of old Maecenas gave to his Horace and his Virgil -- and I would endeavour to write something which should live through time, and to snatch my name from the flames of the funeral pyre. Steers are unwilling to carry their yoke into barren fields. A fat soil fatigues, but the very labour bestowed on it is delightful.
CVIII. TO GALLUS.
You possess----and may it be yours and grow larger through a long series of years----a house, beautiful I admit, but on the other side of the Tiber. But my garret looks upon the laurels of Agrippa; and in this quarter I am already grown old. I must move, in order to pay you a morning call, Gallus, and you deserve this consideration, even if your house were still farther off. But it is a small matter to you, Gallus, if I add one to the number of your toga-clad visitors; while it is a great matter to me, if I withhold that one. I myself will frequently pay my respects to you at the tenth hour.1 This morning my book shall wish you "good day" in my stead.
1 The tenth hour from sunrise, corresponding to our four o'clock is the afternoon. See B. iv. Ep. 8.
CIX. ON A PET DOG AND THE PAINTER.
Issa is more playful than the sparrow of Catullus. Issa is more pure than the kiss of a dove. Issa is more loving than any maiden. Issa is dearer than Indian gems. The little dog Issa is the pet of Publius. If she complains, you will think she speaks. She feels both the sorrow and the gladness of her master. She lies reclined upon his neck, and sleeps, so that not a respiration is heard from her. And, however pressed, she has never sullied the coverlet with a single spot; but rouses her master with a gentle touch of her foot, and begs to be set down from the bed and relieved. Such modesty resides in this chaste little animal; she knows not the pleasures of love; nor do we find a mate worthy of so tender a damsel. That her last hour may not carry her off wholly, Publius has her limned in a picture, in which you will see an Issa so like, that not even herself is so like herself. In a word, place Issa and the picture side by side, and you will imagine either both real, or both painted.
CX. TO VELOX.
You complain, Velox, that the epigrams which I write are long. You yourself write nothing; your attempts are shorter.1
1 Imperfect; abortive; ending in nothing.
CXI. TO REGULUS, ON SENDING HIM A BOOK
AND A PRESENT OF FRANKINCENSE.
Since your reputation for wisdom, and the care which you bestow on your labours, are equal, and since your piety is not inferior to your genius, he who is surprised that a book and incense are presented to you, Regulus, is ignorant how to adapt presents to deserts.
CXII. ON PRISCUS, A USURER.
When I did not know you, I used to address you as my lord and king. Now, since I know you well, you shall be plain Priscus with me.
CXIII. TO THE READER.
If, reader, you wish to employ some good hours badly, and are an enemy to your own leisure, you will obtain whatever sportive verses I produced in my youth and boyhood, and all my trifles, which even I myself have forgotten, from Quintus Pollius Valerianus, who has resolved not to let my light effusions perish.
CXIV. TO FAUSTINUS.
These gardens adjoining your domain, Faustinus, and these small fields and moist meadows, Telesphorus Faenius owns. Here he has deposited the ashes of his daughter, and has consecrated the name, which you read, of Antulla;----though his own name should rather have been read there. It had been more just that the father should have gone to the Stygian shades; but, since this was not permitted, may he live to honour his daughter's remains.
CXV. TO PROCILLUS.
A certain damsel, envious Procillus, is desperately in love with me,----a nymph more white than the spotless swan, than silver, than snow, than lily, than privet: already you will be thinking of hanging yourself, But I long for one darker than night, than the ant, than pitch, than the jack-daw, than the cricket. If I know you well, Procillus, you will spare your life.
CXVI. ON THE TOMB OF ANTULLA.
This grove, and these fair acres of cultivated land, Faenius has consecrated to the eternal honour of the dead. In this tomb is deposited Antulla, too soon snatched from her family: in this tomb each of her parents will be united to her. If any one desires this piece of ground, I warn him not to hope for it; it is for ever devoted to its owners.
CXVII. TO LUPERCUS.
Whenever you meet me, Lupercus, you constantly say, "Shall I send my servant, for you to give him your little book of Epigrams, which I will read and return to you directly?" There is no reason, Lupercus, to trouble your servant. It is a lone journey, if he wishes to come to the Pirus;1 and I live up three pairs of stairs, and those high ones. What you want you may procure nearer at hand. You frequently go down to the Argiletum: opposite Caesar's forum is a shop, with pillars on each side covered over with titles of books, so that you may quickly run over the names of all the poets. Procure me there; you will no sooner ask Atrectus,----such is the name of the owner of the shop,----than he will give you, from the first or second shelf a Martial, well smoothed with pumice-stone, and adorned with purple, for five denarii "You are not worth so much," do you say? You are right, Lupercus.
1 The pear-tree. The name of some spot near which Martial lived.
CXVIII. TO CAEDICIANUS.
For him who is not satisfied with reading a hundred epigrams, no amount of trouble is sufficient, Caedicianus.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Martial, Epigrams. Book 2. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
Martial, Epigrams. Book 2. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
BOOK II.
TO HIS FRIEND, DECIANUS.
"What do I want," say you, "with a letter? Do I not show you sufficient indulgence by reading your epigrams? Besides, what have you to say in this letter, which you could not say in your verses? I see why tragic and comic writers admit a prologue,----because they are not allowed to speak for themselves. But epigrams have no need of a herald, and are contented with their own liberty of speech. In whatever page they please, they present an epistle. Do not, therefore, I pray, do a ridiculous thing, and clap a long dress on a person going to dance. Consider, too, whether you would choose a wand as a weapon against a retiarius. For myself, I take my seat amongst those who at once object to a contest so unequal" Indeed, Decianus, methinks you say what is just. Is it possible that you knew with what sort of an epistle, and how long a one, you were in danger of being occupied? Be it, then, as you desire. Whatever readers light upon this book, will owe it to you that they come to the first page without being tired.
I. TO HIS BOOK.
You could, I admit, have contained three hundred epigrams; but who, my book, would have contained himself at you, and read you through? Yet learn, what are the advantages of a short book. The first is, that I waste less paper. The next, that the copier finishes it in one hour, and his services will not be confined only to my trifles. A third advantage is, that if any one happens to read you, you will not, though ever so bad, be detested. A person at table will begin to read you with his wine mixed, and finish you before the cup set before him begins to grow warm.1 Do you imagine that by such brevity you are secure from all objection? Alas! to how many will you even thus be too long!
1 His wine having been mixed with snow, or very cold water. See B. v. Ep. 64.
II. TO DOMITIAN.
Crete gave a great name, Africa a greater, to their conquerors, Metellus and Scipio; a still nobler name did Germany confer on you, Caesar, from the subjugation of the Rhine; and even as a boy you were worthy of that name. Your brother 2 earned his triumphs over Idumaea, with the assistance of your father;3 the laurel which is given from the conquest of the Catti is all your own.
2 Titus.
3 Vespasian.
III. TO SEXTUS.
You owe nothing, Sextus; you owe nothing, Sextus, I admit; for he only owes, Sextus, who can pay.
IV. ON AMMIANUS.
Oh, how caressing, Ammianus, are you with your mother! how caressing, Ammianus, is your mother with you! She calls you brother; you call her sister. Why do such strange titles of affection delight you? Why are you not content to be what you are? Do you think this an amusement and a jest? It is not so. A mother, who desires to be a sister, is not satisfied with being either mother or sister.
V. TO DECIANUS.
May I perish, Decianus, if I should not like to be with you all day, and all night! But there are two miles that separate us; and these become four, when I have to return. You are often not at home: even when you are, you are often denied; or you have leisure only for your law business or your private concerns. To see you, however, I have no objection to go two miles; but I have great objection to go four miles not to see you.
VI. TO SEVERUS.
Go now, and bid me publish my little books. When you have scarcely read a couple of pages, you look at the last page, Severus, and give long yawns. These are those epigrams which, when I was reciting them, you used to steal and write out in Vitellian tablets.1 These are they which you used to carry one by one in your pockets to every feast, and every theatre. These are they, or (if there are any among them that you do not know) better. Of what use is it for me to make my book so thin, as not to be thicker than a mere roller,2 if it takes you three days to read it through? Never were compositions intended to amuse more listlessly received You are fatigued, and lag so soon in your course; and when you ought to run to Bovillae, you want to unharness your cattle at the temple of the Muses. Go now, and bid me publish my little books.
1 Small tablets, on which love letters and other light matters were written. See B. xiv. Ep. 8, and Dict. Antiqq. s. v. Tabulae)
2 The umbilicus was the ornament at the end of the stick on which parchment was rolled.
VII. TO ATTALUS.
You declaim prettily, Attalus; you plead causes prettily: you write pretty histories, pretty verses. You compose pantomimes prettily, epigrams prettily; you are a pretty grammarian, a pretty astrologer. You sing prettily, Attalus, and you dance prettily: you are a pretty hand with the lyre, a pretty hand with the ball Since you do nothing well, and yet everything prettily, shall I tell you what you are? You are a great busybody.
VIII. TO THE READER.
If in these pages of mine, reader, anything seem to you too obscure, or written in too homely language, the fault is not mine: the copier did the mischief in his over-anxiety to give you the full amount of verses. But if you shall deem, not him, but me to be the culprit, then I shall believe you to have no understanding. "But still those verses of yours are bad." As if I would deny what is evident! They are bad but you do not write better.
IX. ON NAEVIA.
I wrote to Naevia; she has sent me no answer: She will not then grant me what I want. But I think that she had read what I wrote: she will then grant it.1
1 If she refused to receive my communications, I should despair of prevailing on her; but as she receives them, I hope at length to gain her favour.
X. TO POSTUMUS.
I commend you, Postumus, for kissing me with only half your lip: you may, however, if you please, withhold even the half of this half, Are you inclined to grant me a boon still greater, and even inexpressible? Keep this whole half entirely to yourself Postumus.
XI. TO RUFUS.
Though, Rufus, you see Selius with clouded brow; though you see him walking late in the porticoes; though you see his heavy look conceal some mournful feeling, his ugly nose nearly touching the earth, his right hand striking his breast, and tearing his hair, he is not bewailing the loss of a friend or brother. Both his sons are alive,----and I pray they may continue to live! Safe and sound is his wife too, and his furniture, and his slaves; nor has his farmer or his bailiff wasted any part of his property. What then is the cause of his sadness? He dines at home.
XII. TO POSTUMUS.
What am I to understand from the circumstance, that your kisses always smell of myrrh, and that you never have about you an odour other than unnatural? That you always smell so agreeably, Postumus, makes me suspect that you have something to conceal. He does not smell pleasantly, Postumus, who always smells pleasantly.1
1 See B. vi. Ep. 55.
XIII. TO SEXTUS.
The judge wants money, and the counsel wants money. Pay your creditor, Sextus, I should advise.2
At money, money, judge and pleader aim:
The creditor's I deem the primal claim.
Elphinston.
2 Pay your creditor without litigation.
XIV. TO PAULINUS.
Nothing does Selius leave untried, nothing unattempted, whenever he sees that he must dine at home. He runs to the portico of Europa, and praises you, Paulinus, and your Achillean swiftness of foot, without ceasing. If Europa does nothing for him, he then goes to the enclosures, to see whether he can gain anything from the sons of Phillyra and Aeson.1Disappointed here likewise, he next haunts the Memphitic temple of Isis,2 and seats himself near the seats of that sad heifer. From this place he goes to the palace suspended upon a hundred columns;3 thence to the monument of Pompeius' magnificence4 and his double grove. Nor does he disdain the baths of Fortunatus, or those of Faustus, or the confined and dark ones of Gryllus, or the windy ones of Lupus. As to the warm baths, he bathes in them again and again and again. After doing everything, but without the favour of heaven, he runs back, well washed, to the box-grove of the warm Europa, in case some belated friend may be taking his way there. By yourself, amorous Bull, and by your mistress, whom you carried off, do you, I implore, invite Selius to dinner.5
1 Chiron, son of the nymph Phillyra; Jason, son of Aeson. The enclosures were the pens in which the citizens assembled to vote.
2 Isis was supposed by many to be the same as Io, who was changed into a heifer by Jupiter.
3 Centum pendentia tecta columnis, i. e. the portico of Agrippa.
4 The portico of Pompeius.
5 Take Selius out of this life, Jupiter, that he may dine with you.
XV. TO HORMUS.
In offering to no one the cup from which you drink, you give a proof, Hormus, not of pride, but of kindness.1
1 Hormus had bad breath.
XVI. AGAINST ZOILUS.
Zoilus is ill: his gorgeous bed is the cause of this fever. If he were well, of what use would be these scarlet coverlets, this bed brought from the banks of the Nile, or this, steeped in the perfumes of Sidon? What but an illness displays such idle wealth? What have you to do with physicians? Dismiss all your Machaons. If you wish to get well, use my bed-clothes.
XVII. TO AMMIANUS.
At the very entrance of the Suburra, where hang the bloodstained whips of the torturers,1 and where many a cobbler blocks up the Argiletum,2 sits a female hair-cutter. But that female cutter, Ammianus, does not cut hair. "Does not cut hair?" you say. "What does she then?" She shaves.3
1 Where malefactors were punished with scourging.
2 See B. i. Ep. 4.
3 She is a cunning shaver; a courtesan, who scrapes up money from the purses of young men. So the commentators interpret.
XVIII. TO MAXIMUS.
I court your dinner; alas! I am ashamed of doing so, but, Maximus, I court your dinner: you court some one else's; so we are equal in this matter. I come in the morning to pay my respects to you; I am told that you are gone already to pay your respects elsewhere: again we are equal. I myself am of your escort, and walk before my proud patron; you are of the escort of the other, your patron: again we are equal. It is bad enough to be a servant; but I object to be the servant of a servant. One who is a patron himself Maximus, should not have a patron.
XIX. TO ZOILUS.
Do you think, Zoilus, that I am made happy by an invitation to dinner? Happy by an invitation to dinner, Zoilus, and that dinner yours? That guest deserves to be a guest at the Aricine Hill,1 who is made happy, Zoilus, by a dinner of yours.
1 Aricia was a town on the Appian way, about twenty miles from Rome; a noted place for beggars, as appears from Juvenal Sat. iv.
XX. ON PAULUS.
Paulus buys verses: Paulus recites his own verses; and what you buy you may legally call your own.
XXI. TO POSTUMUS.
To some, Postumus, you give kisses, to some your right hand. "Which do you prefer?" you say, "choose." I prefer your hand.
XXII. TO APOLLO AND THE MUSES.
In what have I offended you, Apollo, and you nine Sisters? For, behold, the Muse of gaiety brings ill to her poet. Postumus before used to kiss me with half a lip. Now he has begun to kiss me with both lips.
XXIII. ON POSTUMUS.
I will not say, however closely you press me, who is the Postumus of my book. I will not say; for why should I give offence to these same kisses, which can so well avenge themselves?
XXIV. TO CANDIDUS.
"If harsh Fortune should overwhelm you with some terrible accusation; I will attend you in mourning habit, and more pale than a person accused. If she should order you to depart under condemnation from your native land, I will go, through seas, through mountains, your companion in exile." She gives you riches. "Are they the common property of us both?" Will you give me half? "It is a large sum." Candidus, will you give me anything? You will, then, share with me in misfortune only: but if heaven with smiling countenance shows you favour, you will enjoy your happiness, Candidus, alone.
XXV. TO GALLA.
Galla, you never grant, but always promise, favours to any one that asks them. If you always deceive, I beg you, Galla, for the future, to say "No."
XXVI. TO BITHYNICUS.
Because Naevia breathes painfully, and has a severe cough, and often sputters out saliva on your breast, do you imagine, Bithynicus, that your fortune is already made? You are mistaken; Naevia is flirting, not dying.
XXVII. ON SELIUS, THE DINNER-HUNTER.
Hark how Selius praises you, when spreading his nets for a dinner, whether you are reading your verses, or pleading at the bar. "Excellent! how sagacious! how ready! how clever! well done! how successful!" There, that is all I want; your supper is earned; be quiet.
XXVIII. TO SEXTILLIUS.
[Not translated in the Bohn. Adapted from the Loeb]
Scoff much at him who calls you, Sextillus, a cinaedus and push out your middle finger.1 Indeed you are no pederast, nor are you, Sextillus, an fornicator, nor have Vetustina's hot lips delight for you. None of those things are you, I confess, Sextillus: what then are you? I don't know; but you know two things remain.
1. An insult, then as now, and for the same reason.
XXIX. TO RUFUS.
Rufus, do you see you person who is, always sitting on the front benches, whose sardonyxed hand glistens even at this distance; whose cloak has so often drunk deep of the Tyrian dye, and whose toga is made to surpass unspotted snow; him, whose well-oiled hair smells of all the essences from Marcellus' shop, and whose arms look sleek and polished, with not a hair unextracted? A latchet of later than yesterday's make sits upon his crescent-adorned leg, a scarlet shoe decks his foot unhurt by its pressure, and numerous patches cover his forehead like stars. Are you ignorant what the thing is? Remove the patches, and you will read his name.1
1 The patches being removed, the letters branded upon his forehead, which prove him to have been a slave, will appear.
XXX. ON CAIUS.
I asked, by chance, a loan of twenty thousand sesterces,2which would have been no serious matter even as a present. He whom I asked was an old acquaintance in good circumstances, whose money-chest finds difficulty in imprisoning his overflowing hoards. "You will enrich yourself, was his reply, "if you will go to the bar." Give me, Caius, what I ask: I do not ask advice.
2 About a hundred and sixty pounds of our money.
XXXI. TO MARIANUS.
I have often made love to Christina. Do you ask how she returns it? So well, that it is impossible for any one to go beyond her.
XXXII. TO PONTICUS.
I have a lawsuit on hand with Balbus: you, Ponticus, are unwilling to offend Balbus: I have one on hand with Licinus; he also is a person of importance. My neighbour Patrobas often trespasses on my little field: you are afraid to oppose a freedman of Caesar. Laronia refuses to restore my slave, and keeps him for herself: you tell me "she is childless, rich, old, a widow." It is idle, believe me, to hope for service from a friend who is himself in service. Let him be a free man, who wishes to be my master.
XXXIII. ON PHILAENIS.
Why do I not kiss you, Philaenis? you are bald. Why do I not kiss you, Philaenis? you are carrotty. Why do I not kiss you, Philaenis? you are one-eyed. He who kisses you, Philaenis, sins against nature.
XXXIV. TO GALLA.
In your love for Phileros, whom you have redeemed from slavery with your whole dower, you allow your three sons, Galla, to perish with hunger: so great indulgence do you show to your aged charms, no longer the due objects of even chaste pleasures. May the gods make you for ever the admirer of Phileros; you, a mother, than whom not even Pontia1 is worse.
1 A woman who is said to have poisoned her children; Juv. Sat vi. 637.
XXXV. TO PHOEBUS.
Since your legs, Phoebus, resemble the horns of the moon, you might bathe your feet in a cornucopia.
XXXVI. TO PANNICUS.
I would not have you curl your hair, nor yet would I have you throw it into disorder. Your skin I would have neither over-sleek nor neglected. Your beard should be neither that of an effeminate Asiatic, nor that of an accused person.3 I alike detest, Pannicus, one who is more, and one who is less than a man. Your legs and breast bristle with shaggy hair; but your mind, Pannicus, shows no signs of manliness.
3 Persons under accusation allowed their hair and beards to grow, and assumed a squalid garb, in order to excite compassion.
XXXVII. TO CAECILIANUS.
Whatever is placed upon table you sweep off right and left; breast of sow, chine of pork, a woodcock prepared for two guests, half a mullet, and a whole pike, the side of a lamprey, and the leg of a chicken, and a wood-pigeon dripping with its sauce. All these articles, wrapped up in your dripping napkin, are handed to your servant to carry home.1 We sit by with jaws unemployed. If you have any feeling of shame, replace the dinner on the table: it is not for tomorrow, Caecilianus, that I invited you.
1 Guests often brought their napkins with them; see B xii. Ep. 29; and such of them as desired to carry away portions of the viands from the table seem to have been allowed to do so.
XXXVIII. TO LINUS.
Do you ask what profit my Nomentan estate brings me, Linus? My estate brings me this profit, that I do not see you, Linus.
XXXIX. ON A PRESENT.
You give your mistress scarlet and violet-coloured dresses. If you wish to give her suitable presents, send her a toga.1
1 The stola was the dress of the Roman matron. Courtesans and adulteresses were compelled by law to wear the toga, the attire of the other sex.
XL. ON TONGILIUS.
Tongilius is reported to be consumed with a semi-tertian fever. I know the cunning of the man; he has a hunger-and-thirst fever. He is now craftily spreading nets for fat thrushes, and throwing out a hook for mullet and pike. He wants strained Caecuban wine, and wine ripened in the year of Opimius; and dark Falernian which is stored in small flagons. All the doctors have ordered Tongilius to bathe. Fools! do they think it is a case of fever? It is disease of the throat.2
2 He pretends to be ill, that his friends may send him dainties.
XLI. TO MAXIMINA.
"Laugh if you are wise, girl, laugh," said, I believe, the poet of the Peligni.3 But he did not say this to all girls. Granting however, that he did say it to all girls, he did not say it to you: you are not a girl, Maximina, and you have but three teeth, and those plainly the colour of pitch and of boxwood. If, therefore, you believe your mirror and me, you should shrink from laughing as much as Spanius dreads the wind, Priscus a touch,1 Fabulla, with chalked face, a rain-cloud, or Sabella, painted with white-lead, the sun. Put on a countenance more severe than the consort of Priam, and his eldest daughter-in-law. Avoid the pantomimes of the amusing Philistion, and gay feasts, and whatever by its wit and mirth distends the lips with broad laughter. It befits you to sit by the side of an afflicted mother, of a wife lamenting for her husband, or a sister for her affectionate brother, and to seek your recreation only with the tragic Muse. Take my advice, and weep if you art wise, girl, weep.
3 Ovid, born at Sulmo, a town of the Peligni.
1 The one dreads that his hair, the other that his dress, should be disarranged.
XLII. TO ZOILUS.
Zoilus, why sully the bath by bathing in it your lower extremities? It could only be made more foul, Zoilus, by your plunging your head in it.
XLIII. TO CANDIDUS.
This is your community of goods among friends, Candidus; this is your community of goods which you talk about so grandiloquently day and night. You are clad in a toga washed in the waters of Lacedaemonian Galaesus, or one which Parma supplied from a select flock: but I, in one which the stuffed figure first exposed to the furious horns of the bull,1would be unwilling should be called his. The land of Cadmus has provided you with coats dyed by the descendants of Agenor; for my scarlet vestments you would not get three sesterces. Your Libyan tables are supported on feet of Indian ivory; my beechen table is propped up with a potsherd. Immense mullets, on your board, cover dishes of yellow gold; with me, my earthen platter is ruddy with a crawfish of the same colour as itself Your crowd of attendants might vie with the Idaean Ganymede: my hand serves me for an attendant. From such a mass of wealth you give nothing to an old and faithful companion, and do you say, Candidus, that the goods of friends are common?
1 In the arena. See Public Shows, Ep. 19.
XLIV. ON SEXTUS.
Whether it be a slave that I have bought, or a new toga, or something worth perhaps three or four pounds, Sextus, that usurer, who, you all know, is an old acquaintance of mine, is immediately afraid lest I should ask a loan, and takes his measures accordingly; whispering to himself, but so that I may hear: "I owe Secundus seven thousand sesterces, Phoebus four, Philetus eleven; and there is not a farthing in my cash-box." Profound stratagem of my old acquaintance! It is hard to refuse me a favour, Sextus, when you are asked; how much harder, before you are asked.
XLV. TO GLYPTUS.
[Not translated in the Bohn. This is the Loeb version]
Nerveless as you are, you have been operated upon, Glyptus. Madman, what use had you for the knife? You were a Gaul 1 before.
1. 'Gallus', meaning either a Gaul or a eunuch priest of Cybele.
XLVI. ON NAEVOLUS.
Like as flowery Hybla is variegated with many a colour, when the Sicilian bees are laying waste the fleeting gifts of spring, so your presses shine with piles of cloaks, your wardrobe glistens with uncounted robes. And your white garments, which the land of Apulia produced from more than one flock, would clothe a whole tribe. You look, unmoved, upon your ill-clad friend in the winter months, shame on you! while you yourself fear the cold which pierces my ragged side, What sacrifice would it have been, wretched mortal, to deprive of a couple of habits----(what do you fear?) ----not yourself Naevolus, but the moths?
XLVII. TO GALLUS.
[Not translated in the Bohn. Adapted from the Loeb version]
Fly Gallus, I warn you from the crafty toils of the infamous adulteress, smoother though you are than conch-shells of Cytherea. Do you trust in your own charms? The husband is not a pederast: there are two things he does, and [neither is what you offer].
XLVIII. TO RUFUS.
A wine-merchant, a. butcher, a bath, a barber, a chessboard and men, and a few books (but give me the selection of them); one companion, not too unpolished; a tall servant, one who preserves his youthful bloom for a long time; a damsel beloved of my servant: secure me these things, Rufus, even though it were at Butunti,1 and you may keep to yourself the baths of Nero.
1 An obscure town of Apulia.
XLIX. ON TELESINA.
[Not translated in the Bohn. Adapted from the Loeb translation]
I will not take Telesina to wife: why? she is an
adulteress. But Telesina is kindly to boys. I will.
L. TO LESBIA.
[Not translated in the Bohn. Adapted from the Loeb translation]
You --- and drink water: 'tis no error, Lesbia.
Just where you need it, Lesbia, you take water.
LI. ON HYLLUS.
[Not translated in either Bohn or Loeb. Adapted from an online translation]
You often have only a single denarius in your strong-box, Hyllus, and it is more worn than your ----; but it is neither the baker nor the innkeeper who will take it from you, but one who boasts of his oversized member. Your unfortunate belly watches the feast of your ----; the former is always miserably hungry, the latter is swallowing.
LII. ON DASIUS.
Dasius is a shrewd hand at counting his female bathers; he asked the bulky Spatale the price of three, and she gave it.1
1 Dasius was the proprietor or superintendent of baths for females. Spatale was so large that he required her to pay the price of three women; a demand to which she made no objection.
LIII. TO MAXIMUS.
Do you wish to become free? You lie, Maximus, you do not wish it. But if you should wish to become so, you can in this way. You will be free, if you give up dining out; if the Veientan grape assuages your thirst; if you can smile at the golden dishes of the querulous Cinna; if you can be content in a toga like mine; if a plebeian mistress becomes yours for a coupe of small coins; if you can submit to lower your head when you enter your house. If you have strength and force of mind such as this, you may live more free than the monarch of Parthia.
LIV. TO LINUS.
[Not translated in Bohn. Loeb version given]
WHAT your wife's suspicion of you is, Linus, and in what particular she wishes you to be more respectable, she has sufficiently proved by unmistakable signs, in setting as watcher over you a eunuch. Nothing is more sagacious and more spiteful than this lady.
LV. TO SEXTUS.
Yon wish to be treated with deference, Sextus: I wished to love you. I must obey you: you shall be treated with deference, as you desire. But if I treat you with deference, I shall not love you.
Yes; I submit, my lord; you've gained your end:
I'm now your slave----that would have been your friend;
I'll bow, I'll cringe, be supple as your glove;
----Respect, adore you----ev'rything but----love.
Rev. R. Graves
LVI. TO GALLUS.
Among the nations of Libya1 your wife, Gallus, is unhappily renowned for the disgraceful reproach of immoderate avarice. But what is said of her is pure falsehood; she is not in the habit of receiving always. What then is she in the habit of doing? Granting.
Gallus, your wife is taxed for the vice
(Among the Libyans) of foul avarice:
But she is wronged, and all are lies they tell;
None cheaper does herself both give and sell. Anon. 1695.
1 Gallus, it is supposed, had been praetor of Libya or Africa.
LVII. ON A PRETENDER.
He, whom you see walking slowly along with careless step, who takes his way, in violet-coloured robes, through the middle of the square; whom my friend Publius does not surpass in dress, nor even Cordus himself, the Alpha of Cloaks; he, I say, who is followed by a band of clients and slaves, and a litter with new curtains and girths, has but just now pawned his ring at Claudius' counter for barely eight sesterces, to get himself a dinner.
LVIII. TO ZOILUS.
In your new and beautiful robes, Zoilus, you smile at my threadbare clothes. They are threadbare, Zoilus, I admit but they are my own.
LIX. ON A SMALL DINING-HALL.
I am called Mica: 1 what I am you see, a small dining-hall; from me, behold, you view the dome of the imperial Mausoleum. Press the couches; call for wine; crown yourself with roses; perfume yourself with odours: the god himself 2bids you remember death.
1 A dining-hall erected by Domitian, called Mica, "Crumb," from its smallness.
2 The god of the building, that is, Domitian, to whom it was dedicated.
LX. TO HYLLUS.
Young Hyllus, you are the favoured gallant of the wife of a military tribune; do you fear, in consequence, merely the punishment of a child? Have a care; while thus diverting yourself, your flame will be suddenly extinguished. Will you tell me, "This is not lawful"? Well, and what you are doing, Hyllus, is that lawful?
LXI. ON A SLANDERER.
[Not translated in Bohn or Loeb]
LXII. TO LABIENUS.
[Not translated in Bohn or Loeb]
LXIII. TO MILICHUS.
You had but a hundred thousand sesterces, Milichus, and those were consumed in ransoming Leda from the Via Sacra. This, Milichus, would have been an act of great extravagance, had you loved at such a price, even though rich. You will at once tell me, "I am not in love." It is still an act of great extravagance.1
The hundredth sesterce you had just to pay,
Which bought you Leda, from the Sacred Way.
Of wealth in love luxuriant the disburse!
I'm not in love, cries Milic. Ten times worse. Elphinston.
1 A dilemma. If you ransomed her for love, you were extravagant; if you ransomed her without being in love with her, you were extravagant.
LXIV. TO LAURUS.
While you are thinking of becoming, sometimes a lawyer, sometimes a professor of eloquence, and cannot decide, Laurus, what you mean to be, the age of Peleus, and Priam, and Nestor, has passed by with you, and it would now be late enough for you even to retire from any profession. Begin; three professors of eloquence have died in one year, if you have courage, and any talent in that line. If you decide against the School, all the courts of law are in a perfect fever of litigation; Marsyas himself 2 might become a lawyer. Come, give over this delay; how much longer are we to await your decision? While thus hesitating what to be, you are becoming unfit for anything at all.
2 The statue of Marsyas in the forum.
LXV. TO SALEIANUS.
Why do we see Saleianus with a sadder air than usual?----Is the reason a trifling one? I have just buried my wife, says he. Oh great crime of destiny! oh heavy chance! Is she dead, she so wealthy, Secundilla, dead, who brought you a dower of a million sesterces? I would not have had this happen to you, Saleianus.
LXVI. TO LALAGE.
One ringlet of hair, in the whole circle of Lalage's tresses, was out of its place, haying been badly fixed by an erring pin. This crime she punished with the mirror,1 by means of which she discovered it, and Plecusa fell to the ground under her blows, in consequence of the cruel hair. Cease now, Lalage, to adorn your fatal locks; let no waiting-woman henceforth touch your outrageous head. Let the salamander 2 leave its venom on it, or the razor pitilessly denude it, that the image may be worthy of your mirror.
1 A brazen mirror.
2 An animal something like a lizard, supposed to yield a poisonous liquid, used as a depillatory.
LXVII. TO POSTUMUS.
In whatever place you meet me, Postumus, you cry out immediately, and your very first words are, "How do you do?" You say this, even if you meet me ten times in one single hour: you, Postumus, have nothing, I suppose, to do.
LXVIII. TO OLUS.
Because I now address you by your name, when I used before to call you lord and master, do not regard me as presumptuous. At the price of all my chattels I have purchased my cap of liberty. He only wants lords and masters who cannot govern himself and who covets what lords and masters covet. If you can do without a servant, Olus, you can do without a master.
LXIX. TO CLASSICUS.
You say, Classicus, that it is against your will that you dine from home. May I perish, Classicus, if you do not lie. Even Apicius himself delighted in going out to dinner, and, when he dined at home, was rather out of spirits. If, however, you go against your will, why, Classicus, do you go at all? "I am obliged," you say. It is true; just as much as Selius 1 is obliged. See now, Melior invites you to a regular dinner, Classicus; where are your grand protestations? if you are a man, say "No."
1 A parasite. See Eps. 11 and 1.
LXX. TO COTILUS.
[Not translated in the Bohn. Adapted from the Loeb]
You are unwilling that anyone should wash in the
bath before you, Cotilus. What reason is there but
this, that you be not touched by polluted waters?
Be first then in the bath, but it is unavoidable that
your ---- is washed here before your head. 1
LXXI. TO CAECILIANUS.
No one is more ingenious than yourself Caecilianus; I have remarked it Whenever I read a few distichs from my own compositions, you forthwith recite some bits of Marsus or Catullus. Do you offer me these, as though what you read were inferior to mine, so that, when placed side by side, my compositions should gain by the comparison? I believe you do. Nevertheless I should prefer, Caecilianus, that you recite your own.
LXXII. TO POSTUMUS.
[Not translated in Bohn. Loeb version given]
A THING is said to have been done at dinner last night, Postumus, which I should deprecate for who could approve such doings? it is said that your face was mauled, and by an assault even noisier than when Latinus smacks the beggarly cheeks of Panniculus; 1 and what is more wonderful it is Caecilius whom as author of this outrage rumour proclaims all over the city. You say this was not done; do you wish me to believe this? I believe it. What if Caecilius has witnesses, Postumus?
1 Latinus and Panniculus were two actors in pantomime, like clown and pantaloon.
LXXIII. ON LYRIS.
Lyris wishes to be told what it is she is doing. What? Why, she sullies her mouth even when not intoxicated.2
2 There are various readings of this Epigram. A MS. in the Bodleian adds another verse.
LXXIV. TO MATERNUS.
Do you notice, Maternus, that Saufeius accompanied in front and behind by a crowd of followers, a crowd as great as that by which Regulus is escorted home after sending off his shaven1 client to the lofty temples of the gods? Do not envy him. May such an escort never, I pray, be yours. Fuficulenus and Faventinus 2 procure for him these friends and flocks of clients.
1 Shaven, i.e. acquitted; as persons under accusation let their beards grow.
2 Names of usurers, it is supposed, to whom he had mortgaged his estate.
LXXV. ON A LION.
A lion who had been accustomed to put up with the blows of his unsuspecting master, and quietly to suffer a hand to be inserted in his mouth, has unlearned his peaceful habits, his fierceness having suddenly returned, greater even than it ought to have been on the Libyan mountains. For, cruel and malicious, he slew with furious tooth two boys of that young band whose duty it was to put a new face on the ensanguined arena with their rakes. Never did the theatre of Mars behold a greater atrocity. We may exclaim: "Savage, faithless robber! learn from Rome's sacred wolf to spare children."
LXXVI. ON MARIUS.
Marius has left you a legacy of five pounds of silver. He, to whom you gave nothing, has given you----words.1
1 Because Marius had left no property.
LXXVII. TO COSCONIUS.
You, Cosconius, who think my epigrams long, may possibly be expert at greasing carriage-wheels. With like judgment, you would think the Colossus too tall, and might call Brutus's boy2 too short. Learn something which you do not know: two pages of Marsus and the learned Pedo often contain only one epigram. Those compositions are not long, in which there is nothing to retrench: but you, Cosconius, write even distichs that are too long.
2 The statue of a boy, made by Brutus, an artificer.
LXXVIII. TO CAECILIANUS.
Do you ask where to keep your fish in the summer-time? Keep it in your warm baths, Caecilianus.
"Where keep my fish in summer?" Helluo cries.
Your kitchen's cool; that grotto I advise.
Gentleman's Mag.
LXXIX. TO NASICA.
You invite me then, and then only, Nasica, when you know I am engaged. Excuse me, I pray: I dine at home.
You think I'm called elsewhere, so bid me come
To dine with you. Thank you; I dine at home. Anon.
LXXX. ON FANNIUS.
Fannius, as he was fleeing from the enemy, put himself to death. Is not this, I ask, madness,----to die for fear of dying?
LXXXI. TO ZOILUS.
Your litter may, if you please, be larger than an hexaphoros, Zoilus; but as it is your litter, it should be called a bier.1
1 The hexaphoros was a large sort of palanquin, carried on the shoulders of six men. By calling Zoilus's litter a bier, Martial means, as Rader supposes, that Zoilus was bloated with gluttony, and more like a corpse than a living person. See B. iii. Ep. 82.
LXXXII. TO PONTICUS.
Why do you maim your slave, Ponticus, by cutting out his tongue? Do you not know that the public says what he cannot?
LXXXIII. ON A CRUEL HUSBAND.
Husband, you have disfigured the wretched gallant, and his countenance, deprived of nose and ears, regrets the loss of its original form. Do you think that you are sufficiently avenged? You are mistaken: something still remains.
LXXXIV. TO RUFUS, ON SERTORIUS.
[Not translated]
LXXXV. TO A FRIEND.
A bottle of iced water,3 bound with light basket-work, shall be my offering to you at the present Saturnalia. If you complain, that I sent you in the month of December a gift more suited to the summer, send me in return a light toga.
3 Water boiled and then cooled in snow, such as the Romans used to mix with their wine.
LXXXVI. TO CLASSICUS, IN DISPARAGEMENT OF
DIFFICULT POETIC TRIFLES.
Because I neither delight in verse that may be read backwards, nor reverse the effeminate Sotades;5 because nowhere in my writings, as in those of the Greeks, are to be found echoing verses,1 and the handsome Attis does not dictate to me a soft and enervated Galliambic strain;2 I am not on that account, Classicus, so very bad a poet. What if you were to order Ladas against his will to mount the narrow ridge of the petaurum?3 It is absurd to make one's amusements difficult; and labour expended on follies is childish. Let Palaemon4 write verses for admiring crowds. I would rather please select ears.
5 That is, the metre used by Sotades, who wrote, it would appear from this passage, verses that might be read either backwards or forwards; verses, perhaps, which expressed commendation of the person to whom they were addressed, when read forwards, but satire when read the other way.
1 Verses in which the termination is formed by a repetition of the preceding syllable or syllables, as if given by an echo.
2 The Galliambic verse had its name from Galli, the priests of Cybele, who are said to have written in it. Attis, more commonly written Atys, was a youth beloved by Cybele.
3 The petaurum was some sort of machine by which performers were raised from the ground; some have thought it a spring plank, others a wheel or part of a wheel; possibly there may have been different forms of it. Ladas was a swift runner (see B. x. Ep. 100), but could not be induced to mount the petaurum.
4 A conceited grammarian; perhaps the one mentioned by Suetonius, de Il. Gramm. c 13.
LXXXVII. TO SEXTUS, A DEFORMED PERSON.
You say, Sextus, that fair damsels are burning with love for you-----for you, who have the face of a man swimming under water!1
1 Distorted, as things appear under troubled water.
LXXXVIII. TO MAMERCUS.
You recite nothing, and you wish, Mamercus, to be thought a poet. Be whatever you will, only do not recite.
LXXXIX.
For delighting to lengthen out the night over too many cups, I pardon you, Gaurus; you have the weakness of Cato. For writing verses without help from Apollo and the Muses, you deserve to be praised; this weakness was that of Cicero. You vomit; that was Antonius' failing; your luxury, that of Apicius. But as to your abominable debauchery, tell me, from whom do you derive that?
XC. TO QUINTILIAN.
Quintilian, supreme ruler over our unsteady youth,----Quintilian, glory of the Roman toga, do not blame me, that I, though poor yet not useless to my generation, hasten to enjoy life: no one hastens enough to do so. Let him delay doing so, who desires to have a greater estate than his father, and who crowds his lofty halls with countless busts. A quiet hearth delights me, and a house which disdains not the blackness of smoke,1 a running spring, and a natural piece of turf. May these be mine; a well-fed attendant, a wife not over-learned, nights with sleep, days without strife.
1 A house not too fine or splendid; such as will allow of the free use of fires wither receiving damage by the smoke.
XCI. TO CAESAR, ASKING THE RIGHTS OF A
FATHER OF THREE CHILDREN.
Caesar, you who are the certain safety of the empire, the glory of the universe, from whose preservation we derive our belief in the existence of the gods; if my verses, so often read by you in my hastily composed books, have succeeded in fixing your attention, permit that to seem to be which fortune forbids to be in reality, namely, that I maybe regarded as the father of three children.1 This boon, if I have failed to please you, will be some consolation to me; if I have succeeded in pleasing you, will be some reward.
1 To the father of three or more children great privileges were allowed among the Romans; he sat in the best seats at the games, and had advantages in standing for public offices and distinctions.
XCII. TO HIS WIFE.
He, who alone had the power, has granted to my prayer the rights of a father of three children, as a reward for the efforts of my Muse. Goodbye to you, madam wife. The munificence of our lord and master must not be rendered valueless.2
2 That is, by his having three children by her, which would make the gift of Domitian superfluous.
XCIII. TO REGULUS.
"Where is the first book," you ask, "since this is the second?" What am I to do, if the first book has more modesty than this? If you, however, Regulus, prefer this to be made the first, you can take away "one" from its title.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Martial, Epigrams. Book 3. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
Martial, Epigrams. Book 3. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
BOOK III.
I. TO THE READER.
This book, whatever may be its worth, Gaul, named after the Roman toga,1 sends from far distant climes. You read it, and award your praise perhaps to the preceding; but both are equally mine, whichever you think the better. That book which saw the light in the city should, indeed, give the greater pleasure; for a book of Roman production should bear the palm over one from Gaul.
1 Gallia Togata.
II. TO HIS BOOK.
To whom, my little book, do you wish me to dedicate you? Make haste to choose a patron, lest, being hurried off into a murky kitchen, you cover tunnies with your wet leaves, or become a wrapper for incense and pepper. Is it into Faustinus' bosom that you flee? you have chosen wisely: you may now make your way perfumed with oil of cedar, and, decorated with ornaments at both ends, luxuriate in all the glory of painted bosses; delicate purple may cover you, and your title proudly blaze in scarlet. With him for your patron, fear not even Probus.2
2 M. Valerius Probus. the celebrated grammarian.
III. TO AN ILL-FORMED LADY.
Your face, which is beautiful, you cover with a black veil; but with your person, which is not beautiful, you offend the waters in which you bathe. Imagine that the nymph of the brook herself addresses you in these words of mine: "Either uncover your face, or bathe dressed."
IV. TO HIS BOOK.
Go your ways to Rome, my book. If Rome shall ask whence you are come, you will say from the quarter to which the Aemilian Way leads. If she shall inquire in what land I am, or in what city, you may reply that I am at Cornelii Forum.2 If she ask the reason of my absence, make in few words a full confession: "He was not able to endure the wearisomeness and vanity of the toga." 3 If she shall say, "When is he likely to return?" reply, "He departed a poet: he will return when he has learned to play the lyre."1
2 A town of Gallia Togata, now called Imola.
3 The trouble of visits of ceremony to patrons, which were paid in the mornings.
1 Players on the lyre or harp being valued at Rome more than poets, See B. v. Ep. 57.
V. TO HIS BOOK.
Do you wish, my little book, who are going to the city without me, to have recommendations to several persons? or will one person be sufficient? One, believe me, will be sufficient,----one to whom you will not be a stranger,----Julius, whose name is so constantly on my lips. Him you will seek out without delay, near the very entrance to the Via Tecta; he lives in the house which Daphnis once occupied. He has a wife, who will receive you to her arms and bosom, even were you to go to her covered with dust. Whether you see them together, or either of them first, you will say, "Marcus bids me salute you," and that is enough. Let letters of introduction herald others; he is foolish, who thinks it necessary to be introduced to his own friends.
VI. TO MARCELLINUS.
This is the third day, Marcellinus, after the Ides of May; a day to be celebrated by you with double rites: for it witnessed the introduction of your father to the light of heaven, and was the first to receive the offering from your blooming cheeks.1 Although the day conferred on your father the gift of a happy life, yet it never afforded him a greater blessing than your safe arrival at manhood.
VII. ON THE ABOLITION OF THE SPORTULA BY DOMITIAN.
Farewell at length, you paltry hundred farthings, the patron's largess to his worn-out escort, doled out by the half-boiled bathing-man. What think you, my masters, who starve your friends? The sportula of proud patrons are no more, there is no way of escape: you must now give a regular dinner.2
1 The first cuttings from the beard, which was always cut, for the first time, with great ceremony; the day on which it was done being kept as a festival, and the hair cut off being dedicated to some god. This was the commencement of manhood.
2 A regular supper, or late dinner, which Domitian ordered to be given by patrons to their followers, instead of the hundred farthings for the sportula, which appear to have been sometimes distributed by the bath-keepers.
VIII. ON QUINTUS.
"Quintus is in love with Thais."----What Thais?----"Thais with one eye."----Thais wants one eye; he wants two.
IX. ON CINNA.
Cinna, I am told, is a writer of small squibs against me. A man cannot be called a writer, whose effusions no one reads.
Jack writes severe lampoons on me, 'tis said
----But he writes nothing, who is never read. Hodgson.
X. TO PHILOMUSUS.
Your father, Philomusus, allowed you two thousand sesterces a month, and paid you day by day; because, with you, the wants of the morrow always pressed close on the extravagance of to-day; and consequently it was necessary to allow daily aliment to your vices. Your father is now dead, and has left you his sole heir; and by so doing, Philomusus, he has disinherited you.1
1 Because you will soon squander all he has bequeathed you.
XI. TO QUINTUS.
If your mistress, Quintus, is neither Thais nor one-eyed, why do you imagine my distich to have been levelled against you?----But perhaps there is some similarity in the name; perhaps it said Thais for Lais.----Tell me, what similarity is there between Thais and Hermione?----But you are Quintus, you say;----well, let us change the name of the lover. If Quintus will not have Thais, let Sextus be her swain.1
1 This Epigram requires a comment. A certain Quintus was angry at Martial on account of the eighth Epigram. As the name of his mistress was Hermione, and she was not one-eyed, Martial asks him how he could hare supposed that the Epigram was directed against her and him. If there had been, he adds, any similarity in the names,----if your mistress, for instance, had been called Lais, you might hare fancied that Lais was meant by Thais; but what similarity is there between Thais and Hermione? But, you will say, I mentioned Quintus in those lines, and your name is Quintus. Well then, to please you, I will change the name, and for Quintus substitute Sextus, since it is of no consequence to me by what name, "Fifth" or "Sixth," I call Thais's lover.
XII. ON FABULLUS.
The perfumes, I own, were good which you gave your guests yesterday; but you carved nothing. It is a queer kind of entertainment to be perfumed and starved at the same time. A man, Fabullus, who eats nothing, and is embalmed, seems to me a veritable corpse.
XIII. TO NAEVIA.
While you refuse to cut up the hare, Naevia, and the mullet, and spare the boar which is already more than putrid, you accuse and ill-treat your cook, on the pretence that he has served up everything raw and indigestible. At such a banquet I shall never suffer from indigestion.
XIV. ON TUCCIUS.
The hungry Tuccius had left Spain and was coming to Rome. But a rumour about the sportula met him, and he turned back at the Mulvian Bridge.1
1 He heard of the smallness of the sportula, and the trouble and humiliation to be endured in obtaining it, and at once turned back, though he had reached the Mulvian Bridge, which was only a mile from Rome.
XV. ON CODRUS.
No one in the whole city gives more credit than Codrus.----"But since he is so poor, how can that be?"----He bestows his affections with his eyes shut.
Tom gives more trust than any one in trade.----
And yet so poor?----Tom thinks his love a maid.
Hodgson.
XVI. TO A COBBLER.
Cobbler, kinglet of cobblers, you give gladiatorial exhibitions, and what your awl has bestowed the sword destroys. You are intoxicated; for you never would have acted when sober, in such a way as to amuse yourself, cobbler, at the expense of your tanned hides. You have had your sport; and now, be advised, remember to confine yourself within your own natural skin.
XVII. ON SABIDIUS.
A tart, which had been carried round the second course several times, burnt the hand with its excessive heat. But the throat of Sabidius was still more ardent to swallow it; he immediately, therefore, blew upon it three or four times with his mouth. The tart certainly grew cooler, and seemed likely to allow us to touch it. But no one would touch it: it was infected.
XVIII. TO MAXIMUS.
In your exordium you complained that you had caught a cold in your throat. Since you have excused yourself; Maximus, why do you recite?
XIX. ON A VIPER.
Close to the hundred columns, where figures of wild beasts adorn the plane-grove, is to be seen a she-bear. The fair Hylas, playing near it, explored its yawning jaws, and buried his tender hand in its mouth; but an accursed viper was lurking in the dark recesses of the brazen throat! and the bear was animated with a breath more deadly than its own. The child did not perceive that any mischief was there, until he was dying from the bite of the snake. Oh, sad misfortune! that the bear was not a real one!
In the Piazza, where tall poplars grow.
And well-carved beasts adorn the shaded row,
A ragged bear takes up a mighty space,
The ornament and terror of the place.
Young Hylas there the horrid monster saw,
And fearless sported with its gaping jaw.
A lurking viper animates the stone,
And arms the brute with poison, not its own.
Too late, alas! the fair expiring boy
Found bears could sting, and marble could destroy.
R. Luck, 1736.
XX. ON CANIUS.
Tell me, my Muse, what my Canius Rufus 1is doing. Is he committing to imperishable tablets the history of the family of the Claudii, for future generations to read; or refuting the falsehoods of the historian of Nero? Or is he imitating the jocosity of the plain-speaking Phaedrus? 2 Or is he sporting in elegiacs; or writing gravely in heroic verse? Or is he terrible in the buskin of Sophocles? Or is he idling in the school of the poets, uttering jests seasoned with Attic salt? Or, if he has retired from thence, is he pacing the portico of the temple of Isis,3 or traversing at his ease the enclosure of the Argonauts? 4 Or rather, is he sitting or walking, in the afternoon, free from cankering cares, in the sunny box-groves of the delicate Europa?5 Or is he bathing in the warm baths of Titus or of Agrippa, or in that of the shameless Tigillinus? 6 Or is he enjoying the country seat of Tullus and Lucanus? 1 or hastening to Pollio's delightful retreat, four miles from the city? Or has he set out for scorching Baiae, and is he now sailing about on the Lucrine lake?----"Do you wish to know what your Canius is doing? Laughing."
1 B. i. Ep. 70.
2 It is supposed by Gronovius and others, with great probability, that Phaedrus, the writer of fables, is meant, whom Martial calls improbus or "plain-speaking,'' because he satirises the actions of men by words put into the mouths of the inferior animals. What "historian of Nero" is meant, is unknown.
3 See B. ii. Ep. 14. The original has merely "temple," but all the commentators agree that the temple of Isis is meant
4 The area and portico of Agrippa, adorned with paintings of the adventures of the Argonauts.
5 See B.ii. Ep. 14.
6 Sophonius Tigillinus, an unprincipled character, mentioned by Juvenal. Sat I., and by Tacitus.
1 Two brothers; see B. i. Ep. 37; B. ix. Ep. 52.
XXI. ON A MASTER AND A SLAVE.
A slave, branded on the forehead by his master, saved him when proscribed. Thus, while the life of the master was preserved, his infamy 2 was perpetuated.
2 The infamy of a master who could have branded a slave so attached to him.
XXII. ON APICIUS.
You had spent, Apicius, sixty millions of sesterces 3 on your belly, but you had still left a loose ten millions. In despair at such a reduction, as if you were condemned to endure hunger and thirst, you took as a last draught, a dose of poison. No greater proof of your gluttony than this, Apicius, was ever given by you.
3 About half a million of our money.
XXIII. TO A NIGGARDLY HOST.
Since you hand over all the dishes to the slaves behind you, why is not your table spread at your back?
XXIV. ON A TUSCAN SOOTHSAYER.
A goat, guilty of having gnawed a Vine, was standing doomed before the altar of Bacchus, a grateful victim for his sacred rites. When the Tuscan soothsayer was about to sacrifice him to the god, he chanced to order a rustic and unlettered countryman to castrate the animal quickly with a sharp knife, so that the foul odour from the unclean flesh might pass away.2 But while he himself, with his body bent over the grassy altar, was cutting the neck of the struggling animal with his knife, and pressing it down with his hand, an immense hernia of his own showed itself at the outraged rites. This the rustic seized and cut, thinking that the ancient rites of sacrifice demanded it, and that the ancient deities were honoured with such offerings. So you, who but a while since were a Tuscan, are become a Gallus;3 and while you were cutting the throat of a goat, you were cut yourself.
2 A supposed effect of the operation.
3 A priest of Cybele. The word Gallus means also a Gaul.
XXV. TO FAUSTINUS, ON A FRIGID RHETORICIAN.
If you wish, Faustinus, a bath of boiling water to be reduced in temperature,----a bath, such as scarcely Julianus could enter,----ask the rhetorician Sabinaeus to bathe himself in it. He would freeze the warm baths of Nero.
XXVI. TO CANDIDUS.
Alone you possess your farms, Candidus, alone your cash; alone your golden and murrhine vessels; alone your Massic wine, alone your Caecuban of Opimius' year; alone your heart, alone your wit; alone you possess all your property; (do you think I wish to deny it?)----but your wife, Candidus, you share with all the world.
XXVII. TO GALLUS.
You never invite me again, although you frequently accept my invitations. I pardon you, Gallus, provided that you do not invite others. But others you certainly do invite;----we are both in the wrong. "How so?" you ask. I have no common sense; and you, Gallus, no sense of shame.
I often you, you me do never bid,
Which I could pardon if none else you did;
But others you invite:----we're both to blame,
----Myself for want of wit, and you of shame.
Old MS. 16th Cent.
XXVIII. TO NESTOR.
You wonder that Marius' ear smells unpleasantly. You are the cause of this, Nestor; you whisper into it.
Wonder you, Nestor, Marius' ear smells strong?
Your breath's the cause; you whisper there so long.
Wright.
XXIX. TO SATURN, ON ZOILUS.
To you, O Saturn, Zoilus dedicates these chains and these double fetters, his first rings.1
1 This Zoilus, whoever he was, had been a slave, but had risen to the dignity of a knight, when he wore a gold ring; in allusion to which Martial calls his fetters "his first rings." The fetters of slaves, on their manumission, were dedicated to Saturn, because he had himself been put in fetters by Jupiter. See B. xi. Ep. 37.
XXX. TO GARGULIANUS.
The sportula is no longer given;2 you dine as an ordinary guest.3 Tell me then, Gargilianus, how do you contrive to live at Rome? Whence comes your paltry toga, and the rent of your murky den? Whence the money for a bath among the poor? or for the favours of Chione? You say you live in the highest degree reasonably, but you act unreasonably, in my opinion, in living at all.
2 See Ep. 7.
3 Without receiving any money.
XXXI. TO RUFINUS.
You have, I admit, many a wide acre of land, and many a farm over which Alban household gods preside; crowds of debtors to your well-filled money-chest serve you as their master, and golden tables support your meals. Do not, however, Faustinus, disdain smaller people than yourself: Didymus had more than you have; Philomelus1 has more.
1 Names of low people who had become rich at Rome.
I own, in manors you have large command;
And rich in houses are, as well as land:
You have in mortgages a vast estate:
Your table elegant, and served in plate.
Despise not your inferiors on this score:
More once had Verres, Cheatall now hath more.
Hay.
Disdain not, Rufus, all that yet are poor;
There's greater rogues than you, that have much more.
Anon. 1696.
XXXII. TO MATRINIA.
You ask, Matrinia, whether I can love an old woman. I can, even an old woman: but you are not an old woman; you are a corpse. I can love a Hecuba or a Niobe, Matrinia, provided the one has not yet become a hound, or the other a stone.
XXXIII. THE IDEAL OF HIS MISTRESS.
I prefer a lady; but if such is denied me, my next choice would be a freed-woman. A slave is the last resource; but if her beauty indemnifies the want of birth, I shall prefer her to either.
XXXIV. TO CHIONE.
Why you are at once deserving and undeserving of your name, I will tell you. You are cold, and you are black. You are not, and you are, Chione.1
1 Chion is Greek for snow.
XXXV. ON SOME SCULPTURED FISH.
You see those fish before you, a beautiful example of the sculpture of Phidias; give them water, and they will swim.
XXXVI. TO FABIANUS.
Such attentions as you receive from a new and lately made friend, Fabianus, you expect to receive also from me. You expect that I should constantly run in dishabille to salute you at the dawn of day, and that your litter should drag me through the middle of the mud; that, worn out, I should follow you at four o'clock or later to the baths of Agrippa, while I myself wash in those of Titus. Is this my reward after twenty winters' service, Fabianus, that I am ever to be in my apprenticeship to your friendship? Is this what I have gained, Fabianus, by my worn-out toga,----and this too my own,----that you do not consider me to have yet earned my discharge?
XXXVII. TO HIS RICH FRIENDS.
My rich friends, you know nothing save how to put yourselves into a passion. It is not a nice thing for you to do, but it suits your purpose. Do it.
Rich friends 'gainst poor to anger still are prone:
It is not well, but profitably done.
Hay.
XXXVIII. TO SEXTUS.
What cause or what presumption, Sextus, brings you to Rome? what do you expect or seek here? Tell me. "I will plead causes," you say, "more eloquently than Cicero himself, and in the three forums1 there shall be no one to equal me." Atestinus pleaded causes, and Civis; you knew both of them; but neither made enough to pay for his lodging. "If nothing is to be gained from this pursuit, I will write verses: when you have heard them, you will say they are Virgil's own." You are mad; all that you see here shivering in threadbare cloaks are Ovids and Virgils. "I will push my way among the great." That trick has found support for but two or three that have attempted it, while all the rest are pale with hunger. "What shall I do? advise me: for I am determined to live at Rome." If you are a good man, Sextus, you will have to live by chance.2
1 The old Roman forum, that of Julius Caesar, and that of Augustus.
2 Since it is only the bad that are sure of a living at Rome.
XXXIX. TO FAUSTINUS.
The one-eyed Lycoris, Faustinus, has set her affections on a boy like the Trojan shepherd. How well the one-eyed Lycoris sees!
XL. TO THELESINUS.
For lending me one hundred and fifty thousand sesterces1out of the vast wealth which your heavy chest, Thelesinus, contains, you imagine yourself a great friend to me. You great, for lending? Say rather, I am great, for repaying.
1 About twelve hundred pounds of our money.
For having lent, forsooth, an hundred pound
From full-cramm'd chests and wealth that does abound,
You think'st that you much greatness have display'd:
But that the grandeur's mine, it may be said;
Who, being poor, so great a sum repaid.
Anon. 1695.
XLI. ON A SCULPTURED LIZARD.
The lizard wrought upon this vessel by the hand of Mentor, is so life-like that the silver becomes an object of terror.
XLII. TO POLLA.
When you try to conceal your wrinkles, Polla, with paste made from beans, you deceive yourself not me. Let a defect, which is possibly but small, appear undisguised. A fault concealed is presumed to be great.
XLIII. TO LAETINUS.
You ape youth, Laetinus, with your dyed hair; and you, who were but now a swan, are suddenly become a crow! You will not deceive every one: Proserpine knows that you are hoary, and will snatch the mask from your head.
XLIV. TO LIGURINUS.
Do you wish to know the reason, Ligurinus, that no one willingly meets you; that, wherever you come, everybody takes flight, and a vast solitude is left around you? You are too much of a poet. This is an extremely dangerous fault. The tigress aroused by the loss of her whelps, the viper scorched by the midday sun, or the ruthless scorpion, are less objects of terror than you. For who, I ask, could undergo such calls upon his patience as you make? You read your verses to me, whether I am standing, or sitting, or running, or about private business. I fly to the hot baths, there you din my ears: I seek the cold bath, there I cannot swim for your noise: I hasten to dinner, you stop me on my way; I sit down to dinner, you drive me from my seat: wearied, I fall asleep, you rouse me from my couch. Do you wish to see how much evil you occasion?----You, a man just, upright, and innocent, are an object of fear.
You often wonder what the devil
Can make the town so damn'd uncivil
With what indifference they treat you!
There's not a soul that cares to meet you.
Where'er you come, what consternation!
What universal desolation!
But for the cause----why, must you know it?
I'll tell you; "you're too great a poet;"
And that's a thing true Britons fear
More than a tiger or a bear;
Your man of sense, of all God's curses,
Dreads nothing like repeating verses.
And really, Tom, you 're past all bearing;
You 'd tire a Dutchman out with hearing.
One must submit:----there's no contending;
You keep one sitting; keep one standing
Got loose, with more than decent speed
I trudge away----yet you proceed.
Go where one will, there's no retreat;
You're at it still, repeat, repeat.
I fly to "Nando's"----you are there,
Still thund'ring distichs in one's ear:
Thence to the park----still you 're as bad;
The ladies think you drunk or mad:
"But come, 'tis late, at three we dine;"
You stop one with "a charming line;"
Now down we sit; but lo! repeating
Is greater joy to you than eating.
Quite tired, I nod, and try to doze;
In vain----you've murdered all repose.
But prithee, Tom, repent in time;
You see the sad effect of rhyme
(And check this humour, if you can)
That such an honest worthy man,
With so much sense, and such good nature,
Should be so terrible a creature!
Rev. R. Green.
XLV. TO THE SAME.
Whether Phoebus fled from the table and supper of Thyestes, I do not know: I flee from yours, Ligurinus. It is certainly a splendid one, and well furnished with excellent dishes, but nothing pleases me when you recite. I do not want you to put upon table turbots or a mullet of two pounds weight, nor do I wish for mushrooms or oysters; what I want is your silence.
XLVI. TO CANDIDUS.
You demand from me, without end, the attentions due from a client. I go not myself, but send you my freed-man. "It is not the same," you say. I will prove that it is much more. I can scarcely follow your litter, he will carry it. If you get into a crowd, he will keep it off with his elbow; my sides are weak, and unsuited to such labour. Whatever statement you may make in pleading, I should hold my tongue; but he will roar out for you the thrice-glorious "bravo!" If you have a dispute with any one, he will heap abuse upon your adversary with a stentorian voice; modesty prevents me from using strong language. "Well then, will you show me," say you, "no attention as my friend?" Yes, Candidus, every attention which my freedman may be unable to show.
XLVII. TO FAUSTINUS.
Yonder, Faustinus, where the Capene Gate drips with large drops,1 and where the Almo cleanses the Phrygian sacrificial knives of the Mother of the Gods, where the sacred meadow of the Horatii lies verdant, and where the temple of the Little Hercules 2 swarms with many a visitor, Bassus was taking his way in a well-packed chariot, carrying with him all the riches of a favoured country spot. There you might hare seen cabbages with noble hearts, and both kinds of leeks,3dwarf lettuces, and beet-roots not unserviceable to the torpid stomach. There, also you might have seen an osier ring, hung with fat thrushes; a hare, pierced by the fangs of a Gallic hound; and a sucking-pig, that had never yet crushed bean. Nor did the running footman go idly before the carriage, but bore eggs safely wrapped in hay. Was Bassus going to town? No, he was going to his country-seat.4
1 On account of the aqueducts and springs near it. Juv. iii. 11.
2 Either Hercules worshipped as a boy, or in allusion to the smallness of the temple.
3 Leeks and onions are meant.
4 Bassus is ridiculed for the unproductiveness of his grounds, to which he carried supplies from the city.
XLVIII. TO OLUS.
Olus built a poor man's cot,3 and sold his farms. Olus now inhabits the poor man's cot.
3 A fancy cottage, or smaller house of reception, such as great men built for their dependents, or others, whom they did not wish to admit into their mansions.
XLIX. TO A HOST.
You mix Veientan wine for me, while you yourself drink Massic. I would rather smell the cups which you present me, than drink of them.
L. TO LIGURINUS.
The reason you ask us to dinner, Ligurinus, is no other than this, that you may recite your verses. I have just put off my shoes,1 when forthwith in comes an immense volume among the lettuces and sharp-sauce. Another is handed, while the first course is lingering on the table: then comes a third, before even the second course is served. During a fourth course you recite; and again during a fifth. Why, a boar, if so often placed upon table, is unsavoury. If you do not hand over your accursed poems to the mackerel-sellers, Ligurinus, you will soon dine alone.
1 In order to lie down on the dining-couch.
LI. TO GALLA.
When I praise your face, when I admire your limbs and hands, you tell me, Galla, "In nature's garments I shall please you still better." Yet you always avoid the same baths with myself! Do you fear, Galla, that I shall not please you?
LII. TO TONGILIANUS.
You had purchased a house, Tongilianus, for two hundred thousand sesterces; and a calamity but too frequent in this city destroyed it. Contributions poured in to the amount of a million sesterces. May you not, I ask, be suspected of having set fire to your own house, Tongilianus?
Two hundred pound your house, Tongilian, cost,
Which was by fire----a chance too frequent!----lost
Ten times as much in lieu was gather'd thee.
Did you not burn your house from policy?
Hay.
LIII. TO CHIONE.
I could do without your face, and your neck, and your hands, and your limbs, and your bosom, and other of your charms. Indeed, not to fatigue myself with enumerating each of them, I could do without you, Chloe, altogether.
LIV. TO GALLA.
Seeing that I cannot give you, Galla, what you ask of me as the price of your favours, it would be much mere simple. Galla, to say No at once.
LV. TO GELLIA.
Wherever you come, Gellia, we think that Cosmus 1 has migrated, and that his bottles are broken, and his perfumes flowing about. I would not have you delight in outlandish superfluities. You know, I suppose, that in this manner my dog might be made to smell agreeably.
1 A celebrated perfumer, mentioned B. i. Ep. 88, and elsewhere.
LVI. ON RAVENNA.
At Ravenna, I would rather have a cistern than a vineyard, as I could sell water there for much more than wine.
LVII. ON AN INNKEEPER AT RAVENNA.
A crafty innkeeper at Ravenna lately cheated me. I asked him for wine and water; he sold me pure wine.
LVIII. TO BASSUS, ON THE COUNTRY-HOUSE
OF FAUSTINUS.
Our friend Faustinus's Baian farm, Bassus, does not occupy an ungrateful expanse of broad land, laid out with useless myrtle groves, sterile plane-trees, and clipped box-rows, but rejoices in a real unsophisticated country scene. Here close-pressed heaps of corn are crammed into every corner, and many a cask is redolent with wine of old vintages. Here, after November, when winter is at hand, the rough vine-dresser brings in the ripened grapes; the savage bulls bellow in the deep valley, and the steer, with forehead still unarmed, yearns for the fight. The whole muster of the farmyard roams at large, the screaming goose, the spangled peacock, the bird which derives its name from its red wings,1 the spotted partridge, the speckled fowls of Numidia, and the pheasants of the impious Colchians; the proud cocks caress their Rhodian mates, and the turrets resound with the murmur of pigeons. On this side mourns the ringdove, on that the wax-coloured turtle-dove; the greedy swine fellow the apron of the bailiff's wife, and the tender lamb bleats after its well-filled mother. Young house-bred slaves, sleek as milk, surround the cheerful fire, and piles of wood blaze near the joyous Lares. The steward does not, through inactivity, grow pale with enervating ease, nor waste oil in anointing himself for wrestling, but sets crafty nets for greedy thrushes, or draws up fish captured with the tremulous line, or brings home deer caught in the hunter's toils. The productive garden amuses the well-pleased townsmen,2 and long-haired children, freed from the rule of their instructor, delight to obey the farm-bailiff, and even the effeminate eunuch finds enjoyment in working. Nor does the rustic come empty-handed to pay his respects; he brings with him white honey in its waxen cells, and the conical cheese from the forest of Sassina. This one offers the sleepy dormouse, that the bleating young of the hairy she-goat; another, the capon debarred from loving. Tall maidens, daughters of honest husbandmen, bring their mothers' presents in baskets of osiers. Work being over, the cheerful neighbourhood is invited in; nor does a stinted table reserve its dainties for the morrow, but every one eats his fill, and the well-fed attendant has no cause to envy the reeling guest. But you, Bassus, possess in the suburbs of the city a splendid mansion, where your visitor is starved, and where, from lofty towers, you look over mere laurels secure in a garden where Priapus need fear no thief. You feed your vinedresser on corn which you have bought in town, and carry idly to your ornamental farm vegetables, eggs, chickens, fruits, cheese, and wine. Should your dwelling be called a country-house, or a town-house out of town?
1 The phoenicopterus, or flamingo.
2 Who come to visit the place.
LIX. ON A COBBLER AND A DYER.
A paltry cobbler, O elegant Bononia, has exhibited to you a show of gladiators; a dyer has done the same to Mutina, Now where will the innkeeper exhibit?
LX. TO PONTICUS.
Seeing that I am invited to dinner, and am no longer, as before, to be bought,2 why is not the same dinner given to me, as to you? You partake of oysters fattened in the Lucrine lake; I tear my lips in sucking at a limpet. Before you are placed splendid mushrooms; I help myself to such as are fit only for pigs. You are provided with a turbot; I with a sparulus.3 The golden turtle-dove fills your stomach with its over-fattened body; a magpie which died in its cage is set before me. Why do I dine without you, Ponticus, when I dine with you? Let it be of some profit to me that the sportula exists no longer; let us eat or the same dishes.
2 An allusion to the abolition of the sportula: Ep. 7.
3 Sparulus, some unknown kind of fish. Some think it the bream. See Plin.H.N. xxxii.11; Cels. ii. 18; Ov. Hal. 106.
LXI. TO CINNA.
Whatever favour you ask, presuming Cinna, you call it nothing: if you ask for nothing, Cinna, I refuse you nothing.
LXII. TO QUINTUS.
Because you purchase slaves at a hundred and often two hundred thousand sesterces; because you drink wines stored in the reign of Numa; because your not over-large stock of furniture cost you a million; because a pound weight ox wrought silver costs you five thousand; because a golden chariot becomes yours at the price of a whole farm; because your mule cost you more than the value of a house;----do you imagine that such expenses are the proof of a great mind, Quintus? You are mistaken, Quintus; they are the extravagances of a small mind.
LXIII. TO COTILUS.
Cotilus, you are a beau; so say many, Cotilus, I hear; but tell me, what is a beau? "A beau is one who arranges his curled locks gracefully, who ever smells of balm, and cinnamon; who hums the songs of the Nile, and Cadis; who throws his sleek arms into various attitudes; who idles away the whole day among the chairs of the ladies, and is ever whispering into some one's ear; who reads little billets-doux from this quarter and that, and writes them in return; who avoids ruffling his dress by contact with his neighbour's sleeve; who knows with whom everybody is in love; who flutters from feast to feast; who can recount exactly the pedigree of Hirpinus." 1 What do you tell me? is this a beau, Cotilus? Then a beau, Cotilus, is a very trifling thing.
1 The name of a horse famous in the chariot-races. Juvenal viii. 62.
LXIV. TO CASSIANUS.
The Sirens, those seductive destroyers of mariners with their deceitful blandishments and fatal caresses, whom, once listened to, nobody had before been able to quit, the crafty Ulysses is said to have escaped. Nor do I wonder at it; but I should have wondered, Cassianus, had he escaped from Canius,1 when reciting his verses.
1 See B. i. Ep. 70.
LXV. TO DIADUMENUS.
The perfume, which is exhaled by the apple bitten by a young damsel; by the zephyr that passes over the saffron-fields of Corycia; by the vine, when it flowers white with its first clusters; by grass just cropped by the sheep; by the myrtle; by the Arabian spice-gatherer; by amber rubbed with the hand; by the fire pale with eastern frankincense; by the turf lightly sprinkled with summer showers; by the chaplet resting loosely on locks dripping with nard: all this fragrance, cruel Diadumenus, is combined in your kisses. What would it not be, were you to grant them without grudging?
LXVI. ON MARK ANTHONY AND POTHINUS.
Antony was guilty of a crime similar to that committed by Pothinus; either sword cut off a sacred head. The one, your head, O Rome, when you were celebrating with joy laurelled triumphs; the other, when you were displaying your eloquence. Yet the case of Antony is worse than that of Pothinus; Pothinus did the deed for his master, Antony for himself.1
1 Mark Antony put Caesar to death to gratify his own revenge; Pothinus persuaded Ptolemy to have Pompey put to death for the benefit of Caesar.
LXVII. TO SOME LAZY SAILORS.
You are loitering, sailors, and know nothing of your business, more sluggish than Vaternus and Rasina;2 through whose sleepy waters while you take your way, you just dip your idle oars to measured time. Already Phaeton is descending, and Aethon 3 is perspiring; the day has reached its greatest heat, and noon unyokes the tired horses of the husbandman. But you, floating negligently on the unrippled waters, enjoy your leisure in a safe bark. You are not sailors, I consider, but Argonauts.4
2 Small river in Gallia Togata, where Martial was residing.
3 One of the sun's horses.
4 An untranslateable pun on the word Argonauts, which Martial fancifully compounds of the Greek words ἀργός, "slow," and ναύτης, "a sailor".
LXVIII. TO THE MODEST MATRON.
Thus far this book is written entirely for you, chaste matron. Do you ask for whom the sequel is written? For myself. The gymnasium, the warm baths, the race-course, are here; you must retire. We lay aside our garments; spare yourself the sight of us in that state. Here at last, after her wine and crowns of roses, Terpsichore is intoxicated, and, laying aside all restraint, knows not what she says. She names no longer in doubtful guise, but openly, that deity 1 whom triumphant Venus welcomes to her temple in the sixth month of the year; whom the bailiff stations as protector in the midst of his garden, and at whom all modest maidens gaze with hand before the face. If I know you well, you were laying down the long book from weariness; now you will read diligently to the end.
1 Priapus.
LXIX. TO COSCONIUS.
Inasmuch as you write all your epigrams in chaste words, and ribaldry is nowhere to be found in your verses, I admire you, I praise you; no human being is more pure than yourself. But no page of mine is without freedoms of language. Mine, then, let sportive youths, easy damsels, and the old man who is tortured by his mistress, read. But your respectable and immaculate writings, Cosconius, must be read only by children and virgins.
LXX. TO SCAEVINUS.
You, Scaevinus, who were recently the husband of Aufidia, are now her gallant; while he who was your rival is now her husband. Why should you take pleasure in her, as the wife of your neighbour, who, as your own wife, gave you no pleasure? Is it that obstacles alone inspire you with ardour?
LXXI. TO NAEVOLUS.
[Adapted from the Loeb]
Your boy's ----, Naevolus, is sore; and your ---- is too. I am no diviner, but I know what you are doing.
LXXII. TO SAUFEIA.
[Not translated in Bohn. Adapted from Loeb]
You wish to have an amour with me, and yet you do not wish, Saufeia, to bathe with me; I suspect that some monstrous blemish is in question. Either your dugs hang in wrinkles from your bosom, or you fear by nakedness to betray the furrows in your belly, or your person is lacerated and used up, or you have a protuberance somewhere. But there is nothing such, I am sure; naked you are most beautiful. But if there really is nothing wrong, you have a worse defect: you are stupid.
LXXIII. TO PHOEBUS.
[Not translated in Bohn or Loeb]
LXXIV. TO GARGILIANUS.
With the psilothrum1 you make sleek your face, with the dropax 1 your bald head. Are you afraid of the barber, Gargilianus? How will your nails fare?2----for certainly you cannot pare them by means of resin or Venetian clay.3 Cease, if you have any modesty left, to disgrace your miserable head, Gargilianus: leave such things for the other sex.
1 Names of unguents.
2 The Roman barbers used to pare the nails.
3 Materials of which unguents for the face and head were made.
LXXV. TO LUPERCUS.
[Not translated in Bohn or Loeb]
LXXVI. TO BASSUS
You are all on fire for old women, Bassus, and look with contempt on young ones; and it is not a handsome lady that charms you, but one just on the brink of the tomb. Is not this, I ask, madness? is not your desire insane? To love a Hecuba, and disdain an Andromache!
LXXVII. TO BAETICUS.
Neither mullet, Baeticus, nor turtle-dove delights you; nor is hare ever acceptable to you, or wild boar. Nor do sweetmeats please you, or slices of cake; nor for you does Libya or Phasis send its birds. You devour capers and onions swimming in disgusting sauce, and the soft part of a gammon of bacon, whose freshness is disputable; and pilchards and tunny, whose flesh is turning white: you drink wines which taste of the resin seal, and abhor Falernian. I suspect that there must be some other more secret vice in your stomach: for why, Baeticus, do you eat disgusting meats?1
1 He insinuates that Baeticus is guilty of that with which he charges him in Ep. 81.
LXXVIII. TO PAULINUS, ON BOARD SHIP.
You have emptied your vessel once, Paulinus, while the ship was going at full speed. Do you wish again to repeat the act? You will be a Palinurus,2 if you do.
2 A play upon the word, as if compounded of "again," and "urinate".
LXXIX. ON SERTORIUS.
[Not translated in Bohn. Adapted from Loeb]
There is no undertaking which Sertorius completes: he begins all. This fellow, I fancy, does not ---- in his love affairs.
LXXX. TO APICIUS.
You complain of no one, Apicius; you slander no one; and yet rumour says you have an filthy tongue.
LXXXI. TO BAETICUS.
[Not translated in Bohn or Loeb]
LXXXII. TO RUFUS.
He who would consent to be the guest of Zoilus, would not hesitate to sup with the strumpets of the Summoenium,1 and drink, without a blush, from the broken pitcher of Leda.2 This, I contend, would be both easier and more decent. Clothed in an effeminate kind of robe, he lies upon a couch which he wholly covers, and, propped up on purple and silk cushions, thrusts aside his guests with his elbows on this side and that. At hand stands a minion, who hands to his master, ready to vomit, red feathers 3 and toothpicks of lentisc wood; while, if he is oppressed by the heat, a concubine, reclining by his side, waves upon him a pleasant coolness with a green fan; and a young slave scares away the flies with a rod of myrtle, A softener,4 with nimble art, strokes his whole body, and passes her skilled hand over all his limbs, The signal of snapping his fingers is watched by an eunuch, who presents him with the vessel which his copious draughts render indispensable. Meanwhile Zoilus himself, leaning backwards to the crowd at his feet, among the puppies who are licking up the giblets of geese, divides among his athletes the neck of a wild-boar, or bestows upon his favourite the thigh of a turtle-dove; and while to us is offered wine from Ligurian rocks, or such as has been ripened in the smoke of Marseilles, he hands to his creatures Opimian nectar in crystalline and myrrhine vases; and, while he himself is drenched with essences from the stores of Cosmus, he is not ashamed to divide amongst us in a little gilt shell, unguents such as only the lowest women use. Finally, overcome by many draughts from his large cups, he falls snoring asleep. We sit at the table, and, ordered to keep silence while he is grunting, drink each other's healths by signs. Such is the insolence which we have to endure from this presuming Malchion; nor do we ask to be avenged, Rufus. He has a filthy tongue.5
1 A part of the city near the walls, at its name signifies.
2 A courtesan. See B. i. Ep. 93; B. iv. Ep. 4.
3 The feathers of the phoenicopterus, used to provoke vomiting.
4 Tractatrix. The Romans carried their luxury and effeminacy at this time to such an extent as to hare their limbs rubbed by the hands of young slaves as they reclined at table. To this practice the expression in the text refers, which we have ventured to render "a softener."
5 Fellat.
LXXXIII. TO CORDUS.
You bid me write shorter epigrams, Cordus. Act me now the part of Chione. I could not say anything shorter.1
LXXXIV. TO TONGILION.
What says your trollop, Tongilion? I do not mean your trull?----"What then? "----Your tongue.
What does your strumpet say, Tongilion? I do not mean your wench. "What then?"----Your tongue.
Fletcher.
LXXXV. TO A JEALOUS HUSBAND.
Who persuaded you to cut off the nose of your wife's gallant? Wretched husband, that was not the part which outraged you. Fool, what have you done? Your wife has lost nothing by the operation, since that which pleased her in your friend Deiphobus is still safe.
1 I express myself as briefly as possible, by comparing you to Chione. See Eps. 87 and 97.
LXXXVI. TO THE CHASTE MATRON.
I forewarned and admonished you, chaste matron, not to read this part of my sportive book: and yet, you see, you continue to read. But if chaste as you are, you go to see the acting of Fanniculus and Latinus, read on; these verses are not more shameless than the pantomimes.
LXXXVII. TO CHIONE.
Rumour says, Chione, that you have never had to do with man, and that nothing can be purer than yourself! And yet when you bathe, you veil not that part which you should veil. If you have any modesty, veil your face.
LXXXVIII. ON TWO BROTHERS.
[Not translated in Bohn or Loeb]
LXXXIX. TO PHOEBUS.
Use lettuces, Phoebus, use laxative mallows; for you have a face like one suffering from constipation.
Use lettuce limp, emollient mallows gain:
Thy sturdy stare bespeaks a stubborn strain.
Elphinston.
XC. ON GALLA.
Galla will, and will not, comply with my wishes; and I cannot tell, with her willing and not willing, what she wills.
XCI. ON A VETERAN SOLDIER.1
When a dismissed veteran, a native of Ravenna, was returning home, he joined on the way a troop of the emasculated priests of Cybele. There was in close attendance upon him a runaway slave named Achillas, a youth remarkable far his handsome looks and saucy manner. This was noticed by the effete troop; and they inquired what part of the couch he occupied. The youth understood their secret intentions, and gave them false information; they believed him. After drinking sufficiently, each retired to his couch; when forthwith the malicious crew seized their knives, and mutilated the old man, as he lay on one side of the couch; while the youth was safe in the protection of the inner recess. It is said that a staff was once substituted for a virgin; but in this case something of a different nature was substituted for a stag.2
2 Pro cervo. Fugitive slaves are said to have been jestingly called cervi, "stags " or "deer."
XCII. TO GALLUS.
My wife, Gallus, asks me to allow her one sweetheart,----only one. Shall I not, Gallus, put out his two eyes? 3
3 A play on words; for eyes read testes.
XCIII. TO VETUSTILLA.
Though you have seen three hundred consuls, Vetustilla, and have but three hairs, and four teeth, with the chest of a grasshopper, and the legs of an ant; though your forehead shows more folds than a matron's dress, and your bosom resembles a spider's web; though in comparison with your vast jaws the mouth of crocodile of the Nile is small; though the frogs at Ravenna chatter more melodiously than you, and the gnat of Atria sings more sweetly; though your eyesight is no better than the owl's in the morning, and your body exhales the odour of the husband of the she-goat; though your loins are those of a lean duck, and your legs shrunk like those of a withered old Cynic; though the bath-keeper does not admit you into the bath till he has extinguished his light, and then only among the prostitutes that lodge in the tombs; though it is winter with you even in the month of August, and not even a pestilent fever can unfreeze you, you nevertheless dare to think of marriage after two hundred years of widowhood, and insanely expect somebody to fall in love with relics like yours. Who, I ask, even if he were willing to till a rock, would call you wife?----you whom Philomelus but recently called grandmother. But if you will have your corpse meddled with, let Coris the grave-digger prepare you a couch, such as alone befits your nuptial rites, and let the kindler of the funeral pile bear the marriage torches for the new bride. Such a torch is the only one that Hymen can offer you.
XCIV. TO RUFUS.
You say the hare is not sufficiently cooked, and call for a whip. You would rather cut up your cook, Rufus, than your hare.
XCV. TO NAEVOLUS.
You never say, "Good day!" first, Naevolus: but content yourself with returning the salute, though even the crow is often in the habit of saying it first. Why do you expect this from me, Naevolus? I pray you, tell me. For I consider, Naevolus, you are neither better than I am, nor have precedence of me in the eyes of the world. Both Caesars have bestowed upon me praise and rewards, and have given me the rights of a father of three children. I am read by many; and fame has given me a name known throughout the cities of the earth, without waiting for my death. There is something, too, in this, that Rome has seen me a tribune, and that I sit in those seats whence Oceanus1 excludes you. I suspect that your servants are not even as numerous as the Roman citizens that Caesar has made at my request. But you are a debauchee, Naevolus, and play your part excellently in that capacity. Yes, now you take precedence of me, Naevolus; you have decidedly the advantage. Good day to you.
1 The officer who had the charge of the seats appropriated to the knights at the theatre, and who saw that no improper persons occupied them. He is mentioned B. vi. Ep. 9 and elsewhere.
XCVI. TO GARGILIUS.
[Not translated in Bohn or Loeb]
XCVII. TO RUFUS.
I advise you, Rufus, not to let Chione read this little book of mine. She is hurt by my verses: and she may hurt me in return.
XCVIII. TO SABELLUS.
[Not translated in Bohn or Loeb]
XCIX. TO THE COBBLER.
You ought not, cobbler, to be angry with my book; your trade, and not your life, is satirized in my writings. Allow me innocent pleasantries. Why should I not have the right of amusing myself if you have had that of getting throats cut? 1
1 See Eps. 16 and 59.
C. TO RUFUS.
It was twelve o'clock, Rufus, when I sent the messenger to you, and, I suppose, he must have been wet through when he handed you my verses. For it happened that the sky was pouring down floods of rain. This was exactly the weather in which it was proper for the book to be sent.2
2 As it deserved to be corrected with water and a sponge; see B iv. Ep. 10.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Martial, Epigrams. Book 4. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
Martial, Epigrams. Book 4. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
BOOK IV.
I. ON THE EMPEROR DOMITIAN'S BIRTH-DAY.
O auspicious birth-day of Caesar,1 more sacred than that on which the conscious Ida witnessed the birth of Diotaean Jupiter, come, I pray, and prolong your duration beyond the age of Pylian Nestor, and shine ever with your present aspect or with increased brilliancy. Let Caesar, decked with abundance of gold, sacrifice to Minerva on the Alban mount, and let many an oak-garland pass through his imperial hands. Let him welcome the approaching secular games with magnificent sacrifices, and celebrate the solemnities due to Romulean Tarentus.2 We ask indeed great things, O ye gods, but such as are due to earth; since for so great a god as Caesar what prayers can be extravagant?
1 Domitian was born on the 24th of October.
2 Tarentus was a place near the Campus Martius, where an altar of Plato and Proserpine was buried in the ground, and was disinterred only at the time of the Secular Games.
II. ON HORATIUS.
Horatius, a little while ago, was the only one, among all the spectators of the games, who appeared in black clothes, when the plebeians, the knights, and the senate, with their sacred chief, were sitting in white array. Suddenly snow fell in great abundance; and Horatius became a spectator in white.1
1 It was usual originally for all the spectators to appear in white at the games (see B. xiv. Ep. 137), but this custom had began to be neglected in the time of Domitian, Some of the commentators suppose Martial to intimate that the gods sent the snow to show their displeasure at the black dress of Horatius.
III. ON THE SNOW WHICH FELL ON DOMITIAN
AT THE GAMES.
See how thick a fleece of silent congealed water flows down upon the face and robes of Caesar. Still he pardons Jupiter for sending it, and, with head unmoved, smiles at the waters condensed by the sluggish cold, being accustomed to brave the constellation of the Northern Bootes, and to disregard the Great Bear drenching his locks.2 Who can be sporting with the dried waters and gambolling in the sky? I suspect this snow came from Caesar s little son.3
2 An allusion to Domitian's expedition into Germany.
3 Domitian's son by his wife Domitia, who died when he was very young.
IV. TO BASSA.
Of the odour of a lake whence the water has retired; of the miasmata which rise from the sulphureous waters of Albula; of the putrid stench of a marine fish-pond; of a lazy goat in amorous dalliance; of the old shoes of a tired veteran; of a fleece twice drenched in Tyrian dye;1 of the fasting breath of the Jews; of that of wretches under accusation; of the expiring lamp of the filthy Leda; of ointment made of the dregs of Sabine oil; of a fox in flight, or of the nest of the viper,----of all these things, Bassa, I would rather smell than smell like you.
1 That there was an unpleasant smell from the Tyrian dye appears from B. i Ep. 50.
V. TO FABIANUS.
What do you, Fabianus, an honest and poor man, sincere in speech and in heart, expect from visiting the City? You can neither be a pander nor a parasite, nor, with your monotonous voice, a crier, to call up persons trembling under accusation: nor can you corrupt the wife of your dear friend, nor feel any desire after frozen old women, nor sell empty smoke about the palace;2 nor award praise to Canus, or to Glaphyrus.3 How then, unhappy man, will you live? "I am a trustworthy person, a faithful friend." That is nothing at all: it would never make you a Philomelus.
2 Pretend to sell favours of the emperor.
3 Names of musicians. Philomelus was also a musician, and extremely rich: B.iii Ep. 31.
VI. TO MALISIANUS.
You wish to be thought, Malisianus, as chaste as a modest virgin, and as innocent as a child, although you are more abandoned than he who recites in the house of Stella1poems composed in the metre of Tibullus.
1 Stella the poet, mentioned B. i. Ep. 8, and elsewhere. Tibullus is said to have written some Priapeia in iambic metre.
VII. TO HYLLUS.
Why do you refuse, youthful Hyllus, to-day, what you freely gave yesterday? Why are you so suddenly become cruel, who but now were so kind? You now excuse yourself on account of your beard, and your age, and your hairy limbs. O night, how long have you been, that have made a youth into an old man! Why do you mock me, Hyllus? You were yesterday a boy; tell me, how are you to-day a man?
VIII. TO EUPHEMUS.
The first and second hours of the day 1 exhaust the clients who pay their respects to their patrons; the third exercises the lungs of the noisy pleaders; until the fifth Rome employs herself in various occupations; the sixth brings rest to the fatigued; the seventh closes the day's labours. The eighth suffices for the games of the oily palaestra; the ninth bids us press the piled-up couches at table. The tenth is the hour for my effusions, Euphemus, when your skill is preparing ambrosial delicacies, and our excellent Caesar relaxes his cares with celestial nectar, and holds the little cups in his powerful hand. At that time give my pleasantries access to him; my muse with her free step fears to approach Jupiter in the morning.
1 Reckoning from our six in the morning.
IX. TO FABULLA.
Fabulla, daughter of surgeon Sota, you desert your husband to follow Clitus, and give him both presents and love. You act like a sot.2
2 An attempt to imitate an untranslateable pun.
X. TO FAUSTINUS.
While my book is yet new and unpolished,3 while the page scarcely dry fears to be touched, go, boy, and bear the little present to a dear friend, who deserves beyond all others to have the first sight of my trifles. Run, but not without being duly equipped; let a Carthaginian sponge accompany the book; for it is a suitable addition to my present. Many erasures, Faustinus, would not remove all its faults; one sponging would.
3 Crassa fronte. Not yet smoothed with the pumice stone.
XI. TO SATURNINUS.
While, puffed up beyond measure by an empty name, you were entranced with delight, and were ashamed, unfortunate man, of being merely Saturninus,1 you stirred up war under the Parrhasian Bear, like he who bore arms for His Egyptian consort. Had you so entirely forgotten the ill-fortune of that name, which the fierce rage of the sea at Actium overwhelmed? Or did the Rhine promise you what the Nile denied to him, and were the northern waters likely to be more propitious? Even Antony fell by our arms, who, compared with you, traitor, was a Caesar.
1 Saturninus was a Roman general, who, having taken offence at some remarks of Domitian, excited an insurrection in Germany. Martial taunts him with wishing to become s second Antony.
XII. TO THAIS.
You deny no one, Thais; but, if you are not ashamed of denying no one, at least be ashamed of denying nothing, Thais.
XIII. TO RUFUS, ON A HAPPY MARRIAGE.
Claudia Peregrina, Rufus, is about to be married to my friend Pudens. Be propitious, Hymen, with your torches. As fitly is precious cinnamon united with nard, and Massic wine with Attic honey. Nor are elms more fitly wedded to tender vines, the lotus more love the waters, or the myrtle the river's bank. May you always hover over their couch, fair Concord, and may Venus ever be auspicious to a couple so well matched. In after years may the wife cherish her husband in his old age; and may she, when grown old, not seem so to her husband.
XIV. TO SILIUS ITALICUS.
Silius, glory of the Castalian sisters, who exposes, in mighty song, the perjuries of barbaric rage, and compels the perfidious pride of Hannibal and the faithless Carthaginians to yield to our great Scipios; lay aside for a while your austere gravity, and while December, sporting with attractive games, resounds on every side with the boxes of hazard, and plays at tropa with-fraudulent dice,1 accord some indulgence to my muse, and read not with severe but with cheerful countenance my little books, abounding with jocular pleasantries. Just so perhaps might the tender Catullus venture to send his sparrow to the great Virgil.2
1Tropa is a conjecture. It was a game played by throwing dice into a hole prepared for the purpose.
2 Catullus flourished before Virgil, but Martial is purposely guilty of the anachronism, that he may compare Silius Italicus to Virgil, as he compares himself to Catullus.
XV. TO CAECILIANUS.
When you asked me yesterday for the loan of a thousand sesterces, Caecilianus, for six or seven days, I said, "I have not so much." But, on the pretence of a friend's arrival, you now ask me for a dish and some vases. Are you a fool? Or do you think me a fool, my friend? I refused you a thousand; shall I give you five thousand sesterces?
XVI. TO GALLUS.
It was rumoured, Gallus, that you were not exactly the stepson of your mother, while she was the wife of your father. This however could not be proved while your father was alive. Your father, Gallus, is now no more; yet your step-mother still lives in the house with you. Even if the great Cicero could he recalled from the shades below, and Regulus himself were to defend you, you could not be acquitted; for she who does not cease to be a step-mother after a father's death, Gallus, never was a step-mother.
XVII. TO PAULUS.
You request me to write verses against Lycisca, Paulus, of such a nature that she may be angry on reading them. Paulus, you are unfair; you wish to get her all to yourself.
XVIII. ON A YOUTH KILLED BY THE FALL
OF A PIECE OF ICE.
Just where the gate near the portico of Agrippa is always dripping with water,1 and the slippery pavement is wet with constant showers, a mass of water, congealed by winter's cold, fell upon the neck of a youth who was entering the damp temple, and, when it had inflicted a cruel death on the unfortunate boy, the weapon melted in the warm wound it had made. What cruelties does not Fortune permit? Or where is not death to be found, if you, waters, turn cut-throats.
1 See B. iii Ep. 47.
XIX. ON A CLOAK.
I send you a foreign cloak, the stout workmanship of a Gallic weaver, which, though of a barbarous country, has a Lacedaemonian name;1 a gift of small value, but not to be despised in cold December. Whether you are rubbing into your skin the clammy wrestler's oil, or playing at tennis to warm you; whether you are catching the dusty ball with your hand, or sharing with your competitors the featherlike weight of the loose bladder,2 or seeking to surpass the light Athas3 in the race, this will be a defence to you, that the searching cold may not affect your wet limbs; of unpropitious Iris oppress you with sudden rain. Clad in this gift; you will laugh at winds and showers; nor will you be equally safe in Tyrian silk.
1 Endromis.
2 A large light ball, which appears to have been thrown or knocked about with the hand or fist.
XX. TO COLLINUS, ON CAERELLIA AND GELLIA.
Caerellia calls herself an old woman, when she is but a girl; Gellia calls herself a girl, when she is an old woman, Nobody can endure either, Collinus; the one is ridiculous, the other disgusting.
XXI. ON SELIUS, AN ATHEIST.
Selius affirms that there are no gods, and that heaven is empty; and thinks he has sufficient proof of his opinion in seeing himself become rich while he maintains it.
XXII. ON CLEOPATRA, HIS WIFE.
Cleopatra, after having submitted to the first embrace of love; and requiring to be soothed by her husband; plunged into a glittering pool, flying from his embrace; but the wave betrayed her in her hiding-place; and she shone through the water though wholly covered by it. Thus lilies are distinctly seen through pure glass, and dear crystal does hot allow roses to be hidden. I leaped in, and, plunging beneath the waves, snatched struggling kisses; more was forbidden by the transparent flood.
XXIII. TO THALIA, ON THE POET LUSTISCUS BRUTIANUS.1
Whilst you are too dilatory, Thalia, and take long to consider which is the first, which the second, in your estimation, or to whom shall be assigned the palm in Greek Epigram, Callimachus has himself conceded the superiority to the eloquent Brutianus;2 and if he, satiated with Attic wit, should now sport with our Roman Minerva, make me, I pray you, second to him.
1 Mentioned by Pliny, Epist. vii. 22.
2 That is, the world has acknowledged his superiority over Callimachus.
XXIV. TO FABIANUS.
Lycoris has buried all the female friends she had, Fabianus; would she were the friend of my wife!
Lycoris' friends are rarely of long life:
I wish she were acquainted with my wife.
Anon. 1695.
XXV. TO THE BANKS OF ALTINUM AND AQUILEIA.
You banks of Altinum,3 that rival the rural beauties of Baiae, and you wood that saw the fall of the thunder-stricken Phaeton; you Sola,4 fairest of the Dryads, who were taken to wife by the Faun of Antenor's land near the Euganean lake; and you, Aquileia, who delight in Ledaean 5 Timavus, at the spot where Cyllarus drank of your seven streams: You shall be the haven and the resting-places of my old age, if my retirement be at my own disposal.
3 A town on the Adriatic, towards Venice.
4 Sola was the name of a lake in those parts.
5 The river Timavus is here called Ledaean, because it was visited by Castor and Pollux, the sons of Leda, when they were among the Argonauts. Cyllarus was the horse of Castor.
XXVI. TO POSTUMUS, AN AVARICIOUS MAN.
By not having been to see you at home in the morning for a whole year, do you wish me to say how much, Postumus, I have lost? I suppose about twice thirty and thrice twenty sesterces. Pardon me, Postumus, I pay more for a toga.1
1 If your sportula amounted to a hundred and twenty sesterces in the course of the year, a toga, which I should wear out in visiting you, would cost me more than that sum.
XXVII. TO DOMITIAN.
You are in the habit, Caesar, of frequently commending my little books. A jealous rival, behold, says you ought not to do so; yet you do it none the less on that account. You have even not been content to honour me with words alone, but have bestowed on me gifts such as no other could have given me; behold again, my envious rival gnaws his black nails. Give me, Caesar, so much the more, that he may be the more mortified.
XXVIII. TO CHLOE, SQUANDERING HER
PROPERTY ON LUPERCUS.
You have given, Chloe, to the tender Lupercus stuffs from Spain and from Tyre, of scarlet hue, and a toga washed in the warm Galaesus,1 Indian sardonyxes, Scythian emeralds, a hundred gold pieces newly coined; whatever indeed he asks, you never fail, to give him. Poor shorn lamb! Unhappy woman, your Lupercus will strip you bare.
1 Made of the wool of sheep fed on the banks of the Galaesus, a river near Tarentum. See B. iii. Ep. 43.
XXIX. TO PUDENS.
The number of my books, dear Pudens, forms an objection to them; the ever-recurring toil fatigues and satiates the reader. Rarity gives a charm: thus early fruits are most esteemed; thus winter roses obtain a higher price; thus coyness sets off an extravagant mistress; and a door ever open attracts no young suitor. Persius is oftener noticed on account of one book, than the empty Marsus for the whole of his Amazonid, For yourself when you are reading any one of my little books, imagine it to be the only one; it will then be of more value in your eyes.
XXX. TO A FISHERMAN, THAT HE MAY SPARE
DOMITIAN'S FISH.
Withdraw, fisherman, I warn you, far from the Baian lake, fly, that you may not retire with guilt on your head. These waters are inhabited by sacred fish, who know their sovereign, and lick his hand, a hand than which the world contains nothing more powerful. They even have each its name, and each comes up at the voice of its master, when called. Once, in this deep pool, as an impious Libyan was drawing up his prey with quivering rod, he was suddenly struck with blindness, and unable to see the captured fish; and now, abhorring his sacrilegious hooks, he sits a beggar on the banks of the Baian lake.1 But do you withdraw while you may, and while you are yet innocent, casting into the waters only harmless morsels of food, and respecting the tender fish.
1 A story perhaps wholly the invention of the poet; or perhaps rumour may have afforded some foundation for it Amos supposes, that Martial may allude to some wretch whose eyes ware put out by Domitian, for fishing in the pond. "Gems of Latin Poetry," p. 211.
XXXI. TO HIPPODAMUS.
As to your desire to be named and read of in my books, and your belief that it would be something of an honour to you, may I be confounded, if your wish is not most agreeable to me; and I am most anxious to give you a place in my verse. But you have a name imposed upon you unfavourable to the inspiration of the Muses; a name which a barbarous mother gave you, and which neither Melpomene, nor Polyhymnia, nor pious Calliope, nor Phoebus, could pronounce, Adopt, then, some name which is acceptable to the Moses; "Hippodamus" can never be introduced with good effect.1
1 Martial, we may suppose, disliked the sound of this name. It is used frequently, as an epithet, in Homer.
XXXII. ON A BEE ENCLOSED IN AMBER.
The bee is enclosed, and shines preserved, in a tear of the sisters of Phaeton 2, so that it seems enshrined in its own nectar. It has obtained a worthy reward for its great toils; we may suppose that the bee itself would have desired such a death.
2 The tears which the sisters of Phaethon shed at his death, are said to have been changed into amber. Ovid, Metam. b ii.
XXXIII. TO SOSIBIANUS.
As your desk, Sosibianus, is full of elaborate compositions, why do you publish nothing? "My heirs," you say, "will publish my verses," When? It is already, Sosibianus, time that you should be read.
XXXIV. TO ATTALUS.
Although, Attalus, your toga is very dirty, whoever says that you have a snow-like toga speaks the truth.
XXXV. ON A COMBAT OF DOES IN THE THEATRE.
We hare seen gentle does engage in fight with opposed horns, and fall under the impartial stroke of fate. The hounds gazed on their prey; and the proud huntsman stood amazed that nothing remained for his knife to do. Whence are feeble minds warmed with so great fury? Thus fight bulls; thus fall heroes.
XXXVI. TO OLUS.
Your beard is white, Olus, your hair is black. The reason is, that you cannot dye your beard, though you can dye your hair.
XXXVII. TO AFER.
"Coranus owes me a hundred thousand sesterces, Mancinus two hundred thousand, Titius three hundred thousand, Albinus six hundred thousand, Sabinus a million, and Serranus another million; from my lodging-houses and farms I receive three millions, from my Parmesan flocks six hundred thousand." Such are the words, Afer, that you daily din into my ear; and I know them better than my own name. You must pay me something, to enable me to bear this. Dispel my daily nausea with a round sum: I cannot listen to your catalogue, Afer, for nothing.
XXXVIII. TO GALLA.
Galla, say "No:" love is soon sated, unless our pleasures are mixed with some pain; but do not continue, Galla, to say "No" too long.
XXXIX. TO CHARINUS.
You have bought up all sorts of silver plate; you alone possess the old masterpieces of Myro, and we handiwork of Praxiteles and Scopas; you alone have the productions of Phidias' graver, and the labours of Mentor. Nor are genuine Gratiuses1 wanting in your collection, nor vases inlaid with Callaic2 gold, nor embossed ones from the tables of your ancestors. Yet, amidst all your silver, I wonder, Charinus, that you possess none pure.3
1 Plin. H. N xxxiii. 11.
2 Vases manufactured by the Callaeci or Gallicians in Spain, or of metal brought from their country.
3 A play on the word pure. Martial means that Charinus's table was defiled with debauchery. The translators in verse have not had regard to this meaning. Compare B. i. Ep. 77.
Wrought, grayed, emboss'd, of old and modern date,
In the best taste, how great your stock of plate!
Here Phidias, there Praxiteles doth stand:
Here the sole piece, that's left, of Mentor's hand.
This cistern did a Jerningham invent:
That bowl and cup were both design'd by Kent.
'Mongst all the things where art and fancy join,
I wonder you no silver have in coin.
Hay.
XL. TO POSTUMUS.
When the halls of the Pisos, and the thrice-illustrious house of the learned Seneca, were displaying long lines of pedigrees, I preferred you, Postumus, to all such high personages; you were poor and but a knight, but to me you were a consul. With you, Postumus, I counted thirty winters; we had one couch in common between us. Now, full of honours, and rolling in wealth, you can give, you can lavish. I am waiting, Postumus, to see what you will do for me. You do nothing; and it is late for me to look about for another patron. Is this, Fortune, your act? Postumus has imposed upon me.
XLI. TO A POET RECITING BADLY.
Why, when about to recite, do you wrap your neck in wool? That wool would be more proper for our ears.
XLII. TO FLACCUS, ON HIS FAVOURITE AMAZONICUS.
If any one could possibly grant my wishes, hear, Flaccus, what sort of favourite I would desire. The youth should, first, be born on the banks of the Nile; no land knows better how to bestow attractions. Let him be whiter than snow; for in dusky Egypt that colour is more beauteous, as more rare. Let his eyes rival the stars, and his floating locks play upon his neck; I do not love, Flaccus, carefully arranged locks. Let his forehead be small, and his nose slightly aquiline; and let his lips rival Paesten roses in redness. Let him often seek my caresses when I refuse them; refuse his when I seek them; and let him be often more sportive than his master. Let him be jealous of other youths, and ever keep young damsels at a distance; and, while a man to all else, let him be a youth to me alone. "I understand," say you; "you do not deceive me; for I can testify that your description is exact. Such was my Amazonicus."
XLIII. TO CORACINUS.
I did not call you, Coracinus, an unnatural debauchee; I am not so rash or daring; nor am I a person to utter falsehoods willingly. If I so spoke of you, Coracinus, may I find the flagon of Pontia and the cup of Metilus1 hostile to me; I swear to you by the extravagance and madness of the rites of Isis and Cybele. What I said, however, was of a light and trifling nature,----a something well known, and which you yourself will not deny; I said, Coracinus, that you are strangely fond of the female sex.
1 Two poisoners of that day.
XLIV. ON MOUNT VESUVIUS.
This is Vesuvius, lately green with umbrageous vines; here the noble grape had pressed the dripping coolers. These are the heights which Bacchus loved more than the hills of Nysa; on this mountain the satyrs recently danced. This was the abode of Venus, more grateful to her than Lacedaemon; this was the place renowned by the divinity of Hercules.2 All now lies buried in flames and sad ashes. Even the gods would have wished not to have had the power to cause such a catastrophe.3
2 There were temples of Venus and Hercules on the mountain.
3 This in the eruption of Vesuvius in which Pliny the elder lost his life. Plin. Ep vi. 16.
XLV. TO APOLLO.
To you, Phoebus, Parthenius, the chamberlain of Domitian makes these offerings, in behalf of his son Burrus, joyfully and with full censer; that he, who this day marks his first five years by entering a second lustrum, may live many Olympiads of years. Grant accomplishment to the prayers of a father; so may your Daphne delight in you, and your sister rejoice in unspotted virginity; so may you glory in perpetual youth; so may Bacchus never possess, Phoebus, locks as long as yours.
XLVI. ON SABELLUS.
The Saturnalia have made Sabellus a rich man.1 Justly does Sabellus swell with pride, and think and say that there is no one among the lawyers better off than himself. All these airs, and all this exultation, are excited in Sabellus by half a peck of meal, and as much of parched beans; by three half pounds of frankincense, and as many of pepper; by a sausage from Lucania, and a sow's paunch from Falerii; by a Syrian flagon of dark mulled wine, and some figs candied in a Libyan jar, accompanied with onions, and shell-fish, and cheese. From a Picenian client, too, came a little chest that would scarcely hold a few olives, and a nest of seven cups from Saguntum, polished with the potter's rude graver, the day workmanship of a Spanish wheel,2 and a napkin variegated with the laticlave. More profitable Saturnalia Sabellus has not had these ten years.
1 It was customary for clients and dependents to make presents to their patrons at the Saturnalia, celebrated in December.
2 A potter's wheel. The earthenware manufacture of Spain was of a very inferior character.
XLVII. ON A FIGURE OF PHAETON.
An encaustic figure of Phaeton is depicted upon this tablet. What do you mean, painter, by burning Phaeton a second time?
XLVIII. TO PAPILUS.
[Not translated]
XLIX. TO FLACCUS.
He knows not, Flaccus, believe me, what Epigrams really are, who calls them mere trifles and frivolities. He is much more frivolous, who writes of the feast of the cruel Tereus; or the banquet of the unnatural Thyestes; or of Daedalus fitting melting wings to his son's body; or of Polyphemus feeding his Sicilian flocks. From my effusions all tumid ranting is excluded; nor does my Muse swell with the mad garment of Tragedy. "But everything written in such a style is praised, admired, and adored by all." I admit it. Things in that style are praised; but mine are read.
L. TO THAIS.
Why, Thais, are you constantly saying that I am old? One is never too old, Thais, for what you require.
My age, you, Thais, often spell:
One's ne'er too aged----to do well.
Elphinston.
LI. TO CAECILIANUS.
When you had not six thousand sesterces, Caecilianus, you used to be carried about ostentatiously in a vast litter borne by six men. But since the blind goddess has given you two millions, and your coins have overflowed your coffers, behold you have taken to go on foot. What prayers ought I to offer on your behalf for such merit, such praise-worthy modesty? May the gods restore you, Caecilianus, your litter!
LII. TO HEDYLUS.
If you do not leave off, Hedylus, being drawn by a yoke of goats, you, who were recently a ficus, will become a caprificus.1
1 An untranslatable pun on the words caper and ficus. Ficus signifies the piles, or a person afflicted with them, or figs; caprificus, a wild fig tree.
LIII. TO COSMUS, ON AN ILLITERATE FELLOW
PRETENDING TO BE A CYNIC.
Yonder person, Cosmus, whom you often see in the recesses of the temple of our Pallas, and on the threshold of the new temple,2----an old man with a stick and a wallet; whose hair bristles white and dirty, and over whose breast a filthy beard descends; whom a wax-coloured cloak, sole partner of his bare bed, covers; and to whom the crowd that encounters him gives food forced from them by his importunity,----him, I say, you take for a Cynic, out you are deceived by a false appearance; he is no Cynic, Cosmus. What then?----a dog.3
2 The temple of Minerva Flavians, recently built by Domitian. See B. ix.Ep.2.
3 The name Cynic, "dog-like," is derived from the Greek word for dog.
LIV. TO COLLINUS.
O Collinus, to whom it has been granted to obtain the crown of oak in the Capitol,1 and to surround your deserving locks with its foliage first of all your race, make the most, if you are wise, of every day, and always imagine that your last is come. No one ever succeeded in moving the three wool-spinning sisters;2 they observe rigidly the day which they have fixed. Though you be richer than Crispus, more firm-minded than Thrasea's self; more magnificent than the splendid Melior, Lachesis adds nothing to the thread; she unwinds the spindles of her sisters, and one of the three always puts a stop to the prolongation of it.
1 In the Quinquennial games, instituted by Domitian to Jupiter Capitolinus.
2 The Fates.
LV. TO THE POET LUCIUS.
O Lucius,3 glory of your age, who does not allow old Gaius4 and our Tagus to yield the palm to eloquent Arpi,5 let him who has been born among the cities of Greece sing of Thebes or Mycenae in his lay, or famous Rhodes, or the Ledaean palaestrae1 of licentious 2 Lacedaemon. For us, born among the Celts and Spaniards, let us not be ashamed of repeating in grateful verse the harsher names of our own land; Bilbilis, renowned for its mines of cruel iron, a town which surpasses in this respect the Chalybes and the Norici; Plates, resounding with the working of its own steel, a town which the river Salo, that tempers arms, surrounds with shallow but unquiet waters; Tutela; the dances of Rixamae; the joyful festivities of Cardua; Peterus, red with intertwined roses; Rigae, and its ancient theatres constructed by our ancestors; the Silai, unerring in the use of the light dart; the lakes of Turgontus and Perusia; the pure waters of the humble Vetonissa; the sacred oak-grove of Buradon, through which even the tired traveller walks;3 and the fields of the vale of Vativesca, which Manlius tills with lusty steers. Do these rough names excite a smile, fastidious reader? Smile, if you pease; I prefer them, rough as they are, to Butunti.4
3 Lucius was a native of Spain, contemporary with Martial.
4 Gaius was a river of Spain, sometimes called Old Gaius, say the commentators, when it was afterwards named Gravius.
5 Lucius imitated Horace, who was born in Apulia, in which Arpi was situate.
1 Palaestrae, wrestling-grounds, called Ledaean because Castor and Polux, the sons of Leda, distinguished themselves in athletic exercises.
2 In allusion, probably, to the wrestling and running of girls in the gymnasia.
3 Attracted by its beauty and inviting shade.
4 A town of Apulia. B. ii. Ep. 48.
LVI. TO GARGILIANUS.
Do you wish me, Gargilianus, because you send large presents to old men and widows, to call you munificent? There is nothing on earth more sordid or meaner than you are, who call your snares gifts. In like manner is the guileful hook bountiful to fishes, and the crafty bait a boon to the silly inhabitants of the forests. What the difference is between giving liberally, and making such presents, I will teach you, if you do not know. Make them, Gargilianus, to me.
LVII. TO FAUSTINUS.
Whilst I am detained by the voluptuous waters of the attractive Lucrine lake, and the caves warmed with fountains issuing from the rocks of pumice-stone, you, Faustinus, are dwelling in the domain of the Argive colonists,1 whither the twentieth milestone from the city brings you. But the bristly cheat of the Nemaean lion2 is now inflamed with heat, and Baiae glows with more than its own warmth. So, then, farewell, you sacred fountains and grateful shores, the home alike of Nymphs and of Nereids! In the cold winter you were preferable to the mountains of Hercules: 3 but now you must yield to the cool shades of Tibur.
1 Tibur, built by Catillus, a native of Argos. Horace Odes ii. 6.
2 The constellation Leo.
3 The hills near Tibur, where Hercules was worshipped. See B. i Ep. 13
LVIII. TO GALLA.
You lament in secret, Galla, the loss of your husband; you are ashamed, Galla, I suppose, to weep for a man.
LIX. ON A VIPER ENCLOSED IN AMBER.
Whilst a viper was crawling on the weeping boughs of the Heliades,1 an amber-drop flowed upon the reptile as it lay in its way. While wondering at being fettered by the gummy exudation, it suddenly grew stiff, immured in the congealing mass. Pride not yourself, Cleopatra, on your royal sepulchre; for a viper reposes in a tomb still nobler.
1 Daughters of the sun; sisters of Phaeton; who were metamorphosed into poplars. See Ep. 25 and 32.
LX. ON CURIATIUS.
Let us in the summer solstice retire to Ardea and the country about Paestum, and to the tract which burns under the Cleonaean constellation; 2 since Curiatius has condemned the air of Tivoli, carried off as he was to the Styx notwithstanding its much-lauded waters. From no place can you shut out fate: when death comes, Sardinia 3 is in the midst of Tivoli itself.
2 The Constellation Leo.
3 Sardinia was thought a very unhealthy island.
LXI. TO MANCINUS.
A little while ago, Mancinus, you joyfully boasted to us, in an exulting tone, that some friend of yours had made you a present of two hundred thousand sesterces. Only four days ago, as we were talking in the assembly-room of the poets, you told us that your cloak, which had cost ten thousand sesterces, was the gift of Pompulla; you swore that Bassa and Caelia had given you a red sardonyx, a brilliant opal, and two gems, green as the waves of the sea. Yesterday, when you suddenly left the theatre while Pollio was singing, you remarked, as you ran off, that three hundred thousand sesterces had just come to you by a legacy; this morning you spoke of another hundred thousand, and this afternoon of a hundred thousand more. What extraordinary injury have we, your companions, wrought you? Have pity on us, unfeeling mental, and at length hold your peace. Or, if your tongue cannot be silent, tell us now and then something that we should like to hear.
LXII. ON LYCORIS.
Swarthy Lycoris has left Rome for Tivoli, sacred to Hercules; for she imagines that everybody becomes white there.1
1 As it was a cooler place than Rome, and people were thought to be less scorched by the sun in it.
LXIII. ON CAERELLIA.
While Caerellia, the mother of a family, was sailing from Bauli to Baiae, she perished, drowned by the malice of the raging flood. What glory have you lost, you waters! Such a monstrous catastrophe you did not of old allow to Nero, even though commanded to do so.1
1 Nero had contrived that his mother should be shipwrecked on the voyage to Bauli, but the project did not succeed. By drowning Carellia, the waters lost the honour which they had gained by sparing Agrippina.
LXIV. ON THE GARDENS OF JULIUS MARTIALIS.
On the long ridge of the Janiculan Hill lie the few acres belonging to Julius Martialis; land more blessed than the gardens of the Hesperides. Secluded retreats are spread over the hills, and the smooth summit, with gentle undulations, enjoys a cloudless sky, and, while a mist covers the hollow valleys, shines conspicuous in a light all its own. The graceful turrets of a lofty villa rise gently towards the stars. Hence you may see the seven hills, rulers of the world, and contemplate the whole extent of Rome, as well as the heights of Alba and Tusculum, and every cool retreat that lies in the suburbs, with old Fidenae and little Rubra, and the fruit-bearing grove of Anna Perenna, which delights in virgins' blood.2 Thence may be seen the traveller on the Flaminian and Salarian roads, while his carriage is unheard, so that its wheels are no interruption to gentle sleep; neither is it broken by the cry of the boatswain, or the noise of hawsers, although the Mulvian bridge is near, and ships are seen gliding swiftly along the sacred Tiber. This country box, but which ought rather to be called mansion, is rendered additionally agreeable by the welcome of its owner; you will imagine it to be your own; so ungrudgingly, so liberally, is it thrown open to you, and with such refined hospitality. You would deem it the pious abode of Alcinous, or of Molorchus recently made rich.3 You now, who think all these attractions insignificant, cultivate with a hundred spades cool Tivoli or Praeneste, and give the slopes of Setia to one single husbandman; whilst I, for my part, prefer to all your possessions the few acres of Julius Martialis.
2 Quod virgineo cruore gautdet. Whether it is meant that virgins were in old times sacrificed there, is uncertain. Such sacrifices to Anna Perenna are nowhere else mentioned.
3 Molorchus was a shepherd worshipped for having entertained Hercules when he was seeking the Nemaean lion. He is said to have been recently made rich, because Domitian had built a temple to him near that of Hercules.
LXV. ON PHILAENIS.
Philaenis is always weeping with one eye. Do you ask how that can be? She has but one.
LXVI. TO LINUS.
You have always led the life, Linus, of a country gentleman; an existence than which none can be more inexpensive. It was only on the ides, and occasionally on the kalends of the month,1 that you put on your toga; and one robe of ceremony lasted you ten summers. The forest sent you wild boars, and the field sent you hares, without cost; the well-searched wood save you fat thrushes. The fish came easily snatched from the watery pool; and the red cask poured forth wines of native growth. No attendant of Grecian birth stood at your orders, but a rustic assemblage from the farm. As often as your amorous fancies were warmed and excited by wine, the housekeeper, or the wife of your hardy labourer, sufficed to appease them. Fire hurt not your house, nor Sirius your lands: no ship of yours was ever sunk in the deep; nor is any one now at sea. In your house dice never supplanted the quiet tali;2 but all your stake was a few nuts. Tell us, then, where is the million sesterces which your parsimonious mother left you. Nowhere. You have accomplished a difficult thing, Linus.
1 Days of public business, ceremony, and sacrifices.
2 Bones, with which children and country people played.
LXVII. TO PRAETOR.
The poor Gaurus begged from Praetor a hundred thousand sesterces, well known to him as he was by long-standing friendship, and told him that he wanted that sum alone to add to his three hundred thousand, to qualify him, as a full knight, to applaud the emperor.1 Says Praetor: "You know, I shall have to give a sum of money to Scorpus and Thallus;2 and would that I had only a hundred thousand sesterces to give them!" Ah! shame, shame on your ungrateful coffers, filled to no good purpose! That which you refuse to a knight, Praetor, will you bestow upon a horse?
1 To sit in the theatre in the seats appointed for the knights; an order to which no one was admitted who had not a fortune of at least four hundred thousand sesterces.
2 Names of charioteers.
LXVIII. TO SEXTUS.
You invite me to a dinner that costs but a hundred farthings, while you yourself dine magnificently. Am I invited to dine with you, Sextus, or to envy you?
LXIX. TO PAMPHILUS.
You always, it is true, Pamphilus, place Setine wine, or Massic, on table; but rumour says that they are not so pure as they ought to be. You are reported to have been four times made a widower by the aid of your goblet. I do not think this, or believe it, Pamphilus; but I am not thirsty.
LXX. TO MARULLINUS.
The father of Ammianus, when dying, left him by his will nothing but a dry halter. Who would have thought it possible, Marullinus, that Ammianus could have been made to wish his father still alive?
LXXI. TO SAFRONIUS RUFUS.
I have been long seeking, Safronius Rufus, throughout tho city, for a maiden that says No: but not one says No. Just as if it were not right, as if it were disgraceful, as if it were prohibited, No maiden says No. Is there then no maiden chaste? There are a thousand. What then does the chaste one do? She does not say Yes, certainly, but still she does not say No.
LXXII. TO QUINTUS.
You beg me, Quintus, to present you my works. I have not a copy, but the bookseller Trypho has. "Am I going to give money for trifles," you say, "and buy your verses while in my sober senses? I shall not do anything so ridiculous." Nor shall I.
LXXIII. ON VESTINUS.
When Vestinus, overcome with disease, was at his last hour, and just on the point of crossing the Stygian waters, he prayed to the sisters who were spinning his last threads that they would bring their dark twine to an end with little delay. While, dead for himself, he lived a few moments for his dear friends, such affectionate prayers moved the stern goddesses. Then, having divided his great wealth, he retired from the light of day, feeling, after this was done, that he died an old man.
When on time's precipice Allworthy stood,
Ready to launch into th'eternal flood,
The cruel fates addressing thus he said,
"Ye goddesses, one moment spare my thread:
Lost though I am, let friends my bounty prove."
His pious prayers the rigid sisters move.
He his vast wealth divides; then quits the stage;
And in that moment lived a Nestor's age.
Hay.
LXXIV. TO CAESAR, ON SOME DOES FIGHTING.
Do you see what fierce combats the unwarlike does attempt, and how great rage there is in these timid animals? They burn to rush together upon death with their narrow brows. Do you desire to spare the does, Caesar? Let the hounds loose upon them.
LXXV. TO NIGRINA.
O Nigrina, happy in your beauty of soul, happy in your consort, chief glory of the daughters-in-law of Latium, it delights you to share with your husband the wealth inherited from your father, rejoicing to associate and participate with him in all things. Though Evadne may have cast herself upon the funeral pyre of her husband, and have been burned; and though a fame in no respect inferior exalt Alcestis to the stars; you have done better; you have gained, by visible evidence, such reputation for affection, that your love needs not to be attested by death.
LXXVI. TO AN AVARICIOUS FRIEND.
You have sent me six thousand sesterces, when I asked you for twelve: to obtain twelve, I must ask you for twenty-four.
LXXVII. ON ZOILUS, AN ENVIOUS MAN.
I have never hitherto asked riches of the gods, being content with moderate enjoyments, and happy in what I possess. ----But now, poverty, I wish you (pray excuse me) to retire. What is the cause of this new and sudden prayer? I long to see Zoilus hang himself.
I ne'er begged riches from the gods before,
Well pleas'd with what I had, and to be poor:
But, want, now get you hence: Heav'n grant me store.
Whence comes this sudden new desire of pelf?
I'd fain see envious Zoilus hang himself!
Anon. 1605.
LXXVIII. TO AFER.
Although you have seen sixty harvests gathered in, and your face glistens with many a white hair, you run hither and thither wildly throughout the city, and there is no great man's chair to which you do not every morning assiduously pay your respects. Without you no tribune is allowed to leave his house, nor is either of the consuls excused from your dutiful attendance upon him. Ten times a day you return to the palace on the sacred hill, and talk unceasingly of your friends Sigerius and Parthenius. Let young men act thus----but than an officious old man, Afer, there is nothing more offensive.
LXXIX. TO MATHO.
You were constantly, Matho, a guest at my villa at Tivoli. Now you buy it.----I have deceived you; I have merely sold you what was already your own,
LXXX. TO MARO.
You declaim, Maro, when you are ill with a fever. If you are ignorant that this is frenzy, you are not in your right senses, friend Maro. You declaim when out of order; you declaim while a victim to the semitertian ague. If you cannot excite perspiration by any other means, well and good. "Oh! but it is a great thing to do." You are mistaken; when fever is burning your vitals, the great thing is to be quiet, Maro.
LXXXI. ON FABULLA.
When Fabulla had read that epigram of mine, in which I complain that no maiden says No, she, although asked once, twice, and thrice, disregarded the prayers of her lover. Now, Fabulla, say Yes: I advised you to say No, but not to say No for ever.
LXXXII. TO RUFUS, WITH TWO BOOKS OF
EPIGRAMS FOR VENULEIUS.
Recommend also, Rufus, these little books of mine to Venuleius, and beg him to grant me some few moments of his leisure, and, forgetting awhile his cares and occupations, to examine my trifles with indulgent ear. But let him not read them after either his first or his last glass, but when Bacchus is in his glory, and delights to witness convivial excitement. If it be too much to read two volumes, let him roll up one of them; and the task, thus divided, will seem shorter.
LXXXIII. TO NAEVOLUS.
When you are devoid of care, Naevolus, nobody is more disagreeable than you; when you are in trouble, Naevolus, nobody is more pleasing. When devoid of care you answer nobody's salutation, you look down on every one, you seem to think every one a slave, and no man living worthy of your regard. When you are in trouble, you make presents to one person, you pay your respects to another as your lord and patron, and invite everybody to your house. Pray be always, Naevolus, in trouble.
LXXXIV. ON THAIS.
There is no one among the people, or in the whole town, who who assert that Thais has granted him favours, although many desire and entreat them. Is Thais then, I ask, so pure? By no means; she has a filthy tongue.
LXXXV. TO PONTICUS.
We drink out of glass, Ponticus; you, out of porcelain.1Why? Lest a transparent vessel should betray the better quality of your wine.
1 Literally Murrhine ware, made of fluor spar.
LXXXVI. TO HIS BOOK, SENT TO APOLLINARIS.
If you wish to be approved by Attic ears, I exhort and advise you, my little book, to please the learned Apollinaris.2 No one is more acute than he, or more learned, nor is any one more candid or more indulgent. If he shall receive you to his heart, and repeat you with his lips, you will neither have to dread the sneers of the malignant, nor will you furnish parchment coverings for anchovies. If he shall condemn you, you may run forthwith to the stalls of the salt-meat sellers, to have your back scribbled upon by their boys.3
2 See B. vii. Ep. 26.
3 Supposed to mean, who may improve themselves in writing, by practising on the back of the parchment; or who, after wrapping up the fish in it, might inscribe prices, or the addresses of customers, on it.
LXXXVII. TO FABULLUS.
Your wife Bassa, Fabullus, has always a child at her side, which she calls her delight and her darling. And, that you may have the greater cause for wonder, she is not at all fond of children. What is her reason, then? She is troubled with wind.
Bassa, a little child has ever near,
Which she does call her playfellow and dear:
For such yet cares not, if you'll credit fame.
How then? She's rude, and the child bears the blame.
Anon. 1695.
LXXXVIII. TO ONE WHO DID NOT ACKNOWLEDGE
THE RECEIPT OF MARTIAL'S PRESENT.
You have sent me nothing in return for my little gift, and five of the days of the Saturnalia are passed. Thus neither have six scruples of Septician silver1 been sent to me, nor a table-cloth, fit present for a complaining client, nor a jar red with the blood of the Antipolitan tunny, nor one containing small prunes, nor a little basket of wrinkled Picenian olives, so as to enable you to say that you have not forgotten me. You may deceive others by your words and your smiling countenance; to me you will be henceforth an unmasked deceiver.
1 See note on B. viii. Ep. 71.
LXXXIX. TO HIS BOOK.
Enough, enough! little book! we have already reached the end of the parchment. You would still go on, and add to your bulk, and cannot confine yourself within due limits; just as if you had not done enough, when you had completed the first page. The reader is now quite querulous, and out of patience; the librarius1 himself now cries out, "Enough, enough, little book."
1 Librarius may be either librarian, bookseller, or transcriber.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Martial, Epigrams. Book 5. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
Martial, Epigrams. Book 5. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
BOOK V.
I. TO DOMITIAN, WITH THE AUTHOR'S BOOK.
This offering, O Caesar, whether you are residing upon the hills of Palladian Alba, and looking thence on the one side upon the temple of Diana, and on the other upon the waters of Thetis,----or whether the truth-telling sisters are learning your oracular responses,1 where the smooth waters of the straits bathe the suburban meadows; or whether the nurse of Aeneas,2 or the daughter of the Sun,3 or Anxur, white with health-giving waters, attracts you;----this offering I send to you, auspicious support and protection of our empire, by whose continued preservation we believe that Jupiter shows his gratitude.4 Do you but receive it; I will imagine that you have read it, and proudly indulge in Gallic 5 credulity.
1 Whether you are residing at Antium, where Fortune was worshipped under the form of two sisters, representing good and evil fortune.
2 Caieta, so called from the nurse of Aeneas, said to have been buried there.
3 Circeii, which had its name from Circe.
4 For the restoration of the Capitol after it had been destroyed by fire. Suetonius, Domit. c. 5. Comp. B. vii. Ep. 59.
5 The Gauls had the character, among the Romans, of being credulous.
II. TO HIS READERS.
You matrons, youths, and virgins, to you is our page dedicated. But you who delight in wanton sallies and licentious jests may read my first four books, which are of a more free character. The fifth book is for the amusement of the lord of the world; and is such as Germanicus may read without a blush in the presence of the Cecropian virgin-goddess.1
1 Meaning that Domitian, who loved to be called Germanicus, from his expedition into Germany, might read this book in the presence of chaste Minerva, a goddess whom he especially worshipped. Suet. Domit. c.4.
III. TO DOMITIAN.
Degis,2 who now, O Germanicus, lives on the banks of our river,3 having come to you from the placid waters of the later, is said in his delight and overjoyment at having just seen the guardian of the world, to have addressed his companions thus:----"How much better is my fate than that of my brother, since I am allowed to behold so closely that god whom he adores at so great a distance!"
2 Supposed to have been the brother of Decebalus, king of the Dacians, and to have come to Rome as an ambassador.
3 The Tiber.
IV. TO PAULUS, ON MYRTALE.
Myrtale is wont to smell of deep draughts of wine; but, to deceive us, she eats bay-leaves, and cautiously mingles them in her cups instead of water. Whenever, Paulus, you observe her with flaming face and swollen veins approaching you, you may well say, "Myrtale drinks bays." 1
1 An allusion to certain poetasters, who were said to seek inspiration by eating laurel-leaves.
V. TO SEXTUS.
Sextus, eloquent keeper of the Palatine library, who enjoys the immediate presence of the god that inhabits it (for it is your privilege to learn the cares of the emperor at they rise within him, and to know the secret soul of our ruler), make room somewhere for my little books also, near those of Pedo, of Marsus, of Catullus. Near the heaven-inspired lay of the Capitoline war,2 place the lofty epic of the sublime Virgil.
2 Some poem on the war raised by the party of Vitellius is evidently meant; written either by Domitian or by Sextus. This war is called Bellum Vitellianum. Suetonius, Domit. c.1.
VI. TO THE MUSES. A REQUEST TO PARTHENIUS.
If it is not too much to ask, or too troublesome to you, you Muses, make this request of your favourite Parthenius:----So may a long and happy old ace, under the rule of Caesar, bring your last hour; so may you prosper, even envy herself looking favourably on you; and so may Burrus soon appreciate the virtues of his father, as you shaft admit this timid and small collection within the sacred precincts of the prince's privacy. You know the times when our Jove is at ease, when he beams on us with his own benignant countenance, with which he is wont to refuse nothing to suppliants. You have no reason to fear that our request is extravagant; a book which is decorated with cedar and purple, and swells proudly with dark bosses, never makes too great or inconvenient demands. Yet do not put these compositions too forward; but hold them as if you were offering and contemplating nothing. If I know the votary of the nine sisters, he will of his own accord ask for the purple-covered book.
VII. TO VULCAN, ON THE RESTORATION OF THE
CITY AFTER BEING PARTIALLY DESTROYED BY FIRE.
As the flames renew the nest of the Assyrian phoenix, when ever the solitary bird has lived through its ten centuries so Rome, renewed, has put off her former old age, and has herself assumed the looks of her guardian. Forget at length, I beseech you, Vulcan, your cause of complaint against us,1and spare us: we are, it is true, descendants of Mars, but we are also descendants of Venus. Spare us, mighty lord; so may your sprightly consort pardon the nets forged at Lemnos,2and resign herself to love you.
1 As being the offspring of Mars, to whom Vulcan was an enemy on account of the liberties which he had taken with Venus.
2 Nets in which Venus and Mars were caught by Vulcan. See Odyss. B. viii.
VIII. ON PHASIS.
The edict of our supreme lord and ruler, by which the seats in the theatre are more exactly defined, and the knight is allotted a place free from contact with the vulgar, was lately the theme of Phasis' approbation in the theatre, where, flaming with purple robes, he was boasting proudly, and in a pompous tone: "At length we can sit more at our ease; the dignity of the knighthood is now restored; we are not pressed or contaminated by the mob." These and such remarks was this upstart uttering, when Leitus 2 ordered his arrogant purple robes to change their seat.
2 Leitus, having the charge of the equestrian seats, ordered Phasis to quit them, as not being qualified by his fortune to be in the order of knights.
IX. TO SYMMACHUS. 3
I was indisposed; and you straightway came to see me, Symmachus, accompanied by a hundred of your pupils. A hundred hands, frozen by the northern blast, felt my pulse. I had not then an ague, Symmachus, but I have now.
3 A physician, who came to visit Martial, accompanied, according to the fashion of those times, by his pupils.
X. TO REGULUS.
For what reason shall I say it happens, that fame is refused to writers while living, and that but few readers love the compositions of their own day? It is doubtless the character of envy, Regulus, ever to prefer the ancients to the moderns. Just so, ungrateful as we are, do we frequent the ancient portico of Pompey;1 just so do old men extol the mean temple of Catulus.2 Ennius was read by you, O Rome, while Virgil was alive; and Homer was derided by his own age. Barely did the theatres applaud and crown Menander; Ovid was known only to his Corinna. Do not, however, you little books of mine, be in haste for fame: if glory comes only after death, I am in no hurry for it.
1 Preferring it to the newer ones of Domitian and others.
2 Built by Lutatius Catulus. It was mean in comparison with more modern temples.
XI. TO SEVERUS, ON THE POET STELLA. 3
My friend Stella, Severus, wears on his fingers sardonyxes, emeralds, diamonds, jaspers. Though there are many gems on his fingers, there are more in his verses, whence, I conclude, his hand is so decorated.
3 See Ep. 8.
XII. ON STELLA.
That Masthlion proudly carries nodding burdens upon his sturdy head, or that the gigantic Ninus holds seven or eight boys on each and, seems to me by no means difficult, when my friend Stella bears, upon any one of his fingers, ten girls.1
1 The representations, perhaps, of the nine Muses, and of his mistress Hiantis See B. vi Ep. 21.
XIII. TO CALLISTRATUS.
I am, I confess, Callistratus, and have always been, poor; yet I am not an obscure or unknown knight, but am read throughout the world, and people say of me, "That is he!" and, what death has awarded to but few, has become mine during my lifetime. But you have halls, resting upon a hundred columns; your coffers with difficulty contain the wealth which you have gained as a freedman; vast farms in Egyptian Syene are yours; and Gallic Parma shears for you innumerable flocks. Such are you and I; but what I am, you cannot be; what you are, any one of the multitude may be.
I am, I own, and ever have been, poor,
But yet a gentleman, and not obscure.
Spread through the world my writings and my name;
Few in the grave have reach'd my living fame.
You have a house on a vast colonnade;
More wealth than merchant ever gain'd in trade;
Your farms in Evesham Vale rich harvests crown;
Many your flocks which feed on Bansted Down.
Such you and I: like me you cannot be;
Fortune may make a cobbler like to thee.
Hay.
XIV. ON NANNEIUS.
Nanneius, having been always accustomed to sit in the front row, at the time when anybody was allowed to take a place, moved his quarters, after being twice or thrice requested to do so, yet still seated himself on the benches of the knights, almost immediately behind Caius and Lucius. Thence for awhile, with his head shrouded in a hood, he remains a spectator of the games; ungracefully peeping with but one eye. Being again ejected, the unhappy wight crossed to the standing way, and, leaning over the end of a seat, half kneeling, he endeavoured to make it appear to the knights that he was sitting, and to Leitus that he was standing.
XV. TO DOMITIAN.
This is the fifth book, Augustus, of my sportive effusions, and no one complains of having been injured by my verse. But many a reader rejoices in an honoured name, to whom lasting fame is secured by my gift. "And yet of what use are these trifles, however much they respect personal character?" Granted that they are of no use to many, still they amuse me.
XVI. TO THE READER.
That, although I could write on serious, I prefer to write on amusing topics, is your fault, kind reader, who read and repeat my verses all over Rome. But you do not know how much your favour costs me. If I were to plead causes at the temple of the scythe-bearing god,1 and to sell my words to persons trembling under accusation, many a seaman whom I had defended would send me jars of Spanish wine, and the lap of my toga would be stained with all sorts of coin. But, as it is, my book is merely a guest and sharer of revels, and my page affords amusement for which I receive no pay. Not even the poets of old were content with empty praise; in those days the smallest present made to the immortal bard (Virgil) was Alexis. "You write charmingly," you say, "and we will reward you with praises for ever."---- Do you pretend not to understand my hints? You will, I suspect, make me a lawyer.
1 Saturn, a temple of whom was near the forum. Macrobius, book 1. c. 8.
XVII. TO GELLIA.
While you were telling us of your ancestors, and their ancestors, and the great names of your family, while you looked down on our equestrian order as a mean rank, and while you were asserting that you would marry no one who did not wear the broad border of the senator, you married, Gellia, a porter.
XVIII. TO QUINTIANUS.
Since, in this month of December,1 in which napkins, and elegant shoe-fastenings, and wax-tapers, and tablets, and tapering vases filled with old Damascene plums, fly about in all directions, I have sent you nothing but my little books, the offspring of my study, I may seem to you stingy or rude. But I hate the crafty and mischievous arts of presents. Gifts are like fish-hooks; for who does not know that the greedy char is deceived by the fly which he swallows? Whenever the poor man abstains from making presents to his rich friend, Quintianus, he shows a liberal spirit.
1 In which presents were made, during the Saturnalia.
XIX. TO CAESAR.
If any reliance is to be placed on true report, no age, Caesar, can be preferred to yours. When have men had the privilege of beholding triumphs better deserved? When have the Palatine gods done more to merit our gratitude? Under what ruler has Mars's Rome shown herself fairer or greater? Under what prince was there ever so much liberty? This vice, however, exists, and not a small one, although it be but one, that the poor man cultivates friends who simply treat him with ingratitude. Who bestows any portion of his wealth upon his old and faithful friend, or whose train is accompanied by a knight whom he has helped to create? To have sent at the time of the Saturnalia a silver spoon of small weight, or a gaudy toga worth ten scruples, is extravagant liberality; and our proud patrons call such things presents. Perhaps there may be one, who will chink out a few gold pieces. But since these men are not our friends, be you, Caesar, a friend to us; no virtue in a prince can be more pleasing than generosity. But before you have read thus far, Germanicus, you will have been laughing at me to yourself for giving you advice which is for my own benefit.
XX. TO JULIUS MARTIALIS.
If you and I, dear Martialis, might enjoy our days together free from care,----if it rested with us to dispose of our leisure time, and to spend in each other's company a life of true ease,----we should know no halls or mansions of lordly patrons, nor vexatious lawsuits and troubles of courts, nor proud family busts; but carriage airings, conversation, reading, the Campus Maximus, the shady porticoes, the Virgin water,1 the warm baths;----such places would be our constant resorts, and such our daily occupation. As it is, neither of us lives for himself, but sees his good days flee from him and vanish; days which are ever being lost to us, and set down to our account. Should any one, then, delay to live, when he knows how?
1 Water so called, which Agrippa brought by an aqueduct front Praeneste.
XXI. TO REGULUS, ON APOLLODOTUS, A PERSON
OF WEAK MEMORY.
The rhetorician Apollodotus, Regulus, used formerly to salute Decimus by the name of Quintus; Crassus, by that of Macer.1 Now he returns the salutation of each by his own name. How much can care and labour effect! He had written the names down, and learned them by heart.
1 Decimus, "tenth," he called Quintus, "fifth;" Crassus, "fat," Macer. "lean."
XXII. TO PAULUS.
If I did not wish, as well as deserve, to find you at home this morning, may your Esquiline mansion, Paulus, be removed still farther from me! But I live close to the Tiburtine column, near the spot where rustic Flora looks upon ancient Jove. I must surmount the steep path of the Suburran hill, and the pavement dirty with footsteps never dry; while it is scarcely possible to get clear of the long trains of mules, and the blocks of marble which you see dragged along by a multitude of ropes. Worse than all this is it, that, after a thousand toils, your porter tells me, fatigued as I am, that you are not at home. This is the end of my useless labour and dripping toga: even to have seen Paulus at home in the morning was scarcely worth so much, The most attentive client always meets with most neglect from his friends. Unless you sleep longer in the morning,2you cannot be my patron.
2 So that I may find you at home when I call on you.
XXIII. TO BASSUS, PRETENDING TO BE A KNIGHT.
You used to wear garments of the colour of grass,1Bassus, while the laws concerning the seats in the theatre were a dead letter. But since the care of a discreet censor2has bid them revive, and the knight, more certain of his position, obeys the directions of Oceanus,3 you shine forth m a garb dyed either with saffron-colour or vermilion, and think you deceive others by such a dress. No cloak, Bassus, is worth four hundred thousand sesterces,4 or, before all men, my friend Cordus would have been a knight.5
1 You wore a dress of green, or of whatever colour you pleased, while the Roscian law, which allotted the knights seats distinct from the other spectators, was disregarded. Now you dress splendidly, that you may appear to hare a right to the equestrian seats.
2 Domitian.
3 Holding the same office as Leitus, Ep. 8.
4 The fortune requisite for a knight.
5 For he has at least a fine robe.
XXIV. ON HERMES, AN EMINENT GLADIATOR.
Hermes is the pride of his age in martial contests; Hermes is skilled in all kinds of arms; Hermes is a gladiator and a master of gladiators; Hermes is the terror and awe of his whole school; Hermes is he of whom alone Helius is afraid; Hermes is he to whom alone Advolans submits; Hermes is skilled in conquering without a blow; Hermes is his own body of reserve;1 Hermes makes the fortunes of the letters of seats; Hermes is the object of care and anxiety to the actresses; Hermes walks proudly with the warlike spear; Hermes threatens with Neptune's trident; Hermes is terrible with the helmet shading the face; Hermes is the glory of Mara in every way; Hermes is everything in himself and thrice a man.2
1 Other gladiators were succeeded by fresh ones, when they were tired; Hermes was never tired.
2 In allusion to Hermes Trismegistus. This Hermes is as great in the arena as the other was in science.
XXV. ON CHAERESTRATUS, A KNIGHT IN
REDUCED CIRCUMSTANCES.
"You have not four hundred thousand sesterces, Charestratus; rise, Leitus 3 is coming; quick; away with you; run, hide yourself." Does any one call him back, and restore him to the seat he is leaving? Does any patron offer him a share of his lordly riches? Is there such person whose name we may commit in verse to fame and the applause of the people. Where is he, who does not wish to sink in obscurity to the waters of Styx? Would not such generosity, I ask, he better than to sprinkle the stage with a rufous cloud,1 and to be drenched with a shower of saffron-water? Or than to spend four hundred thousand sesterces upon a horse which will not appreciate it; or that the nose of Scorpus 2 may glisten everywhere in gold? O rich man, rich to no purpose, and faithless to your friend, do you read and approve these verses? What glory do you allow to escape you!
3 See Ep. 8.
1 The stage and theatre used to be sprinkled with saffron. See De Spectac. Ep. 3.
2 A charioteer.
XXVI. TO CORDUS.
If in calling you lately, Cordus, in one of my jocose effusions, the alpha of Cloaks, the expression happened to move your indignation, you may call me in return the beta of Togas.3
3 See B. ii. Ep. 57. The words in the original are alpha paenulatorum and beta togatorum. The paenula seems to have been worn chiefly by the upper class of people; the togati denotes those who attended on their patrons as clients.
XXVII. TO A KNIGHT BY BIRTH, DEFICIENT
IN THE FORTUNE REQUIRED BY LAW.
You have, I admit, a knight's intelligence, education manners, and birth; your other qualities you hare in common with the multitude.1 The fourteen rows of seats 2 are not of so much consequence to you, that you should seat yourself there to grow pale at the sight of Oceanus.3
1 You are deficient, like them, in the fortune requisite for a knight.
2 See Ep. 23.
3 See Ep. 23. As you have not the required pecuniary qualification, you will not take a seat on any of those benches, lest Oceanus should question your title to it.
XXVIII. TO AULUS.
By no excellence of character, Aulus, could you induce Mamercus to think or speak well of you, even though you surpassed the two Curtii in piety, the Nervae in inoffensiveness, the Rusones in courtesy, the Macri in probity, the Maurici inequity, the Reguli in eloquence, the Pauli in wit. Mamercus gnaws everything with his foul teeth. Perhaps you think him envious; I may think him, whom no one can please, a wretch.
XXIX. TO GELLIA.
Whenever you send me a hare, Gellia, you say, "Marcus, you will be handsome for seven days." 1 If you are not joking, my darling, and if what you say is true, you, Gellia, have never eaten hare.
1 According to a superstitious notion. See Plin. H. N. xxviii. 19.
XXX. TO VARRO, WITH A PRESENT OF THE
AUTHOR'S WORKS.
Varro, whom the tragic muse of Sophocles would not refuse to recognise, and who are not less admirable in Calabrian lays, put aside your work, and let not the scene of the eloquent Catullus 2 detain you, or Elegy with her graceful locks. But read these verses, which are not to be despised in smoky December, and are accordingly sent to you in that month; sent to you in that month; unless perchance you think it fitter and more agreeable, Varro, to lose nuts at the Saturnalia.3
2 Supposed to be a writer of farces, mentioned by Juvenal, Sat. viii.
3 To play for nuts was a common amusement at the Saturnalia.
XXXI. ON A SHOW OF BOYS SPORTING WITH BULLS.
See with what hardihood you troop of children spring upon the quiet bulls, and how the gentle animals delight in their burdens. One hangs upon the tips of the horns; another runs at pleasure along the back, and brandishes his arms over the whole body. But their savageness is unaroused and at rest; the arena would not be safer; a plane surface might even be more dangerous. Nor do the gestures of the children betray any trepidation; but each of them appears sure of gaining the victory, and each of the bulls seems to be anxious not to prevent it.
XXXII. TO FAUSTINUS.
Crispus, by his last will, Faustinus, did not give a farthing to his wife. To whom then did he give it? To himself.1
1 He had squandered it all in luxury before his death.
XXXIII. TO A LAWYER.
A certain lawyer is said to carp at my verses. I do not know who he is. If I find out, lawyer, woe to you!
XXXIV. AN EPITAPH ON EROTION, WHO DIED
AT NEARLY SIX YEARS OLD, AFTER HER PARENTS.
To you, O Fronto my father, and to you, O Flaccilla my mother, I commend this child, the little Erotion, my joy and my delight, that she may not be terrified at the dark shades and at the monstrous mouth of the dog of Tartarus. She would just have passed the cold of a sixth winter, had she lived but six days longer. Between protectors so venerable may she sport and play, and with lisping speech babble my name. Let no rude turf cover her tender bones, and press not heavy on her, O earth; she pressed but lightly on you.
XXXV. ON EUCLIDES, A PRETENDED KNIGHT,
BETRAYED BY DROPPING HIS KEY.
While Euclides, clad in purple robes, was exclaiming that his income from each of his farms at Patras was two hundred thousand sesterces, and from his property near Corinth still more, and while he was tracing down his long pedigree from the beautiful Leda, and resisting Leitus, who was trying to make him leave his seat,1 suddenly there dropped from the toga of this knight, so proud, so noble, so rich, a large key Never, Fabullus, was a key a worse friend.2
1 He had seated himself in the seats of the knights. See Ep. 8 and 14.
2 The key showed that he was a slave; as it was the office of every slave to carry the key of that department of the household of which he had the charge.
XXXVI. TO FAUSTINUS.
A certain individual, Faustinus, whom I had praised in a book of mine, affects not to know the fact, as though he owed me nothing; he has deceived me.1
1 By making me no return.
XXXVII. ON THE YOUNG EROTION.
Child, more sweet to me than the song of aged swans, more tender than a lamb of Phalantine Galaesus,2 more delicate than a shell of the Lucrine lake; you to whom no one could prefer the pearls of the Indian Ocean, or the newly polished tooth of the Indian elephant, or the newly fallen snow, or tho untouched lily; whose hair surpassed the fleece of the Spanish flock, the knotted tresses of the dwellers on the Rhine, and the golden-coloured field-mouse;3 whose breath was redolent with odours which rivalled the rose-beds of Paestum, or the new honey of Attic combs, or amber just rubbed in the hand; compared to whom the peacock was ugly, the squirrel unattractive, the phoenix a common object; O Erotion, your funeral pyre is yet warm. The cruel law of the inexorable Fates has carried you off, my love, my delight, my plaything, in your sixth winter yet incomplete. Yet my friend Paetus forbids me to be sad, although he smites his own breast and tears his hair equally with myself. "Are you not ashamed (says he) to bewail the death of a little slave? I have buried a wife,----a wife distinguished, haughty, noble, rich, and yet am alive." What fortitude can be greater than that of my friend Paetus?----He inherits (by the death of his wife) twenty millions of sesterces, and yet can live.
2 A river near Tarentum, which was founded by Phalantus. See B. ii. Ep. 43.
3 Her hair was auburn.
XXXVIII. TO SEXTUS, ON CALLIODORUS, WHOSE
PROPERTY WITH THAT OF HIS BROTHER
AMOUNTED TOGETHER TO THE FORTUNE OF A KNIGHT.
Calliodorus, friend Sextus, possesses (who does not know it?) the fortune of a knight; but Calliodorus has also a brother. He who divides four hundred thousand sesterces would halve a fig. Do you think that two men can sit on one horse? What want you with a brother, a troublesome Pollux? if you had not this Pollux, you would be a Castor.1 While you are one, you require, Calliodorus, two seats. You are committing a solecism, Calliodorus. Rise, or else imitate the sons of Leda, and, as you cannot sit along with your brother, Calliodorus, occupy the seat by turns.
1 You would have been a complete and acknowledged knight.
XXXIX. TO CHARINUS.
Thirty times in this one year, Charinus, while you have been arranging to make your will, have I sent you cheesecakes dripping with Hyblaean thyme. I am ruined: have pity on me at length, Charinus. Make your will less often, or do that once for all, for which your cough is ever falsely leading us to hope. I have emptied my coffers and my purse. Had I been richer than Croesus, Charinus, I should become poorer than Irus, if you so frequently devoured my poor repast.
XL. TO ARTEMIDORUS, UNSUCCESSFULLY
SACRIFICING TO THE GRACES.
You have painted Venus, Artemidorus, while Minerva is the object of your veneration, and do you wonder that your work has not given pleasure?
Do you admire, when Pallas is your saint,
That but a sorry Venus you do paint?
When rigid virtue has your study been,
For wanton verse would you the laurel win?
Anon. 1695
XLI. TO DIDYMUS.
Though you are more enervated than a languid eunuch, and weaker than the Celaenean minion of the mother of the gods, to whom the mutilated priests of that inspiring goddess howl, you prate of theatres, and rows of seats, and edicts,1and purple robes, and Ides 2 and buckles,3 and equestrian incomes; and, with a hand polished with pumice-stone, point out the poor. I shall see, Didymus, whether you are entitled to sit on the benches allotted to the knights; you certainly are not to sit on those of the married men.
1 Alluding to the edict of Domitian about the seats of the knights, Ep. 8.
2 The Ides of July, when the knights rode in procession.
3 Buckles for the robe worn by the knights.
XLII. WHAT IS GIVEN TO FRIENDS IS NOT LOST.
A cunning thief may burst open your coffers, and steal your coin; an impious fire may lay waste your ancestral home; your debtor may refuse you both principal and interest; your corn-field may prove barren, and not repay the seed you have scattered upon it; a crafty mistress may rob your steward; the waves may engulf your ships laden with merchandise. But what is bestowed on your friends is beyond the reach of fortune; the riches you give away are the only riches you will possess for ever.
Thieves may break locks, and with your cash retire;
Your ancient seat may be consumed: by fire:
Debtors refuse to pay you what they owe;
Or your ungrateful field the seed you sow;
You may be plunder'd by a jilting whore;
Your ships may sink at sea with all their store:
Who gives to friends, so much from fate secures;
That is the only wealth for ever yours.
Hay.
XLIII. ON THAIS AND LAECANIA.
Thais has black, Laecania white teeth; what is the reason? Thais has her own, Laecania bought ones.
XLIV. TO DENTO.
How has it come about, I ask, how has it so suddenly come about, Dento, that though I have asked you to dinner four times, you have (who would believe it?) constantly presumed to refuse me? You not only avoid looking back when I call, but you flee from me as I follow you,----me whom you so lately used to hunt for at the baths, at the theatres, and at every place of resort? The reason is, that you have been captivated by a more delicate table, and that a richer kitchen has attracted you like a dog. But very soon, when your rich host shall have found you out, and left you in disgust, you will come back to the bones of your old dinner with me.
XLV. TO BASSA.
You say, Bassa, that you are beautiful; you say that you are a maiden. She who is not so, Bassa, is generally ready to say that she is.
XLVI. TO DIADUMENUS.1
As I dislike all kisses, except those which I have secured with a struggle, and as your anger, Diadumenus, pleases me more than your face, I often flog you that I may often have to solicit you. The result is, that you neither fear me nor love me.
1 B. iii. Ep. 65.
XLVII. ON PHILO.
Philo swears that he has never dined at home, and it is so; he does not dine at all, except when invited out.
Jack boasts he never dines at home,
With reason, too, no doubt:
In truth, Jack never dines at all,
Unless invited out.
Anon.
XLVIII. ON ENCOLPUS. 2
To what does not love compel us? Encolpus has shorn his locks, against the wish of his master, who did not even forbid him. Pudens permitted, though lamenting it. Just so did the father, foreboding evil, give up the reins to the rash Phaeton. Just so did the stolen Hylas, and the discovered Achilles, part with their locks, the latter gladly, though to the grief of his mother. But may your beard be in no haste to come, or presume on your shorn hair; but may it be late in appearing, in return for so great a sacrifice.
2 See B. i Ep. 32.
XLIX. TO LABIENUS, PARTIALLY BALD.
When I happened to see you a while ago, Labienus, sitting alone, I thought you were three persons. The number of the divisions of your bald head deceived me. You have on each side locks of hair, which might grace even a youth. In the middle, your head is bare, and not a single hair is to be remarked in the whole of that extensive area. This illusion was of advantage to you in December, when the emperor distributed the presents of the Saturnalia; you returned home with three baskets of provisions. I fancy that Geryon must have resembled you. Avoid, I advise you, the portico of Philippus; if Hercules sees you, it is all over with you.1
1 Hercules, whose statue is in the portico of Philippus, will take you for the three-headed Geryon.
L. TO ACHROPINUS.
Whenever I dine at home, Charopinus, and do not invite you, your anger forthwith exceeds all bounds; you are ready to run me through with a drawn sword, if you discover that my kitchen fire has been lighted without a view to your entertainment. What then, shall I not be allowed for once to defraud you of a dinner? Nothing is more shameless, Charopinus, than that throat of yours. Cease at length, I pray you, to watch my kitchen, and allow my hearth sometimes to disappoint you.
LI. TO RUFUS, ON A PRETENDED LAWYER.
That person yonder, who has his left arm heavily laden with manuscripts, who is closely pressed by a beardless band of short-hand writers, who fixes a grave look on papers and letters, which people bring him from various quarters, assuming a demeanour like that of Cato, or Cicero, or Brutus, that person, I say, Rufus, even should torture try to compel him, cannot properly utter "good morning," either in Latin or in Greek. If you think I am joking, let us go and address him.
LII. TO POSTUMUS.
Your services to me I remember, and shall never forget Why then am I silent about them, Postumus? Because you yourself talk of them. Whenever I begin to speak to any one of your favours, he immediately exclaims, "He has told me of them himself." There are certain things which cannot be well done by two people; one is enough in this case. If you wish me to speak, keep silence yourself. Believe me, Postumus, gifts, however great, are deprived of their value by garrulity on the part of the donor.
LIII. TO BASSUS, A WRITER OF TRAGEDIES.
Why, my good sir, do you write about the Colchian queen? why about Thyestes? what have you to do, Bassus, with Niobe, or Andromache? The fittest subject for your pen is Deucalion, or, if he does not please you, Phaeton.1
1 Intimating that his tragedy had better be thrown into the water or the fire.
LIV. ON A RHETORICIAN.
My friend, the rhetorician, has become an improvisatore; he had not written down Calpurnius's name, yet he saluted him correctly.2
LV. ON THE IMAGE OF AN EAGLE CARRYING JUPITER.
Tell me whom you are carrying, queen of birds. "The Thunderer." Why does he carry no thunderbolts in his grasp? "He is in love." For whom is he warmed with passion? "For a youth." Why do you, with your mouth open, look round so mildly on Jupiter? "I am speaking to him of Ganymede."
2See Ep. 22.
LVI. TO LUPUS.
To what master to entrust your son, Lupus, has been an anxious object of consideration with you for some time. Avoid, I advise you, all the grammarians and rhetoricians; let him have nothing to do with the books of Cicero or Virgil; let him leave Tutilius1 to his fame. If he makes verses, give him no encouragement to be a poet; if he wishes to study lucrative arts, make him learn to play on the guitar or flute. If he seems to be of a dull disposition, make him an auctioneer or an architect.
1 A rhetorician, whose daughter Quintilian married.
LVII. TO CINNA.
When I call you "My lord;" do not be vain, Cinna. I often return your slave's salutation in a similar way.
When "Sir" I call you, be not pleased; for know,
Cinna, I often call your servant so.
Wright
LVIII. TO POSTUMUS.
You tell me, Postumus, that you will live to-morrow; you always say to-morrow, Postumus. Tell me, Postumus, when will that to-morrow arrive? How far is that to-morrow off? Where is it? or where is it to be found? Is it hidden among the Parthians and Armenians? That to-morrow already counts up as many years as those of Priam or Nestor. For how much, tell me, may that to-morrow be bought? You will live to-morrow: even to-day it is too late to begin to live. He is the wise man, Postumus, who lived yesterday.
LIX. TO STELLA.
In forbearing to send you either silver or gold, eloquent Stella, I have acted for your interest. Whoever makes great presents, wishes great presents to be made him in return. By my present of earthenware vases you will be released from such an obligation.
That I nor gold nor silver to you send,
I this forbear, for your sake, learned friend.
Who gives great gifts, expects great gifts again;
My cheap ones to return will cause no pain.
Anon. 1695.
LX. TO A DETRACTOR.
Although you bark at me for ever and ever, and weary me with your shameless invectives, I am determined to persist in denying you that fame which you have been so long seeking, namely, that you, such as you are, may be read of in my works throughout the whole world. For why should any one know that you ever existed? You must perish unknown, wretched man; it must be so. Still there will not be wanting in this town perhaps one or two, or three or four, who may like to gnaw a dog's hide. For myself I keep my hands away from such corruption.
Snarl on; you never shall your purpose gain:
What long you seek, you still shall seek m vain,
Who aim at any, rather than no fame:
I will not, to abuse you, use your name.
It never in my writings shall be seen,
Or the world know that such a wretch hath been.
Try to make others angry when you bellow,
I scorn to meddle with a dirty fellow.
Hay.
LXI. TO MARIANUS.
Who is that curly-headed fellow, who is always at the side of your wife, Marianus? Who is that curly-headed fellow? He who is always whispering some soft nothing into my lady's gentle ear, and pressing her chair with his right elbow? He on all of whose fingers is displayed the light summer ring, and whose legs are disfigured by not even a single hair? Do you give me no answer? "He attends," say you, "to my wife's affairs." Truly he is a trustworthy gentleman, and looks like a man of business,----one who bears the character of agent in his very face; the Chian Aufidius1 will not be more energetic than he. Oh how well, Marianne, you deserve a slap from Latinus! I imagine you will be the successor of Panniculus.2 He attends to your wife's affairs! Does that curly-headed fellow attend to any affairs? Yes, he attends, not to your wife's affairs, but yours.
1 A licentious character of that day, mentioned by Juvenal, ix. 25.
2 A clown, who played with Latinus as harlequin, or some similar character. See B. ii. Ep. 72.
LXII. TO HIS GUESTS, OFFERING THEM HIS HOUSE
AND GROUNDS UNFURNISHED.
You may remain in my gardens, my guests, as long as you please, if you can submit to lie upon the bare ground, or if plenty of furniture is brought in for your use along with you; for as to mine, it has already suffered sufficiently from former guests. Not one cushion, even emptied of its feathers, remains to cover my broken couches, the sacking of which lies rotting with the cords all severed. Let us share the premises, however, between us. I have bought the gardens; that is the greater part: do you furnish them; that is the less.
LXIII. TO PONTIICUS, A FOOLISH WRITER.
"What do you think," say you, "Marcus, of my compositions?" Such is the question which you often and anxiously put to me, Ponticus. I admire them, I am amazed, nothing is more perfect. Regulus himself must bow to your superior genius. "Do you think so?" say you; "then may Caesar, then may Capitoline Jove be propitious to you!" Nay, may he be propitious to you rather!
LXIV. TO HIS SERVANTS.
Fill double cups of Falernian, Callistus; dissolve into it, Alcimus, the summer snow.1 Let my hair drip richly with abundance of nard, and my temples be encircled with wreaths of roses. The Mausoleums, close at hand, bid us live, for they teach us that even gods 2 can die.
1 Snow preserved till summer, for the purpose of being dissolved in the wine to cool it.
2 The emperors, who desired to be worshipped as gods.
You, boy, two measures of brisk wine let flow,
And you, pour on it summer cooling snow;
Let my moist hairs with rich perfumes abound,
With loads of rosy wreaths my temples crown'd:
"Live now," our neighbouring stately tombs do cry,
"Since kings, you see (your petty gods), can die.
Old Ms. 16th cent.
LXV. TO CAESAR.
The subjugation of the Nemean lion and the Arcadian wild-boar,----and of the athlete of the Libyan plain,----the conquest of the dread Eryx amid Sicilian dust,----the destruction of Cacos the terror of the woods, who, with stealthy cunning used to draw oxen by their tails to his care,----secured to Alcides, notwithstanding the opposition of his stepmother, a place in heaven among the stars. But how small are such achievements, Caesar, compared to what are performed on your arena! There each new morning exhibits to us greater contests. How many monsters fall, more terrible than that of Nemea! How many Maenalian boars does your spear 1 stretch on the ground! Were the thrice-conquered Iberian shepherd, Geryon, to be restored to life, you have a champion, Caesar, that would conquer even him. And though the hydra of Grecian Lerna be often celebrated for the number of its heads, what is that monster compared to the crocodiles of the Nile? For such exploits, Augustus, the gods awarded early immortality to Alcides; to you they will award it late.
1 The spear of Carpophorus, your servant See de Spectac. Ep. 15.
LXVI. TO POSTILIANUS.
Though I often salute you, you never salute me first; I shall therefore, Pontilianus, salute you with an eternal farewell.
LXVII. ON A SWALLOW.
When the Attic birds, after their custom, were seeking their winter retreats, one of them remained in her nest. The other birds, returning at the approach of spring, discovered the crime, and tore the deserter in pieces. Her punishment came late; the guilty mother had deserved such a death, but it was at the time that she slaughtered Itys.1
1 Alluding to the fable of Progne, who tore in pieces her son Itys, and was afterwards changed into a swallow.
LXVIII. TO LESBIA, WITH A LOCK OF HAIR FROM GERMANY.
I send you this tress, Lesbia, from the northern regions, that you may know how much lighter your own is.2
2 The courtesans at Rome, at that time, wore false light hair. Lesbia's was extravagantly light.
LXIX. ON MARK ANTONY.
O Antony, you can cast no reproach upon the Egyptian Pothinus,3 you who did more injury by the murder of Cicero, than by all your proscription lists. Why did you draw the sword, madman, against the mouth of Rome? Such a crime not even Catiline himself would have committed. An impious soldier was corrupted by your accursed gold, and for so much money procured you the silence of a single tongue. But of what avail to you is the dearly-bought suppression of that sacred eloquence? On behalf of Cicero the whole world will speak.
3 For you are as bad as he. He killed Pompey, you Cicero. See B. iii. Ep. 66.
LXX. TO MAXIMUS, ON SYRICUS.
Syriscus, while wandering about among the low taverns in the neighbourhood of the four baths,1 has dissipated, Maximus, ten whole millions of sesterces, recently lavished upon him by his patron. Oh what gluttony, to have consumed ten millions of sesterces! And how much greater does it appear, when we consider that he consumed it without sitting down to table! 2
1 Those of Agrippa, Nero, Gryllus, and Titus.
2 Without spending any of it among the better class of persons, who reclined on couches at their banquets.
In rambling only through base booths and huts,
Vile tap-houses, and cellars among sluts,
Syriscus full five hundred pounds made fly
(His lord's vain gift) i'th' twinkling of an eye.
Strange luxury, to consume all this deal,
Nor sitting for't the time allow'd a meal!
Anon. 1695.
LXXI. TO FAUSTINUS, INVITING HIM TO THE COOL
GROVES OF TREBULA, A TOWN OF THE SABINES.
Where moist Trebula sinks in cool vales, and the green fields are cool in the raging heat of summer, a country spot, Faustinus, never withered by the ardour of the Cleonaean lion,1 and a house ever favoured by the Aeolian south wind, invite you. Pass the long days of harvest on these hills; Tivoli shall be your winter retreat.
1 The constellation Leo, where the sun is in the heat of summer.
LXXII. TO RUFUS.
He who could call Jupiter the mother of Bacchus,2 may very well, Rufus, call Semele his father.
2 Some foolish poet of that day may perhaps have called Jupiter the mother of Bacchus, in allusion to the story of Bacchus having been sewn up in Jupiter's thigh.
LXXIII. TO THEODORUS.
Do you wonder for what reason, Theodorus, notwithstanding your frequent requests and importunities, I have never presented you with my works? I have an excellent reason; it is lest you should present me with yours.
LXXIV. ON POMPEY AND HIS SONS.
The sons of Pompey are covered by the soils of Asia and Europe; Pompey himself by that of Africa, if indeed he be covered by any. What wonder that they are thus dispersed over the whole globe? So great a ruin could not have lain in a single spot.
LXXV. TO QUINTUS.
Laelia, who has become your wife, Quintus, in compliance with the law,1 you may fairly call your lawful wife.
1 For fear of the Julian law against adultery; a law which Domitian revived.
She's married to avoid the law; now all
A very lawful wife her well may call
Old Ms. 16th Cent.
LXXVI. TO CINNA.
Mithridates, by frequently drinking poison, rendered it impossible for any poison to hurt him. You, Cinna, by always dining on next to nothing, have taken due precaution against ever perishing from hunger.
LXXVII. TO MARULLUS.2
A certain person, Marullus, is reported to have made an excellent joke; he said that you carry oil in your ear.
2 A person slow to speak was said "to carry oil in his mouth." Marullus was slow to listen to others, and was therefore said to carry oil in his ear.
LXXVIII. TO TURANIUS.
If you are suffering from dread of a melancholy dinner at home, Turanius, you may come and fast with me. If you are in the habit of taking a preparatory whet, you will experience no want of common Cappadocian lettuces and strong leeks. The tunny will lurk under slices of egg; a cauliflower hot enough to burn your fingers, and which has but just left the cool garden, will be served freehand green on a black platter; while sausages will float on snow-white porridge, and the pale bean will accompany the red-streaked bacon; If you would know the riches of the second course, raisins will be set before you, and pears which pass for Syrian, and chestnuts to which learned Naples gave birth, roasted at a slow fire. The wine you will prove in drinking it.1 After all this, if Bacchus perchance, as is his wont, produce a craving, excellent olives, which Picenian branches recently bore, will come to your relief with the hot vetch and the tepid lupine.2 The dinner is small; who can deny it?----but you will not have to invent falsehoods, or hear them invented; you will recline at ease, and with your own natural look; the host will not read aloud a bulky volume of his own compositions, nor will licentious girls from shameless Cadiz be there to gratify you with wanton attitudes; but (and I hope it will not be unpleasant or distasteful to you) the small reed-pipe will be heard. Such is my little dinner. You will follow Claudia, whom you earnestly wish should be with me before yourself.
1 By drinking it only when you feel thirsty. Or, you will make me think it good if you drink plenty of it.
2 Parched peas and boiled lupines.
LXXIX. TO ZOILUS.
Eleven times have you risen from the table, Zoilus, at one meal, and eleven times have you changed your dinner-robe, lest the perspiration retained by your damp dress should remain upon your body, and the light air hurt your relaxed skin. Why do not I perspire, Zoilus, who dine with you? why, to have but one robe keeps me very cool.
LXXX. TO SEVERUS.
If you have the time, Severus, give something less than an hour----and you may count me your debtor for it----to the perusal and examination of my light effusions. It is hard to lose your holidays; yet I beg you to endure and put up with the loss for once. But if you peruse them in company with the eloquent Secundus----(but am I not too bold?)----this little book will owe you much more than it owes to its master. For it will be released from all anxiety, and will not see the rolling stone of the tired Sisyphus,1 if polished by the Censorian file of the learned Secundus, in union with my friend Severus.
1 Will not be sent ad inferos; condemned to oblivion. By Secundus some suppose that Pliny the Younger is meant.
LXXXI. TO AEMILIANUS.
If you are poor now, Aemilianus, you will always be poor, Riches are now given to none but the rich.
Poor once and poor for ever, Nat, I fear;
None but the rich get place and pension here.
N.B.Halked.
LXXXII. TO GAURUS.
Why did you promise me, Gaurus, two hundred thousand sesterces, if you could not give me a single ten thousand? Is it that you can, and will not? Is not that, I ask, still more dishonourable? Go, to the devil with you, Gaurus. You are a pitiful fellow.
LXXXIII. TO DINDYMUS.
You pursue, I fly; you fly, I pursue; such is my Humour. What you wish, Dindymus, I do not wish; what you do not wish, I do.
LXXXIV. TO GALLA, WHO HAD SENT MARTIAL
NO PRESENT AT THE SATURNALIA.
The boy now sadly leaves his playthings, and returns at the call of his loud-voiced preceptor; and the drunken gamester, betrayed by the rattling of his seductive dice-box, is imploring mercy of the magistrate, having, but a little while before, been dragged from some obscure tavern. The Saturnalia are quite at an end, and you have sent me, Galla, neither the little nor the lesser gifts, which you used to send. Well, let my December pass thus. You know very well, I suppose, that your Saturnalia, in March,1 will soon be here. I will then make you a return, Galla, for what you have given me.
1 When a kind of Saturnalia of the women was kept.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Martial, Epigrams. Book 6. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
Martial, Epigrams. Book 6. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
BOOK VI.
I. TO JULIUS MARTIALIS.
To you, Martialis, especially dear to me, I send my sixth book; which if it should be polished with your exact taste, may venture, with little anxiety or apprehension, into the august presence of Caesar.
II. TO DOMITIAN.
It used to be a common sport to violate the sacred rites of marriage; a common sport to mutilate innocent males. You now forbid both, Caesar, and promote future generations, whom you desire to be born without illegitimacy. Henceforth, under your rule, there will be no such thing as a eunuch or an adulterer; while before, oh sad state of morals! the two were combined in one.
III. TO DOMITIAN, ON THE EXPECTED BIRTH OF
A SON BY HIS WIFE DOMITIA.
Spring into light, O child promised to the Trojan Iulus,1true scion of the gods; spring into light, illustrious child! May your father, after a long series of years, put into your hands the reins of empire, to hold for ever; and may you rule the world, yourself an old man, in concert with your still more aged sire, for you shall Julia herself 2 with her snow-white thumb, draw out the golden threads of life, and spin the whole fleece of Phrixus' ram.
1 Martial speaks as if the Fates had promised the birth of this prince to Iulus the son of Aeneas.
2 Niece of Domitian, and daughter of Titus, who, Martial intimates, must necessarily love her cousin, and desire to spin for him, like one of the Fates, a long and happy thread of life.
IV. TO DOMITIAN.
Most mighty censor, prince of princes, although Rome is already indebted to you for so many triumphs, so many temples, new or rebuilt, so many spectacles, so many gods, so many cities, she owes you a still greater debt in owing to you her chastity.
V. TO CAECILIANUS.
I have bought a farm in the country for a great sum of money; I ask you, Caecilianus, to lend me a hundred thousand sesterces. Do you make me no answer? I believe, you are saying within yourself "You will not repay me." It is for that reason, Caecilianus, that I ask you.
VI. TO LUPERCUS.
There are three actors on the stage; but your Paula, Lupercus, loves a fourth: Paula loves a muta persona.
Three are the drama's persons, Paula's four.
Your modest Paula can the mute adore.
Elphinston.
VII. TO FAUSTINUS.
From the time when the Julian law, Faustinus, was revived, and modesty was ordered to enter Roman homes, it is now either less, or certainly not more, than the thirtieth day, and Telesilla is already marrying her tenth husband. She who marries so often cannot be said to marry at all; she is an adulteress under cover of the law. An avowed prostitute offends me less.
VIII. TO SEVERUS.
Two auctioneers, four tribunes, seven lawyers, ten poets, were recently asking the hand of a certain young lady from her aged father. Without hesitation, he gave her to the auctioneer Eulogus. Tell me, Severus, did he act foolishly?
Welsh Judges two, four military men,
Seven noisy lawyers, Oxford scholars ten,
Were of an old man's daughter in pursuit.
Soon the curmudgeon ended the dispute,
By giving her unto a thriving grocer.
What think you? did he play the fool, or no, sir?
Hay.
IX. TO LAEVINUS, WHO HAD SEATED HIMSELF
AMONG THE KNIGHTS AND PRETENDED TO BE ASLEEP.
You go to sleep in the theatre of Pompeius, Laevinus, and do you complain if Oceanus 1 disturbs you?
1 See B. iii. Ep. 96; B. v. Ep. 27.
X. TO DOMITIAN, COVERTLY ASKING HIM FOR MONEY.
A little while ago, when I happened to ask of Jupiter a few thousand sesterces, he replied, "He will give them to you, who has given temples to me." Temples indeed he has given to Jupiter, but to me no thousands at all. I am ashamed, alas! of having asked too little of our Jupiter. Yet how kindly, how undisturbed with anger, and with how placid a countenance, did he read my request! With such did he restore their diadems to the suppliant Dacians, with such does he go and come along the way to the Capitol. O Virgin,2 confidant of our Jupiter, tell me, I pray you, if he refuses with such a look as this, with what sort is he wont to grant? Thus I besought Pallas, and thus she, laying aside her Gorgon, briefly replied: "Do you imagine, foolish man, that what is not yet given is necessarily refused?"
2 Pallas, of whom Domitian was a votary. B. iv. Ep. 1.
XI. TO MARCUS.
Do you wonder, Marcus, that a Pylades and an Orestes are not to be found in the present day? Pylades, Marcus, used to drink the same wine as Orestes; and before Orestes was not set a better kind of bread or a fatter thrush, but there was one and the same entertainment for both. You devour Lucrine oysters; I feed upon those from the waters of Peloris; and yet my taste is not less nice than yours, Marcus. You are clothed from Cadmean Tyre; I, in the coarse garments of Gaul. Do you expect me, clad in a common solder's cloak, to love you who are resplendent in purple? If I am to play Pylades, let some one play Orestes to me; and this is not to be done by words, Marcus. To be loved, show love yourself.
XII. ON FABULLA.
Fabulla swears that the hair which she has bought is her own. Does she perjure herself, Paulus?
The golden hair that Galla wears it hers;
Who would have thought it?
She swears it is hers, and true she swears.
For I know where she bought it.
Sir John Harrington.
XIII. ON THE STATUE OF JULIA.
Who would not suppose you, Julia, to have been fashioned by the chisel of Phidias, or to be the offspring of the art of Pallas herself? The white Lygdian marble seems to answer in the speaking image, and a life-like gloss beams on your placid countenance. Your hand plays, not ungracefully, with the cestus of the Acidalian goddess, stolen from the neck of little Cupid. To revive the love of Mars and of the supreme Blunderer, let Juno and Venus herself ask of you your cestus.
XIV. TO LABERIUS.
You assert, Laberius, that you can write excellent verses; why then do you not write them? Whoever can write excellent verses, and does not write them, I shall regard as a remarkable man.
XV. ON AN ANT ENCLOSED IN AMBER.
While an ant was wandering under the shade of the tree of Phaeton, a drop of amber enveloped the tiny insect; thus she who in life was disregarded, became precious by death.
XVI. TO PRIAPUS.
O you who, with your staff, affright men, and with your scythe, debauchees, defend these few acres of sequestered ground. So may no old thieves, but only boys and girls, graced with long tresses, enter your orchards,
XVII. TO CINNAMUS.1
You would have us, Cinnamus, call you Cinna. Would not this Cinna, I ask you, be a barbarism? By a similar process, if you had been previously named Roberson, you might now be called Robber.
1 The barber, probably, to whom the sixty-fourth Epigram of Book vii. is addressed.
XVIII. TO PRISCUS, ON THE DEATH OF SALONINUS.
The sacred shade of Saloninus, than which no better looks upon the Stygian abodes, reposes in the land of Spain. But we must not lament him; for he who has left you, Priscus, behind him, lives in that part of himself in which he preferred to live.
XIX. TO POSTUMUS.
My suit has nothing to do with assault, or battery, or poisoning, but is about three goats, which, I complain, have been stolen by my neighbour. This the judge desires to have proved to him; but you, with swelling words and extravagant gestures, dilate on the Battle of Cannae, the Mithridatic war, and the perjuries of the insensate Carthaginians, the Sullae, the Marii, and the Mucii. It is time, Postumus, to say something about my three goats.
XX. TO PHOEBUS.
I asked you, Phoebus, for the loan of a hundred thousand sesterces, in consequence of your having said to me, "What them, do you want nothing of me?" You make inquiries, you doubt, you torment both yourself and me for ten days. Now, pray, Phoebus, refuse me at once.
XXI. ON STELLA AND IANTHIS.
In uniting for ever Ianthis to the poet Stella, Venus gaily said to him, "I could not give you more." This she said before his mistress; but added maliciously in his ear, "Be careful, rash man, not to be guilty of any folly. Often have I, in a rage, beaten the dissolute Mars for his wandering propensities before he was fairly united to me. But now he is my own, he has never wronged me with a rival. Juno would be happy to find Jupiter as well conducted." She spoke, and struck the poet's breast with her mysterious cestus. The blow was sweet: but now, O goddess, spare your votary.1
1 The generality of editors understand it to mean, "strike both Ianthis and Stella, that one may be as faithful as the other."
XXII. TO PROCULINA.
When, Proculina, you marry your paramour, and, in order that the Julian law may not touch you, make him your husband who was recently your gallant, it is not a marriage, Proculina, but a confession.
XXIII. TO LESBIA.
You wish me, Lesbia, ever to be ready for your service; believe me, a bow is not always strung. However strongly you try to move me with caresses and soothing words, your face invincibly prevents your success.
XXIV. ON CHARISIANUS.
Nobody can be more luxurious than Charisianus. He walks about during the Saturnalia clad in a toga.1
1 Martial imputes that to the effrontery of Charisianus which is to be attributed to his poverty. The richer sort of people, at the Saturnalia, exchanged the toga for the synthesis, or lighter dress, in which they dined.
XXV. TO MARCELLINUS IN DACIA.
Marcellinus, true scion of a worthy sire, you whom the shaggy bear covers with the Parrhasian car,1 hear what I, the old friend of you and your father, desire for you, and retain these my prayers in your mindful heart: That your valour may not be rash, and that no daring ardour may hurry you into the midst of swords and cruel weapons. Let them who are devoid of reason wish for war and savage Man; you can be the soldier both of your father and of your emperor.
1 The Car of Bootes, or Charles's Wain; the same as the Great Bear, into which Callisto of Parrhasia in Arcadia is said to have been metamorphosed. See B. iv. Ep. 11.
XXVI. ON SOTADES.
Our friend Sotades is putting his head in danger. Do you suppose Sotades is accused of any crime? He is not. But, being unable any longer to hold out a stout truncheon, he goes to work with his tongue.
XXVII. TO NEPOS, ON THE BIRTH OF HIS DAUGHTER.
O Nepos, who are doubly my neighbour (for you, like myself inhabit a dwelling next to the Temple of Flora, as well as the ancient Ficeliae),1 to you has been born a daughter, whose face is stamped with the likeness of her father, evidence of her mother's fidelity. Spare not too much, however, the old Falernian, and leave behind you casks filled with money rather than with wine. May your daughter be affectionate and rich, but let her drink new wine; and let the wine-jar, now new, grow old along with its mistress.2 The Caecuban vintage must not be the drink of those only who have no children; fathers of families, believe me, can also enjoy life.
1 My neighbour in the town, and my neighbour in the country. Martial had a piece of ground near Ficeliae, a town of the Sabines.
2 Drink the old wine yourself, and let her drink that which is made at the time of her birth, which will grow old with her.
XXVIII. EPITAPH ON GLAUCIAS.
Glaucias, the well-known freedman of Melior, at whose death all Rome wept, the short-lived delight of his affectionate patron, reposes beneath this marble sepulchre close to the Flaminian Way, He was a youth of pure morals, of simple modesty, of ready wit, and of rare beauty. To twice six harvests completed, the youth was just adding another year. Traveller, who laments his fate, may you never have ought else to lament!
XXIX. ON THE SAME.
Glaucias was not of the lower class of house slaves, nor of such as are sold in the common market: but he was a youth worthy of the tender affection of his master, and, before he could as yet appreciate the kindness of his patron, he was already made the freedman of Melior. This was the reward of his morals and his beauty. Who was more attractive than he? or whose face more resembled that of Apollo? Short is the life of those who possess uncommon endowments, and rarely do they reach old age. Whatever you love, pray that you may not love it too much.
XXX. TO PAETUS.
If you had given me six thousand sesterces forthwith, when you said to me, "Take them, and carry them away, I make you a present of them," I should have felt as much indebted to you, Paetus, as if you had given me two hundred thousand. But now, when you have given them to me after a long delay,----after seven, I believe, or nine months,----I can tell you (shall I?) something as true as truth itself: you have lost all thanks, Paetus, for the six thousand sesterces.1
1 He gives twice who gives quickly. Had you given me the six thousand sesterces when I wanted them, and when you promised me them, I should have been greatly indebted to you; but you have delayed so long that I cannot now even thank you for letting me have them.
XXXI. TO CHARIDEMUS.
You are aware that your physician, Charidemus, is the lover of your wife; you know it, and permit it. You wish to die without a fever?1
1 You make no opposition to the physician's proceedings, because you do not wish him to poison you, in order to get you out of the way. Or, you take things so calmly that you will never be thrown into a fever by feelings of resentment.
XXXII. ON OTHO.
While Bellona yet hesitated as to the result of the civil war, and the gentle Otho had still a chance of gaining the day, he looked with horror on a contest which would cost great bloodshed, and with resolute hand plunged the sword into his breast. Grant that Cato, in life, was even greater than Caesar; was he greater in death than Otho?
XXXIII. TO MATHO.
You have never seen any human being more miserable, Matho, than the debauchee Sabellus, than whom, before, no one was more joyful. Thefts, the escape or death of slaves, fires, mournings, afflict the unhappy man. He is so wretched that he even becomes natural in his appetites.2
2 Furta, fugae, mortes servorum, incendia, luctus
Affligunt hominem; jam miser et futuit.
Dives, pueros deperibat; pauper, mulieribus contentus esse cogitur.
XXXIV. TO DIADUMENUS.
Give me, Diadumenus, close kisses. "How many?" you say. You bid me count the waves of the ocean, the shells scattered on the shores of the Aegaean Sea, the bees that wander on Attic Hybla, or the voices and clappings that resound in the full theatre, when the people suddenly see the countenance of the emperor. I should not be content even with as many as Lesbia, after many entreaties, gave to the witty Cattullus;1 he wants but few, who can count them.
1 See Catullus, Ep.5, ad Lesbiam.
XXXV. TO CAECILIANUS, A TROUBLESOME PLEADER.
The judge has reluctantly permitted you, Caecilianus, on your long importunity, to exhaust the clepsydra 1 seven times. But you talk much and long; and, bending half backwards, you quaff tepid water out of glasses. To satisfy at once your voice and your thirst, pray drink, Caecilianus, from the clepsydra itself.
1 A clock which measured time by the fall of a certain quantity of water confined in a cylindrical vessel. See Beckman's Hist. of Inventions. v. 1. p. 82. (Bohn, 1846.)
XXXVI. TO PAPILUS.
[Not translated in Bohn or Loeb]
XXXVII. TO CHARINUS THE PERVERT
[Not translated in Bohn or Loeb]
Medal so fine,
Short-breech'd Carine,
No vain superfluous relics has,
Yet itches from the head to the waist!
O wretch, what pain
Do you sustain?
I've no place for it.
Still love the sport?
Fletcher
XXXVIII. ON THE SON OF REGULUS THE ADVOCATE.
Do you see how the little Regulus, who has not yet completed his third year, praises his father whenever he hears his name mentioned? and how he leaves his mother's lap when he sees his father, and feels that his father's glory is his own? The applause, and the court of the Centumviri, and the closely packed surrounding crowd, and the Julian temple,1 form the child's delight. Thus the scion of the noble horse delights in the dusty expanse of the plain; thus the steer with tender forehead longs for the combat. Ye gods, preserve, I entreat, to the mother and father the object of their prayers, that Regulus may have the pleasure of listening to his son, and his wife to both.
1 The temple of Julius Caesar, where the body of judges called the Centumviri had their four courts for hearing law-suits.
XXXIX. TO CINNA.
Marulla has made you, Cinna, the father of seven children, I will not say freeborn, for not one of them is either your own or that of any friend or neighbour; but all being conceived on menial beds or mats, betray, by their looks, the infidelities of their mother. This, who runs towards us so like a Moor, with his crisped hair, avows himself the offspring of the cook Santra; while that other, with flattened nose and thick lips, is the very image of Pannicus, the wrestler. Who can be ignorant, that knows or has ever seen the blear-eyed Dama, that the third is that baker's son? The fourth, with his fair face and voluptuous air, evidently sprung from your favourite Lygdus. You may debauch your offspring if you please; it will be no crime. As to this one, with tapering head and long ears, like asses, who would deny that he is the son of the idiot Cyrrha? The two sisters, one swarthy, the other red-haired, are the offspring of the piper Crotus, and the bailiff Carpus, Your flock of hybrids would have been quite complete, if Coresus and Dyndymus had not been incapable.
XL. TO LYCORIS.
Then was not a woman that could be preferred to you, Lycoris; there is now none that can be preferred to Glycera. Glycera will be what you are; you cannot be what she is. What power time has! I once desired you; I now desire her.
XLI. ON A HOARSE POET.
Yon poet, who recites with his throat and neck wrapped in wool, intimates that he finds great difficulty in speaking and equal difficulty in keeping silence.
Who pleads with throat bound up, what's his disease?
That he can neither speak, nor hold his peace.
Old MS. 16th Cent.
XLII. TO OPPIANUS, IN PRAISE OF THE BATHS
OF ETRUSCUS.
Unless you bathe, Oppianus, in the baths of Etruscus you will die unpurified. No waters will receive you so pleasantly; neither the springs of Aponus, forbidden to young maidens;1 nor the relaxing Sinuessa;2 nor the stream of the fervid Passer, nor the proud Auxur, nor the baths of Apollo at Cuma, nor those of Baiae, most delightful of all. Nowhere is the air more clear and serene; light itself stays longer, there, and from no spot does day retire more reluctantly. There blaze resplendently the green quarries of Taygetus Tying with rocks 3 of variegated beauty, which the Phrygian and the Libyan have hewn deeply, the dewy onyx4emits its dry rays, and the ophites glow with a tiny flame. If the Lacedemonian customs please you, you may, after being gratified with dry heat, plunge into the Virgin or Martian waters;5 which shine so brilliantly, and are so pure, that you would scarcely suspect any water to be there, and imagine you saw nothing but the polished Lygdian marble. But you are not attending, and have all the while been listening to me with a deaf ear. You will die unclean Oppianus.
1 A stream near Patavium, which was said to scorch up maidens who went into it after a man had been bathing in it.
2 A town of Campania, near which flowed the river Passer.
3 Marble from Phrygia and Libya.
4It has a dewy appearance, but is in reality dry.
5 The Aqua virgo, see B. v. Ep. 21, and the Aqua Marcia, were famous at Rome for their purity.
XLIII. TO CASTRICIUS.
While happy Baiae, Castricus, is showering its favours upon you, and its fair nymph receives you to swim in her sulphureous waters, I am strengthened by the repose of my Nomentan farm, in a cottage which gives me no trouble with its numerous acres. Here is my Baian sunshine and the sweet Lucrine lake; here have I, Castricius, all such riches as you are enjoying. Time was when I betook myself at pleasure to any of the far-famed watering-places, and felt no apprehension of long journeys. Now spots near town, and retreats of easy access, are my delight; and I am content if permitted to be idle.
XLIV. TO CALLIORORUS.
You imagine, Calliodorus, that your jesting is witty, and that you above all others overflow with an abundance of Attic salt. You smile at all, you utter pleasantries upon all, and you think that by so doing you will please at the dinner table. But I will tell you something, not very nice, but very true. No one will invite you, Calliodorus, to drink out of his glass.1
1 Propter oris tui impuritatem.
XLV. ON THE MARRIAGE OF LYGDUS AND LAETORIA.
You have had your diversion; it is enough. You, who have lived so freely, are married, and now only chaste pleasure is allowed you. But is there any chaste pleasure, when Laetoria is married to Lygdus? She will be worse as a wife than she recently was as a mistress.
XLVI. TO CATIANUS.
Yon chariot is urged by the unremitting whip of the blue faction driver, yet it moves no faster: truly, Catianus, you do wonders!1
1 By lashing his horses so much, and yet keeping them in the same spot.
XLVII. TO THE NYMPH OF A FOUNTAIN.
You household nymph of my friend Stella, who glides, with pure stream, beneath the gemmed halls of your lord, whether the consort of Numa has sent you from the caves of the triple goddess, or whether you come as the ninth of the band of Muses, Marcus releases himself from his vows to you by sacrificing this virgin pig, because, when ill, be drank furtively of your waters. Do you, reconciled to me at length by this expiation, grant me the peaceful delights of your fountain; and let my draughts be always attended with health.
XLVIII. TO POMPONIUS.
When your crowd of attendants so loudly applaud you, Pomponius, it is not you, but your banquet, that is eloquent.
"Sophos," to thee your clients cry; but know
Thy supper's eloquent,-----you are not so.
Wright.
XLIX. PRIAPUS UPON HIMSELF.
I am not carved out of the fragile elm, and this column, which rises so straight and so firm, is not made of wood taken at random, but is produced from the evergreen cypress, which fears neither hundreds of centuries nor the decay of a long-protracted old age. Fear it, evil-doer, whoever you may be; for if you injure with rapacious hand even the smallest cluster on this vine, this cypress shall engraft upon your body, however much you may struggle against it, a fig-tree which will bear fruit.1
1 See B. iv. Ep. 52.
L. TO BITHYNICUS, ON TELESINUS.
While Telesinus was poor, and cultivated virtuous and honest friends, he used to wander about in sorry guise, clad in a chilly little toga. But since he has begun to pay court to persons of licentious character, he can buy himself plate, table services, and farms. Do you wish to become rich, Bithynicus? Become a panderer to vice; virtuous courses will gain you nothing, or very little.
Whilst he did none but honest friends observe,
In thread-bare cloak he walk'd, and like to starve:
Since he's the wanton gallants' nabber grown,
He farmes good fayre, and coin has of his own.
Would you be rich, then you must share the crimes,
Else not the wealth, of these licentious times.
Old Ms.16th Century.
LI. TO LUPERCUS.
I have found out how to be even with you, Lupercus, for so often having guests at dinner without me. I am in a passion, and however frequently you may invite me, and send for me, and press me----"What will you do?" you say. What will I do?-----I will come.
LII. EPITAPH ON PANTAGATHUS.
In this tomb reposes Pantagathus, the object of his master's affection and regret, snatched away in the prime of youth. Well skilled was he in clipping stray hairs with scissors that gently touched them, and in trimming bristly cheeks. Earth, be propitious to him, as is right, and lie lightly on him; you cannot be lighter than was the artist's hand.
LIII. TO FAUSTINUS, ON ANDRAGORAS.
Andragoras bathed, and supped gaily with me; and in the morning was found dead. Do you ask, Faustinus, the cause of a death so sudden? He had seen Doctor Hermocrates in a dream.
Bath'd, supp'd, in glee Andragoras went to bed
Last night; but in the morning was found dead:
Would'st know, Faustinus, what was his disease?
He dreaming saw the quack, Hermocrates.
Montaigne (by Cotton), B. ii ch. 37.
LIV. TO AULUS, ON SEXTILIANUS.
If, Aulus, you forbid Sextilianus to speak of his "so great" and "so great," the poor fellow will be scarcely able to put three words together. "What does he mean? you ask. I will tell you what I suspect: namely, that Sextilianus is fallen in love with his "so great" and "so great."1
1 Tantos et tantus. Praegrandes drancos eorumque caudas.
LV. TO CORACINUS.
Because you are always redolent of lavender and cinnamon, and stained with the spoils from the nest of the proud phoenix, exhale the odour of Nicerotius's 2 leaden vases, you smile with contempt, Coracinus, on us, who smell of nothing. I would rather smell of nothing than of scents.
2 A perfumer.
LVI. TO CHARIDEMUS.
[Not translated in Bohn or Loeb]
LVII. TO PHOEBUS.
You manufacture, with the aid of unguents, a false head of hair, and your bald and dirty skull is covered with dyed locks. There is no need to have a hairdresser for your head. A sponge, Phoebus, would do the business better.
LVIII. TO AULUS PUDENS.
While you, Aulus, delight in a near view of the Arcadian bear, and with enduring the climate of northern skies, oh how nearly had I, your friend, been carried off to the waters of Styx, and. seen the dusky clouds of the Elysian plain! My eyes, weak as they were, continually looked round for your countenance, and the name of Pudens was perpetually on my cold tongue. If the wool-spinning sisters do not weave the threads of my life black, and my voice does not address inattentive deities, you will return safe to the cities of Latium to see your friend safe, and, as a deserving knight, be rewarded with the rank of first centurion.
LIX. ON BACCARA.
Baccara, desirous of exhibiting his six hundred fur mantles, grieves and complains that the cold does not attack him. He prays for dark days, and wind, and snow; and hates wintry days which are at all warm. What ill, cruel mortal, have our light cloaks, which the least breath of wind may carry off our shoulders, done you? How much simpler and more honest would it be for you to wear your fur cloaks even in the month of August.
LX. TO FAUSTINUS.
Pompullus has accomplished his end, Faustinus; he will be read, and his name be spread through the whole world! So may the inconstant race of the yellow-haired Germans flourish, and whoever loves not the rule of Rome! Yet the writing of Pompullus are said to be ingenious; but for fame, believe me, that is not enough. How many eloquent writers are there, who afford food for mites and worms, and whose learned verses are bought only by cooks! Something more is wanting to confer immortality on writings. A book destined to live must have genius.
LXI. ON AN ENVIOUS PERSON.
Rome, city of my affections, praises, loves, and recites my compositions; I am in every lap, and in every hand. But see, yon gentleman grows red and pale by turns, looks amazed, yawns, and, in fact, hates me. I am delighted at the sight; my writings now please me.
LXII. TO OPPIANUS.
Salanus has lost his only son. Do you delay to send presents, Oppianus? Alas, cruel destiny and remorseless Fates! of what vulture shall the corpse of Salanus be the prey?
LXIII. TO MARIANUS, DECEIVED BY A FLATTERER.
You know, Marianus, that you are obsequiously courted; you know that he who courts you is a covetous fellow; you know what his attentions mean; and yet you name him in your will, foolish man, as your heir, and destine him, as if you were out of your mind, to take your place. "But he has sent me, you say, large presents." True, but they are a baited hook; and can the fish ever love the fisherman? Will this pretender bewail your death with real sorrow? If you desire him to weep, Marianus, give him nothing.
LXIV. TO A DETRACTOR.
Although you are neither sprung from the austere race of the Fabii, nor are such as he whom the wife of Curius Dentatus brought forth when seized with her pains beneath a shady oak, as she was carrying her husband his dinner at the plough; but are the son of a father who plucked the hair from his face at a looking-glass, and of a mother condemned to wear the toga in public; 1 and are one whom your wife might call wife;2 you allow yourself to find fault with my books, which are known to fame, and to carp at my best jokes,----jokes to which the chief men of the city and of the courts do not disdain to lend an attentive ear,-----jokes which the immortal Silius deigns to receive in his library, which the eloquent Regulus so frequently repeats, and which win the praises of Sura, the neighbour of the Aventine Diana, who beholds at less distance than others the contests of the great circus.3 Even Caesar himself the lord of all, the supporter of so great a weight of empire, does not think it beneath him to read my jests two or three times. But you, perhaps, have more genius; you have, by the polishing of Minerva, an understanding more acute; and the subtle Athena has formed your taste. May I die, if there is not far more understanding in the heart of the animal which, with entrails hanging down, and large foot, lungs coloured with concealed blood,----an object to be feared by all noses,----is carried by the cruel butcher from street to street You have the audacity, too, to write verses, which no one will read, and to waste your miserable paper upon me. But if the heat of my wrath should burn a mark upon you, it will live, and remain, and will be noted all through the city; nor will even Cinnamus, with all his cunning, efface the stigma. But have pity upon yourself, and do not, like a furious dog, provoke with rabid mouth the fuming nostrils of a living bear. However calm he may be, and however gently he may lick your fingers and hands, he will, if resentment and bite and just anger excite him, prove a true bear. Let me advise you, therefore, to exercise your teeth on an empty hide, and to seek for carrion which you may bite with impunity.
1 As being an adulteress.
2 So effeminate are you.
3 His house overlooked the Circus Maximus.
LXV. TO TUCCA.
"You write epigrams in hexameters," is what Tucca, I know, is saying. There are, Tucca, precedents for it; in a word, Tucca, it is allowable. "But this one, you say, is very long." There are precedents for its length also, Tucca, and it is allowable. If you approve of shorter ones, read only my distichs. Let us agree, Tucca, that I shall be at liberty to write long epigrams, and you be at liberty not to read them.
LXVI. ON A CRIER SELLING A GIRL.
The crier Gellianus was lately offering for sale a young lady of not over-good reputation, such as sit in the middle of the Suburra.1 When she had been for sometime standing at a small price, the seller, desiring to prove her purity to all around, drew her towards him, and, while she feigned resistance, kissed her two, three, and four times. Do you ask the result he produced by his kisses? It was, that he who had just offered six hundred sesterces, withdrew his bidding.
1 A street in Rome where prostitutes dwelt.
LXVII. TO PANNICUS.
Do you ask, Pannicus, why your wife Caelia has about her only priests of Cybele? Caelia loves the flowers of marriage, but fears the fruits.
LXVIII. TO CASTRICUS, ON THE DEATH OF THE
YOUNG EUTYCHUS.
Bewail your crime, you Naiads, bewail it through the whole Lucrine lake, and may Thetis herself hear your mourning! Eutychus, your sweet inseparable companion, Castricus, has been snatched away from you, and has perished amid the waters of Bais. He was the partner and kind consoler of all your cares: he was the delight, the Alexis, of our poet. Was it that the amorous nymph saw your charms exposed beneath the crystal waves, and thought that she was sending back Hylas to Hercules? Or has Salmacis at length left her effeminate Hermaphroditus, attracted by the embrace of a tender but vigorous youth? Whatever it may be, whatever the cause of a bereavement so sudden, may the earth and the water, I pray, be propitious to you.
LXIX. TO CATULLUS.
I do not wonder that your Bassa, Catullus, drinks water;1 but I do wonder that the daughter of Bassus2 drinks water.
1 Os enim, quo tibi morigeratur, purgari debet.
2 Who was a drunkard.
LXX. TO MARCIANUS.
Sixty summers, Marcianus, and, I think, two more have been completed by Cotta, and he does not remember ever to have felt the weariness of a bed of sickness even for a single day. With resolute, nay uncourteous feature, he bids the doctors Alcon, Dasius, and Symmachus keep at a distance. If our years were accurately counted, and if the amount subtracted from them by cruel fevers, or oppressive languor, or painful maladies, were separated from the happier portion of our lives, we should be found in reality but infants, though we seem to be old men. He who thinks that the lives of Priam and of Nestor were long is much deceived and mistaken. Life consists not in living, but in enjoying health.
S' By spleen, by head-ache, every other ill;
Though we seem old, we are but children still.
If any think Priam or Nestor old,
Though o'er the last three centuries had rolled,
They're much deceived; for sense and reason tell,
That life is only life when we are well.
Hay.
LXXI. ON TELETHUSA.
Telethusa, skilled in displaying attractive gestures to the sound of her Spanish castanets, and in dancing the sportive dances of Cadiz; Telethusa, capable of exciting the decrepit Pelias, and of moving the husband of Hecuba at the tomb of Hector; Telethusa inflames and tortures her former master. He sold her a slave, he now buys her back a mistress.
LXXII. TO FABULLUS, ON A THIEVISH CILICIAN.
A Cilician, a thief of but too notorious rapacity, wished to rob a certain garden; but in the whole grounds, large as they were, Fabullus, there was nothing save a marble Priapus. As he did not wish to return empty-handed, the Cilician stole Priapus himself.
LXXIII. ON THE PRIAPUS OF HILARUS.
No rude rustic fashioned me with untaught pruning knife; you behold the noble handywork of the steward. For Hilarus, the most noted cultivator of the Caeretan territory, possesses these hills and smiling eminences. Behold my well-formed face, I do not seem made of wood, nor the arms I bear destined for the flames, but my imperishable sceptre, fashioned of ever-green cypress, in manner worthy of the hand of Phidias, boldly presents itself. Neighbours, I warn you, worship the divinity of Priapus, and respect these fourteen acres.
LXXIV. TO AEFULANUS.
That guest reclining at his ease on the middle couch, whose bald heed is furnished with three hairs, and half daubed over with pomade, and who is digging in his half-opened month with a lentisc toothpick, is trying to impose upon us, Aefulanus; he has no teeth.
LXXV. TO PONTIA.
When you send me a thrush, or a slice of cheesecake, or a hare's thigh, or something of that sort, you tell me, Pontia, that you have sent me the dainties of your choice. I shall not send these to any one else, Pontia, nor shall I eat them myself. 1
1 Pontia was skilled in poisoning. See B. ii. Ep. 34.
LXXVI. EPITAPH OF FUSCUS.
Fuscus, lately the guardian of the sacred person of the emperor, the supporter of the Mars who administered civil justice at home, the leader to whom the army of our sovereign lord was entrusted, lies buried here. We may confess this, Fortune, that that stone now fears not the threats of enemies; the Dacian has received our proud yoke with subdued neck, and the victorious shade of Fuscus reposes in a grove which he had made his own.1
1 Fuscus died fighting against the Dacians, and was buried in Dacian ground.
LXXVII. TO AFER.
When you are poorer than even the wretched Irus, more vigorous than even Parthenopaeus, 2 stronger than even Artemidorus 3 in his prime, why do you delight to be carried by six Cappadocian slaves? You are laughed at, Afer, and derided much more than you would be were you to walk unattired in the middle of the Forum. Just so do people point at the dwarf Atlas4 on his dwarf mule, and the black elephant carrying its Libyan driver of similar hue. Do you wish to know why your litter brings you into so much ridicule? You ought not to be carried, even when dead, on a bier borne by six persons.5
2 One of the seven chiefs against Thebes.
3 A pancratiast in the reigns of Galba and Vitellius.
4 Mentioned by Juvenal, viii. 81.
5 You ought to be buried as a poor person, on a smaller bier.
LXXVIII. TO AULUS.
Phryx, a famous drinker, Aulus, was blind of one eye, and purblind of the other. His doctor Heras said to him, "Beware of drinking; if you drink wine, you will not see at all." Phryx, laughing, said to his eye, "I must bid you farewell!" and forthwith ordered cups to be mixed for him in copious succession. Do you ask the result? While Phryx drank wine, his eye drank poison.
LXXIX. TO LUPUS.
You are sad in the midst of every blessing. Take care that Fortune does not observe, or she will call you ungrateful.
LXXX. TO DOMITIAN, ON HIS WINTER ROSES.
Anxious to pay her court to you, the land of the Nile had sent to you, Caesar, as new gifts, some winter roses. The Memphian sailor felt little respect for the gardens of Egypt, after he had crossed the threshold of your city; such was the splendour of the spring, and the beauty of balmy Flora; and such the glory of the Paestan rose-beds. So brightly, too, wherever he directed his steps or his looks, did every path shine forth with garlands of flowers. But do you, O Nile, since you are compelled to yield to Roman winters, send us your harvests, and receive our roses.
LXXXI. TO CHARIDEMUS.
[Not translated in Bohn. Loeb version given]
You wash, Charidemus, as if you were in a rage with the people; such a cleaning you give your middle all over the bath. 1 Even your head I should not wish you to wash here in such a fashion, Charidemus. Lo! you wash your head too: I prefer your washing your middle.
1. So polluting the water.
LXXXII. TO RUFUS.
A man, the other day, Rufus, after having diligently contemplated me just as a buyer of slaves or a trainer of gladiators might do, and after having examined me with eye and hand, said, "Are you, are you really, that Martial, whose lively sallies and jests are known to every one who has not a downright Dutchman's ear?" I smiled faintly, and with a careless nod admitted that I was the person he supposed. "Why then," said he, "have you so bad a cloak?" I answered, "Because I am a bad poet." That this, Rufus, may not happen again to your poet, send me a good cloak.
LXXXIII. TO DOMITIAN, IN PRAISE OF HIS CLEMENCY.
As much as the fortune of the father of Etruscus1 owes to the solicitations of the son, so much, most powerful of princes, do both owe to you; for you have recalled the thunderbolt launched by your right hand; I could wish that the fires of Jupiter were of a similar character. Would that the all-powerful Thunderer had your feelings, Caesar; his hand would then rarely apply its full force to the thunderbolt. From your clemency Etruscus acknowledges that he has received the double boon of being allowed to accompany his father when he went into exile, and when he returned from it.
1 There were two Etrusci, father and son; the father was sent into exile by Domitian, and the son accompanied him. By the solicitations of the son, Domitian was induced to allow the father to return. See B. vii. Ep. 30, and Statius Sylv. 3.
LXXXIV. TO AVITUS.
Philippus, in good bodily health, is carried, Avitus, in a litter borne by eight men. But if, Avitus, you think him sane, you are yourself insane.
LXXXV. ON THE DEATH OF RUFUS CAMONIUS.
My sixth book is published without you, Rufus Camonius, for a patron, and cannot hope to have you, my friend, for a reader. The impious land of the Cappadocians, beheld by you under a malignant star, restores only your ashes and bones to your father. Four forth, bereaved Bononia, your tears for your Rufus, and let the voice of your wailing be heard throughout the Aemilian Way. Alas! how sweet an affection, alas! how short a life, has departed! He had seen but just five times the award of prises at the Olympian games. O Rufus, you who were wont to read through my trifles with careful attention, and to retain my jests in your memory, receive this short strain with the tears of your sorrowful friend, and regard them as. incense offered by him who is far removed from you.
LXXXVI. ON BEING REQUIRED TO DRINK HOT
WATER WHEN SICK.
O wine of Setia, O excellent snow, O goblets constantly refilled, when am I to drink you with no doctor to prevent me? He is a fool, and ungrateful, and unworthy of so great a boon, who would rather be heir to the rich Midas, than enjoy you. May he who is envious of me possess the harvests of Libya, and the Hermus, and the Tagus, and drink warm water.
LXXXVII. TO DOMITIAN
May the gods and you yourself indulge you with whatever you deserve! May the gods and you yourself indulge me with whatever I wish, if I have deserved it!
LXXXVIII. TO CAECILIANUS.
One morning, Caecilianus, I happened to salute you simply by your name, without calling you, "My Lord." Does any one ask how much that freedom cost me? it has cost me a hundred farthings.1
1 Centum quadrantes, the usual value of the sportula of present made by the rich to their dependants instead of a dinner.
LXXXIX. TO RUFUS, ON PANARETUS, A DRUNKARD.
Panaretus, full of wine, called with eloquent finger,2 just at midnight, for a vessel necessary for a certain purpose. A Spoletan wine-jar was brought to him; one which he had himself drained to the dregs, but which had not been enough for him, though drinking alone. Most faithfully measuring back to the jar its former contents, he restored the full quantity of wine to its receptacle. Are you astonished that the jar held all that he had drunk? Cease to be astonished, Rufus; he drunk it neat.
2 By snapping his thumb and finger, the usual signal to the attendants.
XC. ON GELLIA.
Gellia has but one gallant; this is a great disgrace, but, what is a greater, she is the wife of two husbands.
XCI. TO ZOILUS.
The sacred censorial edict of our sovereign Lord condemns and forbids adultery. Rejoice, Zoilus, that your tastes exempt you from this law.1
1 Feminas enim non inibat, utpote fellator.
The emperor's law forbids adultery;
But grieve not, Zoilus; 'twill not touch thee.
Anon.
XCII. TO AMMIANUS, DRINKING BAD WINE.
By the serpent which the art of Myron has graven on your cup, Ammianus, it is indicated that, in drinking Vatican wine,2 you drink poison.
2 Which was the worst sort of wine.
XCIII. ON THAIS.
Thais smells worse than an old jar of a covetous fuller just broken in the middle of the street; worse than a goat after an amorous encounter; than the belch of a lion; than a hide torn from a dog on the banks of the Tiber; than chick rotting in an abortive egg; than a jar fetid with spoilt pickle. Cunningly wishing to exchange this disagreeable odour for some other, she, on laying aside her garments to enter the bath, makes herself green with a depilatory, or conceals herself beneath a daubing of chalk dissolved in acid, or covers herself with three or four layers of rich bean-unguent. When by a thousand artifices she thinks she has succeeded in making herself safe, Thais, after all, smells of Thais.
XCIV. ON CALPETIANUS.
Calpetianus' table is always laid with a gold service, whether he dines abroad or at his own house in town. So, too, does he sup even in an inn or at his country house. Has he then nothing else? No! and even that is not his own.1
1 The meaning is uncertain; but it seems to be intimated either that he had borrowed or hired plate, for the sake of ostentation, or that he had got it by dishonest means.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: martial_epigrams_book07.htm
Martial, Epigrams. Book 7. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
Martial, Epigrams. Book 7. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
BOOK VII.
I. TO DOMITIAN, ON HIS ASSUMPTION OF
A BREAST-PLATE.
Receive the terrible breastplate of the warlike Minerva, which even the anger of the snaky-locked Medusa dreads. When you do not wear it, Caesar, it may be called a breast-plate; when it sits upon your sacred breast, it will be an aegis.1
1 The aegis was borne by the gods; the lorica, or breastplate, was worn by men. Domitian appears to have had an aegis, or shield, made for himself; after the fashion of Minerva's aegis, whom he particularly worshipped.
II. TO THE BREASTPLATE ITSELF.
Breastplate of our lord and master, impenetrable to the arrows of the Sarmatians, and a greater defence than the hide worn by Mars among the Getae; breastplate formed of the polished hoofs of innumerable wild boars,2 which defies the blows even of an Aetolian spear; happy is your lot, to be permitted to touch that sacred breast, and to be warmed with the genius of our god. Go, accompany him, and may you, uninjured, earn noble triumphs, and soon restore our leader to the palm-decked toga.3
2 The Sarmatians, according to Pausanias, made breastplates, or coats of mail, of the talons of wild beasts, arranged like scales. The breastplate of Domitian was formed either of that material, or in imitation of it.
3 The toga palmata, worn by generals in triumphal processions.
III. TO PONTILIANUS.
Why do I not send you my books, Pontilianus? Lest you should send me yours, Pontilianus.
You ask me why I have no verses sent?
For fear you should return the compliment.
Hay.
IV. TO CASTRICUS, ON OPPIANUS.
Oppianus, having an unhealthy complexion,1 Castricus, began to write verses.
1 Looking pale, as those who would be thought poets wished to look. Hor. Epist. i. 19.
To have some colour for his pallid looks,
Oppian begins, forsooth, now to write books.
Old MS. 16th Cent.
V. TO DOMITIAN, SOLICITING HIM TO RETURN.
If, Caesar, you regard the wishes of your people and senate, and the real happiness of the inhabitants of Rome, restore our deity to our urgent prayers. Rome is envious of the foe that detains him, although many a laurelled letter reaches her. That foe beholds the lord of the earth nearer than we; and with your countenance, Caesar, the barbarian is as much delighted as awed.
VI. TO FAME.
Is there then any truth in the report that Caesar, quitting the northern climes, is at length preparing to return to Ausonia? Certain intelligence is wanting, but every tongue repeats this news. I believe you, Fame; you are wont to tell the truth. Letters announcing victory confirm the public joy; the javelins of Mars have their points green with laurel. Again, rejoice! Rome proclaims aloud your great triumphs; and your name, Caesar, even though it be against your will, resounds throughout your city. But now, that our joy may have greater grounds for certainty, come yourself; and be your own messenger of your victory over the Sarmatians.
VII. TO CAESAR.
Though the wintry Northern Bear, the barbarous Peuce,1the Danube warmed by the trampling of horses' feet, and the Rhine, with its presumptuous horn already thrice broken, may withhold you from us, O sovereign ruler of the earth, and father of the world, whilst you are subduing the realms of a perfidious race, yet you canst not be absent from our prayers. Even there, Caesar, our eyes and minds are with you; and so fully do you occupy the thoughts of all, that the very crowd in the great Circus know not whether Passerinus is running or Tigris.2
1 An island at the month of the Danube.
2 Names of favourite horses.
VIII. TO THE MUSES, ON DOMITIAN'S RETURN.
Now, O Muses, now, if ever, give vent to joy. Our god is restored to us victorious from the plains of Thrace. You are the first, O December, to confirm the wishes of the people; how we may shout with loud voice, "He is coming." Happy are you, O December, in your lot; you might have assumed equality with January, had you given us the joy which he will give us. The crowned soldier will sport in festal railleries as he walks in procession amid the laurelled steeds. It is not unbecoming even in you, O Caesar, to listen to jests and trivial verses; since the triumphal celebration itself gives a license to amusement.
IX. ON CASCELLIUS, A LAWYER DEFICIENT IN FLUENCY.
Cascellius numbers sixty years, and is a man of talent. When will he be a man of eloquence?
X. TO OLUS, A SLANDERER.
Eros has a Ganymede, Pinna is strangely fond of women; what is it to you, Olus, what either of them does with himself? Matho pays a hundred thousand sesterces to a mistress: what is it to you, Olus? It is not you, but Matho, who will thus be reduced to poverty. Sertorius sits at table till daylight: what is it to you, Olus, when you are at liberty to snore all night long? Lupus owes Titus seven hundred thousand sesterces: what is it to you, Olus? Do not give or lend Lupus a single penny. What really does concern you, Olus, and what ought more intimately to concern you, you keep out of sight. You are in debt for your paltry toga; that, Olus, concerns you. No one will any longer give you a farthing's credit; that, Olus, concerns you. Your wife plays the adulteress; that, Olus, concerns you. Your daughter is grown up, and demands a dowry; that, Olus, concerns you. I could mention some fifteen other things that concern you; but your affairs, Olus, concern me not at all.
XI. AULUS PUDENS.
You urge me, Pudens, to correct my books for you, with my own hand and pen. You are far too partial, and too kind, thus to wish to possess my trifles in autograph.
XII. TO FAUSTINUS.
So may the lord of the world, Faustinus, read me with serene countenance, and receive my jests with his wonted attention, as my page injures not even those whom it justly hates, and as no portion of reputation, obtained at the expense of another, is pleasing in my eyes. To what purpose is it that certain versifiers wish publications which are but darts dipped in the blood of Lycambes 1 to be deemed mine, and that they vomit forth the poison of vipers under my name?----versifiers, who cannot endure the rays of the sun and the light of day? My sport is harmless; you know this well; I swear it by the genius of all-powerful Fame, and by the Castalian choir, as well as by the attention you grant me, reader, who, if you are free from the unmanly passion of envy, are to me as a great deity.
1 Who was driven to commit suicide by the satire of Archilochus, to whom he had first engaged, and then refused, his daughter.
XIII. ON LYCORIS. 1
Lycoris the brunette, having heard that the ivory of an antiquated tooth recovered its whiteness by the action of the sun at Tivoli, betook herself to its hills, sacred to Hercules. How great is the efficacy of the air of the lofty Tivoli! In a short time she returned black.
1 See B. iv. Ep. 62.
XIV. TO AULUS.
A frightful misfortune, Aulus, has befallen a fair acquaintance of mine; she has lost her pet, her delight; not such as Lesbia, the mistress of the tender Catullus, bewailed, when she was bereaved of her amorous sparrow; nor such as the dove, sung by my friend Stella, which Ianthis lamented, and whose dark shade now flits in elysium. My fair one is not captivated by trifles, or objects of affection such as those; nor do such losses affect the heart of my mistress. She has lost a young friend numbering twice six years, whose powers had not yet reached maturity.
XV. TO ARGYNNUS.1
What boy is this that retreats from the sparkling waters of Ianthis, and flees from the Naiad their mistress? Is it Hylas? Well is it that Hercules is honoured in this wood, and that he so closely watches these waters. You may minister at these fountains, Argynnus, in security; the Nymphs will do you no harm; beware lest the guardian himself should wish to do so.
1 Compare Ep. 50.
XVI. TO REGULUS.
I have not a farthing in the house; one thing only remains for me to do, Regulus, and that is, to sell the presents which I have received from you; are you inclined to buy them?
XVII. TO THE LIBRARY OF JULIUS MARTIALIS.
Library of a charming country retreat, whence the reader can see the neighbouring town, if, amid more serious poems, there be any room for the sportive Thalia, you may place even upon the lowest shelf these seven books which I send you corrected by the pen of their author. This correction gives them their value. And do you, O library of Julius Martialis, to which I dedicate this little present, you that will be celebrated and renowned over the whole globe, guard this earnest of my affection!
XVIII. TO GALLA.
[Not translated in Bohn. Opening only from Loeb]
ALTHOUGH you have a face which not even a woman could criticise, although no blemish marks your body, do you wonder why it is so rarely a gallant desires you and seeks you a second time? You have a defect, Galla, and no light one....
XIX. ON A FRAGMENT OF THE SHIP ARGO.
This fragment, which you think a common and useless piece of wood, was a portion of the first ship that ventured on unknown seas, a ship which neither the Cyanean rocks, so fertile in shipwrecks, nor the still more dangerous rage of the Scythian ocean, could formerly destroy. Time has overcome it; but, though it has yielded to years, this little plank is more sacred than an entire ship.
THE fragment thou regardest as cheap and useless wood, this was the first keel to stem the unknown sea. That which the clash of the Azure rocks l could not shatter of old, nor the wrath, more dread, of Scythia's ocean, ages have subdued: yet, however much it has submitted to time, more sacred is this small plank than the vessel unscathed. (Loeb version)
XX. ON SANTRA.
No one is more pitiable, no one more gluttonous, than Santra, when he is invited and hurries off to a regular supper, to which he has fished for an invitation many days and nights: he asks three times for boar's neck, four times for the loin, and for the two hips and both shoulders of a hare nor does he blush at lying for a thrush, or filching even the livid beards of oysters. Sweet cheese-cakes stain his dirty napkin; in which also potted grapes are wrapped, with a few pomegranates, the unsightly skin of an excavated sow's udder, moist figs, and shrivelled mushrooms. And when, the napkin is bursting with a thousand thefts, he hides in the reeking fold of his dress gnawed fish-bones, and a turtle-dove deprived of its head. He thinks it not disgraceful, too, to gather up with greedy hand whatever the waiter and the dogs have left. Nor does solid booty alone satisfy his gluttony; at his feet he fills a flagon with mingled wines. These things he carries home with him, up some two hundred steps; and locks himself carefully in his garret and bars it; and the next day the rapacious fellow sells them.
XXI. ON THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE BIRTH-DAY
OF LUCAN.
This is the day which, witness of an illustrious birth, gave Lucan to the people and to you, Polla.1 Alas, cruel Nero, more detested on account of none of your victims than of this, such a crime at least should not have been permitted you.
1 The wife of Lucan.
XXII. ON THE SAME.
The day returns, memorable for the illustrious birth of a bard inspired by Apollo; Aonian virgins, be propitious to our sacrifices. Baetis, when she gave you, Lucan, to the earth, deserved that her waters should be mingled with those of Castalia.
XXIII. TO APOLLO, ON THE SAME.
Phoebus, come great as you were when you gave the second quill of the Latin lyre to the singer of wars.1 What can I pray for worthy of so glorious a day? That you, Polla, may often venerate the shade of your husband, and that he may be sensible of your veneration.
1 Lucan, whom Martial ranks next to Virgil.
XXIV. ON A SLANDERER.
Perfidious tongue, that would embroil me with my dear friend Juvenal, what will you not have the audacity to say? With you to coin scandalous stories, Orestes would have hated Pylades; the affectionate Pirithous would have shunned Theseus. You would have parted the Sicilian brothers, and the Atridae, still greater names, and the sons of Leda. This I imprecate upon you, O tongue, as a just reward for your doings and your audacious attempts, that you may continue to do what I believe you do already.2
2 Haereat inguinibus potius tam noxia lingua. B. ii. Ep. 61.
XXV. TO A BAD EPIGRAMMATIST.
Although the epigrams which you write are always sweetness itself and more spotless than a white-leaded skin, and although there is in them neither an atom of salt, nor a drop of bitter gall, yet you expect, foolish man, that they will be read. Why, not even food itself is pleasant, if it is wholly destitute of acid seasoning; nor is a face pleasing, which shows no dimples. Give children your honey-apples and luscious figs; the Chian fig, which has sharpness, pleases my taste.
XXVI. TO HIS SCAZONS.1
Go, my Scazons, and pay your respects to Apollinaris; and, if he be disengaged (for you must not importune him), present him with this collection, whatever may be its worth, a collection in which he himself has a share.2 May his refined ear grant my verses an audience. If you find yourselves welcomed with open brow, you will ask him to support you with his usual favour. You know his passionate liking for my trifles; not even I myself could love them more. If you wish to be safe against detractors, go, my Scazons, and pay your respects to Apollinaris.
1 A sort of Iambic verse.
2 He corrected some of the pieces.
XXVII. ON A WILD-BOAR.
A wild boar, a devourer of Tuscan acorns, and heavy with the fruit of many an oak, second in fame only to the monster of Aetolia, a boar which my friend Dexter pierced with glittering spear, lies an envied prey for my kitchen fire. Let my Penates fatten and exude with the pleasing steam, and my kitchen, festally adorned, blaze with a whole mountain of felled wood. But, ah! my cook will consume a vast heap of pepper, and will have to add Falernian wine to the mysterious sauce. No; return to your master, ruinous wild-boar: my kitchen fire is not for such as you; I hunger for less costly delicacies.
XXVIII. TO FUSCUS, ON SENDING HIM HIS EPIGRAMS.
So may your grove at Tivoli, consecrated to Diana, grow unceasingly, and your wood, though often cut, hasten to recruit itself; so may not your olives, fruit of Pallas, be excelled by the presses of Spain; so may your vast wine-coolers supply you with good wine; so may the courts of law admire and the palace praise you, and many a palm decorate your folding doors,1 as, while the middle of December affords you a short vacation, you correct with unerring judgment these trifles which you are now reading. "Do you wish to hear the truth?----it is a trying task." But you can say, Fuscus, what you would wish to be said to yourself.
1 Palms were affixed to the doors of eminent advocates who had won causes.
XXIX. TO THESTYLUS, THE POET VICTOR'S BOY.
Thestylus, sweet torment of Victor Voconius, you than whom no youth is better known in the whole city, so may you still, though your longhair has been cut, retain your beauty and the affection or your master, and so may no maiden find favour in the eyes of your poet-lord, as you now lay aside for a while his learned compositions, whilst I read to him a few humble verses. Even by Maecenas while Virgil sang of his Alexis, the brown Melaenis of Marsus was not disregarded.
XXX. TO CAELIA.
You grant your favours, Caelia, to Parthians, to Germans, to Dacians; and despise not the homage of Cilicians and Cappadocians. To you journeys the Egyptian gallant from the city of Alexandria, and the swarthy Indian from the waters of the Eastern Ocean; nor do you shun the embraces of circumcised Jews; nor does the Alan, on his Sarmatic steed, pass by you. How comes it that, though a Roman girl, no attention on the part of a Roman citizen is agreeable to you?
XXXI. TO REGULUS, ON SENDING HIM BOUGHT PRESENTS.
These shrill-voiced denizens of the hen-coop, these eggs of the matron hens, these Chian figs made yellow by a moderate heat, this young offspring of a plaintive she-goat, these olives yet too tender to bear the cold, and these vegetables hoary with the cold frosts, do you imagine that they are sent from my country-house? Oh, how intentionally you mistake, Regulus! my fields bear nothing but myself. Whatever your Umbrian bailiff or husbandman, or the Etruscan, or the people at Tusculum, or your country-house three miles from Rome, send to you, is all produced for me in the middle of the Suburra.
XXXII. TO ATTICUS, COMMENDING HIS EXERCISE
IN THE RACE.
O Atticus, who revives the fame of a family renowned for eloquence, and does not allow a mighty house to fall into oblivion, you are accompanied by the pious votaries of the Cecropian Minerva, you are pleased with calm retirement, and beloved by every philosopher, whilst other young men are instructed in boxing by a pugilist at the expense of wounded ears, and the greasy anointer carries off their money, which he little deserves. No ball, no bladder, no feather-stuffed plaything prepares you for the warm baths, nor the harmless blows dealt upon the defenceless wooden image.1Neither do you square your arms drenched in stiff wrestler's oil; nor seize at full speed the dusty hand-ball. You only run near the glistening Virgin water,2 and where the bull shows his affection for the Sidonian maiden.3 For a young man who can run, to indulge in the various sports that every arena presents is mere idleness.
1 Stipes, a sort of block or post, perhaps formed into the shape of a man, at which the young men exercised themselves as against an adversary.
2 See B. v. Ep. 20.
3 In the Portico of Europa, ibid.
XXXIII. TO CINNA.
When your toga, Cinna, is dirtier than mud, and your shoe whiter than the new-born snow, why, foolish man, do you let your garment hang down over your feet? Gather up your toga, Cinna; or your shoe will be quite spoilt.
When in a sordid gown you love to go,
But shoes as white as the new-fallen snow.
Why 'bout your feet your gown to wear do use?
Fool, tack it up, or it will foul your shoes.
Anon. 1695.
XXXIV. TO SEVERUS, ON CHARINUS' EXCELLENT BATHS.
Do you ask, Severus, how it could come to pass that Charinus, the very worst of men, has done one thing well? I will tell you at once. Who was ever worse than Nero? Yet what can be better than Nero's warm baths? But hark, there is not wanting some ill-natured individual to say, immediately, in a sour tone, "What, do you prefer the baths of Nero to the munificent structures of Domitian, our lord and master?" I prefer the warm baths of Nero to the baths of the debauched Charinus.
XXXV. TO LAECANIA.
[Not translated in Bohn or Loeb]
XXXVI. TO STELLA.
When my crazy farm-house, unable to resist the rain and dropping skies, was inundated by the winter floods, there came to me, sent by your kindness, a supply of tiles, sufficient for a defence against any sudden shower. Hark! inclement December is roaring with the blast of Boreas; Stella, you cover the farm-house, and forget to cover the farmer.1
1 You forget to send me a toga.
XXXVII. TO CASTRICUS.
Do you know, Castricus, the quaestor's sign of condemnation to death? It is worth your while to learn the new Theta.2 He had given orders that every time he blew his nose dropping with cold, the act should be a fatal sign for death. One day, when furious December was blowing with dripping jaws, an unsightly icicle was hanging from his odious nose. His colleagues held his hands. What further do you ask? The wretched man, Castricus, was not allowed to blow his nose.
2 The letter theta (being the initial letter of θάνατος) was the mark of condemnation to death, on the voting tablets among the Greeks.
XXXVIII. TO POLYPHEMUS.
O Polyphemus, slave of my friend Severus, you are of such a size and such a form that the Cyclops himself might wonder at you. Nor is Scylla 3 inferior to you in these respects. If you bring face to face the awful monstrosities of the two, either will be a terror to the other.
3 Another slave.
XXXIX. ON CAELIUS.
Caelius, unable any longer to endure with patience the constant running from place to place, the morning calls, and the pride and cold salutations of the great, began to pretend that he had the gout. But, while he was over-eager to prove his disease real, and was plastering and bandaging his sound feet, and walking with laboured step (such is the efficacy of care and art in feigned pain) he ceased to feign.
XL. EPITAPH ON THE FATHER OF ETRUSCUS.1
Here lies that old man, well known at the court of the emperor, whose favour and whose anger he endured with no mean spirit. The affection of his children has laid him with the hallowed ashes of his consort; the Elysian grove holds both. She died first, defrauded of her youthful prime. He lived nearly eighteen Olympiads. But whoever beheld your tears, Etruscus, thought that he had been snatched from you prematurely.
1 See B.iv Ep.83.
XLI. TO SEMPRONIUS TUCCA.
You think yourself, Sempronius Tucca, a cosmopolite. Vices, Sempronius Tucca, are equally cosmopolitan with virtues.
XLII. TO CASTRICUS.
If any person, Castricus, should wish to rival you in making presents, let him attempt to do so also in making verses. I am but of small resources in either way, and always ready to own myself beaten; hence ease and undisturbed quiet charm me. Do you ask, then, why I have offered you such bad verses? I ask you in return, do you imagine that no one ever offered apples to Alcinous?
XLIII. TO CINNA.
The greatest favour that you can do me, Cinna, if I ask anything of you, is to give it me; the next, Cinna, to refuse it at once. I love one who gives, Cinna; I do not hate one who refuses; but you, Cinna, neither give, nor refuse.
XLIV. TO QUINTUS OVIDIUS, ON THE BUST
OF MAXIMUS CAESONIUS.
This, Quintus Ovidius, is your friend Maximus Caesonius,1whose lineaments the living wax still preserves. Him Nero condemned; but you dared to condemn Nero, and to follow the fortunes of the exile instead of your own. You went through the waters of Scylla, a noble companion of his exile; you who, but a little while before, were unwilling to go with him when he was consul. If names that I commit to paper are to live, and destiny wills that I should survive my tomb, present and future generations shall know that you were to turn what he was to his friend Seneca.2
1 Caesonius had been banished, probably, to Corsica or Sardinia.
2 He had accompanied Seneca in his exile to Corsica.
XLV. TO THE SAME, ON THE SAME BUST.
This is that Maximus, the powerful friend of the eloquent Seneca, next in his affection to Carus, or more dear to him than Serenus, and whom he salutes with many a charming letter. You, Ovidius, in whose praise no tongue should be silent, followed him through the Sicilian waves, setting at nought the wrath of a furious tyrant. Let antiquity admire her Pylades, who adhered to one exiled by his mother's fury. Who could compare the dangers defied by the two? You adhered to one exiled by Nero.
XLVI. TO PRISCUS.
While you are wishing to enhance your present to me by verses,1 Priscus, and endeavouring to speak more eloquently than the month of Homer ever spoke, you torture both me and yourself for many days, and still your muse says nothing about what concerns me. You may send poetry and sounding verse to the rich; to poor men give substantial presents.
1 Priscus delayed his presents till his verses should be ready to accompany it.
XLVII. TO LICINIUS SURA, ON HIS RECOVERY
FROM SICKNESS.
O Licinius Sura, most celebrated of learned men, whose eloquence, savouring of antiquity, reminds us of our mighty ancestors, you are----(oh, by what kindness of the Fates!)----restored to us; sent back after having almost tasted the water of Lethe. Our prayers had lost their fear; 2 our sadness wept without relief; and it appeared from our tears that you were quite lost. But the ruler of the silent Avenue feared our displeasure, and has himself restored to the Fates the distaff already snatched from their hands. Thus you know, then, what lamentations the false report of your death caused amongst your fellow-creatures, and you enjoy what will be said of you by posterity. Live as though you were stolen from death, and seize fleeting joys, and thus your recovered life will not have lost a single day.
2 We no longer feared that you would die, but considered it certain. How these verses should be read; it is impossible to settle satisfactorily; such is the variation of copies.
XLVIII. ON ANNIUS.
Annius has some two hundred tables, and servants for every table. Dishes run hither and thither, and plates fly about. Such entertainments as these keep to yourselves, you pompous; I am ill pleased with a supper that walks.
XLIX. TO SEVERUS.
I send you, Severus, the small offerings of my suburban garden; eggs good for your throat, fruits to please your palate.
L. TO THE FOUNTAIN OF IANTHIS, STELLA'S MISTRESS.
Fount of your Mistress, queen of the spot in which Ianthis delights, glory and delight of this splendid retreat, when your brink is adorned with so many snow-white attendants, and your waves reflect a troop of Ganymedes, what is the venerated Alcides doing in the wood near you? Why occupies the god a position so close to you? Is it that he keeps watch over the amorous nymphs, whose manners he so well knows, to prevent so many Hylases from being carried off at once?1
1 Compare Ep. 15.
LI. TO URBICUS.
If you are unwilling, Urbicus, to purchase my trifles, and yet desire to have a knowledge of my sportive verses, go find Pompeius Auctus. Perhaps you know him; he sits in the porch of the temple of Mars the Avenger. Though deeply imbued with law, and versed in the various usages of civil life, he is not only my reader, Urbicus, but my book itself. He so faithfully remembers and repeats his absent friend's compositions, that not a single letter of my pages is lost. In a word, if he had chosen, he might have made himself appear the author; but he prefers to assist in spreading my reputation. You may apply to him after the tenth hour 2 of the day, for before that time he will not be sufficiently disengaged; his little dinner will accommodate two. He will read; you may drink; he will recite whether you like it or not: and after you have said "Hold, enough!" he will still continue to recite.
2 Four in the afternoon.
LII. TO POMPEIUS AUCTUS.
I am delighted, Auctus, that you read my effusions to Celer; I mean, if Celer is also pleased with what you read. He has been governor of my countrymen and the Celtic Iberians, and never was purer integrity seen in our region. The profound reverence I entertain for him fills me with awe; and I regard his ears as those not of an auditor, but of a judge.
LIII. TO UMBER.
You have sent me as a present for the Saturnalia, Umber, everything which you have received during the past five days; twelve note-books of three tablets each, seven tooth-picks; together with which came a sponge, a table-cloth, a wine-cup, a half-bushel of beans, a basket of Picenian olives, and a black jar of Laletanian wine. There came also some small Syrian figs, some candied plums, and a heavy pot of figs from Libya. They were a present worth, I believe, scarcely thirty small coins altogether; and they were brought by eight tall Syrian slaves. How much more convenient would it have been for one slave to have brought me, as he might without trouble, five pounds' weight of silver!
LIV. TO NASIDIENUS.
Every morning you recount to me your idle dreams about myself such as may move and alarm my mind. All my wine of last vintage has been exhausted to the dregs, and even that of the present is failing, while the wise woman is exorcising for me the effects of your nocturnal visions. I have consumed heaps of salted meal and mountains of frankincense; my flocks, by the frequent sacrifices of lambs, have altogether dwindled away. Not a pig, not a fowl of the hencoop, not an egg have I left. Either lie awake, Nasidienus, or sleep and dream for yourself.
LV. TO CHRESTUS.
[Not translated in Bohn. Loeb version given]
If you give presents in return to no man, Chrestus,3 give and return none to me either: I will believe you to be generous enough. But if you give them to Apicius, and Lupus, and Gallus and Titius and Caesius, you shall assault, not my person (for that is chaste and petty), but the one that comes from Solyma now consumed by fire, 4 and is lately condemned to tribute. 5
3 cf. ix. xxviii.
4 Jerusalem, captured by Titus, and burned A.D. 70.
5 The Jews were subject to a tax: Suet. Dom. xii.
LVI. TO RABIRIUS, DOMITIAN'S ARCHITECT.
You have embraced the stars and the skies in your pious mind, Rabirius; such is the wondrous art with which you are erecting the Parrhasian 1 edifice. If Pisa is still preparing to give the Jupiter of Phidias a temple worthy of him, she should request of our Jupiter the aid of your skilful hand.
1 A palace on the Palatine Mount, where Evander the Arcadian, or Parrhasian, settled.
LVII. ON GABINIA.
Gabinia has made Achilles a Castor out of a Pollux; he was Pyxagathos, now he will be Hippodamus.2
2 A pun in Greek in allusion to Homer (Il. iii. 237). Achilles was a noted boxer; Gabinia, by endowing him with the fortune of a knight, may be facetiously said to have made him a horse-tamer.
LVIII. TO GALLA.
[Not translated in Bohn. Loeb version given]
ALREADY you have married six or seven paederasts, Galla; long hair and a combed-out beard much attract you. Next, when you have tested their capacity, and their flaccid and used-up powers, you desert weaponless encounters, and an effeminate husband, and yet again you continually fall back upon the same amours as before. Look out for some fellow who is always prating of the Curii and Fabii,4 shaggy, and with a savage look of stubborn rusticity: you will discover him; but even the grim tribe 5 has its paederasts: it is difficult, Galla, to marry a genuine man.6
4 Types of ancient Roman virtues: cf. ix. xxviii. 6.
5 i.e. of so-called philosophers: cf. ix. xxvii. and xlvii.
6 cf. i. xxiv.
LIX. TO TITUS, ON CAECILIANUS.
Our friend Caecilianus, Titus, does not sup without a whole wild-boar on his table. A pretty table-companion Caecilianus has!
LX. TO JUPITER CAPITOLINUS.
Venerable sovereign of the Tarpeian palace, whom we believe to exist as Lord of the thunder, from the care which you show for the preservation of our prince, when every one importunes you with prayers, and implores you to give what the gods alone can give, be not angry with me, O Jupiter, as though I were proud, because I ask you nothing. It is my duty to supplicate you for Domitian; to supplicate Domitian for myself.
Great Capitolian Jove, you god, to whom
Our Caesar owes that bliss he sheds on Rome,
While prostrate crowds your daily bounty tire,
And all your blessings for themselves desire,
Accuse me not of pride, that I alone
Put up no prayer that can be called my own:
For Caesar's wants, O Jove, I sue to thee;
Caesar himself can grant what's fit for me.
Aaron Hill.
LXI. TO DOMITIAN.
The audacious shopkeepers had appropriated to themselves the whole city, and a man's own threshold was not his own. You, Germanicus,1 bade the narrow streets grow wide; and what but just before was a pathway became a highway. No column is now girt at the bottom with chained wine-flagons; nor is the Praetor compelled to walk in the midst of the mud. Nor, again, is the barber's razor drawn blindly in the middle of a crowd, nor does the smutty cookshop project over every street. The barber, the vintner, the cook, the butcher, keep their own places. The city is now Rome; recently it was a great shop.
1 Domitian, who liked that title. B. v. Ep. 2.
LXII. ON THE IMPURE AMILLUS.
[Not translated in Bohn or Loeb]
LXIII. ON SILIUS ITALICUS.
You, who read the imperishable volumes of the ever-living Silius and his verses, worthy of the Roman toga, do you think that Pierian retreats, and ivy chaplets, like those of Bacchus binding the hair of the Aonian Virgins, alone gave pleasure to the poet? No! he did not approach the mysteries of the lofty Virgil until he had accomplished the course pursued by the great Cicero. The grave centumviral court of the judges still remembers him with admiration; and many a client speaks of him with grateful lips. After ruling with the twelve fasces the ever-memorable-year which was consecrated by the liberation of the world,1 he devoted his remaining days to the Muses and Phoebus, and now, instead of the forum, cultivates Helicon.
1 The year in which Nero perished.
LXIV. TO CINNAMUS.
You, Cinnamus, who were a barber well known over all the city, and afterwards, by the kindness of your mistress, made a knight, have taken refuge among the cities of Sicily and the regions of Aetna, fleeing from the stern justice of the forum. By what art will you now, useless log, sustain your years? How is your unhappy and fleeting tranquillity to employ itself? You cannot be a rhetorician, a grammarian, a school-master, a Cynic, or Stoic philosopher, nor can you sell your voice to the people of Sicily, or your applause to theatres of Some. All that remains for you, Cinnamus, is to become a barber again.
LXV. TO GARGILIANUS.
One suit carried through the three courts,1 Gargilianus, is wearing you out, now numbering, as you do, the colds of twenty winters since its commencement. Wretched, infatuated man! does any one continue at law for twenty years, Gargilianus, who has the option of losing his suit?
1 The old Roman court, that of Julius Caesar, and that of Augustus.
LXVI. ON LABIENUS.
Fabius has left Labienus all his property: Labienus says, notwithstanding, that he deserved more.1
1 He says that he is not repaid for the presents which he made to Fabius to induce him to make him his heir.
LXVII. IN PHILAENIM TRIBADEM.
[Not translated in Bohn or Loeb]
LXVIII. TO INSTANTIUS RUFUS.
Be cautious, I pray you, Instantius Rufus, in commending the effusions of my muse to your father-in-law; perhaps he likes serious compositions. But should he welcome my sportive writings, I may then venture to read them even to Curius and Fabricius.
LXIX. TO THE POET CANIUS, ON A PORTRAIT
OF THEOPHILIA HIS BETROTHED.
This is that Theophila, Canius, who is betrothed to you, and whose mind overflows with Attic learning. The Athenian garden of the great old man 1 might justly claim her for its own, and the Stoic sect would with equal pleasure call her theirs. Every work will live that you submit to her judgment before publication, so far is her taste above that of her sex, and of the common herd. Your favourite Pantaenis, however well known to the Pierian choir, should not claim too much precedence of her. The amorous Sappho would have praised her verses; Theophila is more chaste than Sappho, and Sappho had not more genius than Theophila.
1 Epicurus.
LXX. TO PHILAENIS.
[Not translated in Bohn or Loeb]
LXXI. ON A CERTAIN FAMILY.
The wife is affected with ficus; the husband is affected the daughter, the son-in-law, and the grandson are alike affected. Nor is the steward, or the farm bailiff free from the disgusting ulcer; nor even the sturdy digger or the ploughman. When thus young and old alike are affected with this disease, it is a marvellous circumstance that not a single plot of their land produces figs.1
1 An untranslatable jest which may be partly understood by reference to B. i. Ep. 66. ficus means figs; also piles or those afflicted with them.
LXXII. TO PAULUS.
So may December be pleasing to you, Paulas, and so may there come to you neither valueless tablets, nor table-cloths too short, nor half-pounds of incense light in weight: but may some influential client, or powerful friend, bring you chargers or goblets that belonged to his ancestors, or whatever delights and fascinates you most; so may you beat Novius and Publius at chess, shutting up their glass men in their squares; so may the impartial judgment of the well-oiled crowd of athletes award you the palm in the warm triangular game at ball, and not bestow greater praise on the left-handed strokes of Polybus: as, if any malignant person shall pronounce verses dripping with black venom to be mine, you lend your voice in my favour, and maintain, with all your might and without remission, "my friend Martial did not write those."
LXXIII. TO MAXIMUS.
You have a mansion on the Esquiline hill, and a mansion on the hill of Diana; and another rears its head in the Patricians' quarter.1 From one of your dwellings you behold the temple of the widowed Cybele,2 from another that of Vesta; from others you look on the old and the new Capitol. Tell me where I may meet you; tell me whereabouts I am to look for you: a man who lives everywhere, Maximus, lives nowhere.
1 The part allotted to the Patricians by Servius Tullius, not far from the Esquiline hill.
2 So called from having lost Atys, for whom she mourned.
LXXIV. TO MERCURY; A PRAYER FOR CARPUS
AND NORBANA.
O glory of Cyllene and of the skies, eloquent minister of Jove, whose golden wand is wreathed with twisted snakes, so may an opportunity for some fond intrigue never fail you, whether the Paphian goddess, or Ganymede, be the object of your affection; and so may your mother's Ides be adorned with sacred garlands, and your old grandfather be pressed with but a light burden, as Norbana shall ever joyfully keep with her husband Carpus the anniversary of this day on which they first came together in wedlock. He, as your pious votary, consecrates his gifts to wisdom; he invokes you with incense, but is faithful at the same time to our Jove.1
1 Faithful to Domitian, as you are to Jupiter.
LXXV. IN ANUM DEFORMEM.
[Not translated in Bohn. Loeb version given]
You wish to receive services without paying for them, although you are ugly and an old woman. It is a thing too ridiculous: you wish to give, and yet not to give.6
6 A play on two meanings of dare, one sensu obsceno, the other in the sense of payment: cf. iii. xc.475
LXXVI. TO PHILOMUSUS, A BUFFOON.
Though the great hurry you off to their banquets, and walks in the porticoes, and to the theatres; and though they are delighted, whenever you meet them, to make you share their litters, and to bathe with you, do not be too vain of such attentions. You entertain them, Philomusus; you are not an object of their regard.
LXXVII. TO TUCCA.
You importune me, Tucca, to present you with my books, I shall not do so; for you want to sell, not to read them.
LXXVIII. TO PAPILUS, A MAN NIGGARDLY
AND OSTENTATIOUS.
While upon your own table is placed only the tail of a poor Saxetan fish,1 and, when you dine luxuriously, cabbage drenched with oil; you make presents of sow's udders, wild boar, hare, mushrooms, oysters, mullets. You have neither sense, Fapilus, nor taste.
1 Some small fish from Baetica in Spain.
LXXIX. TO SEVERUS, ON DRINKING NEW WINE.
I have just drunk some consular wine. You ask how old and how generous? It was bottled in the consul's own year; and he who gave it me, Severus, was that consul himself.
LXXX. TO FAUSTINUS.
Inasmuch as Rome now leaves in peace the Getic climes and the hoarse clarions are hushed, you will be able, Faustinas, to send this book to Marcellinus: now he has leisure for books and for amusement. And if you wish to enhance your friend's trifling present, let a young slave carry any verses; not such a one as, fed with the milk of a Getic heifer, plays with Sarmatian hoop upon frozen rivers, but a rosy youth, bought of a Mitylenean dealer, or one from Lacedaemon not yet whipped by his mother's order. My messenger to you will be a slave from the subdued Danube, only fit to tend sheep at Tivoli.
LXXXI. TO LAUSUS.
In this whole book there are thirty bad epigrams; if there are as many good ones, Lausus, the book is good.
LXXXII. DE MENOPHILO VERPA.
[Not translated in Bohn. Loeb version given]
Menophilus' person a sheath covers so enormous that it alone would be sufficient for the whole tribe of comic actors. 4 This fellow I had imagined for we often bathe together was solicitous to spare his voice, Flaccus; but while he was exercising himself in the view of the people in the middle of the exercise ground, the sheath unluckily fell off: lo, he was circumcised! 5
4 Comic actors and singers wore this, as a preventive of sexual indulgence, to save their voice: cf. xi. lxxv. 3; xiv.ccxv.; Juv. vi. 73, 380.
5 i.e. a Jew.
LXXXIII. ON LUPERCUS.
Whilst the barber Eutrapelus is going the round of Lupercus's face, and carefully smoothing his cheeks, another beard springs up.
Eutrapelus, the barber, works so slow,
That while he shaves, the beard anew does grow.
Anon. 1695.
LXXXIV. TO HIS BOOK.
While my portrait is being taken for Caecilius Secundus,1 and the picture, painted by a skilful hand, seems to breathe, go, my book, to the Getic Peuce 2 and the submissive Danube; this is his post, among the conquered people. You will be a little gift to my dear friend, but acceptable: my countenance will be more truly read in my verse than in the picture. Here it will live, indestructible by accidents or lapse of years, when the work of Apelles shall be no more.
1 Pliny the younger.
2 An island at the mouth of the Danube. Pliny was proconsul of Pontus and Bithynia.
LXXXV. TO SABELLUS.
For sometimes writing quatrains which are not devoid of humour, Sabellus, and for composing a few distichs prettily, I commend you; but I am not astonished at you. It is easy to write a few epigrams prettily; but to write a book of them is difficult.
LXXXVI. TO SEXTUS.
I used to be invited to your birth-day feasts, before I had become your intimate friend, Sextus. How has it come to pass, I ask, how has it so suddenly come to pass, that, after so many pledges of affection on my part, and after the lapse of so many years, I, old friend as I am, am not included in your invitations. But I know the reason; I have not sent you a pound of refined silver, or a fine toga, or a warm cloak. The sportula which is made a matter of traffic, is a sportula no longer.3 You feed presents, Sextus, and not friends. But you will now tell me, "I will punish the slave omitting to deliver my invitations."
3 You have given only that you might receive.
LXXXVII. TO FLACCUS, ON HIS OWN LOVE
FOR LABYCAS.
If my friend Flaccus delights in a long-eared lagolopex; 1 if Canius likes a sad-coloured Aethiopian; if Publius is passionately fond of a little puppy; if Cronius loves an ape resembling himself; if a mischievous ichneumon forms the gratification of Marius; if a talkative magpie pleases you, Lausus; if Glaucilla twines an icy snake round her neck; if Tetania has bestowed a tomb on a nightingale; why should not the face of Labycas, worthy of Cupid himself be an object of love to him who sees that things so strange furnish pleasure to his betters?
1 Some bird of the owl kind, with ears resembling those of a fox.
LXXXVIII. TO LAUSUS ON HIS WORKS.
It is reported (if fame says true) that the beautiful town of Vienna counts the perusal of my works among its pleasures. I am read there by every old man, every youth, and every boy, and by the chaste young matron in presence of her grave husband. This triumph affords me more pleasure than if my verses were recited by those who drink the Nile at its very source, or than if my own Tagus loaded me with Spanish gold, or Hybla and Hymettus fed my bees. I am then really something, and not deceived by the interested smoothness of flattery's tongue. I shall henceforth, I think, believe you, Lausus.1
1 I shall believe that there are as many good epigrams in my books as bad ones. See Ep. 81.
LXXXIX. TO A CHAPLET OF ROSES.
Go, happy rose, and wreathe with a delicate chaplet the tresses of my Apollinaris. Remember, also, to wreathe them even after they are grown grey, but far distant be that time! So may Venus ever love you.
XC. TO CRETICUS.
Matho exults that I have produced a book full of inequalities; if this be true, Matho only commends my verses. Books without inequalities are produced by Calvinus and Umber. A book that is all bad, Creticus, may be all equality.
XCI. TO JUVENAL.
I send you, eloquent Juvenal, some nuts from my little farm as a present for the Saturnalia. The libertine god who protects it, has given the rest of the fruits to amorous young ladies.
XCII. TO BACCARA.
"If you want anything, you know it is not necessary to solicit my assistance," is what you tell me two or three times every day. The stern Secundus calls upon me with harsh voice to repay him. You hear, Baccara, but do not know what I want. My rent is demanded of me, loudly and openly, in your very presence: you hear, Baccara, but do not know what I want. I complain of my worn-out cloak, that will not protect me from the cold: you hear, Baccara, but do not know what I want. I will tell you then what I want; it is that you may become dumb by a sudden stroke of paralysis, and so be unable to talk to me of what I want.
XCIII. TO THE TOWN OF NARNIA, WHERE
QUINTUS OVIDIUS WAS RESIDING.
Narnia, surrounded by the river Nar1 with its sulphureous waters, you whom your double heights render almost inaccessible, why does it delight you so often to take from me, and detain with wearisome delay, my friend Quintus? Why do you lessen the attractions of my Nomentan farm. which was valued by me because he was my neighbour there? Have pity on me at length, Narnia, and abuse not your possession of Quintus: so may you enjoy your bridge for ever!
1 The river Nar, now Negra.
XCIV. ON PAPILUS.
What the small onyx box contained was perfume; Papilus smelt it, and it is become a mass of corruption.
XCV. TO LINUS.
It is winter, and rude December is stiff with ice; vet you dare, Linus, to stop every one who meets you, on this side and on that, with your freezing kiss, and to kiss, indeed, the whole of Rome. What could you do more severe or more cruel, if you were assaulted and beaten? I would not have a wife kiss me in such cold as this, or the affectionate lips of an innocent daughter. But you are more polite, more refined, you, from whose dog-like nose depends a livid icicle, and whose beard is as stiff as that of a Cinyphian he-goat,1which the Cilician barber clips with shears. I prefer meeting a hundred of the vilest characters, and I have less fear of a recently consecrated priest of Cybele. If, therefore, Linus, you have any sense or decency, defer, I pray you, your winter salutations till the month of April.
1 On the river Cinyps in Africa,
XCVI. EPITAPH OF URBICUS.
Here I, the child Urbicus, to whom the mighty city of Rome gave both birth and name, repose; an object of mourning to Bassus. Six months were wanting to complete my third year, when the stern goddesses broke my fatal thread. What did my beauty, my prattle, my tender years avail me? You who read the inscription before you, drop a tear upon my tomb. So may he, whom you shall desire to survive yourself be preserved from the waters of Lethe till he has reached an age greater than that of Nestor.
XCVII. TO HIS BOOK.
If my book, you are well acquainted with Camus Sabinus, the glory of the mountainous Umbria, the fellow-townsman of my friend Aulus Pudens, you will present these lines to him, even though he be engaged. Though a thousand cares may besiege and press upon him, he will still have leisure for my verses; for he loves me, and will read me next to the noble compositions of Turnus.1 Oh, what renown is in store for me! what glory! what numbers of admirers! You will be celebrated at feasts, at the bar, in the temples, the streets, the porticoes, the shops. You are sent to one, but you will be read by all.
1 A writer of satires. See B. xi. Ep. 11.
XCVIII. TO CASTOR.
You buy everything, Castor; the consequence will be, that you will sell everything.
XCIX. TO CRISPINUS.1
So, Crispinus, may you always see the Thunderer's 2 face, looking serene, and so may Rome love you not less than your own Memphis, as my verses shall be read in the Parrhasian palace;3 (for the sacred ear of Caesar usually deigns to listen to them). Take courage to say of me, as a candid reader, "This poet adds something to the glory of your age, nor is he very much inferior to Marsus and the learned Catullus." That is sufficient; the rest I leave to the god himself.
1 The same, says Raderus, that is mentioned by Juvenal, Sat I. and IV
2 Domitian's.
3 On the Palatine hill. See Ep. 56.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Martial, Epigrams. Book 8. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
Martial, Epigrams. Book 8. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
BOOK VIII.
VALERIUS MARTIALIS, TO THE EMPEROR DOMITIANUS, CAESAR AUGUSTUS, GERMANICUS, DACICUS, GREETINGS.
All my books, Sire, to which you have given renown, that is, life, are dedicated to you; and will for that reason, I doubt not, be read. This, however, which is the eighth of my collection, has furnished more frequent opportunities of showing my devotion to you. I had consequently less occasion to produce from my own invention, for the matter supplied the place of thought; yet I have occasionally attempted to produce variety by the admixture of a little pleasantly, that every verse might not inflict on your divine modesty praises more likely to fatigue you than to satisfy me. And though epigrams, addressed even to the gravest persons and to those of the highest rank, are usually written in such a manner that they seem to assume a theatrical licence of speech, I have nevertheless not permitted these to speak with any such freedom. Since, too, the larger and better part of the book is devoted to the majesty of your sacred name, it has to remember that it ought not to approach the temples of gods without religious purification. That my readers also may know that I consider myself bound by this obligation, I have determined to make a declaration to that effect at the commencement of the book in a short epigram:
I. TO HIS BOOK.
My book, as you are about to enter the laurel-wreathed palace of the lord of the world, learn to speak with modesty, and in a reverent tone. Retire, unblushing Venus; this book is not for you. Come you to me, Pallas, you whom Caesar adores.
II. TO JANUS.
Janus, the author and parent of our annals, when he recently beheld the conqueror of the Danube, thought it not enough to have several faces,1 and wished that be had more eyes; then, speaking at once with his different tongues, he promised the lord of earth and divinity of the empire an old age four times as long as that of Nestor. We pray you, father Janus, that you would give the promised term in addition to your own immortality.2
1 Janus is generally represented with two faces; but sometimes with four, answering to the four seasons.
2 Immortality.
III. TO HIS MUSE.
"Five books had been enough; six or seven are surely too many: why, Muse, do you delight still to sport on? Be modest and make an end. Fame can now give me nothing more: my book is in every hand. And when the stone sepulchre of Messala 3 shall He ruined by time, and the vast marble tomb of Licinus4 shall be reduced to dust, I shall still be read, and many a stranger will carry my verses with him to his ancestral home." Thus had I concluded, when the ninth5 of the sisters, her hair and dress streaming with perfumes, made this reply: Can you then, ungrateful, lay aside your pleasant trifling? Can you employ your leisure, tell me, in any better way? Do you wish to relinquish my sock for the tragic buskin, or to thunder of savage wars in heroic verse, that the pompous pedant may read you with hoarse voice to his class, and that the grown-up maiden and ingenuous youth may detest you? Let such poems be written by those who are most grave and singularly severe, whose wretched toilings the lamp witnesses at midnight. But do you season books for the Romans with racy salt; in you let human nature read and recognise its own manners. Although you may seem to be playing on but a slender reed, that reed will be better heard than the trumpets of many.
3 The orator, Messala Corvinus. B. x. Ep. 2.
4 A rich freed-man of Augustus. Persius. Sat II.
5 Thalia.
IV. TO DOMITIAN.
What a world of people, ye gods, is collected at the Roman altars, offering up prayer and vows for its ruler! These, Germanicus, are not the joys of men only; it seems to me that the gods themselves are celebrating a festival.
V. TO MACER.
You have given so many rings to young ladies, Macer, that you have none left for yourself.1
1 You are deprived of your equestrian ring and dignity, for which your fortune has ceased to be sufficient.
VI. ON EUCTUS.
There is nothing more hateful than the antique vases of old Euctus. I prefer cups made of Saguntine clay. When the garrulous old man boasts the pedigrees of his smoky silver vessels, he makes even the wine seem musty with his talk. "These cups belonged to the table of Laomedon; to obtain which Apollo raised the walls of Troy by the sound of his lyre. With this goblet fierce Rhoecus rushed to battle with the Lapitha; you see that the work has suffered in the struggle. This double vase is celebrated for having belonged to the aged Nestor; the doves upon it have been worn bright by the thumb of the hero of Pylos. This is the tankard in which Achilles ordered wine to be prepared for his friends with more than ordinary copiousness and strength. In this bowl the beauteous Dido drank the health of Bitias, at the entertainment given to the Phrygian hero." When you have done admiring all these trophies of ancient art, you will have to drink Astyanax in the cups of Priam.1
1 You will have to drink new wine out of old cups.
VII. TO CINNA.
Is this pleading causes, Cinna? Is this speaking eloquently, to say nine words in ten hours? Just now you asked with a loud voice for four more clepsydra.1 What a long time you take to say nothing, Cinna!
1 See B. vi. Ep. 36.
VIII. TO JANUS, ON DOMITIAN'S RETURN IN JANUARY.
Although, Janus, you give birth to the swiftly-rolling years, and recall with your presence centuries long past; and although you are the first to be celebrated with pious incense, saluted with vows, and adorned with the auspicious purple and with every honour; yet you prefer the glory, which has just befallen our city, of beholding its god return in your own month.
IX. TO QUINTUS.
Hylas, the blear-eyed, lately offered to pay you three quarters of his debt; now that he has lost one eye he offers you half. Hasten to take it; the opportunity for getting it may soon pass, for if Hylas should become blind, he will pay you nothing.
X. ON BASSUS.
Bassus has bought a cloak for ten thousand sesterces; a Tyrian one of the very best colour. He has made a good bargain. "Is it then," you ask, "so very cheap?" Yes; for he will not pay for it.
XI. TO DOMITIAN.
The Rhine now knows that you have arrived in your own city; for he too hears the acclamations of your people. Even the Sarmatian tribes, and the Danube, and the Getae, have been startled by the loudness of our recent exultations. While the prolonged expressions of joy in the sacred circus greeted you, no one perceived that the horses had started and run four times. No ruler, Caesar, has Rome ever so loved before, and she could not love you more, even were she to desire it.
XII. TO PRISCUS.
Do you ask why I am unwilling to marry a rich wife? It is because I am unwilling to be taken to husband by my wife. The mistress of the house should be subordinate to her husband, for in no other way, Priscus, will the wife and husband be on an equality.
XIII. TO GARGILIANUS.
I bought what you called a fool for twenty thousand sesterces. Return me my money, Gargilianus; he is no fool at all.
XIV. TO A FRIEND.
That your tender Cilician fruit trees may not suffer from frost, and that too keen a blast may not nip your young plants, glass frame-works, opposed to the wintry south winds, admit the sunshine and pure light of day without any detrimental admixture. But to me a cell is assigned with unglazed windows, in which not even Boreas himself would like to dwell. Is it thus, cruel man, that you would have your old friend live? I should be better sheltered as the companion of your trees.
XV. TO DOMITIAN.
While the newly-acquired glory of the Pannonian campaign is the universal theme of conversation, and while every altar is offering propitious sacrifices to our Jupiter on his return, the people, the grateful knights, the senate, offer incense; and largesses from you for the third time enrich the Roman tribes. These modest triumphs, too, Rome will celebrate; nor will your laurels gained in peace be less glorious than your former triumphs in war, inasmuch as you feel assured of the sacred affection of your people. It is a prince's greatest virtue to know his own subjects.
XVI. TO CIPERUS.
You, Cyperus, who were long a baker, now plead causes, and are seeking to gain two hundred thousand sesterces. But you squander what you get, and even go so far as to borrow more. You have not quitted your former profession, Cyperus: you make both bread and flour.
XVII. TO SEXTUS.
I pleaded your cause, Sextus; having agreed to do so for two thousand sesterces. How is it that you have sent me only a thousand? "You said nothing," you tell me; "and the cause was lost through you." You ought to give me so much the more, Sextus, as I had to blush for you.
XVIII. TO CIRINIUS.
If, Cirinius, you were to publish your epigrams, you might be my equal, or even, my superior, in the estimation of the reading public; but such is the respect you entertain for your old friend, that his reputation is dearer to you than your own. Just so did Virgil abstain from the style of the Calabrian Horace, although he was well able to excel even the odea of Pindar, and so too did he resign to Varius the praise of the Roman buskin, although he could have declaimed with more tragic power. Gold, and wealth, and estates, many a friend will bestow; one who consents to yield the palm in genius, is rare.
XIX. ON CINNA.
Cinna wishes to seem poor; and is poor.
Cinna does always act the poor man's part,
And is not worth a groat. What needs such art?
Old MS. 16th Cent.
XX. TO VARUS.
Though you write two hundred verses every day, Varus, you recite nothing in public. You are unwise, and yet you are wise.
XXI. TO THE MORNING STAR.
Phosphorus (Morning Star), bring back the day; why do you delay our joys? When Caesar is about to return, Phosphorus, bring back the day. Rome implores you. Is it that the sluggish wain of the tame Bootes is carrying you, that you come with axle so slow? You should rather snatch Cyllarus from Leda's twins; Castor himself would to-day lend you his horse. Why do you detain the impatient Titan? Already Xanthus and Aethon long for the bit, and the benign parent of Memnon is up and ready. Yet the lingering stars refuse to retreat before the shining light, and the moon is eager to behold the Ausonian ruler. Come, Caesar, even though it be night: although the stars stand still, day will not be absent from your people when you come.
XXII. TO GALLICUS.
You invite me, Gallicus, to partake of a wild boar; you place before me a home-fed pig. I am a hybrid, Gallicus, if you can deceive me.
XXIII. TO RUSTICUS.
I seem to you cruel and too much addicted to gluttony, when I beat my cook for sending up a bad dinner. If that appears to you too trifling a cause, say for what cause you would have a cook flogged?
XXIV. TO DOMITIAN.
If I chance in my timid and slender book to make any request of you, grant it, unless my pages are too presumptuous. Or, if you do not grant it, Caesar, still permit it to be made; Jupiter is never offended by incense and prayers. It is not he who fashions divine images in gold or marble, that makes them gods, but he who offers supplications to them.
XXV. TO OPPIANUS.
You have seen me very ill, Oppianus, only once: I shall often see you so.1
1 See B. vii. Ep. 4. I shall see you often looking pale.
XXVI. TO DOMITIAN.
The huntsman on the banks of the Ganges, looking pale as he fled on his Hyrcanian steed, never stood in fear, amid the Eastern fields, of so many tigers as your Rome, O Germanicus, has lately beheld. She could not even count the objects of her delight. Your arena, Caesar, has surpassed the triumphs of Bacchus among the Indians, and the wealth and magnificence of the conquering deity; for Bacchus, when he led the Indians captive after his chariot, was content with a single pair of tigers.
XXVII. TO GAURUS.
He who makes presents to you, Gaurus, rich and old as you are, says plainly, if you have but sense and can understand him, "Die!"
You're rich and old; to you they presents send:
Don't you perceive they bid you die, my friend?
Hay.
XXVIII. TO A TOGA, GIVEN HIM BY PARTHENIUS.
Say, toga, rich present from my eloquent friend, of what flock were you the ornament and the glory? Did the grass of Apulia and Ledaean Phalantus1 spring up for you, where Galaesus irrigatea the fields with waters from Calabria? Or did the Tartessian Guadalquivir, the nouriaher of the Iberian fold, wash you, when on the back of a lamb of Hesperia? Or has your wool counted the mouths of the divided Timavus,2of which the affectionate Cyllarus, now numbered with the stars, once drank? You it neither befitted to be stained with Amyclaean dye, nor was Miletus worthy to receive your fleece. You surpass in whiteness the lily, the budding flower of the privet, and the ivory which glistens on the hill of Tivoli.3 The swan of Sparta and the doves of Paphos must yield to you; and even the pearl fished from the Indian seas. But though this be a present that vies with new-born snows, it is not more pure thin its giver Parthenius. I would not prefer to it the embroidered stuffs of proud Babylon, decorated with the needle of Semiramis; I should not admire myself more if dressed in the golden robe of Athamas, could Phrixus give me his Aeolian fleece.4 But oh what laughter will my worn-out ragged cloak excite, when seen in company with this regal toga!
1 The pastures of Tarentum, laid out by Phalanthus the Lacedaemonian, who was descended from Leda. See B. v. Ep. 87.
2 A river of the north of Italy, running into the Adriatic, at which Cyllarus, Castor's horse, drank, when he passed the mouth of it, as it is said, among the Argonauts.
3 The ivory in the temple of Hercules is probably meant. Comp. B. iv. Ep. 62.
4 The golden fleece of Phrixus the son of Athamas and grandson of Aeolus.
XXIX. ON DISTICHS.
He who writes distichs, wishes, I suppose, to please by brevity. But, tell me, of what avail is their brevity, when there is a whole book full of them?
XXX. ON THE SPECTACLE OF SCAEVOLA 1 BURNING
HIS HAND.
The spectacle which is now presented to us on Caesar's arena, was the great glory of the days of Brutus. See how bravely the hand bears the flames. It even enjoys the punishment, and reigns in the astonished fire! Scaevola himself appears as a spectator of his own act, and applauds the noble destruction of his right hand, which seems to luxuriate in the sacrificial fire; and unless the means of suffering had been taken away from it against its will, the left hand was still more boldly preparing to meet the vanquished flames. I am unwilling, after so glorious an action, to inquire what he had done before; it is sufficient for me to have witnessed the fate of his hand.
1 A malefactor was compel led to act the part of Scaevola, as others had been obliged to act those of Prometheus, Daedalus, Orpheus, and others. See Spectac. Ep. 7,8, 21
XXXI. TO DENTO.
You make a pretty confession about yourself Dento, when, after taking a wife, you petition for the rights of a father of three children.1 But cease to importune the emperor, and return, though a little behind time, to your own country; for, after so long seeking three children far away from your deserted wife, you will find four at home.
1 See B. ii., Ep. 91, 92.
XXXII. ON THE DOVE OF ARETULLA, WHOSE BROTHER
WAS EXILED TO SARDINIA.
A gentle dove, eliding down through the silent air, settled in the very lap of Aretulla as she was sitting. This might have seemed the mere sport of chance, had it not rested there, although undetained, and refused to depart, even when the liberty of flight was granted it. If it is permitted to the affectionate sister to hope for better things, and if prayers can avail to move the lord of the world, this bird is perhaps come to you from the dwelling of the exile in Sardinia, to announce the speedy return of your brother.
XXXIII. TO PAULUS, ON RECEIVING FROM HIM A
CUP OF VERY THIN METAL.
You send me, Paulus, a leaf from a Praetor's crown, and give it the name of a wine-cup. Some toy of the stage has perhaps recently been covered with this thin substance, and a dash of pale saffron-water washed it off. Or is it rather a piece of gilding scraped off (as I think it may be) by the nail of a cunning servant from the leg of your couch? Why, it is moved by a gnat flying at a distance, and is shaken by the wing of the tiniest butterfly. The flame of the smallest lamp makes it flit about, and it would be broken by the least quantity of wine poured into it. With some such crust as this the date is covered, which the ill-dressed client carries to his patron, with a small piece of money, on the first of January. The bean of Egypt produces filaments less flexible; and lilies, which fall before an excessive sun, are more substantial. The wandering spider does not disport upon a web so fine, nor does the hanging silk-worm produce a work so slight. The chalk lies thicker on the face of old Fabulla; the bubble swells thicker on the agitated wave. The net which enfolds a girl's twisted hair is stronger, and the Batavian foam which changes the colour of Roman locks is thicker. With skin such as this the chick in the Ledaean egg is clothed: such are the patches which repose upon the senator's forehead. Why did you send me a wine-cup, when you might have sent me a small ladle, or a spoon even? But I speak too grandly; when you might have sent me a snail-shell; or in a word, when you might have sent me nothing at all, Paulus?
XXXIV. TO A BOASTER.
You say that you have a piece of plate which is an original work of Mys. That rather is an original, in the making of which you had no hand.
XXXV. TO A BAD COUPLE.
Since you are so well matched, and so much alike in your lives, a very bad wife, and a very bad husband, I wonder that you do not agree.
XXXVI. TO DOMITIAN, ON HIS PALACE.
Smile, Caesar, at the miraculous pyramids of Egyptian kings; let barbarian Memphis now be silent concerning her eastern monuments. How insignificant are the labours of Egypt compared to the Parrhasian palace! 1 The god of day looks upon nothing in the whole world more splendid. Its seven towers seem to rise together like seven mountains; Ossa was less lofty surmounted by the Thessalian Pelion. It so penetrates the heavens, that its pinnacle, encircled by the glittering stare, is undisturbed by thunder from the clouds below, and receives the rays of Phoebus before the nether world illumined, and before even Circe2 beholds the face of her rising father. Yet though this Palace, Augustus, whose summit touches the stars, rivals heaven, it is not so great as its lord.
1 See B. vii. Ep. 55.
2 The promontory of Circe, called the Daughter of the Son.
XXXVII. TO POLYCHARMUS, WHO AFFECTED LIBERALITY.
When you have given up to Caietanus his bond, do you imagine that you have made him a present of ten thousand sesterces? "He owed me that sum," you say. Keep the bond, Polycharmus, and lend Caietanus two thousand.1
1 Compare B. ix. Ep. 103.
XXXVIII. TO MELIOR, ON HIS TRIBUTE TO THE
MEMORY OF THE NOTARY BLAESUS.
He who makes presents with persevering attention to one who can make a return for his liberality, is perhaps angling for a legacy, or seeking some other return. But if any one perseveres in giving to the name which alone remains after death and the tomb, what does he seek but a mitigation of his grief? It makes a difference whether a man is, or only wishes to seem, good. You are good, Melior, and Fame knows it, in that you anxiously prevent with solemn rites the name of the buried Blaesus from perishing: and what you profusely give from your munificent coffers to the observant and affectionate company of notaries to keep his natal day, you bestow purely on Blaesus' memory. This honour will be paid you for many a year, as long as your life shall last, and will continue to be paid after your death.
XXXIX. TO DOMITIAN, ON HIS PALACE.
There was previously no place that could accommodate the feasts and ambrosial entertainments of the Palatine table. Here you can duly quaff the sacred nectar, Germanicus, and drain cups mixed by the hand of your Ganymede. May it be long, I pray, before you become the guest of the Thunderer; or, if you, Jupiter, are in haste to sit at table with Domitian, come hither yourself!
XL. TO PRIAPUS.
O Priapus, guardian, not of a garden, nor of a fruitful vine, but of this little grove, from which you were made and may be made again, I charge you, keep from it all thievish hands, and preserve the wood for its master's fire. If this should fall short, you will find that you yourself are but wood.
XLI. TO FAUSTINUS.
Athenagoras says he is sorry that he has not sent me the presents which he usually sends in the middle of December. I shall see, Faustinus, whether Athenagoras is sorry; certainly Athenagoras has made me sorry.
XLII. TO MATHO, ON SENDING HIM A SPORTULA.
If a larger sportula has not attracted you to those who are more favoured by fortune, as is usually the case, you may take a hundred baths, Matho, from my sportula.1
1 The sportula was a hundred quadrantes, and a quadrant, equal to about half a farthing, was the pries of an ordinary bath.
XLIII. ON FABIUS AND CHRESTILLA.
Fabius buries his wives, Chrestilla her husbands; each shakes a funeral torch over the nuptial couch. Unite these conquerors, Venus, and the result will then be that Libitina will carry them both off together.
XLIV. TO TITULLUS.
I admonish you, Titullus, enjoy life; it is already late to do so; it is late, even, to begin under the schoolmaster. But you, miserable Titullus, are not even enjoying life in your old age, but wear, out every threshold with morning calls, and all the forenoon are covered with perspiration, and slobbered with the kisses of the whole city. You wander through the three forums,1 in face of all the equestrians, the temple of Mars, and the colossus of Augustus; you are running about everywhere from the third to the fifth hour.2 Grasp, accumulate, spare, and hoard as you will, you must leave all behind you. Though the splendid coffer be pale3 with closely packed silver coins, though a hundred pages of kalends4 be filled with your debtors' names, yet your heir will swear that you have left nothing, and, whilst you are lying upon your bier or on, the stones, while the pyre stuffed with papyrus is rising for you, he will insolently patronise your weeping eunuchs; and your sorrowing son, whether you like it or not, will caress your favourite the very first night after your funeral.
1 See B. iii. Ep. 38.
2 From sunrise; between nine and eleven of our time.
3 In allusion to the colour of the silver.
4 On the Kalends, or first day of the month, interest was paid.
XLV. TO FLACCUS, ON THE RETURN OF
PRISCUS TERENTIUS.
Priscus Terentius, my dear Flaccus, is restored to me from the coast of Sicily; let a milk-white gem mark this day. Let the contents of this amphora, diminished by the lapse of a hundred consulships,1 flow forth, and let it grow brighter, turbid as it now is, strained through the purifying linen.2When will a night so auspicious cheer my board? When will it be mine to be warmed with wine so fitly quaffed? When Cytherean Cyprus shall restore you, Flaccus, to me, I shall have equally good reason for sucn indulgence.
1 Wine was supposed to suffer some diminution in bulk from being kept long.
2 It was considered also to grow thick, and require straining.
XLVI. TO CESTUS.
How great is your innocent simplicity, how great the childish beauty of your form, youthful Cestus, more chaste than the young Hippolytus! Diana might covet your society, and Doris desire to bathe with you: Cybele would prefer to have you all to herself instead of her Phrygian Atys. You might have succeeded to the couch of Ganymede, but you, cruel boy, would have given kisses only to your lord. Happy the bride who shall move the heart of so tender a husband, and the damsel who shall first make you feel that you are a man!
XLVII. TO ONE WHO ARRANGED HIS BEARD
IN THREE DIFFERENT WAYS.
Part of your face is clipped, part shaven, part has the hair pulled out. Who would think that you have but one head?
XLVIII. ON THE STOLEN CLOAK OF CRISPINUS.
Crispinus does not know to whom he gave his Tyrian mantle, when he changed his dress at the bath, and put on his toga. Whoever you are that have it, restore to his shoulders, I pray you, their honours; it is not Crispinus, but his cloak, that makes this request. It is not for every one to wear garments steeped in purple dye; that colour is suited only to opulence. If booty and the vicious craving after dishonourable gain possess you, take the toga, for that will be less likely to betray you.
XLIX. ON ASPER.
Asper loves a damsel; she is handsome certainly, but he is blind. Evidently then, such being the case, Asper loves better than he sees.
L. TO CAESAR.
Great as is reported to have been the feast at the triumph over the giants, and glorious as was to all the gods that night on which the kind father sat at table with the inferior deities, and the Fauns were permitted to ask wine from Jove; so grand are the festivals that celebrate your victories, O Caesar; and our joys enliven the gods themselves. All the knights, the people, and the senate, feast with you, and Rome partakes of ambrosial repasts with her ruler. You promised much; but how much more have you given! Only a sportula was promised, but you have set before us a splendid supper.
LI. ON A WINE-CUP RECEIVED FROM INSTANTIUS RUFUS.
Whose workmanship is displayed in this cup? Is it that of the skilful Mys, or of Myron? Is this the handiwork of Mentor, or yours, Polycletus? No tarnish blemishes its brightness, its unalloyed metal is proof against the fire of the assayer. Pure amber radiates a less bright yellow than its metal; and the fineness of its chasing surpasses the carving on snowy ivory. For the work is not inferior to the material; it surrounds the cup, as the moon surrounds the earth, when she shines at the full with all her light. Embossed on it is a goat adorned with the Aeolian fleece of the Theban Phrixus; 1 a goat on which his sister would have preferred to ride; a goat which the Cinyphian shearer would not despoil of his hair, and which Bacchus himself would allow to browse on his vine. On the back of the animal sits a Cupid fluttering his golden wings; and a Palladian flute made of the lotus seems to resound from his delicate lips. Thus did the dolphin, delighted with the Methymnaean Arion, convey his melodious rider through the tranquil waves. Let this splendid gift be filled for me with nectar worthy of it, not by the hand of a common slave, but by that of Cestus. Cestus, ornament of my table, mix the Setine wine; the lovely boy and the goat that carries him both seem to be thirsty. Let the letters in the name of Instantius Rufus determine the number of the cups that I am to drink; for he is the donor of this noble present. If Telethusa comes and proffers me her promised entertainment, I shall confine myself Rufus, for the sake of my mistress, to the third part of the letters in your name;3 if she delays, I shall indulge in seven cups; if she disappoints me altogether, I shall, to drown my vexation, drain as many cups as there are letters in both your name and hers.
1 See Ep. 28.
2 See B. vii. Ep. 95.
3To five cups; there being fifteen letters in the two names Instantius Rufus.
LII. TO CAEDICIANUS.
Caedicianus, I lent my barber (a young man, but skilled in his art even beyond Nero's Thalamus, whose lot it was to dip the beards of the Drusi) to Rufus, at his request, to make his cheeks smooth for once. But, at Rufus's orders, he was so long occupied in going over the same hairs again and again, consulting the mirror that guided his hand; cleaning the akin, and making a tedious second attack on the locks previously shorn, that my barber at last returned to me with his own beard full grown.
LIII. TO CATULLA.
Most beautiful of all women that are or have been, but most worthless of all that are or have been, oh! how I wish, Catulla, that you could become less beautiful, or more chaste.
LIV. TO DOMITIAN.
Although you make so many liberal donations, and promise even to exceed them, O conqueror of many leaders, as well as conqueror of yourself, you are not loved of the people, Caesar, for the sake of your bounties, but your bounties are loved by the people for your sake,
LV. TO DOMITIAN, ON HIS LION.
Loud as are the roarings heard through the trackless regions of Massylia, when the forest is filled with innumerable raging lions, and when the pale shepherd recalls his astonished bulls and terrified flock to his Punic huts, so loud were terrific roarings lately heard in the Roman arena. Who would not have thought they proceeded from a whole herd? There was, however, only one lion, but one whose authority the lions themselves would have respected with trembling, and to whom Numidia, abounding in variegated marble, would have given the palm. Oh what majesty sat upon his neck, what beauty did the golden shade of his arched neck display as it bristled! How apt for large hunting spears was his broad chest, and what joy did he feel in so illustrious a death! Whence, Libya, came so noble an ornament to your woods? From the car of Cybele? Or, rather, did your brother, Germanicus, or your father himself send down the mighty animal from the constellation of Hercules? 1
1 The constellation Leo, which was fabled to be the Nemean lion slain by Hercules.
LVI. TO FLACCUS.
As the age of our ancestors yields to our own, and as Rome has grown greater with her ruler, you wonder that genius like that of the divine Virgil is nowhere found among us, and that no poet thunders or wars with so powerful a clarion. Let there be Maecenases, Flaccus, and there will be no want of Virgils; even your own farm may furnish you with a Maro. Tityrus had lost several acres in the neighbourhood of poor Cremona, and was sadly mourning over the loss of his sheep. The Tuscan knight1 smiled on him, repelled harsh poverty from his door, and bade it quickly take to flight "Accept," said he "a portion of my wealth, and be the greatest of bards; nay, you may even love my Alexis." That most beautiful of youths used to stand at his master's feasts, pouring the dark Falernian with hand white as marble, and to present him the cup just sipped with his rosy lips; lips which might have attracted the admiration of Jupiter himself. The plump Galatea, and Thestylis, with her ruddy cheeks burnt by the harvest sun, vanished from the memory of the inspired bard. Forthwith he sang of Italy, and "Arms and the man,"----he, whose inexperienced strain had scarcely sufficed to lament a gnat.3 "Why need I mention the Varii3 and Marsi,4 and other poets who nave been enriched, and to enumerate whom would be a long task? Shall I, then, be a Virgil, if you give me such rifts as Maecenas gave him? I shall not be Virgil; but I shall be a Marsus.5
1 Maecenas. See Hor. Sat I. vi 1.
2 Alluding to Virgil's "Calex"
3 Varius, who assisted Tucca in correcting the Aeneid.
4 The epigrammatist; B. ii. Ep. 71, 98.
5 I shall be enriched, like Marsus the Epigrammatist. See B. ii. Ep. 71.
LVII. ON PICENS.
Picens had three teeth, which he coughed out all together one day, as he was sitting at the place destined for his tomb. He collected in his robe the last fragments of his decayed jaw, and buried them under a heap of earth; His heir need not collect his bones after his death; Picens has already performed that office for himself.
LVIII. TO ARTEMIDORUS.
Seeing that your cloak, Artemidorus, is so thick, I might justly call you Sagaris.1
1 In allusion to the word sagum, a military cloak.
LIX. ON A ONE-EYED THIEF.
Do you see this fellow, who has but one eye, and under whose scowling forehead yawns a blind cavity for the other? Do not despise that head; none was ever more acquisitive; nor were even the fingers of Autolycus more sticky. Be cautious how you make him your guest, and watch him closely, for on such occasions he makes one eye do the duty of two. The anxious servants lose cups and spoons; and many a napkin is warmed in the secret folds of his dress. He knows how to catch a cloak as it fells from the arm of a neighbour, and often leaves the table doubly clad. He even feels no remorse in robbing the slumbering slave of his lighted lamp. If he fails to lay hands on anything belonging to others, he will exercise his thievish propensity on his own servant, and steal his slippers from him.
LX. TO CLAUDIA.
If you had been shorter by a foot and a half, Claudia, you would have been about the same height as the colossus on the Palatine mount.1
1 Spectac. Ep. *.
LXI. TO SEVERUS, ON CHARINUS.
Charinus is pale and bursting with envy; he rages, weeps, and is looking for a high branch on which to hang himself; not, as formerly, because I am repeated and read by everybody, or because I am circulated with elegant bosses, and anointed with oil of cedar, through all the nations that Rome holds in subjection; but because I possess in the suburbs a summer country-house, and ride on mules which are not, as of old, hired. What evil shall I imprecate on him, Severus, for his envy? This is my wish: that he may have mules and a country-house.
LXII. ON PICENS.
Picens writes epigrams upon the back of his paper, and then complains that the god of poetry turns his back upon him.
LXIII. ON AULUS.
Aulus loves Thestylus, and yet he is not less fond of Alexis; perhaps be is also growing fond of my Hyacinthus. Go, now, and resolve me whether my friend Aulus loves poets themselves, when he loves what the poets hold dearest.
LXIV. TO CLYTUS.
For the purpose of asking and exacting presents, Clytus, your birth-day falls eight times in one year; and you count, I think, only three or four first days of months that are not anniversaries of your coming into the world. Though your face is smoother than the polished stones of the dry shore; though your hair is blacker than the mulberry ready to fall; though the soft delicacy of your flesh surpasses the feathers of the dove, or a mass of milk just curdled; and though your breast is as full as that which a virgin reserves for her husband, you already, Clytus, seem to me to be an old man; for who would believe that Priam and Nestor had as many birth-days as you? Have some sense of moderation, and let there be some limit to your rapacity; for if you still carry on your joke, and if it is not enough for you to be born once a year, I shall not, Clytus, consider you born at all.
LXV. TO DOMITIAN, ON HIS TEMPLE OF FORTUNE
AND TRIUMPHAL ARCH.
Here, where the temple dedicated to returning Fortune glistens resplendent far and wide, was formerly a spot of ground of great celebrity. Here Domitian, graced with the dust of the Sarmatian1 war, halted, his countenance radiating with glory. Here, with locks wreathed with bays, and in white garb, Rome saluted her general with voice and gesture. The great merits of the spot are attested by the other monuments with which it has been honoured; a sacred arch is there erected in memory of our triumphs over subdued nations. Here two chariots 2 number many an elephant yoked to them; the prince himself cast in gold, guides alone the mighty team. This gate, Germanicus, is worthy of your triumphs; such an entrance it is fit the city of Mars should possess.
1 See B. vii. Ep. 6.
2 On the triumphal arch, in memory of two victories over the Dacians.
LXVI. ON THE CONSULSHIP OF THE SON OF
SILIUS ITALICUS.
Give to the emperor, you Muses, sacred incense and victims on behalf of your favourite Silius. See, the prince bids the twelve fasces return to him in the consulship of his son, and the Castalian abode of the poet resound with the rod of power knocking at his door. O Caesar, chief and only stay of the empire, still one thing is wanting to the wishes of the rejoicing father,----the happy purple and a third consul in his family. Although the senate gave these sacred honours to Pompey, and Augustus to his son-in-law,1 whose names the pacific Janus thrice ennobled,2 Silius prefers to count successive consulships in the persons of his sons.
1 Vipsanius Agrippa, the husband of Julia. Like Pompey, he was thrice consul.
2 Their names were enrolled in the fasti kept in the temple of Janus, which was closed in the reign of Augustus.
LXVII. TO CAECILIANUS.
Your slave, Caecilianus, has not yet announced to you the fifth hour,1 and yet you are already come to dine with me; although, too, the fourth hour has but just been bawled to adjourn the bail-courts,2 and the wild beasts3 of the Floral Games are still being exercised in the arena. Run, Callistus, hasten to call the still unwashed attendants; let the couches be spread; sit down, Caecilianus. You ask for warm water; but the cold is not yet brought; the kitchen is still closed, and the fires not yet lit. You should surely come earlier; why do you wait for the fifth hour? You have come very late, Caecilianus, for breakfast.
1 About our eleven in the forenoon.
2 In which business was conducted during the third hour. B. iv. Ep. 8.
3 Hares, fawns, and other animals of the kind. See B. i Ep. 3.
LXVIII. TO ENTELLUS, ON HIS BEAUTFUL GARDENS.
He who has seen the orchards of the king of Corcyra, will prefer the garden of your country-house, Entellus. That the malicious frost mar not nip the purple clusters, and the icy cold destroy the gifts of Bacchus, the vintage lives protected under transparent stone; carefully covered, yet not concealed. Thus does female beauty shine through silken folds; thus are pebbles visible in the pellucid waters. What is not nature willing to grant to genius? Barren winter is forced to produce the fruits of autumn.
LXIX. TO VACERRA.
You admire, Vacerra, only the poets of old, and praise only those who are dead. Pardon me, I beseech you, Vacerra, it I think death too high a price to pay for your praise.
LXX. ON NERVA.1
Great as is the placidity, equally great is the eloquence of the quiet Nerva; but his modesty restrains his powers and his genius. When he might with large draughts have drained the sacred fountain of the muses, he preferred to keep his thirst within bounds; he was content to bind his inspired brow with a modest chaplet, and not to crowd all sail for fame. But whoever is acquainted with the verses of the learned Nero, knows that Nerva is the Tibullus of our day.
1 Supposed to be the Nerva afterwards emperor, whose poetry is noticed by Pliny, Ep. v. 3. See B. ix. Ep. 27.
LXXI. TO POSTUMIANUS.
Ten years ago, Postumianus, you sent me at the time of the winter solstice1 four pounds of silver. Next year, when I hoped for a larger present (for presents ought either to stand at the same point or to grow larger), there came two pounds, more or less. The third and fourth years brought still less. The fifth year produced a pound, it is true, but only a Septician pound.2 In the sixth year it fell off to a small cup of eight unciae; 3 next year came half a pound of silver scrapings in a little cup. The eighth year brought me a ladle of scarcely two ounces; the ninth presented me a little spoon, weighing less than a needle. The tenth year can have nothing less to send me; return, therefore, Postumianus, to the four pounds.
1 At the Saturnalia in December.
2 A pound of eight ounces and a half instead of twelve. The derivation of the word is unknown.
3 The uncia was the twelfth part of the sextarius, which was nearly equivalent to an English pint.
LXXII. TO HIS BOOK, ON PRESENTING IT TO ARCANUS.
My little book, though not yet adorned with the purple, or polished with the keen filing of pumice, you are in haste to follow Arcanus, whom beautiful Narbo, the native town of the learned Votienus,1 recalls to uphold her laws and the annual magistracy; and, what should equally be an object of your wishes, that delightful spot, and the friendship of Arcanus, will at once be yours. How I could wish to be my book!
1 An eminent poet.
LXXIII. TO INSTANTIUS RUFUS.
Instantius, than whom no one is reputed more sincere in heart, or more eminent for unsullied simplicity, if you wish to give strength and spirit to my muse, and desire of me verses which shall live, give me something to love. Cynthia made sportive Propertius a poet; the fair Lycoris was the genius of Gallus. The beautiful Nemesis gave fame to the wit of Tibullus; while Lesbia inspired the learned Catullus. Neither the Pelignians, nor the Mantuans, will refuse me the name of a bard, if I meet with a Corinna or an Alexia.
LXXIV. TO A BAD DOCTOR.
You are now a gladiator; you were previously an oculist You used to do as a doctor what you now do as a gladiator.
LXXV. TO LUCANUS, ON A CORPULENT GAUL.
A Lingonian Gaul, fresh arrived, returning late at night to his lodging, through the Covered and Flaminian ways, struck his toe violently against some obstacle, dislocated his ankle, and fell at full length on the pavement. What was the Gaul to do, how was be to get up? The huge fellow had with him but one little slave, so thin that he could scarcely carry a little lamp. Accident came to the poor fellow's assistance. Four branded slaves were carrying a common corpse, such as poor men's pyres receive by thousands. To them the feeble attendant, in a humble tone, addressed his prayer, entreating that they would carry the dead body of his master whithersoever they pleased. The load was changed, and the heavy burden crammed into the narrow shell, and raised on their shoulders. This gentleman, Lucanus, seems to me one out of many of whom we may justly say, "Mortue Galle."1
1 "Deed Gaunt," A play on the word Gallus, which means either a Gaul, or one of the priests of Cybele, who, from being emasculate, might be called dead men.
Tom about one was from the tavern come,
And with his load through Fleet-street reeling home;
Striking his toe against the Lord knows what.
Into the kennel he directly shot
What must Tom do? he could not stir or speak:
One only lad he had! and he so weak,
He scarce could bear his cloak; and wanted might,
To set the fallen monument upright.
But Tom's kind stars did present help supply:
By chance an empty hearse was passing by:
The lad screams out, "Good gentlemen, I pray
One moment stop, and take a corpse away."
There's no great ceremony with the dead:
They squeeze him in, no matter, heels or head.
Thus Fortune, in gay humour, did contrive
To make of Tom the best dead man alive.
Hay.
LXXVI. TO GALLICUS.
"Tell me, Marcus, tell me the truth, I pray; there is nothing to which I shall listen with greater pleasure." Such is your constant prayer and request to me, Gallicus, both when you recite your compositions, and when you are pleading the cause of a client. It is hard for me to deny your request: hear then what is as true as truth itself. You do not hear truth with pleasure, Gallicus.
LXXVII. TO HIS FRIEND LIBER.
Liber, dearest object of care to all your friends; Liber, worthy to live in ever-blooming roses; if you are wise, let your hair ever glisten with Assyrian balsam, and let garlands of flowers surround your head; let your pure crystal cups be darkened with old Falernian, and your soft couch be warm with the caresses of love. He who has so lived, even to a middle age, has made life longer than was bestowed on him.
LXXVIII. ON THE GAMES OF STELLA, IN HONOUR
OF THE TRIUMPHS OF DOMITIAN.
Games, such as the victory gained over the giants in the Phlegraean plains, such as your Indian triumph, O Bacchus, would have deserved, Stella has exhibited in celebration of the triumph over the Sarmatians; and such is his modesty, such his affection, he thinks these too insignificant. Hermus, turbid with gold cast up from its depths, or Tagus which murmurs in the Hesperian regions, would not be sufficient for him. Every day brings its own gifts; there is no cessation to the rich series of largesses, and many a price falls to the lot of the people. Sometimes playful coins come down in sudden showers; sometimes a liberal ticket bestows on them the animals which they have beheld in the arena. Sometimes a bird delights to fill your bosom unexpectedly, or, without having been exhibited, obtains a master by lot, that it may not be torn to pieces. Why should I enumerate the chariots, and the thirty prizes of victory, which are more than even both the Consuls generally give? But all is surpassed, Caesar, by the great honour, that your own triumph has you for a spectator.
LXXIX. TO FABULLA.
All your female friends are either old or ugly; nay, more ugly than old women usually are. These you lead about in your train, and drag with you to feasts, porticoes, and theatres. Thus, Fabulla, you seem handsome, thus you seem young.
LXXX. TO DOMITIAN, ON HIS REVIVAL OF
PUGILISTIC CONTESTS.
You revive among us, Caesar, the wonders of our venerable forefathers, and suffer not ancient customs to expire, for the games of the Latian arena are renewed, and valour contends with the natural weapon, the hand. Thus, under your rule, the respect for the ancient temples is preserved, and the fane where Jupiter was worshipped of old is still honoured by you. Thus, while you invent new things, you restore the old: and we owe to you, Augustus, both the present and the past.
LXXXI. TO PAPIRIANUS, ON GELLIA.
Gellia swears, not by the mystic rites of Cybele, nor by the bull that loved the heifer of Egypt, nor indeed by any of our gods and goddesses, but by her pearls. These she embraces; these she covers with kisses; these she calls her brothers and sisters; these she loves more ardently than her two children. If she should chance to lose these, she declares she could not live even an hour. Ah! how excellently, Papirianus, might the hand of Amicus Serenus1be turned to account!
1 A noted thief who might steal her pearls, and cause her death, as she deserves, for her foolish worship of them.
LXXXII. TO DOMITIAN.
While the crowd presents to you, Augustus, its humble supplications, we too, in offering to our ruler our poor verses, know that the divinity can find time equally for public affairs and the Muses, and that our garlands also please you. Uphold your poets, Augustus; we are your pleasing glory, your chief care and delight. It is not the oak 2 alone that becomes you, not the laurel 3 of Phoebus; we will wreathe for you a civic crown of ivy.
2 The crown of oak, given for having preserved the lives of citizens.
3 The laurel crown for victory in battle; that of ivy, the distinction of poets, or the patrons of poets.
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Martial, Epigrams. Book 9. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
Martial, Epigrams. Book 9. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
BOOK IX.
TO AVITUS.
O poet, celebrated, even against your will, for your sublimity of conception, and to whom the tomb will one day bring due honours, let this brief inscription live beneath my bust, which you have placed among those of no obscure persons:----"I am he, second to none in reputation for composing trifles, whom, reader, you do not admire, but rather, I suspect, love. Let greater men devote their powers to higher subjects: I am content to talk of small topics, and to come frequently into your hands."
TO TORANIUS.
Hail, my beloved Toranius, dear to me as a brother. The preceding epigram, which is not included in the pages of my book, I addressed to the illustrious Stertinius, who has resolved to place my bust in his library. I thought it well to write to you on the subject, that you might not be ignorant who Avitus really is. Farewell, and prepare to receive me.
I. ON THE TEMPLES OF THE FLAVIAN FAMILY.
As long as Janus shall give the years their winters, Domitian1 their autumns, and Augustus their summers; as long as the glorious day of the Germanic kalends 2 shall recall the mighty name of the subdued Rhine; as long as the Taipeian temple of the chief of the gods shall stand; as long as the Roman matron, with suppliant voice and incense, shall propitiate the sweet divinity of Julia;3 so long shall the lofty glory of the Flavian family remain, enduring like the sun, and the stars, and the splendour of Rome. Whatever Domitian's unconquered hand has erected, is imperishable as heaven.
1 Domitian desired that the month of October should be after himself; as Sextilis had been after Augustus.
2 The first day of the month of September, on which Domitian pretended to have subdued the Germans.
3 Daughter of Titus, Domitian's brother.
II. TO LUPUS.
Although you are poor to your friends, Lupus, you are not so to your mistress, and your libidinous desires cannot complain of want of indulgence. The object of your affections fattens upon the most delicate cakes, while your guests feed on black bread. Setine wine, cooled in snow, is placed before your mistress; we drink the black poison of Corsica out of the cask. A small portion of her favours you purchase with your hereditary estates: while your neglected friend is left to plough lands not his own. Your mistress shines resplendent with Erythraean pearls; your client, whilst you are immersed in pleasure, is abandoned to his creditor and dragged to prison. A litter, supported by eight Syrian slaves, is provided for your mistress; while your friend is left to be carried naked on a common bier. It is time for you, Cybele, to mutilate contemptible voluptuaries; such are the characters that deserve the infliction.
III. TO DOMITIAN.
If you, O Caesar, were to assume the rights of a creditor, and to demand payment for all that you have given to the gods and to heaven, Atlas, even though a great auction were to take place in Olympus, and the deities were compelled to sell all they have, would be bankrupt, and the father of the gods would be obliged to compound with you in a very small dividend. For what could he pay you for the temple on the Capitol? What for the honour of the glorious Capitoline games? What could the spouse of the Thunderer pay for her two temples? Of Minerva I say nothing; your interests are hers. But what shall I say of the temples to Hercules and Apollo, and the affectionate Lacedemonian twins?1What of the Flavian temple which towers to the Roman sky? You must needs be patient and suspend your claims, for Jove's treasury does not contain sufficient to pay you.
1 Castor and Pollux.
IV. TO AESCHYLUS.
When Galla will grant you her favours for two gold pieces, and what you please for as many more, why is she presented with ten gold pieces on each of your visits, Aeschylus? She does not estimate her utmost favours at so high a price: why then do you give her so much? To stop her mouth?
When for two guilders Galla you might have,
And bring her to do aught, if four you gave,
Why, Aeschylus gave you ten? Was it, in sooth,
To tie her tongue? Or, rather, gain her mouth?
V. TO PAULA.
You wish, Paula, to marry Priscus; I am not surprised; you are wise: Priscus will not marry you; and he is wise.
That you would wed Sir John is very wise:
That he don't care to wed is no surprise.
Hay.
VI. TO DOMITIAN.
To you, chaste prince, mighty conqueror of the Rhine, and father of the world, cities present their thanks: they will henceforth have population; it is now no longer a crime to bring infants into the world. The boy is no longer mutilated by the art of the greedy dealer, to mourn the loss of his manly rights; nor does the wretched mother give to her prostituted child the price paid by a contemptuous pander. That modesty, which, before your reign, did not prevail even on the marriage conch, begins, by your influence, to be felt even in the haunts of licentiousness.1
1 Comp. B.vi Ep. 2, 5; and Ep.9 below.
O you, who could the Rhine restore,
Dread guardian of mankind;
Meek modesty, with blushing love,
Was to your care consigned.
To you their everlasting praise
Let town and country pay;
Who fairly may their offspring raise,
To people and obey.
By avarice no more beguiled,
Virility shall mourn:
Nor shall the prostituted child
Be from the mother torn.
Shame, though, before your blest decree,
The bridal bed's disdain;
Now, sanctified again by you,
Ubiquitous must reign.
Elphinston.
VII. TO AFER.
I have been desirous for five whole days, Afer, to greet you on your return from among the people of Africa. "He is engaged," or "he is asleep," is the answer I have received on calling two or three times. It is enough, Afer; you do not wish me to say "How do you do?" so I'll say "Good bye!"
VIII. TO DOMITIAN.
As if it were but a trifling crime for our sex to bargain away our male children to public lust, the very cradle had become the prey of the pander, so that the child, snatched from its mother s bosom, seemed to demand, by its wailing, the disgraceful pay. Infants born but yesterday suffered scandalous outrage. The father of Italy, who but recently brought help to tender adolescence, to prevent savage lust from condemning it to a manhood of sterility, could not endure such horrors. Before this, Caesar, you were loved by boys, and youths, and old men; now infants also love you.
IX. TO BITHYNICUS.
Fabius has bequeathed you nothing, Bithynicus, although you used to present him yearly, if I remember right, with six thousand sesterces. He has bequeathed nothing more to any one; so do not complain, Bithynicus; he has at least saved you six thousand sesterces a year.
X. TO CANTHARUS.
Though you willingly dine at other people's houses, Cantharus, you indulge yourself there in clamour, and complaints, and threats. Lay aside this fierce humour, I advise you. A man cannot be both independent and a glutton.
XI. ON EARINUS, THE FAVOURITE OF DOMITIAN.
A name born among violets and the roses, a name which is that of the most pleasant part of the year;1 a name which savors of Hybla and Attic flowers, and which exhales a perfume like that of the nest of the superb phoenix; a name sweeter than the nectar of the gods, and which the boy, beloved of Cybele, as well as he who mixes the cups for the Thunderer, would have preferred to his own; a name which, if even breathed in the Imperial palace, would be responded to by every Venus and Cupid; a name so noble, soft, and delicate, I wished to utter in not inelegant verse. But you, obstinate syllable,2 rebel! Yet some poets say Eiarinos; but then they are Greek poets, to whom every license is permitted, and with whom it is lawful to pronounce the word Ares 3 long or short just as they please. We Romans, who court severer muses, dare not take such liberties.
1 The name Earinus is from the Greek for "spring."
2 The first syllable, which the Greek poets lengthened by writing Eiarinos.
3 Homer makes the a in Ares, "Mars," long and short in the same line.
XII. ON THE SAME.
If Autumn had given me a name, I should have been called Oporinus; if the slivering constellations of winter, Cheimerinus. If named by the summer months, I should have been called Therinus. What is he, to whom the spring has given a name?
XIII. ON THE SAME.
You have a name, which designates the season of the newborn year, when the Cecropian bees plunder the short-lived vernal flowers; a name, which deserves to be written with Cupid's arrow, and which Cytherea would delight in tracing with her needle: a name, worthy of being traced in letters of Erythraean pearls, or gems polished by the fingers of the Heliades,1 a name which the cranes flying to the sides might describe with their wings,2 and which is fit only for Caesar's palace.
1 See B. iv. Ep. 25; B. v. Ep. 38.
2 The cranes as they fly form the letter V, the first of the word [Greek], "spring."
XIV. ON A PARASITE FRIEND.
Do you think that this fellow, whom your dinners and hospitality have made your friend, is a model of sincere attachment? He loves your wild boars, and your mullets, and your sows' teats, and your oysters----not yourself! If I dined as sumptuously, he would be my friend.
XV. ON CHLOE.
The shameless Chloe placed on the tomb of her seven husbands the inscription, "The work of Chloe." How could she have expressed herself more plainly?
XVI. ON THE HAIR OF EARINUS.
The youth, who is dearest to the emperor of all that compose his court, and who has a name that denotes the season of spring, has presented his mirror, which showed him how beautiful he was, and his graceful locks, as sacred offerings to the god of Pergamus.1 Happy is the land that is honoured by such a present! It would not have preferred even the locks of Ganymede.
1 Aesculapius, who had a magnificent temple at Pergamus.
XVII. ON THE SAME, TO AESCULAPIUS.
Venerable grandson of Latona, who mitigates with healing herbs the rigorous threads and rapid distaffs of the Fates, these tresses, which have attracted the praise of the emperor, are sent to you by the youth, your votary, as his consecrated offerings, from the city of Rome. He has sent with his sacred hair, too, a shining mirror, by the aid of which his beauteous tresses were arranged. Do you preserve his youthful beauty, that be may prove not less handsome with his hair short than long.
XVIII. TO DOMITIAN, PETITIONING FOR
A SUPPLY OF WATER.
I possess, and pray that I may long continue to possess, under your guardianship, Caesar, a small country seat; I have also a modest dwelling in the city. But a winding machine has to draw, with laborious effort, water for my thirsting garden from a small valley; while my dry house complains that it is not refreshed even by the slightest shower, although the Marcian fount1 babbles close by. The water, which you will grant, Augustus, to my premises, will be for me as the water of Castalis or as showers from Jupiter.
1 B.vi. Ep.42.
XIX. TO SABELLUS.
You praise, in three hundred verses, Sabellus, the baths of Ponticus, who gives such excellent dinners. You wish to dine, Sabellus, not to bathe.
XX. TO DOMITIAN, ON HIS ERECTION OF A TEMPLE
ON THE SPOT WHERE HE WAS BORN.
This piece of land, which lies so open to all, And is covered with marble and gold, witnessed the birth of the infant lord of the world. Happy land, that resounded with the cries of so illustrious an infant, and saw and felt his little hands spreading over it! Here stood the venerable mansion, which gave to the earth that which Rhodes,1 and pious Crete, gave to the starry heaven. The Curetes2 protected Jupiter by the rattling of their arms, such as Phrygian eunuchs were able to bear. But you, Caesar, the sire of the Immortals protected, and the thunderbolt and aegis were your spear and buckler.
1 Neptune was born in Rhodes; Jupiter in Crete.
2 Priests of Cybele; originally from Phrygia.
XXI. TO AUCTUS.
Artemidorus possesses a favourite boy, but has sold his farm: Calliodorus received his farm in exchange for the boy. Say, which of the two has done best, Auctus? Artemidorus plays the lover; Calliodorus the ploughman.3
3 Artemidoras, whose name is from the chaste Artemis, or Diana, is a lover; Calliodorus, whose name is from kallos, "beauty," is turned a mere ploughman.
XXII. TO PASTOR.
You think, perhaps, Pastor, that I ask riches with the same motive with which the vulgar and ignorant herd ask them; that the soil of Setia may be tilled with my ploughshares, and our Tuscan land resound with the innumerable fetters of my slaves; that I may own a hundred tables of Mauretanian marble supported on pedestals of Libyan ivory, and that ornaments of gold may jingle on my couches; that my lips may press only large cups of crystal, and that my Falernian wine may darken the snow in which it is cooled; that Syrian slaves, clad in Canusian wool, may perspire under the weight of my litter, while it is surrounded by a crowd of fashionable clients; that my guests, full of wine, may envy me the possession of a cupbearer, whom I would not change even for Ganymede; that I may ride a prancing mule to bespatter my Tyrian cloak; or goad with my whip a steed from Marseilles. It is not, I call the gods and the heavens to witness, for any such objects. For what, then? That I may bestow gifts, Pastor and build houses.
XXIII. TO CARUS.
O you, whose lot it was to bare your head decorated with the golden virgin crown,1 say, Carus, where is now your Palladian trophy? "You see the countenance of our emperor resplendent in marble; my crown went of its own accord to place itself on those locks." The sacred oak 2 may be jealous of the Alban olive, for being the first to surround that unconquered head.
1 The crown, in the form of an olive wreath, presented by the emperor to the victor m the games of the Quinquatria, celebrated in honour of Minerva on the Alban mount.
2 The crown of oak-leaves usually worn by Domitian. See B. viii. Ep. 8.
XXIV. TO THE SAME, ON HIS BUST OF DOMITIAN.
What sculptor, imitating the lineaments of the imperial bust, has surpassed in Roman marble the ivory of Phidias? This is the face that rules the world; these are the features of Jove in his calm majesty; such is the god when he hurls his thunder in a cloudless sky. Pallas has given you, Carus, not only her crown, but the image of your lord, which you have thus honoured.
XXV. TO AFER.
Whenever I glance at your Hyllus as he pours out my wine, Afer, you fix upon me an eye full of mistrust. What harm is there, I ask, in admiring a pretty attendant? We gaze at the sun, the stars, the temples, the gods. Am I to turn away my head and hide my eyes and countenance, as though a Gorgon were handing me the cups? Alcides was severe; yet he permitted Hylas to be looked at; and Mercury is allowed to play with Ganymede. If you do not wish your guests, Afer, to look at your youthful attendants, you should invite only such as Phineus and Oedipus.1
1 Both were blind. Phineus was a king of Salmydessus in Thrace, and an augur.
XXVI. TO NERVA.2
He who ventures to send verses to the eloquent Nerva, will present common perfumes to Cosmus,3 violets and privet to the inhabitant of Paestum, and Corsican honey to the bees of Hybla. Yet there is some attraction in even a humble muse; the cheap olive is relished even when costly daintiest are on the table. Be not surprised, however, that, conscious of the mediocrity of her poet, my Muse fears your judgment. Nero himself is said to have dreaded your criticism, when, in his youth, he read to you his sportive effusions.
2 See B. viii. Ep. 70.
3 Probably the Cosmus elsewhere mentioned as a perfumer.
XXVII. TO CHRESTUS.
Although you carry about one part of your person, Chrestus, plucked of hair, and another matching a vulture's neck, and a head smoother than prostituted ----, and not a single bristle sprouts on your shanks, and pitiless pluckings clear your bloodless lips, you prate of Curii, Camilli, Quinctii, Numas, Ancuses, and of all the bristly philosophers we read of anywhere, and you vociferate in loud and threatening words, and quarrel with the theatres and the age. But if, in the midst of that pother of yours, there meet you, now freed from his pedagogue, some pervert whose belt an artisan has unbuckled, you summon him with a nod, and I am ashamed to say what you do with your Catonian tongue.
[Adapted from Ker]
XXVIII. EPITAPH ON LATINUS.
I, that lie here, am Latinus, the pleasing ornament of the stage, the honour of the games, the object of your applause, and your delight; who could have fixed even Cato himself as a spectator, and have relaxed the gravity of the Curii and Fabricii. But my life took no colour from the stage, and I was known as an actor only in my profession. Nor could I have been acceptable to the emperor without strict morality. He, like a god, looks into the inmost recesses of the mind. Call me, if you please, the slave of laurel-crowned Phoebus, provided Rome knows that I was the servant of her Jupiter.
XXIX. EPITAPH ON PHILAENIS.
After having lived through a period as long as the age of Nestor, are you then so suddenly carried off; Philaenis, to Pluto's streams below? You had not yet counted the long years of the Cumaean Sibyl; she was older by three months. Alas! what a tongue is silent! a tongue that not a thousand cages full of slaves, nor the crowd of the votaries of Serapis, nor the schoolmaster's curly-headed troop hurrying to their lessons in the morning, nor the bank resounding with flocks of Strymonian cranes, could overpower. Who will henceforth know how to draw down the moon with Thessalian circle?1 Who will display such skill in managing an amorous intrigue for money? May the earth lie lightly on you, and may you be pressed with a thin covering of sand, that the dogs may not be prevented from rooting up your bones!
1 Thessaly was celebrated for magic arts.
XXX. ON THE CONJUGAL AFFECTION OF NIGRINA.
Antistius Rusticus has perished on the barbarian frontiers of the Cappadocians, land guilty of a lamentable crime! Nigrina brought back in her bosom the bones of her dear husband, and complained that the way was not sufficiently long;1 and, when she was confiding the sacred urn to the tomb, which she envied, she seemed to herself to lose her husband a second time.
1 That she might have had his relics longer in her possession.
XXXI. ON THE VOW OF VELIUS.
Velius, while accompanying Caesar on his northern expedition, vowed, for the safety of his leader, to immolate a goose2to Mars. The moon had not fully completed eight revolutions,3 when the god demanded fulfilment of his vow. The goose itself hastened willingly to the altar, and fell a humble victim on the sacred hearth. Do you see those eight medals hanging from the broad beak of the bird?4 They were recently hidden in its entrails.5 The victim which offers proptious sacrifices for you, Caesar, with silver instead of blood, teaches us that we have no longer need of steel (the sword).
2 The preserver of the Roman empire.
3 The war lasted only eight months.
4 A silver image of the goose, to the beak of which sight medals were suspended, indicative of the eight months of the war.
5 In allusion to the taking of omens by inspecting the entrails of birds.
XXXII. ON THE CHOICE OF A MISTRESS.
I prefer one who is free and easy, and who goes about clad in a loose robe; one, who has just before granted favours to my young slave; one, whom a couple of pence will buy. She who wants a great deal of money, and uses grand words, I leave to the fat and foolish Gascon.
XXXIII. TO FLACCUS.
In whatever bath, Flaccus, you hear sounds resembling applause, know that there Maron's yard is to be found.
[From Ker]
XXXIV. TO CAESAR, ON THE TEMPLE OF THE
FLAVIAN FAMILY.
Jupiter, when he saw the Flavian temple rising under the sky or Rome, laughed at the fabulous tomb erected to himself on Mount Ida, and, having drunk abundantly of nectar at table, exclaimed, as he was handing the cup to his son Mars, and addressing himself at the same time to Apollo and Diana, with whom were seated Hercules and the pious Arcos, "You gave me a monument in Crete; see how much better a thing it is to be the father of Caesar!"
XXXV. TO PHILOMUSUS.
These are the contrivances, Philomusus, by which you are constantly trying to secure a dinner; inventing numbers of fictions, and retailing them as true. You are informed of the counsels of Pacorus at the court of Parthia; you can tell the exact numbers of the German and Sarmatian armies. You reveal the unopened despatches of the Dacian general; you see a laurelled letter, announcing a victory, before its arrival. You know how often dusky Syene has been watered by Egyptian floods; you know how many ships have sailed from the shores of Africa; you know for whose head the Julian olives grow, and for whom the Father of Heaven1 destines his triumphal crowns. A truce to your arts; you shall dine with me to-day, but only on this condition, Philomusus, that you tell me no news.
1 Jupiter Capitolinus.
XXXVI. CONVERSATION OF GANYMEDE
AND JUPITER ON EARINUS AND OTHER
FAVOURITES OF DOMITIAN.
When the Phrygian youth, the well-known favourite of the other Jupiter, had seen the Ausonian attendant 2 with his hair just shaved off, "O sovereign ruler," said he, "concede to your youth what your Caesar has granted to his. The first down upon my chin is now succeeded by longer hairs; your Juno now laughs at me and calls me a man." To whom the Father of Heaven answered, "Oh, sweetest boy, not I, but necessity, denies your request. Our Caesar has a thousand cupbearers like you; and his palace, large as it is, scarcely holds the brilliant troop. But if your hair be shaved, and give you a man's visage, what other youth will be found to mix my nectar for me?"
2 Earinus. See Ep. 17 and 18.
XXXVII. TO GALLA.
Though, while you yourself, Galla, are at home, you are being dressed out in the middle of the Suburra, and your locks are prepared for you at a distance; though you lay aside your teeth at night with your silk garments, and lie stowed away in a hundred boxes; though even your face does not sleep with you, and you ogle me from under eyebrows which are brought to you in the morning; though no consideration of your faded charms, which belong to a past generation, moves you; though all this is the case, you offer me six hundred sesterces. But nature revolts, and, blind though she be,1 she sees very well what you are.
1 See B. vi. Ep. 23 and 33.
XXXVIII. TO AGATHINUS, A JUGGLER.
Though, Agathinus, you play dangerous tricks with the utmost nimbleness, you still cannot contrive to let your shield fall. It seems to follow you, even against your will, and, returning through the thin air, seats itself either on your foot, or your back, or your hair, or your finger. However slippery the stage may be with showers of saffron, and however the violent south winds may tear the canvass opposed to its fury, the shield, without apparent guidance, freely traverses your limbs, unimpeded by either wind or water. Even though you wished to fail, whatever your endeavours, you could not; and the fall of your shield would be the greatest proof of your art.
XXXIX. ON THE BIRTH-DAY OF CAESONIA.
This is the anniversary of the first day on which the Palatine Thunderer 1 saw light, a day on which Cybele might have desired to give birth to Jove. On this day, too, the chaste Caesonia was born, the daughter of my friend Rufus; no maiden owes more than she to her mother. The husband rejoices in the double good fortune which awaits his prayers, and that it has fallen to his lot to have two reasons for loving this day.
1 Domitian.
XL. ON DIODORUS AND HIS WIFE PHILAENIS.
When Diodorus left Pharos for Rome, to win the Tarpeian crowns,1 his Philaenis made a vow for his safe return, that a young girl, such as even the chastest woman might love, should prepare her for his embraces. The ship being destroyed by a terrible storm, Diodorus, submerged and overwhelmed in the deep, escaped by swimming, through the influence of the vow. Oh husband too tardy and too sluggish! If my mistress had made such a vow for me upon the shore, I should have returned at once.
1 In the Quinquatrian games. See Ep. 23, and B. iv. Ep. 54.
XLI. TO PONTICUS.
[Not translated]
XLII. TO APOLLO, THAT STELLA MAY HAVE
THE CONSULSHIP.
So may you ever be rich, Apollo, in your sea-girt plains; so may you ever have delight in your ancient swans; so may the learned sisters ever serve you, and your Delphic oracles never speak falsely; so may the palace of Caesar worship and love you; as the kind Domitian shall speedily grant and accord to Stella, at my request, the twelve fasces. Happy then shall I be, and, as your debtor for the fulfilment of my prayer, will lead to the rustic altar a young steer with golden horns, as a sacrifice to you. The victim is already born, Phoebus; why do you delay?
XLIII. ON A STATUE OF HERCULES, THAT HAD COME
INTO THE POSSESSION OF VINDEX.
This great deity, represented by a small bronze image, who mitigates the hardness of the rocks on which he sits by spreading over them his lion's skin; who, with upraised countenance, gazes on the heaven which he once supported; whose left hand is engaged with his club, and his right with a cup of wine, is not a new-born celebrity, or a glory of our own sculptor's art. You behold the noble work of Lysippus, which he presented to Alexander the. Great. This divinity adorned the table of the monarch of Pella, so soon laid in the earth which he had subdued. By this god, Hannibal, when a child, took his oath at the Libyan altar; this god bade the cruel Sulla lay down his kingly power. Offended by the proud despotism or various courts, he now delights to inhabit a private house; and, as he was formerly the guest of the benevolent Molorchus, so he desires now to be the god of the learned Vindex.
XLIV. ON THE SAME.
I lately asked Vindex to whose happy toil and workmanship his Hercules owed his existence. He smiled, as is his wont, and, with a slight inclination of head, "Pray," said he, "my dear poet, can you not read Greek? The pedestal bears an inscription which tells you the name." I read the word Lysippus, I thought it had been the work of Phidias.
XLV. TO MARCELLINUS.
You are now about to set out, Marcellinus, as a soldier to the northern climes, to brave the sluggish constellations of the Getic sky: there the Promethean rocks and the fabled mountains, to which you must now go, will be close to your eyes! When you have beheld the rocks, the confidants of the mighty plaints of old Prometheus, you will say, "He was more enduring than they." And you may add, "He who was able to bear such sufferings, was well qualified to fashion the race of mortals."
XLVI. ON GELLIUS.
Gellius is always building; sometimes he is laying down thresholds, sometimes fitting keys to doors, and buying locks; sometimes he is changing or replacing windows. He does anything to be engaged in building, and all this that he may be able to say to any friend who asks him for a loan, "I am building."
XLVII. TO PANNYCHUS.
Of Democrituses, Zenos, and enigmatic Platos, and of every philosopher shown, dirty and hirsute, on a bust, you prate as if you were successor and heir of Pythagoras; and before your chin hangs a beard certainly no less than theirs. But what is... and shameful to the hairy, you willingly accept. You who know the origins of the schools and their arguments, tell me this: what dogma, Pannychus, is it to be a pathic?
[Adapted from Ker]
Your words with deep recondite lore resound
Of Plato, Zeno, what's severest found
Of those whose horrid images affect
To doom all vice, by their austere aspect;
You play Pythag'ras successor and heir,
Nor 'bate you him in bush of beard a hair.
You've yet, what's shameful, and shou'd ne'er be said,
A wanton mind to this your awful head.
Say you, who th' axioms of all sects do know,
Whose dogma 'tis, the scars of lust to show?
Anon. 1695.
XLVIII. TO GARRICUS.
As you swore to me, Garricus, by your gods and by your head, that I was to inherit the fourth of your estate, I believed you, (for who would willingly disbelieve what he desires?) and nursed my hopes by continually giving you presents; among which I sent you a Laurentian boar of extraordinary weight; one that you might have supposed to be from Aetolian Calydon. But you forthwith invited the people and the senators; and glutted Rome is not yet free from the taste of my boar. I myself (who would believe it?) was not present even as the humblest of your guests; not a rib, not even the tail, was sent me. How am I to expect from you a fourth part of your estate, Garricus, when not even a twelfth part of my own boar came to me?
XLIX. ON A TOGA GIVEN HIM BY PARTHENIUS.1
This is that toga much celebrated in my little books, that toga so well known and loved by my readers. It was a present from Parthenius; a memorable present to his poet long ago; in it, while it was new, while it shone brilliantly with glistening wool, and while it was worthy the name of its giver, I walked proudly conspicuous as a Roman knight. Now it is grown old, and is scarce worth the acceptance of shivering poverty; and you may well call it snowy.2 What does not time in the course of years destroy? this toga is no longer Parthenius's; it is mine.
1 See B. viii. Ep. 28.
2 See Note on B. iv. Ep. 34.
L. TO GAURUS.
You pretend to consider my talent as small, Gaurus, because I write poems which please by being brief. I confess that it is so; while you, who write the grand wars of Priam in twelve books, are doubtless a great man. I paint the favourite of Brutus,1 and Langon,2 to the life. You, great artist, fashion a giant in clay.
1 See B. xiv. Ep. 171.
2 Of whom an elegant statuette was made by Lyciscus. Plin. H. N. xxxv. 8.
LI. ON THE BROTHERS LUCANUS AND TULLUS. 3
That which you constantly asked of the gods, Lucanus, has, in spite of your brother's remonstrances, fallen to your lot; it has been your fate to die before him. Tullus envies you the privilege; for he desired, though the younger, to go first to the Stygian waters. You are now an inhabitant of the Elysian fields, and, dwelling in the charming grove, are content, for the first time, to be separated from your brother; and if Castor in his turn now comes from the brilliant stars, you, as another Pollux, exhort him not to return to them.
3 See B. i. Ep. 37.
LII. TO QUINTUS OVIDIUS.
If you but believe me, Quintus Ovidius, I love, as you deserve, the first of April, your natal day, as much as I love my own first of March. Happy is either morn! and may both days be marked by us with the whitest of stones! The one gave me life, but the other a friend. Yours, Quintus, gave me more than my own.
LIII. TO THE SAME.
On your birth-day, Quintus, I wished to make you a small present: you forbade me; you are imperious. I must obey your injunction: let that be done which we both desire, and which will please us both. Do you, Quintus, make me a present.
LIV. TO CARUS.
If I had thrushes fattened on Picenian olives, or if a Sabine wood were covered with my nets; or if the finny prey were dragged on shore by my extended rod, or my branches, thickly limed, held fast the fettered birds; I should offer you, Carus, as an esteemed relative, the usual presents, and neither a brother nor a grandfather would have the preference over you. As it is, my fields resound only with paltry starlings and the plaints of linnets, and usher in the spring with the voice of the shrill sparrow. On one side, the ploughman returns the salutation of the magpie; on the other, the rapacious kite soars towards the distant stars. So I send you small presents from my hencoop; and if you accept such, you will often be my relative.
LV. TO VALERIUS FLACCUS.
On the day sacred to relatives,1 on which many a fowl is sent as a present, there throngs around me, while I am preparing some thrushes for Stella, and some for you, Flaccus, an immense and troublesome crowd, of which each individual thinks that he ought to be the first in my affections. My desire was to show my regard for two; to offend a number is scarcely safe; while to send presents to all would be expensive. I will secure their pardon in the only way that remains to me; I will neither send thrushes to Stella nor to you, Flaccus.
1 The first of March.
LVI. ON SPENDOPHORUS, A FAVOURITE OF DOMITIAN.
Spendophorus, the armour-bearer of our sovereign lord, is setting out for the cities of Libya. Prepare weapons, Cupid, to bestow on the boy; the arrows with which you strike youths and tender maids. Let there be also, however, a smooth spear in his delicate hand. Omit the coat of mail, the shield, and the helmet; and that he may enter the battle in safety, let him go uncovered; Parthenopaeus 1 was hurt by no dart, no sword, no arrow, whilst he was unencumbered with a head-piece. Whoever shall be wounded by Spendophorus, will die of love. Happy is he whom a death so fortunate awaits! But return while you are still a boy, and while your face retains its youthful bloom, and let your Rome, and not Libya, make a man of you.
1 One of the seven chiefs against Thebes. His beauty is said to have been his defence.
LVII. ON HEDYLUS.
Nothing is worn smoother than Hedylus' mantles: not the handles of antique Corinthian vases, nor a shank polished by a ten-years-worn fetter, nor the scarred neck of a broken-winded mule, nor the ruts that intersect the Flaminian Way, nor the pebbles that shine on the sea beach, nor a hoe polished by a Tuscan vineyard, nor the shiny toga of a defunct pauper, nor the ramshackle wheel of a lazy carrier, nor a bison's flank scraped by its cage, nor the tusk, now aged, of a fierce boar. Yet there is one thing - he himself will not deny it: Hedylus' rump is worn smoother than his mantle.
[From Ker]
LVIII. TO THE NYMPH OF SABINUS.1
Nymph, queen of the Sacred Lake, to whom Sabinus, with pious munificence, dedicates an enduring temple; receive with kindness, I pray you, (so may mountainous Umbria ever worship your source, and your town of Sassina never prefer the waters of Baiae!) my anxious compositions which I offer you. You will be to my muse the fountain of Pegasus. Whoever presents his poems to the temple of the Nymphs, indicates of himself what should be done with them.
1 See B. vii. Ep. 97.
LIX. ON MAMURRA.
Mamurra, after having walked long and anxiously in the squares, where golden Rome ostentatiously displays her riches, viewed the tender young slaves, and devoured them with his eyes; not those exposed in the open shops, but those which are kept for the select in private apartments, and are not seen by the people, or such as I am. Satiated with this inspection, he uncovers the tables square and round; and aaks to see some rich ivory ornaments which were displayed on the upper shelves. Then, having four times measured a dinner-couch for six, wrought with tortoise-shell, he sorrowfully regretted that it was not large enough for his citron table. He consulted his nose whether the bronzes had the true Corinthian aroma, and criticised the statues of Polyclitus! Next, complaining that some crystal vases had been spoiled by an admixture of glass, he marked and set aside ten myrrhine cups. He weighed ancient bowls, and inquired for goblets that had been ennobled by the hand of Mentor. He counted emeralds set in chased gold, and examined the largest pearl ear-pendants. He sought on every counter for real sardonyxes, and cheapened some large jaspers. At last, when forced by fatigue to retire at the eleventh hour, he bought two cups for one small coin, and carried them home himself.
LX. ON A CROWN OF ROSES SENT TO CAESIUS SABINUS.
Whether you were produced in the fields of Paestum or of Tivoli, or whether the plains of Tusculum were decked with your flowers; whether a bailiffs wife culled you in a Praenestine garden, or whether you were recently the glory of a Campanian villa, that you may seem more beauteous to my friend Sabinus, let him think that you come from my Nomentan grounds.
LXI. ON A PLANE-TREE AT CORDOVA, PLANTED
BY JULIUS CAESAR.
In the regions about the Tartessus, where the rich lands of Cordova are watered by placid Baetis, where the yellow flocks shine with the gold of the river, and living metal decks the fleece of Hesperian sheep, stands a well-known mansion, and in the midst of its courts, overshadowing the whole of the surrounding buildings, rises the plane-tree of Caesar, with its thick foliage, which was planted by the auspicious right hand of that invincible guest, and tended by it while yet a sapling. This tree seems to acknowledge by its vigour its parent and lord; so richly does it flourish, and lift its branches towards the stars. Often, under this tree, have the playful Fauns sported with their midnight music, and the pipe has startled the quiet homestead; often has the woodland Dryad, while flying from the nocturnal marauder Fan across the solitary fields, sought shelter beneath it; and often have the household gods retained the odour of the Bacchanalian banquets, which by their libations have developed its luxuriance. The turf has been strewed and vermilioned with the chaplets of yesterday, and no man could distinguish the roses that had belonged to his own. O tree, favourite of the gods, tree of the great Caesar, fear not the axe nor the impious fire. You may hope for the glory of an ever-verdant foliage; you were not planted by Pompeian hands.
LXII. ON PHILAENIS.
If Philaenis wears all day and night garments dyed with Tyrian purple, it is not that she is extravagant or proud; it is the odour that pleases her,1 not the colour.
1 To disguise the odour of her own person. Compare B. vii. Ep. 67, and B. iv. Ep. 4.
LXIII. TO PHOEBUS.
All the perverts invite you to their tables, Phoebus. He who gets his living with his _____, is not, I consider, respectable company.1
1 Ad caenam invitant omnes te, Phoebe, cinaedi:
Mentula quem pascit, non, puto, parus homo est.
LXIV. ON A STATUE OF DOMITIAN IN THE CHARACTER
OF HERCULES.
Caesar, haying deigned to assume the form of the mighty Hercules, adds a new temple to the Latian way, at the spot where the traveller, who visits the grove of Diana, reads the inscription on the eighth milestone from the Queen of Cities. Formerly, O Romans, you used to worship Hercules, as the superior, with prayers and abundant blood of victims, now Hercules, as the inferior, worships Domitian. We address our more important prayers, some for wealth, others for honours, to Domitian, who, unsolicitous about inferior requests, leaves the fulfilment of these to Hercules.
LXV. TO HERCULES, ON THE SAME STATUS.
O Hercules, whom the Latian Jupiter must now recognise, since you have assumed the glorious features of the divine Caesar, if you had borne those lineaments and that air when the wild beasts yielded to your prowess, nations would not have beheld you a slave to the Argive tyrant, and submitting to his cruel role; but you would have issued orders to Eurystheus, and the deceiver Lichas would not have brought you the perfidious gift of Nessus. Saved from the torment of the funeral pyre upon mount Oeta, you would have ascended to the heaven of your father above, free from all care, that heaven to which your labours entitled you. Nor would you have twirled the Lydian spindles of a proud mistress, or have looked upon Styx and the dog of Tartarus. Now Juno is favourable to you, now your Hebe indeed loves you; now, if the nymph that carried off your Hylas were to see your majestic appearance, she would send him back to you.
LXVI. TO FABULLUS.
When you have a wife, handsome, chaste, and young, Fabullus, why should you supplicate for the rights of a father of three children? 1 That which you ask of our ruler and deity, you will obtain from yourself if you deserve the name of a man.
1 See B. ii. Ep. 91, 92.
LXVII. TO AESCHYLUS.
All night I was with a lascivious girl, whose naughtiness no other could surpass. Worn out in a thousand ways, I asked her to pretend to be a boy: she agreed at the first words, and before I'd finished asking. Between laughing and blushing I asked for something more embarrassing: she said "yes" without the least coy delay. But for me she was chaste: she won't be for you, O Aeschylus, if you are willing to receive a gift by means of an ugly agreement.
[Translated by RP. The meaning of the last sentence is unclear. Ker suggests, "Some disgraceful complaisance was required in return, which M. says he refused, but which Aeschylus would not."]
LXVIII. TO THE MASTER OF A NOISY SCHOOL
IN HIS NEIGHBOURHOOD.
What right have you to disturb me, abominable schoolmaster, object abhorred alike by boys and girls? Before the crested cocks have broken silence, you begin to roar out your savage scoldings and blows. Not with louder noise does the metal resound on the struck anvil, when the workman is fitting a lawyer on his horse;1 nor is the noise so great in the large amphitheatre, when the conquering gladiator is applauded by his partisans. We, your neighbours, do not ask you to allow us to sleep for the whole night, for it is but a small matter to be occasionally awakened; but to be kept awake all night is a heavy affliction. Dismiss your scholars, brawler, and take as much for keeping quiet as you receive for making a noise.
1 A sneer at the equestrian statues of lawyers. See Juv.vii. 128.
LXIX. TO POLYCHARMUS.
When you have sex, Polycharmus, you are in the habit of going to the toilet afterwards; when you are sodomised, what, Polycharmus, do you do then?
Cum futuis, Polycharme, soles in fine cacare,
Cum paedicaris, quid, Polycharme facis:
[Note to the online edition: I have translated this one, as inoffensively as possible, as an example of why the remainder are unfit for translation. RP]
LXX. TO CAECILIANUS.
"O times! O manners!" was of old the cry of Cicero, when Catiline was contriving his impious plot; when father-in-law and son-in-law were engaging in fierce war, and the sad soil of Italy was soaked with civil bloodshed. Bat why do you, Caecilianus, now exclaim "O times! O manners?" What is it that displeases you? We have no cruel leaders, no maddening warfare, but may enjoy settled peace and happiness. It is not our morals, Caecilianus, that disgrace the age of which you complain, but your own.
LXXI. ON A LION AND A RAM.
It is astonishing with what attachment this lion, the glory of the Massylian mountains and this husband of the fleecy flock, are united. Behold with your own eyes; they dwell in one stall, and take their social meals in company. Nor do they delight to feed on the brood of forests, or the tender grass; but a small lamb satisfies their joint appetites. What were the merits of the terror of Nemea,1 or the betrayer of Helle,2 that they should shine among brilliant constellations in the high heaven? If cattle and wild beasts are worthy of a place m the heavens, this ram and this lion deserve to become stars.
1 The Nemaean lion slain by Hercules; afterwards the constellation of Leo.
2 The ram with the golden fleece, that was to carry Helle across the Hellespont, and allowed her to drop into the water, afterwards the constellation Aries.
LXXII. TO LIBER, A PUGILIST.
O Liber, whose brows are adorned with the Spartan crown, and whose Roman hand strikes blows worthy of Greece, when you send me a dinner, why does the wicker basket, in which it is conveyed, contain no wine-flask as an accompaniment? If you mean to make presents worthy of your name,3 you are aware, I suppose, what you ought to have sent me.
3 Liber was a name for Bacchus.
LXXIII. TO A COBBLER, WHO HAD OBTAINED
A LEGACY BY FRAUD.
You, whose business it once was to stretch old skins with your teeth, and to bite old soles of shoes besmeared with mud, now enjoy the lands of your deluded patron at Praeneste, where you are not worthy to occupy even a stall. Intoxicated with strong Falernian wine, too, you dash in pieces the crystal cups, and plunge yourself in debauchery with your patron's favourite. As for me, my foolish parents taught me letters. What did I want with grammarians and rhetoricians? Break up, my muse, your flowing pen, and tear up your books, if a shoe can secure such enjoyments to a cobbler.
LXXIV. ON THE PORTRAIT OF CAMONUS.
This picture preserves the likeness of Camonus as a child; it is only his early features, when he was an infant, that remain to us. The affectionate father has kept no likeness of his countenance in the bloom of manhood, dreading to look on so fine a face deprived of animation.
LXXV. ON THE WOODEN BATH OF TUCCA.
Tucca has not constructed his bath of hard flint, or of quarry stone, or of baked bricks, with which Semiramis encircled great Babylon, but of the spoils of the forest and masses of pine planks, so that he may sail in his bath. The same magnificent personage has built splendid warm baths of every kind of marble; that which Carystos produces; that which Phrygian Synnas,1 and African Numidia, sends us; and that which the Eurotas has washed with its verdant stream. But there is no wood in it; put your wooden bath, therefore, Tucca, beneath your warm baths.
1 A town of Phrygia.
LXXVI. ON THE PORTRAIT OF CAMONUS.
The features you here see are those of my Camonus; each was his face and figure in early youth. That countenance had grown more manly in the coarse of twenty years; a beard seemed delighted to shade his cheeks; and, once clipped, had scattered its ruddy hair from the points of the scissors. One of the three sisters looked with malice on such beauty, and cut the thread of his life before it was fully spun. An urn conveyed his ashes to his father from a far distant pyre; but that the picture may not alone speak of the youth, there shall be a more impressive description in my page.
LXXVII. ON THE FEAST OF PRISCUS.
The eloquent page of Priscus considers "what is the best kind of feast?" and offers many suggestions with grace, many with force, and all with learning. Do you ask me, what is the best kind of feast? That at which no flute-player is present.1
1 One that does not require the attractions of music, but is sufficiently recommended by the dishes and the conversation.
LXXVIII. TO PICENTINUS.
After the deaths of seven husbands, Galla has espoused you, Picentinus. Galla, I suppose, wishes to follow her husbands.
LXXIX. TO DOMITIAN.
Before your reign, Rome hated the crowd attendant on the emperors, and the haughtiness of the court; but now, such is our love, Augustus, for all that belongs to you, that every one makes the care of his own family of but secondary consideration; so sweet are the tempers of your courtiers, so considerate are they towards us, so much of quiet good-feeling do thev display, and so much modesty is there in their bearing. Indeed, no servant of Caesar (such is the influence of a powerful court) wears his own character----but that of his master.
LXXX. ON GELLIUS.
The poor and hungry Gellius married a woman old and rich. He eats and enjoys himself.
An old rich wife starv'd Gellius, bare and poor,
Did wed: so she cramm'd him and he cramm'd her.
Fletcher.
LXXXI. TO AULUS.
My readers and hearers, Aulus, approve of my compositions; but a certain critic says that they are not faultless. I am not much concerned at his censure; for I should wish the dishes on my table to please guests rather than cooks.
LXXXII. TO MUNNA.
An astrologer declared, Munna, that you would soon come to an end; and I believe he spoke the truth. For, through fear of leaving anything behind you, you have squandered your inheritance in luxuries; your two millions have dwindled away in less than a year. Tell me, Munna, is not this coming soon to an end?
LXXXIII. TO DOMITIAN, ON HIS EXCLUSION
OF THE KNIGHTS FROM THE STAGE.
Among the numberless wonders of your arena, Caesar. which surpasses the splendid shows of the old emperors, our eyes confess that they owe you much, but our ears more; inasmuch: as those who used to recite upon the stage are now only spectators.
LXXXIV. TO NORBANUS.
When vour affectionate fidelity, Norbanus, was standing in defence or Caesar against the raging of sacrilegious fury, I, the well-known cultivator of your friendship, was amusing myself with the composition of these verses, in the calm security of Pierian retreats. The Rhaetian spoke of me to you on the borders of Vindelicia, nor was the Northern Bear ignorant of my name. Oh how often, not renouncing your old friend, did you exclaim, "It is my poet, my own!" All my compositions, which for six whole years your reader has recited to you, their author will now present to you in a body.
LXXXV. TO ATILIUS, ON PAULUS FEIGNING SICKNESS.
If our friend Paulus is ever out of health, Atilius, it is not himself, but his guests, that he deprives of a dinner. You suffer, Paulus, with a sudden and fictitious ailment; but my sportula has given up the ghost.
LXXXVI. TO SILIUS ITALICUS,ON THE DEATH OF
HIS SON SEVERUS.
While Silius, whose powers have been displayed in more than one department of Roman literature,1 was lamenting the premature death of his friend Severus, I expressed my sympathy with him to the Pierian choir and to Phoebus: "I too," said Apollo, "wept for my Linus;" and, looking round at Calliope, who stood next to her brother, he added: "You also have your own sorrow.2 Behold the Tarpeian and the Palatine Thunderer; Lachesis has audaciously presumed to wound both Jupiters.3" When you see the divinities exposed to the harsh rule of destiny, you may acquit the gods of injustice.
1 Silius Italicus, orator and poet. See also B. vii. Ep. 62.
2 In the loss of her son Orpheus.
3 By causing the deaths of Sarpedon, and of Domitian's infant son. See B. vi. Ep. 3.
LXXXVII. TO LUPERCUS.
After I have taken seven cups of Opimian wine, and am stretched at full length, and beginning to stammer from the effects of my heavy potations, you bring me some sort of papers, and say, "I have just made Nasta free -- he is a slave that I inherited from my father;----please to give me your signature." The business may be better done to-morrow, Lupercus; at present my signet is wanted for the bottle.1
1 The Romans put seals on their wine-vessels, as a security against their slaves.
LXXXVIII. TO RUFUS.
While you were trying to catch me, Rufus, you used to send me presents; since you have caught me, you have given me nothing. To keep me when caught, send presents to me now as you did before, lest the boar, being badly fed, escape from his cage.
LXXXIX. TO STELLA.
By too severe a decree, Stella, you compel your guest to write verses at table. Under such a decree I may certainly write verses, but bad ones.
XC. TO FLACCUS, RESIDING IN CYPRUS.
So, reclining upon the flowery meads, where rolling pebbles sparkle in the brook, its winding banks glowing on every side, may you break the ice into the goblet of dark wine, far removed from all cares, and your brow wreathed with chaplets of roses; so may you enjoy alone the caresses of a favourite, and the pleasures of a chaste love, as you keep on your guard, I warn and pray you, Flaccus, against the climate of Cyprus, too well known for its excessive heat, when the threshing-floor receives the crackling harvest, and the mane of the tawny lion glows in its fierceness. And do you, goddess of Paphos, send back the youth, send him back unharmed, to my prayers. So may the kalends of March be ever consecrated to you, and may many a slice of cake, with incense, and wine, and offerings, be laid upon your fair altars.
XCI. TO DOMITIAN.
If two messengers were to invite me to dine in different heavens, the one in that of Caesar, the other in that of Jupiter, I should, even if the stars were nearer, and the palace at the greater distance, return this answer: "Seek some other who would prefer to be the guest of the Thunderer; my own Jupiter detains me upon earth."
XCII. TO CONDYLUS.
Of the troubles of a master, and the pleasures of a slave, Condylus, you are ignorant, when you lament that you have been a slave so long. A common rug gives you sleep free from all anxiety; Caius lies awake all night on his bed of down. Caius, from the first dawn of day, salutes with trembling a number of patrons; you, Condylus, salute not even your master. "Caius, pay what you owe me," cries Phoebus on the one side, and Cinnamus on the other; no one makes such a demand on you, Condylus. Do you fear the torturer? Caius is a martyr to the gout in his hands and feet, and would rather suffer a thousand floggings than endure its pains. You indulge neither gluttonous nor licentious propensities. Is not this preferable to being three times a Caius?
XCIII. TO CALOCISSUS, HIS SLAVE.
Why, my slave, do you delay to pour in the immortal Falernian? Fill double measures from the oldest cask. Now tell me, Calocissus, to which of all the gods shall I bid you fill six cups? It shall be Caesar. Let ten wreaths of roses be fitted to my locks, to honour the name1 of him who raised the noble monument to his sacred family.2 Next give me twice five kisses, the number which denotes the name3 our divinity acquired from the Sarmatian countries,
1 Domitianus, a word of ten letters.
2 The Flavian temple. See Ep. 24 and 34.
3 Germanicus.
XCIV. ON HIPPOCRATES.
Hippocrates has given me a cap medicated with wormwood, and now has the presumption to ask of me honeyed wine in return. I do not suppose that even Glaucus was so stupid, who gave his golden armour to Diomede for armour of brass. Can any one expect a sweet gift in return for a bitter one? Let him have it, but on condition that he drink it in hellebore.1
1 The supposed cure for madness.
XCV. ON ATHENAGORAS.
Athenagoras was once Alphius; now, since he has taken a wife, he has begun to call himself Olphius. Do you believe, Callistratus, that his real name is Athenagoras? May I die if I know who Athenagoras is! 1 But suppose, Callistratus, I call him by his real name; if I call him otherwise, it is not I who am at fault, but your friend Athenagoras himself.
1 That is, what is his true name.
XCVI. ON HERODES.
The doctor Herodes had filched a cup belonging to his patients. Being detected, he exclaimed, "Fool! what need have you of drink?"
XCVII. TO JULIUS.
A certain person, my dearest Julius, is bursting with envy because Rome reads me; he is bursting, I say, with envy. He is bursting with envy, too, bursting with envy, because in every assembly I am pointed out by the finger of admiration. He is bursting with envy, bursting with envy, because both Caesars 1 accorded me the rights of a father of three children. He is bursting with envy, bursting with envy, because I have an agreeable suburban villa and a small house in town. He is bursting with envy, bursting with envy, because I am dear to my friends, and because I am their frequent guest. He is bursting with envy, because I am loved and praised. Whoever is bursting with envy, let him burst.
1 Titus and Domitian.
XCVIII. TO QUINTUS OVIDIUS.
The produce of the vineyards has not failed everywhere, Ovidius. The heavy rains have been productive. Coranus made up a hundred jars by means of the water.
XCIX. TO ATTICUS, ON MARCUS ANTONIUS, TO
WHOM HE SENDS HIS BOOK.
Marcus Antonius loves my muse, Atticus, if his complimentary letter but speaks the truth,----Marcus, who is the undeniable glory of Palladian Toulouse, and whom repose, the child of peace, has nurtured. You, my book, who can bear the toil of a long journey, go to him, as a pledge of love from his absent friend. You would be worthless, I admit, if a dealer were to send you: but your coming from the author will give value to the present. It makes a great difference, believe me, whether a draught be taken from the fountain-head, or from the stagnant waters of a sluggish pool.
C. TO BASSUS.
You invite me to a supper, Bassus, worth three denarii,1 and expect me to dance attendance in your antechamber in the morning clad in my toga; and afterwards to keep close to your side, or walk before your chair, while I attend you in your visits to ten or a dozen widows. My toga is threadbare, shabby, and even ragged; yet I could not buy one as good, Bassus, for three denarii.
1 The price of the sportula.
CI. FLATTERY OF DOMITIAN.
O Appian way, which Caesar consecrates under the form of Hercules,1 and renders the most celebrated of Italian roads, if you desire to learn the deeds of the ancient Hercules, listen to me. He subdued the Libyan giant; he carried off the golden apples; he disarmed the Amazonian queen of her shield, though secured by a Scythian girdle; by feat of arms be added the lion's skin to that of the Arcadian boar; he delivered the forest from the brazen-footed stag and the lakes of Arcadia from the Stymphalian birds; he brought from the waters of Styx the infernal dog Cerberus; he prevented the fruitful Hydra from renewing its heads after they had been cut off; he plunged the horned bulls of Hesperia in the Tuscan Tiber. Such were the achievements of the ancient and leaser Hercules. Listen now to the deeds of the greater Hercules, whom the sixth milestone from the citadel of Alba celebrates. He freed the palace from the thralldom of a bad rule. His first wars, as a boy, were waged in defence of his patron Jupiter.2 When already in sole possession of the Caesarean reins of government, he resigned them to his father, contenting himself to become the third citizen in his own world.3 Thrice he broke the perfidious horns of the Sarmatian Danube; thrice he cooled his sweating steed in the Getic snows. For bearing to accept the honours of a triumph, and often refusing them, he acquired a title, as a conqueror, from the Northern climes. He gave temples to the gods, morals to his people, rest to the sword, heaven to his family,4 constellations to the skies, garlands to Jupiter. The divinity of a Hercules is not sufficient for acts so great; our deity should be represented under the form of Tarpeian Jupiter.
1 See Ep. 65. Domitian erected on the Appian Way a temple to Hercules, in which he himself was to be worshipped.
2 In the Vitellian war he took refuge in the Capitol, and defended it. Suetonius, Domit. c 1.
3 Being inferior to Vespasian and Titus.
4 Enrolling his father, brother, and wife, among the gods.
CII. TO PHOEBUS.
You give me back, Phoebus, my bond for four hundred thousand sesterces; lend me rather a hundred thousand more. Seek some one else to whom you may vaunt your empty present: what I cannot pay you, Phoebus, is my own:
CIII. ON HIERUS AND ASILLUS, TWIN-BROTHERS.
What new Leda has produced you these attendants so like each other? What fair Spartan has been captivated by another swan? Pollux has given his face to Hierus, Castor his to Asillus; and in the countenance of each gleams the beauty of their Tyndarean sister (Helen). Had these beautiful figures been in Therapnaean Amyclae, when the inferior present prevailed over those of the two other goddesses,1 Helen would have remained at Sparta, and Trojan Paris have returned to Phrygian Ida with two Ganymedes.
1 When Venus promised Helen to Paris, while Juno offered him empire, and Minerva wisdom.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: martial_epigrams_book10.htm
Martial, Epigrams. Book 10. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
Martial, Epigrams. Book 10. Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
BOOK X.
I. THE BOOK TO THE READER.
If I seem to be a book of undue size, with my end too much delayed, read only a small portion of me; I shall then be to you but a little book. Each of my pages is occupied by but three or four short pieces; make me as short as you please for yourself.
II. TO THE READER, ON PUBLISHING A SECOND
EDITION OF THIS BOOK.
The labour, which I bestowed upon this tenth book, being too hurried, made it necessary that the work, which had slipped from my hands, should be revised. You will read here some pieces which you have had before, but they are now repolished by the file; the new part will be the larger; but be favourable, reader, to both; for you are my true support; since, when Rome gave you to me, she said, "I have nothing greater to give you. By his means you will escape the sluggish waves of ungrateful Lethe, and will survive in the better part of yourself. The marble tomb of Messale is split by the wild fig, and the audacious muleteer laughs at the mutilated horses of the statue of Crispus.1 But as for writings, they are indestructible either by thieves or the ravages of time; such monuments alone are proof against death."
1 Mentioned B. iv. Ep. 54.
III. TO PRISCUS.
A certain anonymous poet is circulating the jargon of slaves, foul satires, and filthy turpitudes, such as are uttered only by low vagabonds; vulgarisms such as even a dealer in broken Vatinian glass would not purchase at the price of a sulphur match; and these he attempts to pass off as mine. Do you believe, Priscus, that the parrot can speak with the note of the quail, and that Canus 1 would wish to be a bagpiper? Far from my little books be such foul fame; books which the fairest reputation bears aloft on unsullied wing. Why should I labour to attain a disgraceful notoriety, when I can remain silent without loss?
1 B. ix., Ep. 5.
IV. TO MAMURRA.
You who read of Oedipus, of Thyestes deserted by the sun, of the Colchian princess (Medea), and of the Scyllas, of what do you read but fabulous wonders? Of what advantage to you is the story of the rape of Hylas, or of Parthenopaeus, or of Atys, or of the sleeper Endymion? Or of the youth Icarus despoiled of his falling wings? or of Hermaphroditus, who shuns the amorous waters? What do the empty tales of such frivolous writings profit you? Read in this book of mine of real life, of which you may say, "It is mine." You will not. find here Centaurs, or Gorgons, or Harpies; my pages savour of man. But if you have no wish, Mamurra, to study the manners of the times, or to know yourself you may read the myths of Callimachus.1
1 The Aitia, a work of Callimachus the poet, no longer extant.
V. ON A SLANDEROUS POET.
Whoever, despising the matron and the noble, whom he ought to respect, has injured them with impious verse; may he wander through town after town, an outcast on bridge and hill, and lowest among craving mendicants, may he entreat for mouthfuls of the spoilt bread reserved for the dogs. May December be dreary to him, and the dripping winter and close cell prolong the cheerless cold. May he call those blessed, and pronounce them happy, who are borne past him upon the funeral bier. And when the thread of his last hour is spun, and the day of death, which has seemed too slow, has arrived, may he hear around him the howling of dogs for his body, and have to drive off the birds of prey by shaking his rags. Nor may the punishment of the abject wretch end with his death; but, sometimes lashed with the thongs of the severe Aeacus, sometimes burdened with the mountain-stone of unresting Sisyphus, sometimes thirsting amid the waters of the babbling old Tantalus, may he exhaust all the fabled torments of the poets; and when the Furies shall have compelled him to confess the truth, may he exclaim, betrayed by his conscience, "I wrote those verses."
VI. ON THE ARRIVAL OF TRAJAN.
Happy are they whom Fortune has permitted to behold this leader beaming with the rays of northern suns and constellations! When will that day come, on which the fields, and the trees, and every window shall shine resplendent, adorned by the ladies of Rome? When shall be witnessed the delightful halts on the road, the distant clouds of dust telling of Caesar's approach, and the spectacle of all Rome assembled in the Flaminian Way? When will you, Knights, and you Moors clad in rich Egyptian tunics, go forth to meet him? And when will the unanimous voice of the people exclaim, "He comes"?
VII. TO THE RHINE.
O Rhine, father of the nymphs and streams that drink the northern snows, so may your waters ever flow unconcealed, and no barbarous wheel of insolent rustic traverse or his foot trample your ice-hound surface; so may you pursue your way; receiving your golden tributaries, and owning the sway of Rome on either bank, as you shall send back Trajan to his people and to his city. This does our Tiber, your master, implore of you.
VIII. ON PAULA.
Paula wishes to be married to me; I am unwilling to marry Paula, because she is an old woman; but I should have no objection, if she were still older.
IX. ON HIMSELF.
I am that Martial known to all nations and people by my verses of eleven feet,1 my hendecasyllables, and my jokes, which however are without malice. Why do you envy me? I am not better known than the horse Andraemon.
1 He calls his hendecasyllable verses eleven feet, as if each syllable were a foot.
X. TO PAULUS, ONE OF THE CONSULS.
While you, who open the year with laurel-wreathed fasces, wear away a thousand door-steps with your morning calls, what remains for me to do? What do you leave to me, Paulus, who am sprung from Numa's people, and am simply one of the plebeian crowd? Shall I salute as lord and king every one who honours me with a look? This you do yourself; and oh! with what superior grace! Shall I follow somebody's litter, or chair? You are not above this office yourself and you even struggle for the distinction of walking foremost through the midst of the mud. Shall I frequently rise to applaud a poet who recites his verses? You remain standing all the time, with both hands stretched out towards the author. What is a poor man to do, when he cannot even be a client? Your purple has supplanted our plain togas.
XI. TO CALLIODORUS.
You speak of nothing but Theseus and Pirithous, and you imagine yourself equal to Pylades. May I perish if you are worthy to hand a chamber-vessel to Pylades, or to feed Pirithous's pigs. "Yet I have given my friend," say you, "five thousand sesterces, and a toga (O bounty!), not more than three or four times scoured." Munificent gift! Pylades never gave anything to Orestes: a man who gives to his friend, however much, withholds still more.
XII. TO DOMITIUS.
You who are going to visit the people of Aemilia, and of Vercellae dear to Apollo, and the fields of the Po, renowned for the death of Phaeton, may I perish, Domitius, if I do not cheerfully allow you to depart, although without your society no day is tolerable to me. But what I greatly desire is this; that, if for only one summer, you would relieve your neck of the yoke imposed upon it by a residence in town. Go, I pray you, and inhale the fervid rays of the sun at every pore. How handsome you will become during your journey! And when you return, you will be past recognition by your pale-faced friends, and the pallid crowd will envy the colour of your cheeks. But Rome will soon take away the colour which your journey gives you, even though you should return as black as an Ethiopian.
XIII. TO TUCCA.
While a chariot carries your effeminate minions sitting at their ease, and African out-riders toil in your service along the dusty road; while your sumptuous couches surround your baths which rival those of Baiae, the waters whitened with perfumes; while measures of Setine wine sparkle in your brilliant glasses, and Venus sleeps not on a softer couch; you pass your nights upon the threshold of a proud harlot, and her deaf gate is wet, alas! with your tears; nor do sighs cease to rend your sad breast. Shall I tell you, Tucca, why matters go so ill with you? It is because they go too well.
XIV. TO CRISPUS.
You say, Crispus, that you yield to no one of my friends in affection for me; but what, I pray, do you do to prove the truth of this assertion? When I asked for a loan of five thousand sesterces, you refused me, though your overstocked cash-box could not contain your hoards. When did you give me a bushel of beans or grain, though you have lands ploughed by Egyptian husbandmen? When was even a scanty toga sent me in the cold winter season? When did half a pound of silver find its way to me? I see nothing to make me look upon you as a friend, Crispus, but your habit of putting yourself quite at ease in my presence.
XV. ON APER.
Aper has pierced the heart of his richly-dowered wife with a sharp arrow. But it was in play. Aper is skilful at play.
With a sly shaft he shot his dowried wife.
Arch Aper knows the game, and plays for life.
Elphinston.
XVI. TO CAIUS.
If you call it making a present, Caius, to promise and not to give, I will far outdo you in gifts and presents. Receive from me all that the Asturian has extracted from the mines of Gallicia; all that the golden wave of the rich Tagus possesses; all that the swarthy Indian finds in the seaweed of the Erythraean sea; all that the solitary bird amasses in its nest; all that industrious Tyre collects in her Phoenician coppers; all that the whole world possesses, receive from me,-----after your own manner of giving.
XVII. TO HIS MUSE, ON MACER.
In vain, my Muse, would you defraud Macer of his tribute at the Saturnalia; you cannot, he himself asks you for it. He demands the customary jokes, and cheerful verses; and complains that he no longer hears my jests. But he is now engaged upon long computations of surveyors; and what will become of you, O Appian Way, if Macer reads my epigrams?
XVIII. ON MARIUS.
Marius neither asks any one to dinner, nor sends presents, nor becomes security for any one, nor is willing to lend; indeed he has nothing to lend. Nevertheless a crowd is found to court his barren friendship. Alas, how besotted, Rome, are the wearers of your toga!
XIX. HE SENDS HIS BOOK TO PLINY THE YOUNGER.
Go, my Thalia, and present to the eloquent Pliny my little book, which though not learned enough or very grave, is not entirely devoid of elegance. When you have passed the Suburra, it is no long labour to ascend the steep pathway over the Esquiline hill. There you will see a glittering statue of Orpheus on the top of a perfume-sprinkled theatre, surrounded by beasts wondering at his music; and among them the royal bird which carried off Ganymede for the Thunderer. Near it is the humble house of your friend Pedo, surmounted by an eagle with smaller wings. But take care lest, in a moment of indiscretion, you knock at the learned Pliny's door at an inauspicious time. He devotes his whole days to the severe Minerva, while preparing for the ears of the centumviri that which our own age and posterity may compare even with the eloquent pages of Cicero. You will go with the best chance of success when the evening lamps are lighted. That hour is for you the best when the god or wine reigns, when the rose holds its sway, and the hair is moistened with perfumes. Then even rigid Catos read me.
XX. TO MANIUS.
That Celtiberian Salo draws me to its auriferous banks, that I am pleased again to visit the dwellings of my native land suspended amid rocks, you, Manius, are the cause; you who have been beloved of me from my infant years, and cherished with affection in the days of my youth; than whom there is no one in all Iberia dearer to me, or more worthy of real regard. With you I should delight even in a tent of the Libyan desert, or a hut of the savage Scythian. If your sentiments are the same, if our affections are mutual, every place will be a Rome to us both.
XXI. TO SEXTUS, A WRITER AFFECTING OBSCURITY.
Why, I ask, Sextus, is it your delight to produce compositions which even Modestus himself, or Claranus, could scarcely understand? Your books require, not a reader, but an Apollo. In your judgment Cinna was a greater poet than Virgil. May your works receive similar praise! As for mine, I am content that they please the Grammarians, provided they please others without the aid of Grammarians.
XXII. TO PHILAENIS.
Do you ask, Philaenis, why I often come abroad with plaster on my chin, or with my lips covered with salve when nothing ails them? I do not wish to kiss you.
XXIII. ON M. ANTONIUS PRIMUS.
The happy Antonius Primus now numbers fifteen Olympiads (75 years) passed in tranquillity; he looks back upon the days that are gone, and the whole of his past years, without fearing the waters of Lethe to which he daily draws nearer. Not one day of his brings remorse or an unpleasant reflection; there is none which he would be unwilling to recall. A good man lengthens his term of existence; to be able to enjoy our past life is to live twice.
XXIV. ON THE KALENDS, OR FIRST DAY, OF MARCH.
O Kalends of March, anniversary of my birth, day more charming to me than any other kalends, day on which even maidens send me presents, I place upon the hearth, in honour of you, these cakes, and this censer, for the fifty-seventh time. To these years (provided it be for my good) add at my entreaty, I beseech you, twice nine more, so that I may descend to the groves of the Elysian queen while still undisabled with protracted old age, yet having accomplished the three stages of life. After such a Nestor's existence, I will not ask for a single day more.
XXV. ON MUCIUS.
If that Mucius, whom we lately beheld in the arena in the morning, and who thrust his hand into the blaring fire, appears to you to be a man of patience, fortitude, and endurance, you have no more sense than the people of Abdera; for when a man is commanded, with the alternative of the pitched shirt before his eyes, to burn his hand, it would be more courageous to say, "I will not burn it!"
XXVI. ON THE DEATH OF THE CENTURION VARUS
IN EGYPT.
O Varus, you who were but lately a Roman officer of rank among the Paraetonian cities, and a distinguished leader of a hundred men, are now reposing, a strange shade, on the Egyptian shore; your return is vainly expected by the Ausonian Quirinus. It was not permitted us to moisten your parching lips with our tears, nor to place rich incense on your sad pyre. But an enduring tribute shall be given you in immortal verse. Would you, perfidious Nile, also deprive us of this?
XXVII. TO DIODORUS.
On your birth-day, Diodorus, the senate and a great many knights sit as guests at your table; and your sportula is a largess of no less than thirty sesterces to each person. And yet, Diodorus, no one regard's you as a man of birth.
XXVIII. TO JANUS.
O most honoured father of years, and of this glorious universe, to whom first of all the gods the public vows and prayers are addressed, you were formerly wont to dwell in a small temple, open to all, and through which the busy crowd of Rome wore their constant way. Now your threshold is surrounded with tokens of the munificence of Caesar, and you number, Janus, as many forums as you have faces. But do you, venerable father, in gratitude for such a boon, secure your iron gates with a perpetual bolt.1
1 That is, grant us uninterrupted peace. The temple of Janus was open only in time of war.
XXIX. TO SEXTILIANUS.
The dish which you were wont to present to me, Sextilianus, at the Saturnalia, you have bestowed on your mistress: and with the price of my toga, which you used to give me on the first of March, you have bought her a green dinner robe. Your mistresses now begin to cost you nothing; you enjoy them at my expense.
XXX. TO APOLLINARIS ON THE CHARMS OF FORMIAE.
O delightful shore of salubrious Formiae; Apollinaris, when he flees from the city of stern Mars, and wearied lays aside his anxious cares, prefers you to every other spot. The charming Tivoli, the birth-place of his virtuous wife, is not to him so attractive, neither are the retreats of Tusculum, or Algidus, or Praeneste, or Antium. He pines not after the bland Circe, or Trojan Caieta, or Marica, or Liris, or the fountain of Salmacis, which feeds the Lucrine lake. At Formiae the surface of the ocean is but gently crisped by the breeze; and though tranquil, is ever in motion, and bears along the painted skiff under the influence of a gale as gentle as that wafted by a maiden's fan when she is distressed by heat. Nor has the fishing-line to seek its victim far out at sea; but the fish may be seen beneath the pellucid waters, seizing the line as it drops from the chamber or the couch. Were Aeolus ever to send a storm, the table, still sure of its provision, might laugh at his railings; for the native fish-pool protects the turbot and the pike; delicate lampreys swim up to their master; delicious mullet obey the call of the keeper, and the old carp come forth at the sound of his voice. But when does Rome permit him to partake of these enjoyments? How many days at Formiae does the year allot to him, closely chained as he is to the pursuits of the city? Happy gate-keepers and bailiffs! These gratifications provided for your masters, are enjoyed by you.
XXXI. TO CALLIODORUS.
You sold a slave yesterday for the sum of thirteen hundred sesterces, in order, Calliodorus, that you might dine well once in your life. Nevertheless you did not dine well; a mullet of four pounds' weight, which you purchased, was the chief dish, the very crown of your repast. I feel inclined to exclaim, "It was not a fish, shameless fellow, it was a man, a veritable man, Calliodorus, that you ate."
XXXII. TO CAEDICIANUS, ON A LIKENESS
OF MARCUS ANTONIUS PRIMUS.
Do you ask, Caedicianus, whose lineaments are traced in this picture, which I am adorning with roses and violets? Such was Marcus Antonius Primus in the prime of life; in this portrait the old man sees himself in his youth. Would that art could have painted his character and his mind There would then be no fairer portrait in the whole world.
XXXIII. TO MUNATIUS GALLUS.
Munatius Gallus, more simple in manners than the Sabines of old, more virtuous than the Athenian sage (Socrates), so may the chaste Venus bless your union, and give you to inherit the noble mansion of your father-in-law, as you exculpate me from having written any verses, tinged with foul malice, which malevolence may have attributed to me; and as you insist that no poet, who is read, composes such verses. In all my writings my rule has ever been to lash vices without attacking persons.
XXXIV. TO THE EMPEROR TRAJAN.
May the gods grant you, O Trajan our prince, whatsoever you deserve, and may they ratify in perpetuity whatsoever they grant; you who restores to the patron the right of which he had been deprived. He will no longer be regarded by his freedmen as an exile. You are worthy and able to protect the whole body of citizens, and if occasion serves you will prove the truth of my words.1
1 By restoring to them their patrons.
XXXV. PRAISE OF SULPICIA.
Let all maidens, who would please only one husband, read Sulpicia. Let all husbands, who would please only one wife, read Sulpicia. She does not describe the fury of Medea, or paint the feast of the accursed Thyestes; nor does she believe in the existence of Scylla or Byblis; but she tells of chaste and affectionate loves, of pure sports, gratifications, and amusements. He who shall properly estimate her poems, will say that no one is more modest, no one more loving. Such I should suppose were the endearments of Egeria in the cool grotto of Numa. With Sulpicia as fellow-student, or as an instructress, Sappho might have been more learned, and more chaste; and had cruel Phaon seen both at the same time, he would rather have fallen in love with Sulpicia. But in vain; for she would not sacrifice Calenus to become either the queen of the Thunderer, or the beloved of Bacchus or Apollo.
XXXVI. TO MUNNA, RESIDING AT MARSEILLES.
Whatever the dishonest wine vaults of Marseilles contain, whatever cask has assumed age by the help of the flame, comes to us, Munna, from you: to your unfortunate friends you send, across seas and by circuitous paths, cruel poisons; nor do you supply them on moderate terms, but at a price for which wine from Falernum, or Setis, so esteemed for their cellars, would be sufficient. Your reason for not coming to Rome during so long a period is, I suspect, lest you should have to drink your own wine.
XXXVII. TO MATERNUS, ACQUAINTING HIM THAT
THE AUTHOR IS SETTING OUT FOR BILBILIS.
O Maternus, most scrupulous observer of law and equity, you who rule the Roman forum by your convincing eloquence, have you any commands for the Spanish sea to send by your fellow-townsman and old friend? Or do you imagine it better to catch hideous frogs on the shores of the Tiber, and to angle for poor stickle-backs, than to be able to throw back to its rocky bed the captured mullet because less than three pounds' weight? And to feast, at your principal meal, upon a stale crab or a dish of periwinkles, rather than upon oysters which may compare with those of Baiae, and which even the servants are permitted by their master to eat? At Rome you hunt with much ado a stinking fox into your toils, and the filthy captive wounds your dogs. There (at Bilbilis) the wet fishing nets scarcely drawn up from the depths full of fish, entangle the hares. While I am speaking, see, your fisherman returns with empty creel, and your huntsman comes home proud of having caught a badger; your every feast comes from the city market to the coast. Have you any commands for the Spanish sea?
XXXVIII. TO CALENUS.
Oh how delicious have been the fifteen years of married bliss, Calenus, which the deities have lavished, in full measure, on you and your Sulpicia! Oh happy nights and hours, how joyfully has each been marked with the precious pearls of the Indian shore!1 Oh what contests, what voluptuous strife between you, has the happy couch, and the lamp dripping with Niceronian perfume, witnessed! You have lived, Calenus, three lustra, and the whole term is placed to your account, but you count only your days of married life. Were Atropos, at your urgent request, to bring back to you just one of those days, you would prefer it to the long life of Nestor quadrupled.
1 Marked with white stones, with which the Romans distinguished auspicious days. Comp. B. viii. Ep. 45.
XXXIX. TO LESBIA.
Why do you swear, Lesbia, that you were born in the consulship of Brutus? Yon say falsely, Lesbia, you were born in the reign of Numa. Should you even admit that, you would seem to say falsely; for, judging by your decrepitude, you must have been formed by the hand of Prometheus.
XL. TO LUPUS.
As I was constantly told that my mistress Polla indulged in improper connection with a young libertine, I surprised them, and found they were as proper as my own.
XLI. TO PROCULEIA.
On the return of January you desert your old husband, Proculeia, and force him to consent to a separation of property. What, I ask, has happened? Why this sudden discontent? You answer not? I will tell you then: He was elected Praetor; his Megalesian purple robe would have cost you a hundred thousand sesterces, even if you had given shows of the most economical kind: and the public festivities would have cost twenty thousand more. This is not a divorce, Proculeia: it is an artifice to save money.
XLII. TO DINDYMUS.
So light is the down upon your cheeks, and so soft, that a breath, or the heat of the sun, or a light breeze, would disperse it. They are clothed like young quinces which are deprived of their bloom, and become smooth by the touch of a maiden's thumb. Were I to kiss you rather eagerly five times or so, I should become bearded, Dindymus, from the spoil of your lips.
XLIII. TO PHILEROS.
Your seventh wife, Phileros, is now being buried in your field. No man's field brings him greater profit than yours, Phileros.
XLIV. TO QUINTUS OVIDIUS.
You, Quintus Ovidius, who are about to visit the Caledonian Britons, and the green Tethys, and father Ocean; will you then resign Numa's hills, and the comfort of Nomentan retreats? and does the country, and your own fireside, fail to retain you in your old age? You defer enjoyment, but Atropos does not at the same time lay aside her spindle, and every passing hour is placed to your account. You show by performing a kindness to a dear friend (and who would not praise such conduct?) that a sacred regard to your word is clearer to you than life. But may you at length be restored to your Sabine estate, long to remain there, and remember yourself among your friends!
XLV. TO A READER DIFFICULT TO BE PLEASED.
If my little books contain anything gentle and graceful, if my page teems with pleasing terms of eulogy, you think them insipid; and when I offer you the choicest bits of a Laurentian boar, you prefer to gnaw the bones. Drink Vatican wine, it you like something sour; my spread is not for your stomach.
XLVI. TO MATHO.
You are always wishing, Matho, to speak finely; speak sometimes merely well; sometimes neutral; sometimes even ill.1
1 This Epigram is quoted by Abp. Whakely, in his Rhetoric, as a good rule in composition.
XLVII. TO JULIUS MARTIALIS.
The things that make life happy, dearest Martial, are these: wealth not gained by labour, but inherited; lands that make no ill return; a hearth always warm; freedom from litigation; little need of business costume; a quiet mind; a vigorous frame; a healthy constitution; prudence without cunning; friends among our equals, and social intercourse; a table spread without luxury; nights, not of drunkenness, yet of freedom from care; a bed, not void of connubial pleasures, yet chaste; sleep, such as makes the darkness seem short; contentment with our lot, and no wish for change; and neither to fear death nor seek it.
The things that make a life to please
(Sweetest Martial), they are these:
Estate inherited, not got:
A thankful field, hearth always hot:
City seldom, law-suits never:
Equal friends agreeing ever:
Health of body, peace of mind:
Sleeps that till the morning bind:
Wise simplicity, plain fare:
Not drunken nights, yet loosed from care:
A sober, not a sullen spouse:
Clean strength, not such as his that plows;
Wish only what you are, to be;
Death neither wish, nor fear to see.
Sir Richard Fanshaw.
The foregoing elegant Epigram has also been translated by Fletcher, Fenton, Cowley, Somervile, Hay, Elphinston, the Anonymous translator of 1695, and the author or the Ms. of the 16th Century.
XLVIII. MARTIAL'S PREPARATION FOR A BANQUET.
The priesthood of the Pharian heifer 1 announce to her the eighth hour,2 and the guard armed with javelins now return to their quarters.3 Now the warm baths have acquired a proper temperature; at the preceding hour they exhaled an intolerable excess of steam; at the sixth the heat of the baths of Nero is unsupportable. Stella, Nepos, Canius, Cerealis, Flaccus, are you coming? The sigma (dinner-couch) holds seven: we are only six, add Lupus. My bailiff's wife has brought me mallows, to aid digestion, and other treasures of the garden; among them are lettuces and leeks for slicing; nor is mint, the antidote to flatulence, or stimulant elecampane, wanting. Slices of egg shall crown anchovies dressed with rue; and there shall be sow's teats swimming in tunny-sauce. These will serve as whets for the appetite. My little dinner will all be placed on table at once; there will be a kid snatched from the jaws of the rapacious wolf; there will be tid-bits such as have no need of a carver; there will be haricot beans, and young cabbage sprouts. To these will be added a chicken; and a ham which has already appeared at table three times. For dessert I will give ripe fruits; wine from a Nomentan flagon which was filled in the second consulship of Frontinus. All shall be seasoned with pleasantry free from bitterness; there shall be no licence of speech that brings repentance on the morrow, and nothing said that we should wish unsaid. But my guests may speak of the rival factions in the circus, and my cups shall make no man guilty.
1 Isis.
2 Two o'clock in the afternoon.
3 What cohort is meant here, has been a subject of doubt. Gronovius supposes it to be the praetorian guard, which it was now the time for changing.
XLIX. TO COTTA.
While you yourself Cotta, drink out of Amethystine cups, and regale yourself with the rich wine of Opimius, you offer me new Sabine wine, and say to me, "Will you have it in a cup of gold?" Who would have leaden wine in a golden cup?
L. ON THE DEATH OF THE CHARIOTEER SCORPUS.
Let Victory in sadness break her Idumaean palms; O Favour, strike your bare breast with unsparing hand. Let Honour change her garb for that of mourning; and make your crowned locks, O disconsolate Glory, an offering to the cruel flames. Oh! sad misfortune! that you, Scorpus, should be cut off in the flower of your youth, and be called so prematurely to harness the dusky steeds of Pluto. The chariot-race was always shortened by your rapid driving; but O why should your own race have been so speedily run?
LI. TO FAUSTINUS.
The Tyrian bull 1 now looks back on the constellation of the ram of Phryxus,2and the winter flees from Castor, visible alternately with his brother.3 The country smiles; the earth resumes its verdure, the trees their foliage; and plaintive Philomel renews her strain. Of what bright days at Ravenna does Rome deprive you, Faustinus! O you suns! O retired ease in the simple tunic! O groves! O fountains! O sandy shores moist but firm! O rocky Anxur, towering in splendour above the azure surface! and the couch, which commands the view of more than one water, beholding on one side the ships of the river, on the other those of the sea! But there are no theatres of Marcellus or of Pompey, no triple baths, no four forums; nor the lofty temple or Capitoline Jove; nor other glittering temples that almost reach the heaven to which they are consecrated. How often do I imagine I hear you, when thoroughly wearied, saying to the Founder of Rome: "Keep what is yours, and restore me what is mine."
1 Taurus, April.
2 March.
3 The Gemini, May.
LII. ON A EUNUCH.
Numa, one day, saw the eunuch Thelys dressed in a toga. He remarked that it was a convicted adultress.
LIII. EPITAPH OF THE CHARIOTEER SCORPUS.
O Rome, I am Scorpus, the glory of your noisy circus, the object of your applause, your short-lived favourite. The envious Lachesis, when she cut me off in my twenty-seventh year, accounted me, in judging by the number of my victories, to be an old man.
LIV. TO OLUS.
You put fine dishes on your table, Olus, but you always put them on covered. This is ridiculous; in the same way I could put fine dishes on my table.
LV. ON MARULLA.
[Not translated]
LVI. TO GALLUS.
You expect me, Gallus, to be always at your service, and trudge up and down the Aventine mount three or four times a day. Cascellius extracts or repairs an aching tooth; Hyginus burns away the hairs that disfigure the eye; Fannius relieves, without cutting, the relaxed uvula; Eros effaces the degrading brand-marks from slaves' foreheads; Hermes is a very Podalirius in curing hernia; but tell me, Gallus, where is he that can cure the ruptured?
LVII. TO SEXTUS.
You used to send me a pound weight of silver; it has dwindled to half a pound of pepper! I cannot afford to buy my pepper, Sextus, so dear.
LVIII. TO FRONTINUS, EXCUSING HIMSELF FOR
HAVING NEGLECTED TO PAY HIS RESPECTS TO HIM.
Whilst I frequented, Frontinus, the calm retreats of Anxur on the sea, and the neighbouring Baiae, with its villas on the shore, the groves free from the troublesome cicadae in the heats of July, and the freshwater lakes, I then was at leisure, in company with you, to cultivate the learned muses; but now mighty Rome exhausts me. Here, when is a day my own? I am tossed about in the vortex of the city; and my life is wasted in laborious nothingness; meantime I cultivate some wretched acres of a suburban farm, and keep my homestead near your temple, O sacred Romulus. But love is not testified solely by day and night attendance on a patron; nor does such waste of time become a poet. By the sacred Muses and by all the gods I swear that I love you, though I fail to exercise the officiousness of a mere client.
LIX. TO A READER DIFFICULT TO PLEASE.
If one subject occupies a whole page, you pass over it; short epigrams, rather than good ones, seem to please you. A rich repast, consisting of every species of dish, is set before you, out only dainty bits gratify your taste. I do not covet a reader with such an over-nice palate; I want one that is not content to make a meal without bread.
LX. ON MUNNA.
Munna solicited Caesar for the rights of a teacher of three scholars; though he had always been accustomed to teach only two1.
1 A pun on ius trium liberorum (law of three children) where liber can also mean pupil.
LXI. EPITAPH ON EROTION.
Here reposes Erotion in the shade of the tomb that too early dosed around her, snatched away by relentless Fate in her sixth winter. Whoever you are that, after me, shall rule over these lands, render annual presents to her gentle shade. So, with undisturbed possession, so, with your family ever in health, may this stone be the only one of a mournful description on your domain.
LXII. TO A SCHOOLMASTER.
Schoolmaster, be indulgent to your simple scholars; if you would have many a long-haired youth resort to your lectures, and the class seated round your critical table love you. So may no teacher of arithmetic, or of swift writing, be surrounded by a greater ring of pupils. The days are bright, and glow under the flaming constellation of the Lion, and fervid July is ripening the teeming harvest. Let the Scythian scourge with its formidable thongs, such as flogged Marsyas of Celaenae, and the terrible cane, the schoolmaster's sceptre, be laid aside, and sleep until the Ides of October. In summer, if boys preserve their health, they do enough.
LXIII. EPITAPH OH A NOBLE MATRON.
Small though the tomb, traveller, on which you read these lines, it yields not in interest to the sepulchres of Mausolus or the Pyramids. I have lived long enough to be twice a spectator of the Secular Games; and my life lost nothing of happiness before my funeral pyre. Juno gave me five sons, and as many daughters; and their hands closed my dying eyes. Rare conjugal glory, too, was mine; my chaste love knew but one husband.
LXIV. TO POLLA, WIFE OF LUCAN THE POET.
Polla, my queen, if you light upon any of my little books, do not regard my sportive sallies with knitted brow. Your own great bard, the glory of our Helicon, while he was sounding fierce wars with his Pierian trumpet, was yet not ashamed to say in sportive verse, "If I am not to play the part of Ganymede, what, Cotta, am I doing here?"1
1 Words taken from some piece of Lucan's, none of whose smaller poems are extant.
LXV. TO CARMENION, AN EFFEMINATE PERSON.
Whilst you vaunt yourself Carmenion, a citizen of Corinth, and no one questions your assertion, why do you call me brother; I, who was born amongst the Iberians and Celts, a native of the banks of the Tagus? Is it that we seem alike in countenance? You walk about with shining wavy tresses; I with my Spanish crop stubborn and bristling. You are perfectly smooth from the daily use of depilatories; I am rough-haired both in limb and face. You have lisping lips and a feeble tongue; my infant daughter speaks with more force than you. Not more unlike is the dove to the eagle, the timid gazelle to the fierce lion, than you to me. Cease then, Carmenion, to call me brother, lest I call you sister.
LXVI. TO THEOPOMPUS, A HANDSOME YOUTH,
BECOME A COOK.
Who, I ask, was so unfeeling, who so barbarous as to make you, Theopompus, a cook? Has any one the heart to defile a face such as this with the smut of a kitchen? Can any one pollute such locks with greasy soot? Who could better present cups, or crystal goblets? Out of what hand would the Falernian come with more relish? If this is the destiny of youth of such brilliant beauty, let Jupiter at once make a cook of Ganymede.
LXVII. EPITAPH ON PLOTIA, AN OLD WOMAN.
Plotia, the daughter of Pyrrha, the stepmother of Nestor, she whom Niobe, in her youth, saw grey-headed, she whom the aged Laertes called his grandmother, Priam his nurse, Thyestes his mother-in-law; Plotia, older than any crow, is at last laid lusting in this tomb along with bald Melanthion.
LXVIII. TO LAELIA.
Though, Laelia, your home is not Ephesus, or Rhodes, or Mitylene, but a house in a patrician street at Rome; and though you had a mother from the swarthy Etruscans, who never painted her face in her life, and a sturdy father from the plains of Aricia; yet you (oh shame!) a countrywoman of Hersilia and Egeria, are perpetually repeating, in voluptuous Greek phrase, "My life, my soul." Such expressions should be reserved for the couch, and not even for every couch, but only that which is prepared by a mistress for a wanton lover. You pretend forsooth a wish to know how to speak as a chaste matron, but your lascivious movements would betray you. Though you were to learn all that Corinth can teach, Laelia, and practise it, you would never become a perfect Lais.
LXIX. TO POLLA.
You set a watch upon your husband, Polla: you refuse to have any set upon yourself! This, Polla, is making a wife of your husband.
LXX. TO POTITUS.
Because I produce scarcely one book in a whole year, I incur from you, learned Potitus, the censure of idleness. But with how much more justice might you wonder that I produce even one, seeing how fluently my whole day is frittered away! Sometimes I receive friends in the evening, to return my morning calls; others I have to congratulate on preferments, though no one has to congratulate me. Sometimes I am required to seal some document at the temple of the lustrous Diana on Mount Aventine; sometimes the first, sometimes the fifth hour, claims me for its occupations. Sometimes the consul detains me, or the praetor, or the dancers as they return; frequently, listening to a poet's recitation occupies the entire day. Nor can I fairly refuse a few minutes to a pleader, or a rhetorician, or a grammarian, should they make the request. After the tenth hour, I go fatigued to the bath, and to get my hundred farthings.1 What time have I, Potitus, for writing a book?
1 The sportula. See B. i. Ep. 70.
LXXI. ON RABIRIUS, THE ARCHITECT OF DOMITIAN,
PRAISING HIS AFFECTION FOR HIS PARENTS.
Whoever you are that desire for your parents a long and happy life, regard with sympathy the short inscription upon this marble tomb:----" Here Rabirius consigned two dear departed ones to the earth; no aged couple ever died under happier circumstances. Sixty years of married life were gently closed in one and the same night; a single pyre sufficed for both funerals." Yet Rabirius mourns them as though they had been snatched from him in the flower of their youth; nothing can be more unjustifiable than such lamentations.
LXXII. IN PRAISE OF TRAJAN.
Flatteries, in vain do you come to me, miserable objects, with prostituted lips! I am not about to celebrate a Lord or a God; there is now no longer any abode for you in this city. Go far away to the turbaned Parthians, and, with base and servile supplications, kiss the feet of their pageant kings. Here there is no lord, but an emperor; as senator, the most just of all the senate; one through whose efforts Truth, simple and unadorned, has been recovered from the Stygian realm. Under this prince, Rome, if you are discreet, beware of speaking in the language used to his predecessors.
LXXIII. TO MARCUS ANTONIUS PRIMUS.
A letter from my eloquent friend has brought with it a pleasing token of his friendship, an imposing present of a Roman toga; a toga not such as Fabricius, but as Apicius, would have been glad to wear; or as the knight Maecenas, the friend of Augustus, might have chosen, it would have been of less value in my estimation had any other person been the giver; it is not by every hand that a propitious sacrifice may be offered. Coming from you it is grateful to me; but even had I not loved your gift, Marcus, I must naturally love my own name.1 But more valuable than the gift, and more pleasing than even the name, is the kind attention and favour of so learned a man.
1 Marcus was the name both of the giver and the receiver of the present.
LXXIV. TO ROME.
Have pity at length, Rome, upon the weary congratulatory the weary client: How long shall I be a dangler at levees, among crowds of anxious clients and toga-clad dependents, earning a hundred paltry coins 2 with a whole day's work, while Scorpus 3 triumphantly carries off in a single hour fifteen heavy bags of shining gold? I ask not as the reward of my little books (for what indeed are they worth?) the plains of Apulia, or Hybla, or the spice-bearing Nile, or the tender vines which, from the brow of the Setian hill, look down on the Pomptine marshes. What then do I desire, you ask?----To sleep.
2 See Ep. 70.
3 The charioteer: see Ep. 50, 53.
LXXV. ON GALLA.
Once upon a time Galla's demand was twenty thousand sesterces; and I admit she was not much too dear at the price. A year passed by: "I am yours," she said, "for ten thousand sesterces." This seemed to me more than she had asked before. Six months afterwards, when she came down to two thousand, I offered one thousand, which she refused. About two or three months later, so far from refusing this sum, she herself lowered her demand to four gold pieces. I declined to give it, and then she asked me to gave her a hundred sesterces; but even this sum seemed greatly too much. A miserable sportula of a hundred farthings would then have brought us together; that is, she proposed to accept it; but I told her I had bestowed it on my slave. Could she descend lower than this? She did; she now offers herself for nothing; but I decline.
LXXVI. ON MAEVIUS.
Does this seem just to you, Fortune? A man who is not a native of Syria or of Parthia, not a knight from Cappadocian slave-cages, but one of the people of Remus, and a born subject of Numa, a man of agreeable manners, upright, and virtuous, a trustworthy friend, learned in the Greek and Roman languages, a man whose only fault (but that a great one) is, that he is a poet;----Maevius, I say, shivers in a faded black hood; while the mule-driver Incitatus glitters in purple.
LXXVII. TO MAXIMUS, ON THE DEATH OF CARUS,
A QUACK.
Never did Carus do anything worse, Maximus, than to die of fever; the fever, too, was much in the wrong. The cruel destroyer should at least have been a quartan, so that he might have become his own doctor.
LXXVIII. TO MACER, SETTING OUT FOR HIS
PROVINCE OF DALMATIA.
Yon are going, Macer, to the shores of Salona. Rare integrity and the love of justice will accompany you, and modesty follow in the train. A just governor always returns poorer than he went. O happy husbandman of the gold-producing country, you will send back your ruler with his purse empty; you will deplore his return, O Dalmatian, and escort him on his departure with mixed feelings of gratitude and sorrow. I, Macer, shall go among the Celts and the fierce Iberians, with deep regret for the loss of your companionship. But every page of mine that shall be circulated there, written with a pen made from the reeds of the fish-abounding Tagus, will record the name of Macer. So may I be read among old poets, and rank in your esteem as inferior to none but Catullus.
LXXIX. ON THE RICH TORQUATUS AND
THE POOR OTACILIUS.
Near the fourth milestone from the city, Torquatus has a princely mansion: near the fourth milestone, Otacilius purchases a little country-house. Torquatus has built splendid warm baths of variegated marble; Otacilius erects a basin. Torquatus has laid out a plantation of laurels on his land; Otacilius sows a hundred chestnuts. When Torquatus was consul, Otacilius was chief magistrate of the village, and, proud of such a dignity, did not imagine himself a less personage than Torquatus. As, of old, the large ox made the small frog burst, so, I suspect, Torquatus will burst Otacilius.
LXXX. ON EROS.
Eros weeps whenever he casts his eye on beautiful vases of mottled myrrha, or on young slaves, or choice specimens of citron-wood; and he sighs from the very bottom of his heart, because, unhappy mortal, he cannot buy them all and carry them home with him. How many persons do the same as Eros, but with dry eyes! The greater portion of mankind laugh at such tears, and yet at heart are like him.
LXXXI. ON PHYLLIS.
[Not translated]
LXXXII. TO GALLUS.
If discomfort to me is of any advantage to you, I will put on my toga to attend you at dawn, or even at midnight: I will endure the whistling blasts of the keen north wind; I will bear showers of rain, and brave storms of snow. But if you are not a fraction the better for all my sufferings, all these tortures inflicted on a free man, show some indulgence, I pray, to your fatigued client, and excuse him from such pointless toils, which are of no advantage to you, Gallus, and are painful to me.
LXXXIII. TO MARINUS, ON HIS BALDNESS.
You collect your straggling hairs on each side, Marinus, endeavouring to conceal the vast expanse of your shining bald pate by the locks which still grow on your temples. But the hairs disperse, and return to their own place with every gust of wind; flanking your bare pole on either side with crude tufts. We might imagine we saw Hermeros of Cydas standing between Spendophorus and Telesphorus. Why not confess yourself an old man? Be content to seem what you really are, and let the barber shave off the rest of your hair. There is nothing more contemptible than a bald man who pretends to have hair.
LXXXIV. TO CAEDICIANUS, ON AFER, THE HUSBAND
OF AN UGLY WIFE.
Do you wonder, Caedicianus, why Afer does not retire to rest? You see with whom he has to share his couch.
LXXXV. ON LADON.
Ladon, a boatman on the Tiber, bought himself when grown old, a bit of land on the banks of his beloved stream. But as the overflowing Tiber often invaded it with raging floods, breaking into his ploughed fields, converting them in winter into a lake, he filled his worn-out boat, which was drawn up on the beach, with stones, making it a barrier against the floods. By this means he repelled the inundation. who would have believed it? An unseaworthy boat was the safe-guard of the boatman.
LXXXVI. ON LAURUS, A PLAYER AT BALL, IN
HIS OLD AGE.
No one was ever so inflamed with ardour for a new mistress, as Laurus with love for the game of ball. But he who, in his prime, was the best of players, is now, after having ceased to play, the best of balls.1
1 See B. ii Ep. 43.
LXXXVII. ON THE BIRTH-DAY OF RESTITUTUS,
THE ELOQUENT ADVOCATE.
Let Rome gratefully celebrate the first of October, the natal day of the eloquent Restitutus. Let us all join in solemn and pious orisons to celebrate your anniversary. A truce to litigation; let wax tapers, cheap tablets, and little table-napkins, propitatory gifts of the poor client, be deferred until the saturnalia of icy December. Let rich men now vie in the munificence of their offerings. Let the swelling merchant of the portico of Agrippa bring cloaks from the city of Cadmus. Let him who has been charged with drunkenness and midnight brawling present a dinner-robe to his defender. Has a maiden triumphed over the slanderer of her fair fame, let her, with her own hands, bring pure sardonyxes. Let the antiquary present you with a work from the chisel of Phidias. Let the hunter bring a hare, the farmer a kid, the fisherman a prey from the waters. If every one sends you his own peculiar gift, what do you think, Restitutus, that a poet ought to send you?
LXXXVIII. TO COTTA, A DISHONEST PERSON.
You are eager to take charge of all the praetors' bags, and ready to carry their tablets. You really are a very handy man.
LXXXIX. ON A STATUE OF JUNO BY POLYCLETUS.
This Juno, Polycletus, your happy workmanship and masterpiece, which would do honour to the hand of Phidias, displays such beauty, that, had she thus appeared on Mount Ida, the Judge would have felt no hesitation in preferring her to the other goddesses. If Jupiter had not loved his sister Juno, he might, Polycletus, have fallen in love with your Juno.
XC. TO LIGEIA.
[Not translated]
XCI. ON ALMO.
Almo has none but eunuchs about him, and is himself impotent; yet he complains that his wife Polla produces him nothing.
XCII. TO MARIUS, TO WHOSE CARE MARTIAL COMMITS
HIS GROUNDS.
To you, Marius, the admirer of a tranquil life, you who shared mine with me, you the glory of the ancient town of Atina, I commend these twin pines, the pride of a rustic grove, these holm oaks sacred to the Fauns, and these altars dedicated to the Thunderer and the shaggy Silvanus, erected by the unpractised hand of my bailiff; altars which the blood of a lamb or a kid has frequently stained. I entrust to you also the virgin goddess, the patroness of this sacred temple; him, too, whom you see the guest of his chaste sister, Mars, my patron deity; and the laurel grove of the tender Flora, into which she fled for refuse from the pursuit of Priapus. Whenever you propitiate these kind divinities of my little property, whether with blood or with incense, you will remember to say to them, "Behold the right hand of your absent votary, wherever he may be, unites with mine in offering this sacrifice. Imagine him present, and grant to both whatsoever either shall pray for."
XCIII. TO CLEMENS, ON SENDING SOME
UNPUBLISHED POEMS TO HIS WIFE.
If, Clemens, you see the Euganean coast of Helicaon, and the fields varied with vine-clad hills, before me, present to your wife Sabina, to whom Atesta gave birth, these verses not yet published, but just stitched up in a purple cover. As a rose which is newly plucked delights us, so a new book, not yet soiled with the beards of readers, gives us pleasure.
XCIV. WITH A PRESENT OF FRUIT.
No Libyan dragon guards my orchards, no royal plantations of Alcinous serve me; but my garden flourishes in security with Nomentan trees, and my common fruits do not tempt the robber. I send you here, therefore, some of my rosy autumnal apples, gathered in the midst of the Suburra.
XCV. TO GALLA.
Your husband and your gallant alike refuse, Galla, to acknowledge your infant: thus, I consider, they plainly declare that they have done nothing to render you a mother.
XCVI. TO AVITUS.
You are astonished, Avitus, that I, who have grown old in the capital of Latium, should so often speak of countries afar off; that I should thirst for the gold-bearing Tagus, and my native Salo; and that I should long to return to the rude fields around my well-furnished cottage. But that land wins my affection, in which a small income is sufficient for happiness, and a slender estate affords even luxuries. Here we must nourish our fields: there the fields nourish us. Here the hearth is warmed by a half-starved fire; there it burns with unstinted brilliancy. Here to be hungry is an expensive gratification, and the market ruins us; there the table is covered with the riches of its own neighbourhood. Here four togas or more are worn out in a summer; there one suffices for four autumns. Go then and pay your court to patrons, while a spot exists which offers you everything that a protector refuses you.
XCVII. ON NUMA.
While the lightly-piled funeral pyre was being supplied with paper to kindle it; while the desolate wife was buying myrrh and lavender; when the grave, the bier, the corpse-anointer, were all ready, Numa made me his heir, and forthwith recovered.
XCVIII. TO PUBLIUS.
When my Caecuban wine is poured out for me by an attendant of yours, more delicate than the Idaean Ganymede, than whom neither your daughter, nor your wife, nor; your mother, nor your sister, recline more elegantly attired at table, would you have me rather look at your dress, and your old citron-wood furniture, and your Indian ivories? However that I may not, while your guest, incur your suspicions, let me be served by the son of some rank swineherd, or coarse fellow from a mean village, with bristling hair, rough, rude, and ill-grown. Your pretended modesty will betray you; you cannot have at the same time, Publius, such morals as you wish us to suppose, and such beautiful minions.
XCIX. ON A PORTRAIT OF SOCRATES.
If these lineaments of Socrates could be supposed to represent a Roman, it would be Julius Rufus among the Satyrs(? Satirists).
C. TO A PLAGIARIST.
Why, simpleton, do you mix your verses with mine? What have you to do, foolish man, with writings that convict you of theft? Why do you attempt to associate foxes with lions, and make owls pass for eagles? Though you had one of Laedas's legs, you would not be able, blockhead, to run with the other leg of wood.
CI. ON CAPITOLINUS.
If it were possible for Gabba, who owed so much to the patronage of Augustus, to return to earth from the Elysian plains, he who should hear Capitolinus and Gabba engage in a combat of wit, would say, "Dull Gabba, be silent"
CII. TO AVITUS.
You ask me, Avitus, how Philenus became a father, he who never did anything to gain the name? Gaditanus can tell you, he who, without writing anything, claims to be a poet.
CIII. TO HIS FELLOW TOWNSMEN OF BILBILIS.
Fellow townsmen, born upon the steep slope of Augustan Bilbilis, which Salo encompasses with its rapid waters, does the poetical glory of your bard afford you any pleasure? For my honour, and renown, and fame, are yours; nor does Verona, who would willingly number me among her sons, owe more to her tender Catullus. It is now thirty-four years that you have presented your rural offerings to Ceres without me; meanwhile I have been dwelling within the beautiful walls of imperial Rome, and the Italian clime has changed the colour of my hair. If you will receive me cordially, I come to join you; if your hearts are frigid, I shall quickly leave you.
CIV. TO HIS BOOK, PRESENTED TO FLACCUS ON
HIS DEPARTURE FOR SPAIN.
Go, my little book, go; accompany my Flaccus across the wide, but propitious, waters of the deep, and with unobstructed course, and favouring winds, reach the towers of Hispanian Tarragona. Thence a chariot will take you, and, carried swiftly along, you will see the lofty Bilbilis, and your dear Salo, after the fifth change of carriages. Do you ask what are my commissions for you? That, the moment you arrive, you offer my respects to a few but old friends, whom I have not seen for four and thirty years, and that you then request my friend Flaccus to procure me a retreat, pleasant and commodious, at a moderate price; a retreat in which your author may enjoy his ease. That is all; now the master of the vessel is bawling loudly, and chiding your delay, and a fair wind favours the way out of the harbour. Farewell, my book. A single passenger, as I suppose you know, must not keep a vessel waiting.
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Martial, Epigrams. Book 11. Mainly from Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
Martial, Epigrams. Book 11. Mainly from Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
BOOK XI.
I. TO HIS BOOK.
Whither, my book, whither are you going so much at your ease, clad in a holiday dress of fine linen? Is it to see Parthenius? 1 certainly. Go, then, and return unopened; for he does not read books, but only memorials; nor has he time for the muses, or he would have time for his own. Or do you esteem yourself sufficiently happy, if you fall into hands of less note? In that case, repair to the neighbouring portico of Romulus; that of Pompeius does not contain a more idle crowd, nor does that of Agenor's daughter,1 or that of the inconstant captain 3 of the first ship. Two or three may be found there who will shake out the worms that infest my trifles; but they will do so only when they are tired of the betting and gossip about Scorpus and Incitatus.4
1 See B. v. Ep. 6, and B. iv. Ep. 45.
2 Europa. See B. ii. Ep. 14.
3 Jason.
4 Charioteers.
II. TO HIS READERS.
You stern brows and severe looks of rigid Catos, you daughters of rustic Fabricii, you mock-modest, you censors of morals, aye, and all you proprieties opposed to the joys of darkness, flee hence! Hark! my verses exclaim, "Io, Saturnalia!" we are at liberty, and, under your rule, Nerva, rejoice. Fastidious readers may con over the rugged verses of Santra.1 We have nothing in common; the book before you is mine.
1 A Roman grammarian of whom nothing remains.
III. ON HIS OWN WRITINGS.
It is not the idle people of the city only that delight in my Muse, nor is it alone to listless ears that these verses are addressed, but my book is thumbed amid Getic frosts, near martial standards, by the stern centurion; and even Britain is said to sing my verses. Yet of what advantage is it to me? My purse benefits nothing by my reputation. What immortal pages could I not have written and what wars could I not have sung to the Pierian trumpet, if, when the kind deities gave a second Augustus2 to the earth, they had likewise given to you, O Rome, a second Maecenas.
2 The emperor Nerva,
IV. INVOCATION TO THE GODS IN FAVOUR OF TRAJAN.
You sacred altars, and Phrygian Lares, whom the Trojan hero preferred to snatch from the flames, rather than possess the wealth of Laomedon; you, O Jupiter, now first represented in imperishable gold; you, his sister, and you, his daughter; the offspring solely of the supreme Father; you, too, Janus, who now repeat the name of Nerva for the third time in the purple Fasti, I offer to you this prayer with pious lips: "Preserve, all of you, this our emperor; preserve the senate; and may the senators exhibit in their lives the morals of their prince, the prince his own."
V. TO TRAJAN.
You have as much reverence for justice and equity, Caesar, as Numa had; but Numa was poor. It is an arduous task to preserve morality from the corruption of riches, and to be a Numa after surpassing so many Croesuses. If the great names of old, our ancient progenitors, were to return to life, and liberty were granted them to leave the Elysian groves, unconquered Camillus would worship you as Liberty herself; Fabricius would consent to receive money if you were to offer it; Brutus would rejoice in having you for his emperor; to you the blood-thirsty Sulla would offer his power when about to resign it; Pompey, in concord with Caesar, as a private citizen, would love you; Crassus would bestow upon you all his wealth; and even Cato himself were he recalled from the infernal shades of Pluto, and restored to the earth, would join the party of Caesar.
VI. TO ROME, ON THE SATURNALIA.
In these festive days of the scythe-bearing old man, when the dice-box rules supreme, you will permit me, I feel assured, cap-clad Rome,1 to sport in unlaboured verse. You smile: I may do so then, and am not forbidden. Depart, pale cares, far away from hence; let us say whatever comes uppermost without disagreeable reflection. Mix cup after cup, my attendants, such as Pythagoras 2 used to give to Nero; mix, Dindymus, mix still faster. I can do nothing without wine; but, while I am drinking, the power of fifteen poets will show itself in me. Now give me kisses, such as Catullus would have loved; and if I receive as many as he describes, I will give you the 'Sparrow'3 of Catullus.
1 The slaves wore caps at the Saturnalia; at other times their heads were bare.
2 A favourite of Nero.
3 His most famous poem.
VII. TO PAULA.
You will certainly, Paula, no longer say to your stupid husband, whenever you wish to run after some distant gallant, "Caesar has ordered me to come in the morning to his Alban villa; Caesar has sent for me to Circeii. Such stratagems are now stale. With Nerva as emperor, you ought to be a Penelope; but your licentiousness and force of habit prevent it. Unhappy woman! what will you do? will you pretend that one of your female friends is ill? Your husband will attach himself as escort to his lady. He will go with you to your brother, and your mother, and your father, what tricks will your ingenuity then devise? Another adultress might say, perhaps, that she is hysterical, and wishes to take a sitting-bath in the Sinnessan lake. How much better will it be, Paula, whenever you wish to go and take your pleasure, to tell your husband the truth.
VIII. ON THE KISSES OF HIS FAVOURITE.
The fragrance of balsam extracted from aromatic trees; the ripe odour yielded by the teeming saffron; the perfume of fruits mellowing in their winter repository; or of the flowery meadows in the vernal season; or of silken robes of the Empress from her Palatine wardrobes; of amber warmed by the hand of a maiden; of a jar of dark Falernian wine, broken and scented from a distance;1 of a garden that attracts the Sicilian bees; of the alabaster jars of Cosmus, and the altars of the gods; of the chaplet just fallen from the brow of the luxurious;----but why should I mention all these things singly? not one of them is enough by itself; mix all together, and you have the perfume of the morning kisses of my favourite. Do you want to know the name? I will only tell you of the kisses. You swear to be secret? You want to know too much, Sabinus.
1 Such fragrance being more grateful from a distance.
IX. ON A PORTRAIT OF MEMOR, A TRAGIC POET.
Memor, distinguished by the chaplet of Jove's oak, the glory of the Roman stage, breathes here, restored by the pencil of Apelles.
X. ON TURNUS.
Turnus has consecrated his vast genius to satire. Why did he not devote it in the manner of Memor? He was his brother.1
1 He did not wish to rival Memor. Turnus is mentioned in B.vii. Ep.95.
XI. TO HIS SLAVE.
Away, boy, with these goblets, and these embossed vases of the tepid Nile, and give me, with steady hand, cups familiar to the lips of our sires, and pure from the touch of a virtuous attendant. Restore to our table its pristine honour. It becomes you, Sardanapalus, to drink out of jewelled cups, you who would convert a master-piece of Mentor into a convenience for your mistress.
XII. ON ZOILUS.
Though the rights of a father of even seven children be given you, Zoilus, no one can give you a mother, or a father.
XIII. EPITAPH ON PARIS THE ACTOR.
Whoever you are, traveller, that tread the Flaminian way, pass not unheeded this noble tomb. The delight of the city, the wit of the Nile,1 the art and grace, the sportiveness and joy, the glory and grief of the Roman theatre, and all its Venuses and Cupids, lie buried in this tomb, with Paris.
1 Paris was bom in Egypt.
XIV. ON A HUSBANDMAN, A DWARF.
O you heirs, bury not the dwarf husbandman, for the least quantity of earth will lie heavy on him.
XV. ON HIS BOOK.
There are some of my writings which may be read by the wife of a Cato, and the most austere of Sabine women. But I wish the present little book to laugh from one end to the other, and to be more free in its language than any of my books; to be redolent of wine, and not ashamed of being greased with the rich unguents of Cosmus; a book to make sport for boys, and to make love to girls; and to speak, without disguise, of that by respecting which men are generated, the parent indeed of all; which the pious Numa used to call by its simple name. Remember, however, Apollinaris, that these verses are for the Saturnalia, and not to be taken as a picture of my morals.
XVI. TO HIS READERS.
Reader, if you are exceedingly staid, you may shut up my book whenever you please; I write now for the idlers of the city; my verses are devoted to the god of Lampsacus, and my hand shakes the castanet, as briskly as a dancing-girl of Cadiz. Oh! how often will you feel your desires aroused, even though you were more frigid than Curius and Fabricius. You too, young damsel, will read the gay and sportive sallies of my book not without emotion, even though you should be a native of Patavium. Lucretia blushes, and lays my book aside; but Brutus is present. Let Brutus retire, and she will read.
XVII. TO SABINUS.
It is not every page in my book that is intended to be read at night; you will find something also, Sabinus, to read in the morning.
XVIII. TO LUPUS.
You have given me, Lupus, an estate in the suburbs, but I have a larger estate on my window-sill. Can you say that this is an estate,----can you call this, I say, an estate, where a sprig of rue makes a grove for Diana; which the wing of the chirping grasshopper is sufficient to cover; which an ant could lay waste in a single day; for which the leaf of a rose-bud would serve as a canopy; in which herbage is not more easily found than Cosmus's perfumes, or green pepper: in which a cucumber cannot lie straight, or a snake uncoil itself. As a garden, it would scarcely feed a single caterpillar; a gnat would eat up its willow bed and starve; a mole would serve for digger and ploughman. The mushroom cannot expand in it, the fig cannot bloom, the violet cannot open. A mouse would destroy the whole territory, and is as much an object of terror as the Calydonian boar. My crop is carried off by the claws of a flying Progne, and deposited in a swallow's nest; and there is not room even for the half of a Priapus, though he be without his scythe and sceptre. The harvest, when gathered in, scarcely fills a snail-shell; and the wine may be stored up in a nut-shell stopped with resin. You have made a mistake, Lupus, though only in one letter; instead of giving me a praedium, I would rather you had given me a prandium.1
1 Praedium=farm, estate, prandium=dinner.
XIX. TO GALLA.
Do you ask, Galla, why I am unwilling to marry you? You are a prude; and my passions frequently commit solecisms.
XX. TO HIS STRICTER READERS.
O captious reader, who peruses with stern countenance certain Latin verses of mine, read six amorous lines of Augustus Caesar:----"Because Antonius kisses Glaphvra, Fulvia wishes me in revenge to kiss her. I kiss Fulvia! What if Manius were to make a similar request!! Should I grant it? I should think not, if I were in my senses. Either kiss me, says she, or fight me. Nay, my purity is dearer to me than life, therefore let the trumpet sound for battle!" ---- Truly, Augustus, you acquit my sportive sallies of licentiousness, when you give such examples of Roman simplicity.
XXI. ON LYDIA.
Lydia is as widely developed as the rump of a bronze equestrian statue, as the swift hoop that resounds with its tinkling rings, as the wheel so often struck from the extended springboard 1, as a worn-out shoe drenched by muddy water, as the wide-meshed net that lies in wait for wandering thrushes, as an awning that does not belly to the wind in Pompey's theatre, as a bracelet that has slipped from the arm of a consumptive catamite, as a pillow widowed of its Leuconian stuffing, as the aged breeches of a pauper Briton, and as the foul throat of a pelican of Ravenna 2. This woman I am said to have embraced in a marine fishpond; I don't know; I think I embraced the fishpond itself.
Not translated in the Bohn translation, perhaps to save schoolmasters from having to explain 'catamite' (cinaedus); this from Ker's Loeb edition.
1 A difficult line; it might perhaps mean "so often struck by the acrobat in his flight". The nature of a petaurum has never been clearly known.
2 Described Plin. N.H. x. 66.
XXII. ON AN ABANDONED DEBAUCHER.
[Not translated in the Bohn; translated in Ker but too disgusting to repeat here]
XXIII. AGAINST SILA.
Sila is ready to become my wife at any price; but I am unwilling at any price to make Sila my wife. As she insisted, however, I said, "You shall bring me a million of sesterces in gold as a dowry"----What less could I take? "Nor, although I become your husband, will I associate with you even on the first night, or at any time share a couch with you. I will also embrace my mistress without restraint; and you shall send me, if I require her, your own maid. Any favourite, whether my own or yours, shall be at liberty to give me amorous salutes even while you are looking on. You shall come to my table, but our seats shall be so far apart, that my garments be not touched by yours. You shall salute me but rarely, never without invitation; and then not in the manner of a wife, but in that of a grandmother. If you can submit to this, and if there is nothing that you refuse to endure, you will find in me a gentleman, Sila, ready to take you to wife.
XXIV. TO LABULLUS.
While I am attending you about, and escorting you home, while lending my ear to your chattering, and praising whatever you say and do, how many verses of mine, Labullus, might have seen the light! Does it seem nothing to you, that what Rome reads, what the foreigner seeks, what the knight willingly accepts, what the senator stores up, what the barrister praises, and rival poets abuse, are lost through your fault? Is this right, Labullus? Can any one endure, that while you thus augment the number of your wretched clients, you proportionately diminish the number of my books? In the last thirty days, or thereabouts, I have scarcely finished one page. See what befalls a poet who does not dine at home.
XXV. ON LINUS.
[Not translated in the Bohn or in Ker's Loeb]
XXVI. TO TELESPHORUS.
Charm of my life, Telesphorus, sweet object of my cares, whose like never before lay in my arms, give me, fair one, kisses redolent of the fragrance of old Falernian, give me goblets of which your lips have first partaken. If, in addition to this, you grant me the pleasure of true affection, I shall say that Jove is not more happy at the side of Ganymede.
XXVII. TO FLACCUS.
You are a man of iron, Flaccus, if you can show amorous power for a woman, who values herself at no more than half a dozen jars of pickle, or a couple of slices of tunny fish, or a paltry sea-lizard; who does not think herself worth a bunch of raisins; who makes only one mouthful of a red herring, which a servant maid fetches in an earthenware dish; or who, with a brazen face and lost to shame, lowers her demand to five skins for a cloak. Why! my mistress asks of me a pound of the most precious perfume, or a pair of green emeralds, or sardonyxes; and will have no dress except of the very best silks from the Tuscan street; nay, she would ask me for a hundred gold pieces with as little concern as if they were brass. Do you think that I wish to make such presents to a mistress? No, I do not: but I wish my mistress to be worthy of such presents.
XXVIII. ON NASICA.
Nasica, a 'madman', attacked the Hylas of Euctus the physician, and _____ed him. This fellow was, I think, sane.
Not translated in the Bohn; this adapted from Ker's Loeb edition.
XXIX. TO PHYLLIS.
[Not translated in the Bohn translation; translated in Ker but disgusting]
XXX. TO ZOILUS.
[Not translated in the Bohn translation; mostly translated in Ker but disgusting]
XXXI. ON CAECILIUS.
Caecilius, a very Atreus of gourds, tears and cuts them into a thousand pieces, just as if they were the children of Thyestes. Some of these pieces will be placed before you to begin with as a relish; they will appear again as a second course; then again as a third course. From some he will contrive a dessert; from others the baker will make mawkish patties, cakes of every form, and dates such as are sold at the theatres. By the art of the cook they are metamorphosed into all sorts of mincemeat, so that you would fancy you saw lentils and beans on the table; they are also made to imitate mushrooms and sausages, tails of tunnies and anchovies. This dextrous cook exhausts the powers of art to disguise them in every way, sometimes by means of Capellian rue.1Thus he fills his dishes, and side dishes, and polished plates, and tureens, and congratulates himself upon his skill in furnishing so many dishes at the cost of a penny.
1 So called from Capellius, who cultivated or sold it. Rue was used for garnishing dishes; see Ep. 52.
XXXII. TO NESTOR.
You have neither a toga, nor a hearth, nor a bed infested with vermin, nor a patched rag of marsh reeds, nor a slave young or old, nor a maid, nor a child, nor a lock, nor a key, nor a house-dog, nor a wine-cup. Yet, Nestor, you desire to be thought and called a poor man, and wish to be counted as such among the people. You are a deceiver, and do yourself too much idle honour. To have nothing is not poverty.1
1 It is worse; it is mere beggary.
XXXIII. ON THE CHARIOTEER OF THE "GREEN" FACTION.
Since the death of Nero the charioteer of the Green Faction has often won the palm, and carried off many prizes. Go now, malicious envy, and say that you were influenced by Nero; for now assuredly the charioteer of the Green Faction, not Nero, has won these victories.
XXXIV. ON APER.
Aper has bought a house; but such a house, as not even an owl would inhabit; so dark and old is the little dwelling. But near it the elegant Maro has his country seat, and Aper will dine well, though he will not be well lodged.1
1 Aper expects his rich neighbour to invite him frequently to dinner.
XXXV. TO FABULLUS.
You invite some three hundred guests all unknown to me, and then wonder that I do not accept your invitation, and complain, and are ready to quarrel with me. Fabullus, I do not like to dine alone.
XXXVI. ON CAIUS JULIUS PROCULUS.
O mark this day for me with a white stone, Caius Julius having been restored (how delightful!) to my prayers. I rejoice to have despaired as though the threads of the sisters had already been snapped asunder; that joy is but little where there has been no fear. Hypnus, why do you loiter? Pour out the immortal Falernian; such fulfilment of my prayers demands an old cask. Let us drink five, six, and eight cups, answering to the letters in the names Caius, Julius, and Proculus? 1
1 See B. i. Ep. 72.
XXXVII. TO ZOILUS.
Zoilus, why do you delight in using a whole pound weight of gold for the setting of a stone, and thus burying your poor sardonyx? Such rings are more suited to your legs; 1 the weight is too great for fingers.
1 See B. iii. Ep. 29.
Why, Zoilus, do you bury, not enfold,
A diamond spark in a whole pound of gold?
When late a slave, this ring your leg might wear,
But such a weight your finger cannot bear.
Anon.
XXXVIII. TO AULUS.
A muleteer was lately sold for twenty thousand sesterces, Aulus. Are you astonished at so large a price? He was deaf.1
1 He could not therefore overhear the conversation of those whom he drove.
XXXIX. TO CHARIDEMUS, HIS FREEDMAN.
You, Charidemus, rocked my cradle; you were the guardian and constant companion of my childhood Now my beard, when shaved, blackens the barber's napkins, and my mistress complains of being pricked by my bristly lips. But in your eyes I am no older; you are my bailiff's dread; my steward and all the household fear you. You neither allow me to play nor to make love; nothing is permitted to me yet everything to yourself. You rebuke me, you watch me, you complain of me, and sigh at my conduct, and your ire is with difficulty restrained from using the cane. If I put on a Tyrian robe, or anoint my hair, you exclaim, "Your father never did such things." You count my cups of wine with contracted brow, as if they came from a cask in your own cellar. Cease this conduct: I cannot abide a Cato in a freed man. My mistress will tell you that I am now a man.
XL. ON LUPERCUS.
Lupercus loves the fair Glycera; he possesses her all to himself and is her sole commander. Once, when he was complaining to Aelianus, in a sad tone, that he had not caressed her for a whole month, and wished to give the reason to his auditor, who asked for it, he told him that Glycera had the tooth-ache.
XLI. ON AMYNTAS, A SWINEHERD, KILLED BY A
FALL FROM AN OAK.
While the swineherd Amyntas was over-anxiously feeding his flock, proud of its renown for high condition, his weight proved too much for the yielding branch of an oak which he had ascended, and he was precipitated to the ground in the midst of a shower of acorns, which he had shaken down. His father would not allow the fatal tree to survive the cruel death of his son, and condemned it to the flames. Lygdus,1let your neighbour Iolas fatten his pigs as he pleases; and be content to preserve your full number.
1 Martial's swine-herd.
XLII. TO CAECILIANUS.
You ask for lively epigrams, and propose lifeless subjects. What can I do, Caecilianus? You expect Hyblaean or Hymethian honey to be produced, and yet offer the Attic bee nothing but Corsican thyme?
XLIII. TO HIS WIFE.
[Not translated in Bohn or Ker]
Fletcher has given a complete translation of these lines, and so have several of the French editors, but we think them better omitted here.
XLIV. TO A. CHILDLESS OLD MAN.
You are childless and rich, and were born in the consulship of Brutus; do you imagine that you have any real friends? You have true friends, but they are those which you made when young and poor. Your new friends desire only your death.
What! old, and rich, and childless too,
And yet believe your friends are true?
Truth might perhaps of old belong
To those who loved you poor and young;
But, trust me, for the friends you have,
They'll love you dearly-----in your grave.
F.Lewis. Motto to the 162nd Rambler
XLV. TO CANTHARUS.
[Not translated]
XLVI. TO MAEVIUS.
[Not translated in Bohn or Ker]
XLVII. ON LATTARA.
Why does Lattara avoid all the baths which are frequented by women? That he may not be exposed to temptation. Why does he neither promenade in the shade of Pompey's portico, nor seek the temple of the daughter of Inachus? That he may not be exposed to temptation. Why does he bathe in the cold Virgin water, and anoint himself with Spartan wrestler's oil? That he may not be exposed to temptation. Seeing that Lattara thus avoids all temptation of the female sex, what can be his meaning?
XLVIII. ON SILIUS ITALICUS.
Silius, who possesses the lands that once belonged to the eloquent Cicero, celebrates funeral obsequies at the tomb of the great Virgil. There is no one that either Virgil or Cicero would have preferred for his heir, or as guardian of his tomb and lands.
XLIX. ON THE SAME.
There remained but one man, and he a poor one,1 to honour the nearly deserted ashes, and revered name, of Virgil. Silius determined to succour the cherished shade; Silius, a poet, not inferior to Virgil himself, consecrated the glory of the bard.
1 It appears that there was a cenotaph in honour of Virgil, which some poor man was paid to keep up, and that Silius Italicus purchased the ground on which it stood. The site of it is uncertain.
To honour Maro's dust, and sacred shade,
One swain remained, deserted, poor, alone.
Till Silius came his pious toils to aid,
In homage to a name scarce greater than his own.
Amos.
L. TO PHYLLIS.
Not an hour of the day, Phyllis, passes that you do not plunder me, such is the infatuation of my love for you, so great your cunning in the art of robbery. Sometimes your artful maid bewails the loss of your mirror, or a ring drops off your finger, or a precious stone from your ear. Sometimes contraband silk dresses are to be had cheap; sometimes a scent casket is brought to me empty. At one time I am asked for an amphora of old Falernian, to reward the chattering wise-woman who explains your dreams; at another, your rich friend has invited herself to sup with you, and I must buy you a great pike or a mullet of two pounds' weight. Have some sense of decency, I entreat you, and some respect for right and justice. I deny you nothing, Phyllis: deny me, Phyllis, nothing.
LI. ON TITIUS.
[Not translated in Bohn or Ker]
LII. INVITATION TO JULIUS CEREALIS.
You may have a good dinner, Julius Cerealis, with me; if you have no better engagement, come. You may keep your own hour, the eighth;1 we will go to the bath together; you know how near the baths of Stephanus are to my house. Lettuce will first be set before you, a plant useful as a laxative, and leeks cut into shreds; next tunny-fishy full grown, and larger than the slender eel, which will be garnished with egg and leaves of rue. Nor will there be wanting eggs lightly poached, and cheese hardened on a Velabrian hearth;2 nor olives which have experienced the cold of a Picenian winter. These ought to be sufficient to whet the appetite. Do you want to know what is to follow? I will play the braggart, to tempt you to come: There will be Fish, oysters, sow's teats, well-fattened tame and wild-fowl; dainties which not even Stella,3 except on rare occasions, is used to place before his guests. I promise you still more: I will recite no verses to you; while you shall be at liberty to read to me again your "War of the Giants," or your Georgics, second only to those of the immortal Virgil.
1 Two o'clock in the afternoon.
2 On dried cheese; see B. xii. Ep. 32.
3 The poet; see B. viii. Ep. 78
LIII. ON CLAUDIA RUFINA.
Although born among the woad-stained Britons, how fully has Claudia Rufina the intelligence of the Roman people! What beauty is hers! The matrons of Italy might take her for a Roman; those of Attica for an Athenian. The gods have kindly ordered that she proves fruitful to her revered husband, and that, while yet young, she may hope for sons-in-law and daughters-in-law! May heaven grant her ever to rejoice in one single husband, and to exult in being the mother of three children.
LIV. TO ZOILUS.
Empty your pockets, rascally Zoilus, of those perfumes, and that lavender, and myrrh redolent of funerals, and half-burned frankincense, snatched from the midst of pyres, and cinnamon stolen from Stygian biers. It is from your feet, I suppose, that your hands have learned to be knavish. I do not wonder that you are a thief, who was a runaway slave.1
1 See B. iii. Ep. 29.
LV. TO URBICUS, ON LUPUS, A KNAVISH FLATTERER.
When Lupus exhorts you, Urbicus, to become a father, do not believe that he means what he says; there is nothing that he desires less. It is part of the art of flattery to seem to wish what you do not wish. He earnestly desires that you may not do what he begs you to do. Were your Cosconia but to say that she is pregnant, Lupus would grow paler than a woman when her hour is come. But, that you may seem to have adopted the advice of your friend, die in such a way that he may imagine you have really become a father.
LVI. TO CHAEREMON.
When you extol death in such extravagant terms, Stoic Chaeremon, you wish me to admire and respect your spirit. Such magnanimity arises from your possession of only a pitcher with a broken handle, a cheerless hearth, warmed with no fire, a mat, plenty of fleas, a bare bedstead, and a short toga that serves you both night and day. How great a man you are, that can think of abandoning dregs of red vinegar, and straw, and black bread. But let your cushions swell with Leuconian wool, and soft purple covers adorn your couches; and let a favourite share your couch, who, when mixing the Caecuban wine for your guests, tortures them with the ruddiest of lips, how earnestly then will you desire to live thrice as long as Nestor; and study to lose no part of a single day! In adversity it is easy to despise life; the truly brave man is he who can endure to be miserable.
LVII. TO SEVERUS.
Do you wonder, learned Severus, that I send you verses when I ask you to dine with me? Jupiter lives luxuriously on ambrosia and nectar; and yet we propitiate him with raw entrails and plain wine. Seeing that by the favour of heaven every blessing is yours, what can be offered you, if you are unwilling to receive what you already have?
LVIII. TO TELESPHORUS.
[Not translated in the Bohn except by the verse translation, which gives the general sense; Ker's translation in the Loeb is also misleading]
When with desire you see me racked,
The beggar's part you always act;
And if I grant not on the spot
Whatever you ask, you'll kiss me not.
Suppose my barber, steel in hand,
Should liberty and wealth demand,
I yield of course, for he is then
No barber, but a highwayman.
But, when his razor's in its case,
I'd have him flogged till black in the face.
And you, though you may think it odd,
When I've kissed you, shall kiss my rod.
W. S. B.
LIX. ON CLEARINUS.
Clearinus wears six rings on each of his fingers, and never takes them off; even at night, or when he bathes. Do you ask the reason? He has no ring-case.1
1 He has his rings on hire.
LX. ON CHIONE AND PHLOGIS.
Is Phlogis or Chione the more fitted for dalliance, do you ask? More beautiful is Chione, but Phlogis has an itch; she has an itch that would rejuvenate Priam's powers and would not permit the aged Pylian 1to be aged; she has an itch that every man wishes his own mistress to have, one Criton can cure, not Hygeia 2. But Chione is impassive, nor does she encourage you by any wooing word: you would fancy she were away from you, or were a marble status. Ye gods, were it permitted to prevail on you to bestow so great a gift, and were ye willing to give a blessing so precious, you would make Phlogis to have this body that Chione has, and Chione the itch that Phlogis has!
Not translated in the Bohn; this is Ker's version.
1 Nestor, the stereotypical old man.
2 Criton was a male doctor of Martial's time; Hygeia the goddess of health and daughter of Aesculapius here represents female doctors generally.
LXI. ON MANNEIUS.
[Not translated in either Bohn or Ker]
LXII. ON LESBIA.
Lesbia protests that no one has ever obtained her favours without payment. That is true; when she wants a lover, she herself pays.
LXIII. TO PHILOMUSUS.
[Not translated in the Bohn; evasively translated in Ker]
LXIV. TO FAUSTUS.
I do not know, Faustus, what it is that you write to so many girls. But this I know, that no girl writes anything to you.
LXV. TO JUSTINUS.
Six hundred people are invited to dine with you, Justinus, to celebrate the day on which you first saw the light; and among these, I remember, I used once not to be the last; nor was my position attended with envy. But your intention now is to offer me the honours of your festive board to-morrow; to-day you have a birth-day for the hundreds, to-morrow you will have one for me.
LXVI. TO VACERRA.
You are an informer, a calumniator, a forger, a secret agent, a slave to the unclean, and a trainer of gladiators. I wonder, Vacerra, why you have no money.
LXVII. TO MARO.
You give me nothing while you are living; you say that you will give me something at your death. If you are not a fool, Maro, you know what I desire.
Maro, you'll give me nothing while you live,
But after death you cry then, then you'll give:
If you are not indeed turned arrant ass,
You know what I desire to come to pass.
Fletcher.
LXVIII. TO MATHO.
You ask but small favours of your great friends; yet your great friends refuse you even small favours. That you may feel less ashamed, Matho, ask great favours.
LXIX. EPITAPH ON A HOUND NAMED LYDIA.
Nurtured among the trainers of the amphitheatre, bred up for the chase, fierce in the forest, gentle in the house, I was called Lydia, a most faithful attendant upon my master Dexter, who would not have preferred to me the hound of Erigone, or the dog which followed Cephalus from the land of Crete, and was translated with him to the stars of the light-bringing goddess. I died, not of length of years, nor of useless old age, as was the fate of the hound of Ulysses; I was killed by the fiery tooth of a foaming boar, as huge as that of Calydon or that of Erymanthus. Nor do I complain, though thus prematurely hurried to the shades below; I could not have died a nobler death.
LXX. TO TUCCA.
Can you, Tucca, sell these slaves whom you bought for a hundred thousand sesterces a-piece? Can you sell the weeping despots of your affections, Tucca? Do neither their caresses nor their words and untutored lamentations, or the necks wounded by your tooth move you? Ah, shame! Lift the tunic of either,.... 1 If a quantity of hard cash is your object, sell your plate, your tables, your myrrhine vases, your estate, your house. Sell aged slaves -- they will pardon --, sell too your paternal slaves; sell everything, wretched man, to avoid selling your young favourites. It was extravagance to buy them; who denies or doubts it?----but it is far greater extravagance to sell them.2
Inaccurately translated in the Bohn with various passages omitted without indication.
1 Ah facinus! tunica patet inguen utrinque levata,
Inspiciturque tua mentula facta manu.
2 Comp. B.ii. Ep. 63.
LXXI. ON LEDA.
Leda told her aged husband that she was hysterical, and regrets that intercourse is necessary for her; yet with tears and groans she says her health is not worth the sacrifice, and declares she would rather choose to die. Her lord bids her live, and not desert the bloom of her years, and he permits to be done what he cannot do himself. Immediately male doctors come in, and female doctors depart, and her feet are hoisted. Oh, what stringent treatment!
Not translated in the Bohn. The above is adapted from Ker.
LXXII. ON NATA.
[Not translated in the Bohn or Ker]
LXXIII. TO LYGDUS.
[Not translated in the Bohn]
LXXIV. ON BACCARA.
Baccara, a Rhaetician, entrusted the care of his ____ to a doctor, his rival in love; Baccara will be a gallus.
Not translated in the Bohn. This version based on Ker. A gallus was a eunuch priest of Cybele.
LXXV. TO CAELIA.
[Not translated in the Bohn]
LXXVI. TO PACTUS.
You oblige me to pay you eighty pounds, Pactus, because Bucco has occasioned you the loss or sixteen hundred. Let me not, I pray you, suffer for faults not my own. It is rather for you, who can support the loss of sixteen hundred, to submit to that of eighty.
LXXVII. ON VACERRA.
Vacerra, while passing his hours in everybody's dining-room, and sitting there all day long, desires not to empty his belly, but to fill it.
LXXVIII. TO VICTOR.
[Not translated in the Bohn or Ker].
LXXIX. TO PAETUS, ON THE SLOWNESS OF HIS MULES.
For arriving only at the first milestone after nine hours' travelling, I am charged with idleness and inactivity. The fault is not mine, I assure you, but your own, in sending me such mules, Paetus.
LXXX. TO FLACCUS, AT BAIAE.
Though, Flaccus, I were to praise Baiae, golden shore of the blessed Venus, Baiae, kind gift of Nature who is proud of it, in a thousand verses, yet would not Baiae be praised as it deserves. But, Flaccus, I prefer Martial1 to Baiae. To with far both at once would be presumptuous. But if by the kindness of the gods, that blessing were granted you, what happiness would it be to enjoy Martial's powers and the climate of Baiae at the same time!
1 That is, himself. He had rather mind his own business at home, than join Flaccus at Baiae to be enervated by its luxury.
LXXXI. ON AN OLD MAN AND A EUNUCH.
[Not translated in the Bohn or Ker]
LXXXII. ON PHILOSTRATUS.
Philostratus, returning to his lodging late at night, from a feast at Sinuessa, famed for its waters, very nearly lost his life, imitating Elpenor1 in his cruel fate, by rolling headlong down the whole length of a flight of stairs. He would not, you nymphs of Sinuessa, have incurred so great a danger, had he in preference drunk of your waters.2
1 Who was killed by falling from the roof of Circe's cave. Odyss. B. x. 550.
2 Which were said to have such a sobering effect, that they cured even madness. Plin. H. N. xxxi. 2.
LXXXIII. TO SOSIBIANUS.
Nobody lodges in your house gratis, unless he be rich and childless. No one, Sosibianus, lets lodgings to more profit.
LXXXIV. ON ANTIOCHUS, AN UNSKILFUL BARBER.
Let him who does not wish yet to descend to the waters of Styx, avoid, if he be wise, the barber Antiochus. The knives with which, when the maddened troop of Cybele's priests rage to the sound of Phrygian measures, their white arms are lacerated, are less cruel than the razor of Antiochus. More gently does Alcon cut a strangulated hernia, and hew broken bones with his rude hand. Antiochus should deal with needy Cynics, and the beards of Stoics, and denude the necks of horses of their dusty manes. If he were to shave Prometheus under the Scythian rock, the Titan would again, with bared breast, demand his executioner the vulture. Pentheus would flee to his mother, Orpheus to the priestesses of Bacchus, were they to bear but a sound from the barbarous weapon of Antiochus. All these scars, that you count upon my chin, like those that sit upon the brow or an aged boxer, were not produced by the nails of an enraged wife, but by the steel and cursed hand of Antiochus. Of all animals the goat alone has any sense; he wears his beard, that he may not risk himself under the hands of Antiochus.
LXXXV. TO ZOILUS.
[Not translated in the Bohn or Ker]
LXXXVI. TO PARTHENOPAEUS.
To relieve your throat, Parthenopaeus, which is incessantly inflamed by a severe cough, your doctor prescribes honey, and nuts, and sweet cakes, and everything that is given to children to prevent them from being unruly. But you do not give over coughing all day long. A cough is not your malady, Parthenopaeus; it is gluttony.
LXXXVII. TO CHARIDEMUS.
You were once rich; but then you were for sodomy and for a long time no woman was of note to you. Now you run after old crones. Oh, how compelling is poverty! It makes you, Charidemus, a gallant.
Not translated in the Bohn; evasively translated by Ker. The above is adapted from Ker. 'gallant' is a softening of the coarse term used.
LXXXVIII. ON CHARISIANUS.
[Not translated in the Bohn or Ker]
LXXXIX. TO POLLA.
Why do you send me, Polla, wreaths of roses that are quite fresh? I would rather have roses that you have handled.
XC. TO CHRESTILLUS, AN ABSURD ADMIRER OF
THE OLD POETS.
You approve of no verses that run with a smooth cadence, but of those only that vault as it were over hills and crags; and a line such as this, Luceilei columella heic situ; Metrophan' est, "Lucilius's right hand, Metrophanes, lies here," is of more value in your eyes than a poem of Homer; and you read with ecstasy such words as terrai frugiferai, "the fruit-producing earth," as well as all that Attius and Pacuvius have sputtered forth. Do you wish me to imitate these old poets, Chrestillus, whom you so much admire? Confound me, if I think you know what vigour is.1
1 Dispeream, ni scis mentula quid sapis.
XCI. EPITAPH OF CANACE.
Canace, one of the daughters of Aeolia, lies buried in this tomb, a little child whose seventh winter was her last. "O shame! O dire fate!" why are you in haste, traveller, to weep? We do not here complain of the shortness of life; sadder than death itself was the manner of it; a horrid disease destroyed her face, and seized upon her delicate mouth. The cruel foe devoured her very lips, nor was her body consigned entire to the funeral pile. If the fates intended to fall on her with auch headlong violence, they should have come in some other form. But death hastened to close the passage of her sweet voice, lest her tongue should dissuade the stern goddesses from their purpose.
XCII. TO ZOILUS.
He speaks erroneously, Zoilus, who calls you vicious You are not vicious, Zoilus, but vice itself.
XCIII. ON THEODORUS, A BAD POET.
The flames have destroyed the Pierian dwelling of the bard Theodorus. Is this agreeable to you, you muses, and you, Phoebus? Oh shame, oh great wrong and scandal of the gods, that house and householder were not burned together!
XCIV. ON A JEW, A RIVAL POET.
As for the fact that you are exceedingly envious and everywhere carping at my writings, I pardon you, circumcised poet; you have your reasons. Nor am I at all concerned that, while carping at my verses, you steal them; for this too, circumcised poet, you have your reasons. This however, circumcised poet, annoys me, that, though you were born in the heart of Jerusalem, you attempt to seduce the object of my affections You deny that such is the case, and swear by the temples of Jupiter. I do not believe you; swear, circumcised poet, by Anchialus.1
1 Supposed to be a corruption of the Hebrew for "as the Lord wills," the Romans supposing that the Jews, when they pronounced those words, uttered the name of some deity, which they wrote Anchialus.
XCV. TO FLACCUS.
[Not translated]
XCVI. TO A GERMAN, PREVENTING A ROMAN YOUTH
FROM DRINKING OF THE MARTIAN WATER, WHILE
HE DRUNK IT HIMSELF.
It is the Martian fountain,1 and not the Rhine, that rises here, German. Why do you stand in the boy's way, and keep him back from the water of the rich well? Barbarian, a fountain belonging to the conquerors should not allay the thirst of a captive slave, to the exclusion of a citizen.
1 see B. vi. Ep. 42.
XCVII. TO TELESILLA.
I can dally with four women in a single night, but may I die if I could in four years dally with you, Thelesilla, once.
Not translated in the Bohn; the above is by Ker.
XCVIII. TO FLACCUS.
It is impossible, Flaccus, to avoid the kissers. They press upon you, they delay you, they pursue you, they run against you, on all sides, from every direction, and in every place. No malignant ulcer will protect you from them, no inflamed pimples, or diseased chin, or ugly tetter, or lips smeared with oily cerate, or drop at the cold nose. They kiss you when you are hot and when you are cold; they kiss you when you are reserving your kiss for your wife. To envelope your head in a hood will not avail you; nor to secure your litter with skins and curtains, nor will a chair closed again and again be any defence to you; the kisser will find an entrance through every chink. Not the consulship itself nor the tribunate, nor the six fasces,1 nor the proud rod of the noisy lictor, will drive off the kisser. Though you be sitting on the lofty tribunal, and laying down the law to nations from the curule chair, the kisser will climb up to either place; he will kiss you in a fever or in tears; he will kiss you while you are yawning and swimming; he will kiss you when you are at stool. The sole remedy for the evil is, to make him, whom you would not wish to kiss, your friend.
1 Carried before the praetor.
XCIX. TO LESBIA.
Whenever you get up from your chair -- I have often noticed it ere now -- your unhappy garments, Lesbia, treat you indecently. When you attempt with your right hand, attempt with your left, to pluck them away, you wrench them out with tears and groans; they are so gripped by the straights of your mighty rump, and enter a pass difficult and Cyanean. Do you wish to cure this ugly defect? I will instruct you: Lesbia, I advise you neither to get up nor to sit down!
Not translated in the Bohn. The Symplegades or Cyanean rocks were the clashing rocks at the entrance of the Bosphorus which were said to come together and smash ships.
C. TO FLACCUS.
I have no fancy, Flaccus, for a mistress extraordinarily thin, who can make my rings serve her for bracelets; who scrapes me with her hips and pricks me with her knees; whose loins are rough as a saw, or sharp as a lance. Yet I have no taste for a mistress weighing a thousand pounds; I am a lover of flesh, but not of fat.
CI. TO FLACCUS.
And have you been able, Flaccus, to see the slender Thais? Then, Flaccus, I suspect you can see what is invisible.
CII. TO LYDIA.
He told no untruth, Lydia, who informed me that you have a handsome face, but devoid of expression. It is so; your face would always look handsome, if you would but be silent, and as mute as a waxen image, or a picture. But whenever you speak, Lydia, all your beauty flies, and no tongue does more damage to its owner than yours. Have a care lest the aedile see and hear you; it is portentous when a statue speaks.
CIII. TO SOPHRONIUS.
So great is the modesty of your mind and countenance, Sophronius, that I wonder you should ever have become a father.
CIV. TO HIS WIFE.
[Not translated in the Bohn, partly translated in Ker]
CV. TO GARRICUS.
You used to send me a pound; now, Garricus, you send me only a quarter; at least, Garricus, let it be half a pound.1
1 An intimation that Garricus should have diminished his presents by degrees; compare B.viii. Ep. 71.
CVI. TO VIBIUS MAXIMUS.
Vibius Maximus, if you can spare time, read this trifle; for you have little to do, and are not over laborious. What, do you pass over even these four lines? Well! you are right.
CVII. TO SEPTICIANUS.
You send me back my book, Septicianus, as if it had been unrolled down to its very end, and read through. You have read everything; I believe it, I know it; in truth I am delighted. In the same manner I have read through your five books.
CVIII. TO THE READER.
Although, reader, you may well be tired of so long a book, you still want a few more distichs from me. But Lupus 1 demands his interest; and my copyists their wages. Pay, reader. You are silent; do you pretend not to hear? Then, goodbye.
1 A usurer, of whom Martial intimates that he had borrowed money.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Martial, Epigrams. Book 12. Mainly from Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
Martial, Epigrams. Book 12. Mainly from Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
BOOK XII.
MARTIAL TO HIS FRIEND PRISCUS.
I know that I owe some apology for my obstinate three years' indolence; though, indeed, it could by no apology have been excused, even amid the engagements or the city, engagements in which we more easily succeed in making ourselves appear troublesome than serviceable to our friends, and much less is it defensible in this country solitude, where, unless a person studies even to excess, his retreat is at once without consolation and without excuse. Listen then to my reasons; among which the first and principal is this, that I miss the audience to which I had grown accustomed at Rome, and seem like an advocate pleading in a strange court; for if there be anything pleasing in my books it is due to my auditors. That penetration of judgment, that fertility of invention, the libraries, the theatres, the social meetings, in which pleasure does not perceive that it is studying; everything, in a word, which we left behind us in satiety, we regret as though utterly deserted. Add to this the backbiting of the provincials, envy usurping the place of criticism, and one or two ill-disposed persons, who, in a small society, are a host; circumstances under which it is difficult to be always in the best of humours. Do not wonder then that I have abandoned in disgust occupations in which I used to employ myself with delight. Not to meet you, however, with a refusal on your arrival from town, and when you ask me for what I have done (you, towards whom I should not show a proper feeling of gratitude, if I did not exert myself for you to the utmost of my power), I have forced myself to do that which I was once in the habit of doing with pleasure, and have set apart a few days for study, in order to regale your friendly ears with the repast suited to them after their journey. Be pleased to weigh considerately the offering, which is entrusted without apprehension to you, and do not think it too much labour to examine it; and, what you may find most difficult, judge of my trifles without scrupulous regard to elegance, lest, if you are too exacting, I send you to Rome a book not merely written in Spain, but in Spanish.
I. TO PRISCUS.
While nets lie unemployed, and Melossian hounds are silent, and while the woods no longer re-echo to shouts in pursuit of the boar, you will be able, Priscus, to accord a portion of your leisure to a short book. The hour so bestowed will not be so long as that of a summer's day, and you will not find it entirely wasted.
II. TO HIS BOOK.
You, my verses, who but a short time since were taking your way to the shores of Pyrge,1 take your way along the Via Sacra: it is no longer dusty.2
1 A maritime town of Apulia. Martial used to send his writings from Rome into the country; he was now sending them from the country to Rome. See next epigram.
2 It being the winter season.
III. TO HIS BOOK.
You, my book, who used lately to be sent from Rome to foreign lands, will now go as a foreigner to Rome; setting out from among the people of the gold-producing Tagus, and from the rude Salo,3 a potent land that gave birth to my forefathers. But you will not be a foreigner, nor can you be justly called a stranger, now that the lofty city of Remus contains so many of your brethren. Seek, as of right, the venerable threshold of the new temple,4 where their sacred abodes have been restored5 to the Pierian choir. Or, if you prefer, enter by the Subura first; there are the lofty halls of my friend the consul. The eloquent Stella inhabits the laurel-crowned mansion; Stella, the illustrious quaffer of the spring dedicated to Ianthe.6 There is a Castalian spring, proud of its glassy waters, which they say the nine sisters have oft-times sipped. He will circulate you amongst the people, and the senators, and the knights, and will read you himself with eyes not altogether dry.7 Why do you ask for a title-page? Let but two or three verses be read, and all will exclaim, Book, you are mine.
3 A river near Bilbilis in Spain, Martial's birth-place, whence he was writing. See B. i. Ep. 50.
4 That of Apollo and the Muses, built by Augustus.
5 By Nerva.
6 Stella's mistress. See B. vi. Ep. 21.
7 Through concern at my absence.
IV. TO PRISCUS.
What Maecenas, the knight sprung of royal lineage, was to Horace and to the sublime Virgil, many-tongued Fame, and a long-lived work, shall proclaim to people and nations that you, Priscus Torentius, have been to me. You give me my facility, and whatever power I am thought to have; you give me the means of enjoying a not ignoble indolence.
V. TO NERVA, ON THE ABBREVIATION OF HIS BOOKS.
My tenth and eleventh books were too much extended; the present is in smaller compass. Let the larger books be read by those who have leisure, and to whom you have granted undisturbed tranquillity of existence: do you, Caesar, read this shorter one; perhaps you will also read the others.
VI. EULOGY ON NERVA.
The palace of Rome has the honour of receiving Nerva, the mildest of princes; we may now enjoy Helicon to the full. Perfect equity, humane clemency, discreet power, now return; long-continued alarms have disappeared. For you, O affectionate Rome, your people, and the nations subject to your empire, utter this prayer: May such a ruler be ever yours, and may this one especially long reign over you! Blessings be upon your spirit, which is such as few have, and upon your character, which is such as Numa, or a cheerful Cato,1 might have owned. Now you may, and it is right that you should, make presents, display your beneficence, enlarge the slender incomes of the poor, and grant blessings such as the indulgent gods could scarcely exceed. For even under a severe prince and in bad times, you had the courage to be good.
1 As just as Cato the censor, but not so severe.
VII. ON LIGEIA.
If Ligeia's years are equal in number to the hairs of her head, she is only three years old.
VIII. TO ROME, IN PRAISE OF TRAJAN.
Rome, goddess of the earth and its people, to whom there is nothing equal, nothing second, when she was recently computing with joy the long series of years destined for the life of Trajan, and saw in our great leader so much bravery, youth, and martial ardour, Rome, I say, glorying in such a ruler, exclaimed: "You princes of the Parthians, you leaders of the Scythians, you Thracians, Sarmatians, Getae, and Britons, approach, I can show you a Caesar."
IX. TO TRAJAN, ON SPAIN BEING TRANQUILLISED.
Palma,1 most benign Caesar, rules my Iberian countrymen, and under his mild rule the provinces nourish in peace. Joyfully therefore do we offer you our thanks for so great a boon; you have sent your own character into our parts.
1 Aulus Cornelius Palma, a prefect much beloved by Trajan.
X. ON AFRICANUS.
Africanus possesses a hundred thousand sesterces, and yet covets more. Fortune gives too much to many, enough to none.
XI. TO HIS MUSE.
Muse, salute Parthenius, your good friend and mine; for who drinks more largely from the Aonian fountain? Whose lyre comes forth more ennobled from the cave of the muses? Whom among all his Pierian followers does Phoebus love more? And if by chance (but for this we must scarcely hope) he shall have a moment to spare, beg him to present with his own hands our verses to the emperor; and to recommend this little book, so humble and so small, with merely four words: "This your Rome reads."
XII. TO POLLIO.
You promise everything after you have been drinking all night, next morning you perform nothing. Drink, Pollio, in the morning.
XIII. TO AUCTUS.
The rich, Auctus, make a species of gain out of anger. It is cheaper to get into a passion than to give.1
1 Comp. B. iii. Ep. 87.
XIV. TO PRISCUS, ON THE DANGERS OF HARE HUNTING.
Use more sparingly, I advise you, the galloping hunter, Priscus, and ride not so furiously after the hare. The sportsman has often made atonement to the prey, and fallen, never to rise again, from the spirited horse. The very plain, too, has its dangers; even though there be no ditch, no mound, no rocky places, yet the level ground is apt to deceive. There will not be wanting some rider to exhibit to you a spectacle such as this; but his fall would excite less repining at Fate than yours. If the excitement of danger attract you, let us spread toils for the wild boars of Tuscany; courage in that pursuit is safer. Why do such break-neck steeds delight you? They much oftener succeed in killing the rider than the hare.
XV. A COMPLIMENT TO TRAJAN, ON HIS MUNIFICENCE
TO THE TEMPLE OF JUPITER.
Everything that glittered in the Parrhasian1 palace has been given to our gods and to the eyes of all. Jupiter wonders at the Scythian radiance of the emeralds2 set in gold, and is amazed at the objects of imperial magnificence,3 and at luxuries so oppressive to the nation. Here are cups fit for the Thunderer; there for his Phrygian favourite.4 We all now rejoice with Jupiter. But very lately (and with shame, yes, with shame I confess it) we were all poor as well as Jupiter.
1 Palatine. See B. vii. Ep. 55.
2 Radiance of the emeralds brought from Scythia.
3 Domitian's.
4 Ganymede.
XVI. TO LABIENUS.
You have made away, Labienus, with three of your farms; you have purchased, Labienus, three favourites: you are making three farms, Labienus, the object of your love.
XVII. TO LENTINUS.
You inquire, Lentinus, why your fever does not leave you for so many days, and you complain bitterly on the subject. It is carried about with you in your litter; it bathes with you; it feeds upon mushrooms, oysters, sow's paps, and wild boar, with you. It is often inebriated with Setine, and often with Falernian wine; nor does it quaff Caecuban unless it be mixed with snow water. It reclines with you, decked with roses, and darkened with amomum; and sleeps with you on down, and on a purple bed. Seeing that your fever is so well treated, and lives so comfortably in your society, do you expect it to transfer itself in preference to Dama?
XVIII. TO JUVENAL.
While you, my Juvenal, are perhaps wandering restless in the noisy Suburra or pacing the hill of the goddess Diana; while your toga, in which you perspire at the thresholds of your influential friends, is fanning you as you go, and the greater and lesser Caelian hills fatigue you in your wanderings; my own Bilbilis, revisited after many winters, has received me, and made me a country gentleman; Bilbilis, proud of its gold and its iron! Here we indolently cultivate with agreeable labour Boterduna and Platea; these are the somewhat rude names of Celtiberian localities. I enjoy profound and extraordinary sleep, which is frequently unbroken, even at nine in the morning; and I am now indemnifying myself fully for all the interruptions to sleep that I endured for thirty years. The toga here is unknown, but the nearest dress is given me, when I ask for it, from an old press. When I rise, a hearth, heaped up with faggots from a neighbouring oak grove, welcomes me; a hearth which the bailiff's wife crowns with many a pot. Then comes the housemaid, such a one as you would envy me. A close-shorn bailiff issues the orders to my boy attendants, and begs that they may be obliged to lay aside their long hair.1 Thus I delight to live, and thus I hope to die.
1 In order to be ranked among full-grown men, and do men's work.
XIX. ON AEMILIUS.
At the warm baths Aemilius takes lettuces, eggs, and anchovies, 1 and then says that he does not dine out.
1 Slight refreshments were sometimes taken at the baths; Aemilius partook of them immoderately, so as to make a meal.
XX. TO FABULLUS.
Do you ask, Fabullus, why Themison has not a wife? He has a sister.
XXI. TO MARCELLA, HIS WIFE.
Who would imagine, Marcella, that you dwelt upon the banks of the iron-hardening Salo,2 and were born in our regions? So rare, so sweet is your disposition! The court of Caesar will say, should it but once hear your voice, that you belong to itself. Nor can any woman born in the midst of the Suburra, nor any native of the Capitoline Hill, vie with you. Nor will any glorious foreign offspring more fit to be a daughter of Rome soon smile upon its mother. You cause my longing for the Queen of Cities to be more supportable; you alone are a Rome to me.
2 See Ep. 3, and B. iv. Ep. 55.
XXII. ON PHILAENIS.
Do you wish me, Fabullus, to tell you in few words how ugly Philaenis is with her one eye? Philaenis would be better looking with no eye at all.
XXIII. TO LAELIA.
You wear bought teeth, and bought hair, Laelia, without a blush. What will you do for an eye? You cannot buy that.
XXIV. TO JUVATUS, ON A CARRIAGE, THE
GIFT OF AELIANUS.
O carriage, that affords a sweet solitude!----Gift of my eloquent friend Aelianus, more pleasant than open curricle or chariot! Here, Juvatus, you may say to me whatever comes into your head. No black driver of a Libyan horse, no well-girt running footman in front of us, no muleteer alongside; and the horses will not babble. Would that Avitus were here with us; I should not fear his third pair of ears. Thus how charmingly would the whole day pass!
XXV. TO TELESINUS.
When I ask you for a loan without offering you, security, you say, "I have no money." Yet, if my farm stands pledged for me, you have money. What you refuse, Telesinus, to lend me, your old friend, you are willing to lend to my acres and my trees. But see! Carus1 has accused you before the magistrate; let my farm undertake your defence. Or if you look for a companion when you go into exile; let my farm attend you.
1 A common informer.
XXVI. TO LAETORIUS, AN AVARICIOUS FRIEND.
When you, a senator, go about knocking at sixty doors every morning, I appear in your estimation but a slothful knight, for not running all over the city from the first dawn of day, and bringing home, fatigued and worn out, some thousand kisses.1 But you do all this, that you may add a new name to the Fasti, or that you may be sent as governor to the Numidians or Cappadocians; while, as to me, whom you persuade to break my slumbers unseasonably, and endure the morning mud, what have I to expect? When my foot bursts out from my torn shoe, when a pelting shower of rain has suddenly drenched me, and when, on taking off my outer-coat, no servant answers my call, your slave comes up to my chilly ear, and says, "Laetorius requests your company at dinner." What, at a dinner of which my share is worth twenty sesterces? Not I. I prefer my own scanty fare, rather than have a dinner for my reward, while yours is a province; rather than that while our labour is the same, our gains should be so different
1 See B. vii. Ep. 94; B. xi. Ep. 98.
XXVII. ON SENIA.
Yon say, Senia, that you were violated by robbers, but the robbers deny it.
XXVIII. TO CINNA.
The size of the cups, Cinna, from which I drink, and that of those from which you drink, are in the proportion of seven to eleven; and yet you complain that we do not drink the same sort of wine.
XXIX. TO PONTICUS, ON HERMOGENES.
Hermogenes, it seems to me, Ponticus, is as great a thief of napkins as Massa was of money. Even though you watch his right hand, and hold his left, he will find means to abstract your napkin. With like subtilty does the breath of the stag draw out the cold snake;1 and the rainbow exhale the waters from the clouds. Lately, while a respite was implored for Myrinus,2 who had been wounded in a conflict, Hermogenes contrived to filch four napkins. Just as the praetor was going to drop his white napkin, to start the horses in the circus, Hermogenes stole it. When at last nobody brought a napkin with him, for fear of thefts, Hermogenes stole the cloth from the table. And should there be nothing of this kind to steal, Hermogenes does not hesitate to detach the ornaments from the couches,3 or the feet from the tables. However immoderate may he the heat in the theatres, the awnings are withdrawn when Hermogenes makes his appearance. The sailors, in trembling haste, proceed to furl their sails whenever Hermogenes shows himself in the harbour. The bareheaded priests of Isis, clad in linen vestments, and the choristers who play the sistrum, betake themselves to flight when Hermogenes comes to worship. Hermogenes never took a napkin to dinner; Hermogenes never came away from a dinner without one.
1 Stags were said to draw serpents from their hiding-places, kill them with their horns, and then devour them. See Plin. H.N. xi. 83; Aelian. Hist. An. ii. 9.
2A gladiator.
3 See B. viii. Ep. 33.
XXX. ON APER.
Aper is abstemious and sober. What is that to me? For such a quality I praise my slave, not my friend.
XXXI. ON MARCELLA'S GIFT TO MARTIAL.
This grove, these fountains, this interwoven shade of the spreading vine; this meandering stream of gurgling water; these meadows, and these rosaries which will not yield to the twice-bearing Paestum; these vegetables which bloom in the month of January, and feel not the cold; these eels that swim domestic in the enclosed waters; this white tower which affords an asylum for doves like itself in colour; all these are the gift of my mistress; Marcella gave me this retreat, this little kingdom, on my return to my native home after thirty-five years of absence. Had Nausicaa offered me the gardens of her sire, I should have said to Alcinous, "I prefer my own."
XXXII. TO VACERRA, IN DERISION OF HIS
PRETENDED WEALTH.
Oh disgrace of the Calends of July, I saw, Vacerra, I saw your chattels, which, refused by the landlord in discharge of two years' rent, were carried away by your wife, distinguishable by her seven carroty hairs, your hoary-headed mother, and your giantess of a sister. I thought at first they were Furies emerging from the shades of Pluto. They went before, while you, wasted with cold and hunger, and paler than a piece of old box-wood, the very Irus of your day, followed. People might have thought that the Aricine Hill was migrating. There went in procession a three-legged bed, a two footed table, a lamp, a horn cup, and a cracked chamberpot, leaking through its side. Close to these was a rusty store, the neck of a wine-vessel, and a jar, which its disgusting smell proved to have contained pilchards and decayed herrings, a smell like that wafted by the breeze from a pond of stagnant water. Nor was there wanting a slice of Toulouse cheese; a garland, four years old, of black pennyroyal; a rope of bald1 garlic and onions; or a pot belonging to your mother, full of offensive resin, which the easy dames of the Suburra use at their toilette. Why are you looking about for a house and deluding agents,2 when you may live for nothing, Vacerra? This pompous train of baggage just suits the bridge.3
1 Having been over kept, and the outer skin peeled off.
2 Whom you have not the means of paying.
3 The Aricine Bridge, frequented by beggars. B.x. Ep.*
XXXIII. ON LABIENUS.
In order to purchase his slaves, Labienus sold his gardens. Now Labienus has nothing but a clump of figs.
33 was not translated in the Bohn, but is in Ker's Loeb. Figs is a pun on ficus; cf. i.65; iv.52, meaning either 'figs', alternatively 'piles' or someone afflicted with them.
XXXIV. TO JULIUS MARTIALIS.
Four-and-thirty years, Julius, if I remember right, I passed in your society; have shared your friendship, the delights of which were not unmixed with pain, but the pleasures preponderated. And if all the stones of different colours, that mark the several days, were placed in juxtaposition, the white would far exceed the black. Would you avoid many griefs, and escape heart-rendings, make of no one too dear a friend. You will have less joy, but your sorrow will be less.
XXXV. TO CALLISTRATUS.
As if you have lived with me on the frankest terms, Callistratus, you are accustomed to tell me all the time that you have been debauched. You are not so frank as you would have it believed, Callistratus; for a man who tells such things, must have much more that he does not tell.
[Not translated in the Bohn]
Tamquam simpliciter mecum, Callistrate, vivas:
Dicere praecisum te mihi saepe soles.
Non es tam simplex, quam via, Callistrate, credi.
Nam quisquis narrat talia, plura tacet.
Open and frank you would to me appear,
And tell some little fault, to seem sincere;
But your sincerity's not deep I feel:
You tell a little, but you much conceal
Anon.
Free from reserve you would to me appear,
And tell me, you're diseased, to seem sincere.
But with a friend this is not dealing well;
For he must more conceal, who this could tell.
Hay.
XXXVI. TO LABULLUS.
Because no one but yourself, Labullus, gives a friend two or three pounds, a thin toga, and a scanty cloak, sometimes a few gold pieces, which you chink in your hand, and which are to last for a couple of months, you are not for that reason, believe me, a good man. What then? To speak the truth, the best of bad ones. Give us back our Pisos, and our Senecas, our Memmi and our Crispi, I mean those of old time, and you will forthwith become the last of good men. Do you wish to boast of your running, and swiftness of foot? Outstrip Tigris and the fleet Passerinus.1 There is no glory in outstripping asses.
1 Probably are names of horses.
XXXVII. TO A WIT ABOUT TOWN.
You wish to be regarded as having an extremely good nose. I like a man with a good nose, but object to one with a polypus.1
1 This epigram cannot be translated with exactness. What the Satire says is, you wish to be thought nasutus, properly, "having a huge nose," but used in the sense of "having a good or keen nose."
XXXVIII. TO CANDIDUS.
You have no reason to fear yon person, Candidus, who, strutting about night and day, is well known throughout the city to the litters of the ladies, whose hair shines so brightly, and is darkened with unguents; who is radiant in purple, of delicate feature, broad chest, and smooth limbs, and who constantly follows your wife with importunities. Fear him not, Candidus, he does not meddle in your department.
XXXIX. TO SABELLUS.
I hate you, Prettyman, because you are always acting the pretty fellow. A pretty fellow is a contemptible thing, and so is Prettyman. I prefer a manly man to Prettyman. May you wither away prettily, Prettyman.
XL. TO PONTILIANUS.
You utter all sorts of falsehoods, Pontilianus; I assent to them. You recite bad verses; I praise them. You sing; I do the same. You drink, Pontilianus; I drink also. You are rude; I pretend not to perceive it. You wish to play at chess; I allow myself to be beaten. There is one thing only which you do without me, and I hold my tongue on the subject. Yet you never make me the slightest present. "When I die," say you, "I shall remember you handsomely." I do not look for anything; but die.
XLI. TO TUCCA.
Yon are not content, Tucca, to be a glutton. You long to be called and to appear a glutton.
XLII. ON CALLISTRATUS AND AFER.
The bearded Callistratus has been taken in marriage by the lusty Afer, in the same way as a virgin is usually taken in marriage by her husband. The torches shone forth, the flame-coloured veil concealed the bride's countenance, and the language heard at bridals was not wanting. Even the dowry was settled. Does not this seem yet enough to you, Rome? Do you expect that the bride should present the spouse with pledges of affection?
XLIII. TO SABELLUS.
[Not translated in either the Bohn or Ker's Loeb]
XLIV. TO UNICUS.
Unicus, name connected with me by ties of blood, and attached to me by similarity of pursuit; while the verses which you write yield the palm only to those of your brother, you are not inferior to him inability, and are superior to him in affection. Lesbia would have shared her love for the tender Catullus with you, sweet Corinna would have followed you next to her Ovid. Nor would the Zephyrs have refused their assistance, had you been pleased to spread wide your sails, but you prefer the shore. This too is a peculiarity which you have from your brother.
XLV. TO PHOEBUS.
It was not without wit, Phoebus, that a person said of you, when you covered your bald pate and temples with a kid's skin, that your head was well shod.
When to secure your bald pate from the weather,
You lately wore a cap of black neats' leather;
He was a very wag, who to you said,
'Why do you wear your slippers on your head?'
Hay.
XLVI. TO CLASSICUS.
Gallus and Lupercus sell their poems; no longer deny, Classicus, common sense to poets.
XLVII. ON A FRIEND.
You are at once morose and agreeable, pleasing and repulsive. I can neither live with you, nor without you.
XLVIII. TO A HOST.
If you put on table before me mushrooms and wild boar as common fare, and do not presume that such dishes are the object of my prayers, it is well; but if you imagine that by them I am made happy, and expect to get yourself inscribed in my will, as my heir, in return for some half-dozen Lucrine oysters, good-bye to you. Yet your dinner is a handsome one, I admit, most handsome, but to-morrow nothing of it will remain; nay, this very day, in fact this very moment, there is nothing of it but what a common sponge at the end of a mop-stick, or a famished dog, or any street convenience can take away. Of mullets and hares and sow's teats, the result is cadaverous complexion and gouty feet. In my estimation, no Alban revel,1 no feasts in the Capitol, nor banquets of the chief priests, would be worth so much. Were Jupiter himself to give me nectar on such conditions, it would turn to vinegar, and the cheating trash of a Vatican cask. Seek other guests, Sir Host, who may be caught by the regal sumptuousness of your table; as for me, I prefer a friendly invitation to a hastily arranged little dinner: it is such a repast as I can return that pleases me.
1 In allusion to the banquets of Domitian on the Alban hill.
XLIX. TO LINUS, A TUTOR.
O Linus, preceptor of the long-haired troop, whom the rich Postumilla calls the lord of her fortune, and to whom she entrusts gems, gold, plate, wines, favourites: so may your patroness prefer you to all others, having made proof of your lasting fidelity, as you grant to my prayer the indulgence of my wretched desires, and keep at times but a negligent watch over those objects which have taken possession of my heart, which in my longing I pray day and night to clasp as my own----beautiful, snow-white, equal in size, twins, large----not slaves, but pearls.
L. TO THE POSSESSOR OF A BEAUTIFUL DOMAIN.
You are distinguished for possessing laurel-groves, avenues of plane-trees, towering cypresses, and most capacious baths. Your lofty portico stands on a hundred columns, and is paved with polished marble. The swift-footed horse makes your dusty hippodrome resound with his hoofs, and the murmur of fountains is heard on every side. Your halls are spacious and extensive; but there are no chambers either for dining or for sleep. How pleasantly you do not live!
LI. TO AULUS.
Are you astonished, Aulus, that our friend Fabullinus is so frequently deceived? A good man has always something to learn in regard to fraud.
LII. TO SEMPRONIA, AN EPITAPH ON HER
HUSBAND RUFUS.
Here, Sempronia, lies your late husband Rufus, whose brows were wreathed with Pierian chaplets, and whose eloquence in defence of dejected criminals was renowned; his very ashes burn with love for you. You are the theme of admiration in the Elysian fields, and Helen herself marvels at the story of your abduction. You are superior to her, as you deserted him who overcame you, and returned, but she would not follow her husband, even when he sought to regain her. Menelaus smiles, and listens to these new Trojan-like amours; the violence done to you excuses the Phrygian Paris. When the joyful asylum of the pious shall one day receive you, there will be no shade in the Stygian abodes better known than yourself. Proserpina does not look with aversion upon fair ones that have been carried off, but loves them. Your amour will gain you the queen's favour.
LIII. TO PATERNUS.
Although you possess abundance of money and wealth, Paternus, such as but few other citizens possess, you never make any present, and brood over your hoard like the great dragon, which the poets sing of as the guardian of the Scythian grove. The cause, as you yourself allege and boast, is the dire rapacity of your son. Pray are you looking for fools and novices to beguile and delude? To this vice you have ever been a father.
LIV. TO ZOILUS.
With red hair, a black face, a cloven foot, and blear eyes, you show the world a prodigy, Zoilus, if you are an honest man.
LV. TO THE FAIR SEX.
He who bids you, girls, give your favours for nothing, is a most foolish and impudent fellow. Do not give them for nothing, kiss for nothing. This Aegle refuses, this in her greed she sells. But let her sell it; how precious is a good kiss! This she sells, I say, and for no small plunder too; she asks for either a pound of Cosmian unguent, or four times two gold coins of the new mintage, that her kisses may not be silent ones or grudgingly given, that she may not with shut lips deny their approach. Yet this one thing she does graciously; Aegle, who refuses to give a kiss, a single kiss, for nothing, does not refuse to lick you for free.
Not translated in the Bohn translation.
LVI. TO POLYCHARMUS.
You fall sick ten times or more in the coarse of a year; a practice which inconveniences, not yourself Polycharmus, but us; for every time you leave your bed, you exact the customary presents of congratulation from your friends, Have some consideration: fall sick at length, Polycharmus, once for all.
LVII. TO SPARSUS.
You ask why I so often go to my small domain at arid Momentum and the humble household at my farm? There is no place in town, Sparsus, where a poor man can either think or rest One cannot live for schoolmasters in the morning, corn grinders at night, and braziers' hammers all day and night. Here the money-changer indolently rattles piles of Nero's rough coins on his dirty counter; there a beater of Spanish gold belabours his worn stone with shining mallet. Nor does the fanatic rabble of Bellona cease from its clamour, nor the gabbling sailor with his piece of wreck hung over his shoulder; nor the Jew boy, brought up to begging by his mother, nor the blear-eyed huckster of matches. Who can enumerate the various interruptions to sleep at Rome? As well might you tell how many hands in the city strike the cymbals, when the moon under eclipse is assailed with the sound of the Colchian magic rhomb.2 You, Sparsus, are ignorant of such things, living, as you do, in luxurious ease on your Petilian domain;3 whose mansion, though on a level plane, overlooks the lofty hills which surround it; who enjoy the country in the city4 (rus in urbe), with a Roman 5 vine-dresser, and a vintage not to be surpassed on the Falernian mount. Within your own premises is a retired carriage drive; in your deep recesses sleep and repose are unbroken by the noise of tongues: and no daylight penetrates unless purposely admitted. But I am awakened by the laughter of the passing crowd; and all Rome is at my bed-side. Whenever, overcome with weariness, I long for repose, I repair to my country-house.
2 See B.ix. Ep.30.
3 In Petilianis regnis. A magnificent villa on the Janiculum that formerly belonged to Lucius Petilius, a rich lawyer.
4 This now common saying is supposed to hare been first used by Martial.
5 As living within the compass of the city.
LVIII. TO ALAUDA.
Your wife, Alauda, calls you a courier of slaves, while she herself runs after litter-bearers. You are on an equal footing.
LIX. ON IMPORTUNATE FRIENDS.
Rome gives, on one's return after fifteen years' absence, such a number of kisses 1 as exceeds those given by Lesbia to Catullus. Every neighbour, every hairy-faced fanner, presses on you with a strongly-scented kiss. Here the weaver assails you, there the fuller and the cobbler, who has just been kissing leather; here the owner of a filthy beard, and a one-eyed gentleman; there one with bleared eyes, and fellows whose mouths are defiled with all manner of abominations. It was hardly worth while to return.
1 See B.xi. Ep. 99.
LX. TO HIS BIRTHDAY.
O day, nursling of Mars,1 on which I first beheld the rosy light of Aurora, and the broad face of the sun, should you feel shame at being celebrated in the country, and at an altar of turf who are used to being celebrated by me in the city of Rome, be indulgent, if I am unwilling to be a slave upon my own birthday, and if I wish to live,2 on the day on which I received life.
1 Martial was born on the first day of March, Mars's month. See B. ix. Ep. 52.
2 To enjoy life free from the distractions of the city.
LX. B. ON THE SAME.
To grow pale with anxiety on one's birthday, lest Sabellus should not be supplied with hot water, and Alauda not have clear wine to drink;3 to strain turbid Caecuban anxiously through linen filters, and to run to and fro among one's tables; to receive this guest and that, and to be getting up all dinnertime from one's place, and treading upon marble pavement colder than ice; what is the reason that you should endure all these annoyances of your own choice, when, if a rich friend and patron were to impose them on you, you would refuse to submit to them?
3 Sabellus and Alauda are names of guests whom he would have had to entertain if he had stayed at Rome.
LXI. TO LIGURRA.
You are afraid, Ligurra, lest I should compose verses on you, some short and pungent epigram, and you wish to be thought a proper object of such rear. But vain is your fear. and vain your desire! Libyan lions rush upon bulls; they do not hurt butterflies. If you aim at getting your name into verse, seek, I advise you, some sot of a poet from some dark den, who writes, with coarse charcoal and crumbling chalk, verses which people read as they ease themselves, Your brow is not to be branded with my mark.
LXII. TO SATURN, ON BEHALF OF PRISCUS TERENTIUS.
Great king of the ancient world, and of the primitive state of things, under whose rule quiet repose prevailed, and labour was unknown; nor was the thunder-bolt of Jove frequently used, nor lived there those who were deserving of it; and the earth yielded its riches, without being cloven down to the infernal regions; come, propitious and gracious, to this solemn festival of Priscus; it befits you to be present at your own sacred rites. You restore him to his country,1glorious father, in the sixth winter, from the Latian city2 of the pacific Numa. Do you observe how like Roman luxury the festal array is spread, and how great splendour is shown in gay profusion? how unsparing the hand, and the coins on the rich table, the wealth, Saturn, which is counted for you? And that your beneficence and favour for these deserts may be greater, it is both a father and a careful man that thus magnificently celebrates your festival. But may you, venerable deity, be ever thus greeted with proofs of affection, in December; may you bid this season frequently return to him.
1 Spain.
2 Rome.
LXIII. TO CORDOVA.
Cordova, spot more delightful than rich Venafrum, unsurpassed in fertility by the olive-bearing Istria,3 richer in sheep than the pellucid Galaesus,4 and that deceives not with purple or red dye, but have your flocks tinged by nature; command, I pray you, that poet of yours to have some sense of modesty, and not to recite my compositions without having paid me for them. I could have borne his proceedings, if he had been a good poet, on whom I could have made reprisal, but he is a bachelor who destroys my peace without giving me the opportunity of revenge. A blind man cannot be retaliated upon for the loss of sight of which he deprives another. Nobody is more reckless than a plunderer, who has nothing to lose; nobody more secure than a bad poet.
3 "Not less perfect than the (olive) jar of Histria," The best olives were produced at Vanafrum in Campania, the next best in Istria.
4 See B. ii. Ep. 43.
LXIV. ON CINNA.
Cinna made one of his rosy attendants, who surpassed all the others in beauty of feature and hair, his cook. Cinna is a luxurious personage.
LXV. ON PHYLLIS.
During a whole night of pleasure, the beauteous Phyllis had shown herself kind to me in every way; and, as I was thinking in the morning what present to make her, whether a pound of Cosmus' or Niceros' perfumes, or a piece of fine Spanish wool, or ten yellow coins of Domitian, she threw her arms round my neck, and caressing me with a long kiss, like those of amorous doves, proceeded to ask me for----a jar of wine.
LXVI. TO AMOENUS.
Though your house cost you a hundred thousand sesterces, you pretend to be willing to sell it for even a smaller sum. But you are seeking, Amoenus, to cheat your purchaser by art and cunning, for your house is hidden amid the rich furniture with which it is gorgeously adorned. Couches gemmed with tortoise-shell, and valuable solid furniture of citron-wood from Africa, glitter at the entrance; silver and gold vases are supported upon a Delphic table of extraordinary beauty, and slaves stand by whom I would willingly pray to be my masters. Then you talk of two hundred thousand sesterces, and say that it cannot be had for less. You offer a house so exquisitely furnished, Amoenus, at a low price.1
1 Amoenus adorned his house, which he had bought too dear, with valuable furniture, merely to set it off, and to induce a purchaser to give him a higher price for it than he would have given had it been empty.
LXVII. ON THE BIRTH-DAY OF VENUS.
You, Ides of May, gave birth to Mercury. Diana's birthday recurs on the Ides of August. Virgil has consecrated the Ides of October. You who celebrate the Ides of the great Maro, may you often celebrate both the first and the second!
LXVIII. TO HIS CLIENTS.
O clients, that beset me in the morning, and who were the cause of my departure from Rome, frequent, if you are wise, the lordly mansions of the city. I am no lawyer, nor fitted for pleading troublesome causes, but inactive, somewhat advanced in years, and a votary of the Pierian sisters. I wish to enjoy repose and slumber, which great Rome denied; but I must return thither, if I am to be equally hunted here.
LXIX. TO PAULLUS.
You have friends, Paullus, just like your pictures and vases, all antique originals.1
1 The meaning is, either that Paullus regarded his friends as he regarded his antique treasures, bestowing nothing more on the one than on the other or that he sought to make friends only of old men, from whom he hoped shortly to obtain legacies. In either acceptation, it is a satire on Paullus's avarice.
LXX. ON APER, SOBER WHEN POOR, INEBRIATED
WHEN RICH.
When recently a miserable bow-legged slave need to carry Aper's linen to the bath for him, and a one-eyed old woman sat on his paltry toga to guard it, while a herniose bathing man supplied him with his drop of oil, he used to be a severe and unsparing censor of drunkards. "Break your cups, and throw away your Falernian," he would exclaim to any knight who drank anything on leaving the bath. But since three hundred thousand sesterces came to him from his old uncle, he cannot go home from the warm baths sober. Oh what power jewelled cups and a retinue of five long-haired servants have! Aper, as long as he was a poor man, did not suffer from thirst.
LXXI. TO LYGDUS.
You refuse me, Lygdus, everything I ask; but there was a time, Lygdus, when you refused me nothing.1
1 See B.xi. Ep. 73; B. iv. Ep. 13.
LXXII. TO TO PANNICUS, WHO HAD QUITTED
THE BAR TO BECOME FARMER.
Having purchased the acres of a little obscure farm near the Sepulchres,2 and a badly constructed cabin with a propped-up roof you leave the litigations of the town, Pannicus, which were your farm, and the scanty but certain profits of the worn toga. As a lawyer you used to sell wheat, millet, barley, and beans;3 now, as a farmer, you buy them.
2 The place where the Gauls were buried in the time of Camillus.
3 From the presents made you by your clients.
LXXIII. TO CATULLUS.
You tell me, Catullus, that I am your heir. I shall not believe it, Catullus, till I read it.
LXXIV. TO FLACCUS, WITH A PRESENT OF GLASS CUPS,
CALLED CALICES AUDACES, "AUDACIOUS CUPS." 4
Although the Nile vessels bring you goblets of crystal, yet accept some cups from the Flaminian circus. Are these cups the more audacious, or those who send such presents? But there is a double advantage in the use of these common vessels; no thief is allured, Flaccus, by such specimens of art, and they are not cracked by over-heated water. Nay more, the guest drinks without disturbing the peace of the attendant, and trembling hands have no fear lest they should fall. This too is something, that if after a toast, you must break your cup, Flaccus, you will propose it in one of these vessels.
4 See B. xiv. Ep. 94.
LXXV. ON HIS FAVOURITES.
Polytimus hurries off to girls, Hypnus unwittingly confesses that he is a boy, Secundus has buttocks yard-fed 1, Dindymus is effeminate but wishes not to seem so, Amphion might have been born a girl. The caprice of these boys and their haughtiness, and their querolous disdain, I prefer, Avitus, to five times two hundred thousand sesterces of dower.
1 There is an obscene Latin pun here. The epigram was not translated in the Bohn translation; this is from Ker's Loeb edition.
LXXVI. ON THE FARMER.
The amphora of wine sells for twenty sesterces, a bushel of corn for four. The husbandman, intoxicated and over-fed, makes nothing.1
1 Is ruined. Provisions are so cheap that he eats and drinks the produce of his land rather than sell it.
LXXVII. ON AETHON.
While Aethon was praying in the Capitol, with many a supplication, to Jupiter, and with up-turned eyes was bowing to his very feet, he let wind escape behind. The bystanders laughed, but the father of the gods was offended, and condemned his worshipper to dine at home for three successive days. After this accident, the unhappy Aethon, when he wished to enter the Capitol, goes first to Patroclus' house of convenience, and relieves himself by some ten or twenty discharges. But, notwithstanding this precaution, he is careful never to address Jove again without being tightly compressed in the rear.
LXXVIII. TO BITHYNICUS.
I have written nothing against you, Bithynicus, Are you unwilling to believe me, and require me to swear? I prefer to give you another sort of satisfaction.1
1 I had rather write something against you, as I now do, than sweat that I have written nothing.
LXXIX. TO ATTICILLA.
I have granted you much that you asked: I have granted you more than you asked: and yet you never cease to ask of me. He who refuses nothing, Atticilla, will soon have nothing to refuse.
LXXX. ON CALLISTRATUS.
Callistratus, making no distinction as to merit, praises everybody. To him, in whose eyes no one is bad, who can appear good?
Through servile flattery you do all commend;
Who cares to please whom no man can offend?
Anon.
LXXXI. ON UMBER.
In winter-time, and at the festival of Saturn, Umber used to send me of his poverty a light dress; now he sends me a light mess of furmity, for he has become rich;
LXXXII. ON MENOGENES, A SEEKER OF
INVITATIONS TO DINNER.
To escape Menogenes at the baths, hot or cold, is quite impossible, although you try every art to do so. He will catch up your warm ball with eager hands, that he may lay you under obligation for having several times stopped it. He will pick up the foot-ball, when collapsed, out of the dirt, and bring it you, even though he may have just bathed and have his slippers on. If you bring linen with you,1 he will declare it whiter than snow, even though it be dirtier than a child's bib. If you comb your scanty hair with the toothed ivory, he will say that you have arranged your tresses like those of Achilles. He will himself bring you the fetid dregs of the smoky wine jar,2 and will even remove the perspiration from your forehead. He will praise everything, admire everything about you, until, after having patiently endured a thousand tortures, you utter the invitation, "Come and dine!"
1 To the bath. Comp. Ep. 70.
2 Which they used in the bath, says Rader, either to promote perspiration or to provoke vomiting before dinner.
LXXXIII. ON FABIANUS.
Fabianus, who used to make merry at the expense of herniae, and whom all dreaded when he derided swelling hydroceles with more pungency even than two Catulli together would have done, suddenly found himself miserable wretch, in the warm baths of Nero, and then became silent.
LXXXIV. TO POLYTIMUS.
I was long unwilling, Polytimus, to violate your looks with the scissors;1 but now I am glad that I yielded in this respect to your entreaties. Such was Pelops when, newly shorn, he shone forth with shortened tresses, that his betrothed might see the whole of his ivory shoulders.2
1 See B.v. Ep.49; B. i. Ep.32.
2 Made of ivory by Ceres.
LXXXV. TO FABULLUS.
[Not translated in Bohn; evasively translated in Ker]
LXXXVI. TO A JADED MAN.
[Not translated in either Bohn or Ker]
LXXXVII. TO COTTA.
Cotta, complaining that he had twice lost his slippers through the negligence of his servant, who attends him about, and is the poor creature's only valet and escort, hit upon a plan, like a shrewd and cunning fellow, by which he might avoid such a loss for the future. He began to go out to dinner without slippers.3
3 From poverty.
LXXXVIII. ON TONGILIANUS.
Tongilianus has a nose, I know, and don't deny it. But Tongilianus has, I know that too, nothing else but a nose.1
1 Either because he was too much given to sneering; or because he was always smelling out good dinners.
LXXXIX. TO CHARINUS, GROWING BALD.
When you wrap your head in flannel, Charinus, it is not your ears that trouble you, but your hair.
XC. ON MARO.
Maro, on behalf of his old friend, whose semitertian fever was severe and at its height, made a vow, but in a loud voice, so as to be overheard, that, if he were not sent to the Stygian Shades, a grateful victim should fall before great Jove. The doctors began to promise certain recovery. Maro now makes a new vow, that he may avoid paying the former.
XCI. TO MAGULLA.
Since, Magulla, you have couch and favourite in common with your husband, tell me why you have not your cup-bearer in common. You sigh: the reason is, you fear the cup.1
1 In case it was poisoned.
XCII. TO PRISCUS.
You often ask me, Priscus, what sort of person I should be, if I were to become suddenly rich and powerful. Who can determine what would be his future conduct? Tell me, if you were to become a lion, what sort of a lion would you be?
XCIII. ON FABULLA.
Fabulla has found out a way to kiss her lover in the presence of her husband. She has a little fool whom she kisses over and over again, when the lover immediately seizes him while he is still wet with the multitude of kisses, and sends him back forthwith, charged with his own to his smiling mistress. How much greater a fool is the husband than the professed fool!
XCIV. TO TUCCA.
I was writing an epic poem; you began to write one; I desisted from mine, that my verses might not stand in rivalry with yours. My Thalia transferred herself to the tragic buskin; you immediately assumed the tragic robe. I struck the strings of the lyre studied by the Calabrian muses; with new ambition you snatched from me the plectrum.1 I ventured on satire: you laboured to become a Lucilius. I sport in light elegy; you do the same. What humbler style was left me? I began to write epigrams; my fame in that department became also the object of your envy. Determine what you do not like; it is a shame for you to like everything; and if there be any species of writing that you do not affect, Tucca, leave that for me.
1 A quill to play on the strings of the lyre.
XCV. TO RUFUS.
[Not translated]
XCVI. TO A JEALOUS WIFE.
[Not translated]
XCVII. TO BASSUS.
[Not translated]
XCVIII. TO THE RIVER BAETIS.
O Baetis, whose locks are bound with a chaplet of olive-leaves; who dye the golden fleeces of the flocks with your radiant waters; whom Bacchus and Pallas love; and for whom the ruler of the waves opens a ship-bearing course into his foaming seas. Grant that Instantius may enter your regions with happy omens, and that this present year may be as propitious to the people as the last. He is not unaware, what a responsibility it is to succeed Macer. He who weighs his responsibilities can bear them.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: martial_epigrams_book13.htm
Martial, Epigrams. Book 13. Mainly from Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
Martial, Epigrams. Book 13. Mainly from Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
BOOK XIII.
I. TO THE READER.
That the tunny fish may not want a toga, or the olives a cloak, and that the humble worm may not fear pinching famine, waste, you Muses, this Egyptian papyrus, over which I lose so much time. Winter, the season for revelry, asks for a new collection of witticisms. My tessera does not vie with the magnanimous talus,1 nor do the sice and ace rattle in my ivory box. This paper is my plaything, this paper my dice-box, this game, if it brings me no gain, occasions me no loss.
1 The tessera, "a dice," was smaller than the talus, "knuckle-bone." See Smith's Dict. Antiq. under those words.
II. TO A DETRACTOR.
You may be as keen-nosed as you please; in a word, you may be all nose, and so extensive that Atlas himself if asked, would be unwilling to carry it, and you may even excel Latinus 2 himself in scoffing, still you cannot say more against my trifles than I have said myself What good can it do you to gnash one tooth against another? If you wish to indulge in biting, let flesh be your food. Do not lose your labour, but direct your venom against those who are enamoured of themselves. As for me, I know that my effusions are as nothing; not, however, that they are absolutely nothing, if you come to their perusal with candid judgment, and not with an empty stomach.3
2 An actor in pantomime. See B. i., Ep. 5.
3 Grave, severe; not relaxed, as in the evening when the labours and cares of the day are over.
III. TO THE READER.
The whole multitude of mottos 1 contained in this thin little book will cost you, if you purchase it, four small coins. If four is too much, perhaps you may get it for two, and the bookseller, Trypho, will even then make a profit. These distichs you may send to your entertainers instead of a present, if money is as scarce with you as it is with me. The names of all the articles are given as headings; so that you may pass by those which are not to your taste.
1 The Book bears, in most editions, the title Xenia (gifts to guests), all the epigrams contained in it being inscriptions for presents.
IV. FRANKINCENSE.
That Germanicus2 may late begin to rule over the ethereal hall, and that he may long rule over the earth, offer pious incense to Jove.
2 Domitian. See B. v. Ep. 2 and 39.
V. PEPPER.
When there falls to your lot a wax-coloured beccafico, which shines with fat back, you will, if you are wise, add pepper to it.
VI. BARLEY-WATER.
I send you barley-water: a rich man could send you honored wine. But if the rich man be unwilling to send it you, buy it.
The Bohn rendered Alica as 'furmity'; Ker as 'barley-water'.
VII. BEANS.
If the pale bean boils for you in the red earthenware pot, you may often decline the suppers of rich patrons.
VIII. PULSE.
Season common jars with Clusine pulse, that, when they are cleansed, you may drink sweet wine from them to your satisfaction.
IX. LENTILS.
Receive these Egyptian lentils, a gift from Pelusium; if they are not so good as barley, they are better than beans.
X. WHEATEN FLOUR.
You would never be able to enumerate all the different qualities of wheaten flour, or its uses, seeing that both baker and cook apply it in many different ways.
XI. BARLEY.
Receive herewith, muleteer, what you so often steal from your dumb mules. I give it as a present to the innkeeper,1 not to you.
1 Who is to make sure that it is given to the mules, when you stop at his inn.
XII. CORN.
Accept three hundred pecks from the harvest of the Libyan husbandman, that your suburban farm may not grow sterile 1.
1 By being over-cropped; the gift will allow the farmer to let it lie fallow.
XIII. BEET.
That insipid beet, the food of artisans, may acquire some flavour, how often must the cook have recourse to wine and pepper!
XIV. LETTUCE.
Tell me why lettuce, which used to close the repasts of our forefathers, now commences our feasts?
XV. DRY WOOD.
If you cultivate fields in the neighbourhood of Nomentum,2bring wood, I charge you, countrymen, to the farm-house.
2 Where the land was marshy, and dry wood scarce.
XVI. RADISHES.
These radishes which I present to you, and which are suited to the cold season of winter, Romulus still eats in heaven.3
3 Martial suggests that Romulus lived on the same frugal food in heaven that he had enjoyed on earth; as Virgil says that the souls of the dead in Elysium had the same delight in horses and arms as they had had while in the body. Aen. vi. 653.
XVII. CABBAGE SPROUTS.
That young cabbages may not excite your disgust by their paleness, make them green by boiling them in nitrated water.
XVIII. LEEKS.
Whenever you have eaten strong-smelling shreds of the Tarentine leek, give kisses with your mouth shut.
XIX. LARGE-HEADED LEEKS.
Aricia, celebrated for its grove, sends us its best leeks: look at these green blades and snow-white stalks.
XX. TURNIPS.
The lands near Amiternum abound in productive gardens; you may now eat more sparingly of the turnips of Nursia.
XXI. ASPARAGUS.
The delicate stalks cultivated on the coast of Ravenna will not be more grateful to the palate than this wild asparagus.
XXII. RAISINS.
I am a grape not suited to the cup or to Bacchus; but, if you do not attempt to drink me, I shall taste like nectar.
XXIII. CHIAN FIGS.
The Chian fig, like old wine from Setia, contains within it both wine and salt. 1
1 Compare B. vii. Ep. 24.
XXIV. QUINCES.
If quinces, well saturated with Attic honey, were placed before you, you would say, these honey-apples are delicious.
XXV. PINE CONES.
We are the apples of Cybele;2 keep at a distance, passerby, lest we fall and strike your unfortunate head.
2 The pine was sacred to Cybele, because her favourite Atys was changed into that tree.
XXVI. SERVICE BERRIES.
We are service berries, good for astringing relaxed bowels; a fruit better suited to your little boy than yourself.
XXVII. A BUNCH OF DATES.
Gilded dates are offered on the Kalends of January;3 and yet this is the expected gift of a poor man.
3 There is no allusion to such a custom elsewhere.
XXVIII. A JAR OF PLUMS.
These Syrian plums, which come to you enclosed in a wattled conical basket, had they been any larger, might have passed for figs.
XXIX. DAMASCENE PLUMS.
Accept these foreign plums, wrinkled with age: they are good for relaxing constipated bowels.
XXX. A CHEESE FROM LUNA.
This cheese, marked with the likeness of the Etruscan Luna,4 will serve your slaves a thousand times for breakfast.
4 Luna is a town in Etruria. The mark on the cheese was probably some likeness or emblem of the moon, or Diana.
XXXI. A VESTINE CHEESE.
In case you desire to break your fast economically, without meat, this mass of cheese comes to you from the flocks of the Vestini.1
1 A people of Italy, bordering on the Sabines.
XXXII. SMOKED CHEESE.
It is not every hearth or every smoke that is suited to cheese; but the cheese that imbibes the smoke of the Velabrum2 is excellent.
2 A place near Rome, abounding with shops.
XXXIII. CHEESE FROM TREBULA.
Trebula gave us birth; a double merit recommends us, for whether toasted at a gentle fire or softened in water, we are equally good.
XXXIV. BULBS.
If your wife is old, and your members languid, bulbs can do no more for you than fill your belly.3
3 To what particular bulb provocative effects were attributed, is uncertain.
XXXV. SAUSAGE.
Daughter of a Picenian pig, I come from Lucania; by me a grateful garnish is given to snow-white pottage.
XXXVI. A JAR OF OLIVES.
This olive, which comes to us rescued4 from the presses of Picenum, both begins and ends our repasts.
4 Not having been put in the oil-press.
XXXVII. CITRONS.
These fruits are either from the boughs of the garden of Corcyra, or were guarded by the dragon of Massylia.5
5 The dragon that kept the garden of the Hesperides.
XXXVIII. BEESTINGS
We give you, from the first milk of the mothers, sucklings of which the shepherd has deprived the dams while yet unable to stand.
XXXIX. THE KID.
Let the wanton creature, noxious to the green vine, pay the penalty of its crime; though so young, it has already injured the god of wine.
XL. EGGS.
If white fluid surround the saffron-coloured yolk, let pickle from the Spanish mackerel season the egg.
XLI. A SUCKING PIG.
Let the rich man place before me the nursling of a sluggish mother, fattened upon milk alone, and he may feed off an Aetolian boar himself.
XLII. POMEGRANATES WITH SOFT AND HARD STONES.
We present to you pomegranates with soft and hard stones, not from Libyan, but Nomentan trees.
XLIII. THE SAME.
Pomegranates with soft stones, gathered from suburban trees, and early pomegranates with hard stones, are sent to you. What do you want with those from Libya?
XLIV. SOWS' TEATS.
You would hardly imagine that you were eating cooked sows' teats, so abundantly do they flow and swell with living milk.
XLV. FOWLS.
If we possessed Libyan fowl2 and pheasants, you should receive them; as it is, receive birds from the hen-coop.
2 Turkeys.
XLVI. PERSIAN APRICOTS.
Though early ripe, we should, on our natural branches, have been little esteemed; but now, grafted on branches ot Persian origin, we are highly valued.
XLVII. PICENTINE LOAVES.
Picentine flour teems with white nectar,1 just as the light sponge swells with the water it imbibes.
1 Milk, or a mixture of milk and honey. Picentine bread and flour was greatly esteemed.
XLVIII. MUSHROOMS.
To send silver or gold, a cloak or a toga, is easy enough, but to send mushrooms is difficult.2
2 Either because they were rare, or because the possessor of them was more inclined to eat them himself than to part with them.
XLIX. THE FIG-PECKER, OR BECCAFICO.
Since I feed not only on figs, but on sweet grapes, why did not the grape rather give me a name?
L. TRUFFLES.
We who with tender head burst through the earth that nourishes us, are truffles, second only to mushrooms.
LI. A CROWN OF THRUSHES.
A crown made of roses, perhaps, or rich spikenard,4 may please you, but a crown of thrushes delights me.
4 Such crowns, or chaplets, were presented by the rich to their guests at banquets.
LII. DUCKS.
Let a duck be brought to table whole: but only the breast and neck are worth eating; return the rest to the cook.
LIII. TURTLE DOVES.
As long as I have fat turtle-doves, a fig for your lettuce, my friend, and you may keep your shell-fish to yourself. I have no wish to waste my appetite.
LIV. GAMMON OF BACON.
Let me have it from the territory of the Cerretans,1 or it may be sent from the Menapians;2 let epicures devour ham.
1 A people of Spain, whose bacon is commended by Athenaeus, B. xiv
2 A people on the Rhine, near what is now Westphalia.
LV. HAM.
The ham is quite fresh; make haste, and delay not to invite your best friends; I will have nothing to do with a stale ham.
LVI. PIGS' CHITTERLINGS.
You perhaps will give the preference to the chitterlings of a virgin pig; I prefer them from a pregnant sow.
LVII. EGYPTIAN BEANS.
You will deride this Egyptian vegetable, with its wool that sticks so closely, when obliged to tear its obstinate filaments with teeth and hands.
LVIII. GOOSE'S LIVER.
See, how the liver is swollen larger than a fat goose. In amazement you will exclaim: where could this possibly grow?
LIX. DORMOUSE.
I sleep through the whole winter, and have become fatter during the time, with nothing but sleep to nourish me.
LX. RABBITS.
The rabbit delights to dwell in caves dug in the earth. It was he who taught enemies the art of making secret ways.
LXI. HEATHCOCKS.
Among winged fowl, the best-flavoured is held to be the Ionian heathcock.
LXII. FATTENED FOWLS.
The hen fattens readily on sweet flour and darkness.1How ingenious is gluttony!2
1 Light and motion being adverse to fat.
2 Which discovered that fowls might be soonest fattened in darkness.
LXIII. CAPONS.
Lest the cock, by excess of conjugal enjoyment, should grow thin, it is put out of his power to do so. I shall call him a priest of Cybele.3
3 Gallus (a cock) also signifies a priest of Cybele.
LXIV. THE SAME.
In vain does the hen caress her sterile mate; she ought to have been the bird of Cybele, the mother of the gods.
LXV. PARTRIDGES.
This bird is placed as a great rarity upon Roman tables. It is only at those of the rich that you taste it frequently.
LXVI. DOVES.
If you have been initiated in the sacred mysteries of the Cnidian goddess, violate not tender doves with sacrilegious tooth.4
4 If you have been initiated in the mysteries of Venus, do not destroy the birds sacred to her.
LXVII. WOOD-PIGEONS.
Wood-pigeons make sluggish and blunt the manly powers He who wishes to be a lover should not eat of this bird.
LXVIII. WITWALS.
The witwal is trapped by reeds and nets, while the grape, yet immature, swells with green juice.
LXIX. MARTENS.
Umbria never gave us Pannonian Martens. Pudens prefers to send these as presents to our Sovereign Lord.1
1 The martens were sent from Pannonia to Pudens, who was in Umbria, and who sent them thence as a present to the emperor.
LXX. THE PEACOCK.
Yon are lost in admiration whenever he spreads his feathers that glow as it were with jewels, and can you consign him, cruel man, to the unfeeling cook?
LXXI. THE FLAMINGO.
My red wing gives me my name; but it is my tongue that is considered savoury by epicures. What, if my tongue had been able to sing?2
2 How much more valuable would it have been! An allusion, probably, to the dish of singing-birds' tongues produced at a feast by Aesopus the tragic actor. Plin. H. N. x. 51.
LXXII. PHEASANTS.
I was first brought to these climes in the ship Argo; till then I knew only the river Phasis.
LXXIII. NUMIDIAN FOWLS.
However well Hannibal was fed with Roman geese, the barbarian himself never ate the birds of his own country.3
3 Never ate them in Italy; because luxury had not yet introduced them into that country.
LXXIV. THE GOOSE.
This bird saved the temple of Tarpeian Jove. Do you wonder at this? A god has not then built that temple.4
4 Since Domitian has erected a temple there, he, being a god, is sufficiently able to protect it.
LXXV. CRANES.
You will disturb the lines, and the letter1 will not fly entire, if you destroy one single bird of Palamedes.2
1 The letter V, or γ, which cranes form in their flight.
2 Cranes were called the birds of Palamedes, because he is said to have adopted some forms of letters from their mode of flying.
LXXVI. WOODCOCKS.
Whether woodcock or partridge, what does it signify, if the taste is the same? But the partridge is dearer, and therefore thought preferable.
LXXVII. SWANS.
The swan murmurs sweet strains with a faltering tongue, itself the singer of its own dirge.
LXXVIII. THE PORPHYRION.3
Has so small a bird the name of a great giant? It has also the name of the charioteer Porphyrion of the Green Faction.
3 A bird so called, according to Aelian and Pliny, from its purple colour. What bird it was, is unknown.
LXXIX. LIVE MULLETS.
The mullet yet breathes in the sea-water which is brought in for him; but with difficulty. Is he not beginning to droop? Give him the natural sea, and he will recover his strength.
LXXX. LAMPREYS.
The large lamprey, which swims in the Sicilian deep, cannot again submerge its body, if once scorched by the sun.4
4 Such is its fatness, that if it rise to the surface of the water when the sun is shining, the heat relaxes it, and renders it powerless even to plunge again into the deep.
LXXXI. TURBOTS.
However great the dish that holds the turbot, the turbot is still greater than the dish.
LXXXII. OYSTERS.
I am a shell-fish just come from being saturated with the waters of the Lucrine lake, near Baiae; but now I luxuriously thirst for noble pickle.1
1 In which oysters were preserved.
LXXXIII. PRAWNS.
The cerulean river Liris loves us, Liris sheltered by the wood of Marica,2 thence we prawns come in large shoals.
2 In Campania.
LXXXIV. THE CHAR.
Of this char, which comes well fattened from the billowy sea, the liver is good; but the other parts are ill-flavoured.
LXXXV. THE CORACINUS.
Coracinus,4 glory of the Egyptian markets, where you are eagerly sought, no fish is more highly esteemed than you among the gourmands of Alexandria.
4 A fish from the Nile, of which nothing is known.
LXXXVI. SEA-HEDGEHOG.
That sea-hedgehog, though it pricks your fingers with its bristly armour, will be soft enough when its shell is laid aside.
LXXXVII. MURICES, THE PURPLE-FISH.
You wear, ungrateful man, cloaks dyed in our blood; and as if that were not enough, you also eat us.
LXXXVIII. GUDGEONS.
Whatever the magnificence of the feasts in the region of Venice, the gudgeon usually forms the beginning of the repast.
LXXXIX. THE PIKE.
The woolly1 pike swims at the mouth of the Euganean Timavus, fattening on sweet water mixed with salt.
1 Laneus lupus: A species of pike, so called from the colour and softness of the flesh. Plin. H. N. ix. 17. The Timavus was a river not far from Venice, in the territory once occupied by the Euganei.
XC. THE JOHN DORY.
It is not every Dory that deserves praise and a high price, but only that which feeds on the shell-fish of the Lucrine lake.
XCI. THE STURGEON.
Send the sturgeon to the Palatine table;2 such rarities should adorn divine feasts.
2 That of Domitian's palace on the Palatine Mount.
XCII. HARES.
If my opinion is of any worth, the thrush is the greatest delicacy among birds, the hare among quadrupeds.
XCIII. WILD BOAR.
The bristly animal which fell by an Aetolian spear4 on the lands of Diomede, a dire object of terror, was just such as this.
4 That of Meleager.
XCIV. DOES.
Wild boars are feared for their tusks; horns are the defence of stags; what are we, unwarlike does, but an easy prey to all?
XCV. THE OUNCE.
The savage ounce, not the best victim of the morning sports, costs me the lives of oh! how many dogs!
XCVI. THE STAG.
Was this the stag which was tamed by your halter, Cyparissus?5 or was it rather yours, Silvia?6
5 A son of Telephus, who, having accidentally killed his favourite stag, is said by Ovid to have been changed into a cypress.
6 The daughter of Tyrrheus. Virgil, Aen. vii.
XCVII. THE LALISIO, OR SUCKING FOAL OF
THE WILD ASS.
While the wild ass is young, and led by its mother alone, the nursling has, but only for a short time, the name of lalisio.
XCVIII. THE GAZELLE.
Give your little son the gazelle for a plaything; which the crowd in the amphitheatre like to scare by waving their togas.
XCIX. THE MOUNTAIN GOAT.
See how the mountain goat hangs from the summit of the cliff; you would expect it to fall: it is merely showing its contempt for the dogs.
C. THE WILD ASS.
Behold this beautiful wild ass; away with the hunting of Indian elephants. Lay aside the hunting nets!
CI. VENAFRAN OIL.
This unguent has been exuded by the berry of Venafrum in Campania. Every time you use it, it emits fragrance.1
1 A fragrance owing not to the oil, but to the spices mixed with it.
CII. SUPERIOR SAUCE FROM OUR ALLIES.
Accept this exquisite sauce made from the first blood of the expiring mackerel;2 an expensive present.
2 From Greece, Africa, Spain, and various other parts.
CIII. INFERIOR SAUCE.
I am, I confess it, the offspring of the tunny-fish of Antipolis;3 had I been that of a mackerel, I should not have been sent to you.
3 In Gallia Narbonensis.
CIV. ATTIC HONEY.
The bee that throngs Thesean Hymettus has sent you this noble nectar from the forest of Minerva.
CV. SICILIAN HONEYCOMBS.
When you make a present of Sicilian honeycombs from amid the hills of Hybla, you may call them Attic.
CVI. RAISIN WINE.
The vineyard of Gnossus, in that Crete where Minos reigned, produced this for you; this is the honeyed wine of the poor man.
CVII. PITCH-FLAVOURED WINE.
Doubt not that this pitch-flavoured wine came from the wine-bearing Vienne: Romulus1 himself sent it to me.
1 The son of Aeneas, who built Alba Longa.
CVIII. HONEYED WINE.
Attic honey thickens the nectar-like Falernian. Such drink deserves to be mixed by Ganymede.
CIX. ALBAN WINE.
This wine is sent from the Cesarean hills,2 from the sweet vineyard that flourishes on Mount Iulus.
2 The hills were called Caesarean, because the emperors had palaces on them.
CX. SURRENTINE WINE.
Do you drink Surrentine? Choose for it neither painted myrrhine jars, nor vessels of gold; the wine will furnish you with cups from its own locality.
CXI. FALERNIAN WINE.
This Massic3 wine comes from the presses of Sinuessa. Do you ask in whose Consulate it was bottled? It was before consuls existed.
3 Mons Massicus and Mons Falernus were mountains near Sinuessa in Campania; both celebrated for their wines.
CXII. SETINE WINE.
The little city of Setia, which, suspended on high, overlooks the Pontine marshes, has sent us these old tuns.
CXIII. FUNDI WINE.
This wine of Fundi4 was produced in the splendid autumn of Opimius.5 The consul who saw it made drank of it when matured.
4 A town of Campania.
5 See B.. Ep. 27.
CXIV. TRIFOLINE WINE.
I, Trifoline wine,6 am not, I confess, of the first order but I hold, at least, the seventh place.
6 Made at Cuma in Campania.
CXV. CAECUBAN WINE.
Generous Caecuban wine is matured at Amyclae, near Fundi; the vine is born and flourishes in the midst of a morass.
CXVI. SIGNINE WINE.
You may drink Signine wine, which astringes the relaxed bowels; but, that it may not affect you too much, let your draughts be moderate.
CXVII. MAMERTINE WINE.
If a jar of Mamertine,1 as old as Nestor, be given you, you may call it by what name you please.2
1 From the Mamertine region in Sicily.
2 Such is its excellence, that it is equal to any wine whatever.
CXVIII. TARRAGONESE WINE.
Tarragon, which yields the palm to the vineyards of Campania alone, produced this wine, rivalling the Tuscan.
CXIX. NOMENTAN WINE.
My Nomentan vineyard3 yields this wine. If Quintus4 is your friend, you will drink better.
3 Martial's vineyard at Nomentum.
4 Quintus Ovidius. B. vi. Ep.92.
CXX. SPOLETINE WINE.5
Better drink old wine from Spoletine jars, than new Falernian.
5 From Spoletum in Italy.
CXXI. PELIGNIAN WINE.
The Pelignian vine-dressers send turbid Marsic wine. Touch it not yourself but let your freed-man drink it.
CXXII. VINEGAR.
Disdain not this amphora of Egyptian vinegar. It was much worse when it was wine.
CXXIII. WINE OF MARSEILLES.
Since your sportula attracts to you hundreds of citizens, you may set before them the smoky wines of Marseilles.
CXXIV. CAERETAN.1
Let Nepos2 place Caeretan wine on table, and you will deem it Setine. But he does not give it to all the world; he drinks it only with a trio of friends.
1 From Caere in Etruria.
2 A friend of Martial. B. x. Ep. 48.
CXXV. TARENTINE.
Aulon3 is renowned for its wool, and happy in its vines. You may take its precious fleeces, give me its wines.
3 A mountain in Calabria, near Tarentum.
CXXVI. PERFUMES.
Never think of leaving perfumes or wine to your heir. Administer these yourself and let him have your money.
CXXVII. A CROWN OF ROSES.
Winter, O Caesar, offers you a forced chaplet; formerly the rose was a flower of spring, now it comes at your bidding.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Martial, Epigrams. Book 14. Mainly from Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
Martial, Epigrams. Book 14. Mainly from Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
BOOK XIV.
THE PRESENTS MADE TO GUESTS AT FEASTS.
I. TO THE READER.
Now, while the knights and the lordly senators delight in the festive robe, and the cap5 of liberty is assumed by our Jupiter; 6 and while the slave, as he rattles the dice-box, has no fear of the Aedile, seeing that the ponds are so nearly frozen,7 learn alternately what is allotted to the rich and to the poor. Let each make suitable presents to his friends. That these contributions of mine are follies and trifles, and even worse, who does not know? or who denies what is so evident? But what can I do better, Saturn, on these days of pleasure, which your son himself has consecrated to you in compensation for the heaven from which he ejected you? Would you have me write of Thebes, or of Troy, or of the crimes of Mycenae? You reply, "Play with nuts. But I don't want to waste even nuts. Reader, you may finish this book wherever you please, every subject is completed in a couple of lines.
5 Caps were worn generally daring the Saturnalia. See B. xi. Ep. 6.
6 Domitian.
7 Seeing winter to near at hand.
II. TO THE READER.
If you ask why headings are affixed, I will tell you; it is that, if you choose, you may read the headings only.
III. TABLETS OF CITRON-WOOD.
Had not our wood been cut into thin tablets, we should have been the noble burden of Libyan ivory.1
1 Had we not been tablets, we should have been tables, supported on ivory legs.
IV. TABLETS (WAXEN) OF FIVE LEAVES.
The joyous court of the emperor is warm with the slaughter of bullocks, when the decree which confers fresh honours on Casar is conveyed by the five-leaved (waxen) tablet.2
2 When the honour of a consulate or triumph is inscribed by the emperor on tablets of this kind, which are sent to the person on whom it is bestowed.
V. TABLETS OF IVORY.
If the dull-coloured waxen-tablets are too indistinct for your failing sight, let black letters be depicted on snow-white ivory.
VI. TABLETS OF THREE LEAVES.
You will think our three leaves no ordinary gift, when your mistress writes to you on them that she will come.
VII. TABLETS OF PARCHMENT.
Although these tablets are called parchment, imagine them of wax; you will be able to erase and replace the writing at pleasure.3
3 The parchment was covered with some chalky kind of substance which could be erased.
VIII. VITELLIAN TABLETS.
A maiden, though she may never have read Vitellian tablets, knows what they mean.
IX. THE SAME.
Because you see that we are very small, you imagine that we are love-letters. You are mistaken; we bear a demand for money.
X. LARGER TABLBTS.
When a poet presents you with blank leaves, you should consider it no small present.
XI. LETTER-PAPER.
Whether sent to a casual acquaintance, or to a dear friend, this paper is in the habit of calling everybody "my dear Sir."
XII. IVORY COFFERS.
It is improper to fill these coffers with any other coin than gold; let common wooden boxes hold silver.
XIII. WOODEN COFFERS.
If there be anything still remaining at the bottom of my coffer, it shall be yours. There is nothing: then the coffer itself shall be yours.
XIV. IVORY TALI, OR DICE.1
When you see that no two of these dice present themselves to you with the same face, you will say that I have made you a great present.
1 See B. ii. Ep. 6.
XV. TESSERAE.
Although as a tessera I am unequal in number to the tali, yet the stake laid upon me is frequently greater.
2 On this and the following, see B. xiii. Ep. 1, and B. iv. Ep. 14.
XVI. A DICE BOX.
The fraudulent hand, skilled in disposing dice to fall in a certain manner, will, if it throws them from me, succeed only in wishing.
XVII. A GAMING TABLE.
Here dice, with their twice six spots, are counted; here the party-coloured man is captured by his double foe.1
1 One compartment of the table was adapted for throwing dice, the other for moving men, resembling chess-men or draughts-men, according to the throws of the dice. A man was taken when he was hemmed in between two of the adversary's men. See Smith's Dict. of Antiq. art. Calculus and Latrunculi.
XVIII. NUTS.
Nuts seem a small risk, and not likely to be attended with much loss; yet such risk has often robbed the young of honour.
XIX. A PEN-CASE.
As you have been lucky enough to gain a pen-case as your prize, remember to store it with pens. Having got the more expensive part for nothing, you can afford the less costly.
XX. THE GAME OF ROBBERS.2
If your game be the warfare of insidious robbers you have here in gems both your soldiers and your enemy.
2 The nature of this game is not exactly known; it is variously supposed to mean chess, draughts, or some kind of besieging game.
XXI. STYLUS-CASES.
These stylus-cases furnished with their own steel styluses are for you. If you give one of them to your boy, it will be no trifling present.
XXII. A. TOOTH-PICK.
A piece of Lentisc wood is best; but if that is unattainable, a quill may relieve your teeth.
XXIII. AN EAR-PICK.
I offer you an instrument to allay the tickling of your ear, when it annoys you with troublesome irritation.
XXIV. A GOLDEN HAIR-PIN.
That your oiled tresses may not injure your splendid silk dress, let this pin fix your twisted hair, and keep it up.
XXV. COMBS.
Of what use will be this piece of box-wood, cut into so many teeth, and now presented to you, seeing that you have no hair?
XXVI. POMATUM.
My caustic influence reddens the hair of the Germans: by my aid you may surpass your slave's tresses.
XXVII. MATTIAC BALLS.1
If you desire, Octogenarian, to change the colour of your venerable hair, accent these Mattiac balls. But to what purpose, for you are bald?
1 So called from Mattium, a town of Germany, supposed by some to be the same with Marpurg. They were some kind of composition for dyeing the hair.
XXVIII. A PARASOL.
Accept this protection against the excessive heat of the sun; and even against the wind it will serve you as a veil.
XXIX. A BROAD-BRIMMED HAT.
In Pompey's theatre I go as a spectator well hooded, the awning there being of little avail against the wind.
XXX. HUNTING-SPEARS.
They will receive rushing wild boars, and await lions; they will pierce bears, if the hand that directs them be sufficiently firm.
XXXI. A HUNTING-KNIFE.
If you mourn over your hunting-spear, struck down by the boar's long tusk, this short weapon will oppose the huge animal in close encounter.
XXXII. A SWORD AND BELT.
This is a military decoration, an honourable testimony; a weapon worthy to gird on the side of a tribune.
XXXIII. A DAGGER.
This dagger, marked with serpentine veins, Salo,1 while it was hissing with heat, tempered with ice-cold water.
1 A river in Spain. See B. i. Ep. 50.
XXXIV. A SCYTHE.
The settled peace of our Emperor has bent me to unwarlike uses; now I belong to the husbandman, formerly I belonged to the soldier.
XXXV. A HATCHET.
When a sad sale was made for the payment of debts, this hatchet was purchased for four hundred thousand sesterces.2
2 A vast sum; more than £3200 of our money. We are inclined to read quadraginta instead of quadringentis, a change which would reduce the price to £330.
XXXVI. BARBER'S INSTRUMENTS.
Some of these instruments are adapted for cutting the hair; one is useful for long nails, another for rough chins.
XXXVII. A BOOK-CASE.
If you do not give me well-bound books, they will admit the moth and devouring worms.
XXXVIII. BUNDLES OF REED-PENS.
The land of Egypt supplies you with reeds fit for writing on paper. With the reeds of other marshes you may thatch your roofs.
XXXIX. A NIGHT-LAMP.
I am a night-lamp, privy to the pleasures of the couch; do whatever you please, I shall be silent.
XL. A CANDLE.
Fortune has given you this servant of the lamp, which, by keeping awake, dispels darkness.
XLI. THE LAMP WITH SEVERAL BURNERS.
Although I illumine whole banquets with my light, and have so many necks, I am called but one lamp.
XLII. A TAPER.
This taper will provide you with light in the night, supposing your lamp should be stolen from your servant.
XLIII. A CORINTHIAN CANDELABRUM.
It was candles that gave us our old name; the lamp trimmed with oil was not known to our forefathers.
XLIV. A WOODEN CANDLESTICK.
You see that I am a piece of wood; unless you are careful of the flame, a great lamp will be made out of your candlestick.
XLV. A PAGANICA, OR BALL STUFFED WITH FEATHERS.
This ball, stuffed with feathers, difficult to manage, is not so soft as a bladder, nor so hard as an ordinary ball.
XLVI. THE BALL FOR PLAYING AT THE TRIGON,
OR THREE-CORNERED GAME.
If you are skilful enough to strike me with rapid left-hand blows, I am yours. You are not sufficiently skilled, so, clown, return the ball.
XLVII. THE BLADDER FOOTBALL.
Retire to a distance, young men; tender age suits me; with the bladder it befits only boys and old men to play.
XLVIII. THE HARPASTA, OR SMALL HAND-BALL.
This the agile youth catches amid the dust of Antaeus,1(though often) stretching his neck with fruitless efforts.
1 That is, the dust of the palaestra, or wrestling-ground, Antaeus having been famed for wrestling. The words in brackets are supplied, being apparently required to complete the sense.
XLIX. DUMB-BELLS.
Why do strong arms fatigue themselves with frivolous dumb-bells? To dig a vineyard is a worthier exercise for men.
L. A LEATHER CAP.
To prevent the wrestler's unclean oil from defiling your sleek locks, you may protect your perfumed hair with this leathern covering.
LI. STRIGILS, FOR SCRAPING THE SKIN IN THE BATH.
Pergamus sent these; scrape yourself with the curved iron, and the scourer will not so often have to cleanse your linen.
LII. A COMMON HORN OIL-FLASK.
A young bull lately bore me upon his forehead; you might think me a real rhinoceros' horn.
LIII. AN OIL-FLASK OF RHINOCEROS' HORN.
This horn, which was recently seen in the Ausonian arena of the Emperor, and to which a bull was but as a ball, is for you.1
1 See Spectac. Ep. 9.
LIV. A CHILD'S RATTLE.
If a little boy hangs crying upon your neck, let him shake, with his tender hand, this noisy rattle.
LV. A HORSE-WHIP.
If the horse which you are running is of the purple faction,2 you will make nothing of him, however much you flog him with this whip.
2 The same is said of those of the blue faction, B. vi. Ep. 46.
LVI. TOOTH POWDER.
What have I to do with you? Let the fair and young use me. I am not accustomed to polish false teeth.
LVII. MYROBALANUM.
This, which is mentioned neither by Virgil nor by Homer, in all their verses, is made up of unguent and nut-balsam.
LVIII. APHRONITRUM, OR SALT-PETRE.
Are you a Rustic? Then you do not know what I am called in Greek I am called the scum of nitre. Are you a Greek? I am Aphronitron.
LIX. BALMS.
Balm delights me; it is the perfume for men. You matrons, scent yourselves with the essences of Cosmus.
LX. BEAN-FLOUR.
This will be an acceptable present, and not without its use to a wrinkled body, when exposed in broad daylight at the baths of Stephanus.
LXI. A HORN-LANTERN.
I am a lantern, a guide for the way, and shine like gold when the flame is sheltered and the little lamp safe in my embrace.
LXII. A LANTERN MADE OF A BLADDER.
If I am not of horn, am I the less transparent? Will any one who meets me think me a bladder?
LXIII. A REED PIPE.
Why do you smile at my form, composed of wax and reeds? The first shepherd's pipe was such as I am.
LXIV. PIPES.
The drunken female-piper bursts our ears with her inflated cheeks; she sometimes blows two pipes at once;1 sometimes only one.
1 Pipers often played on two pipes at once, called tibia dextrae et sinistrae, "right and left-handed pipes." See a full description of them in Colman's Preface to his Terence.
LXV. WOOLLEN SLIPPERS.
If your servant should happen to be absent, and you wish to get your sandals, these will enable your feet to serve themselves.
LXVI. A CORSET.
You might be able to confine your breast within a bull's hide; but what you use is too small for the purpose.
LXVII. A FLY-FLAP OF PEACOCK'S FEATHERS.
That which prevents disagreeable flies from feeding on your repast, was once the proud tail of a splendid bird.
LXVIII. RHODIAN BISCUIT.
If your slave commits a fault, do not smash his teeth with your fist; give him some of the (hard) biscuit which famous Rhodes has sent you.
LXIX. A PRIAPUS MADE OF PASTRY.
If you wish to appease your hunger, you may eat this Priapus of ours; even though you consume every part of it, you will not be the less pure.
LXX. A PIG.
The pig fed on acorns among foaming wild boars, will afford you a merry saturnalia.
LXXI. A CLOTHES-BRUSH OF OX-TAIL.
If your dress has been soiled with yellow dust, brush it off with gentle strokes of this bushy tail.
LXXII. A SAUSAGE.
The sausage which comes to you in mid-winter, came to me before the seven days of the Saturnalia.
LXXIII. A PARROT.
I, a parrot, am taught by you the names of others; I have learned of myself to say, " Hail! Caesar!"
LXXIV. A RAVEN.
[Not translated either in the Bohn or the Ker Loeb]
LXXV. A NIGHTINGALE.
Philomela bewails the crime of the incestuous Tereus; and she who was dumb as a maiden, is celebrated for her song as a bird.
LXXVI. A MAGPIE.
I, a talking magpie, salute you as my master with distinct voice; if you did not see me, you would not believe me to be a bird.
LXXVII. AN IVORY CAGE.
If you ever possess such a bird as Lesbia, the beloved of Catullus, bewailed, it may dwell here.
LXXVIII. A MEDICINE-CHEST.
Here you have an ivory medicine-chest, filled with the appliances of the healing art; a present such as even Paccius might have coveted.
1 Some physician, probably.
LXXIX. WHIPS.
Play, sportive slaves; but only play.2 These whips of mine shall be locked up for five days.3
2 Do no mischief.
3 In Ep. 72 the Saturnalia are said to last seven days; five was the prescribed number, but two were usually added.
LXXX. CANES.
Hated exceedingly by children, and dear to schoolmasters, we are the wood ennobled by the gift of Prometheus.1
1 Prometheus stole fire from heaven in a hollow cane or reed.
LXXXI. A WALLET.
This wallet entreats that it may not be obliged to carry the beggarly food of a long-bearded, half-clad philosopher, or serve as pillow to his mangy dog.
LXXXII. BROOMS.
Brooms were once held in esteem, as our palm trees testify;2 but now the slaves have forsaken brooms, and pick up crumbs.
2 Brooms were anciently made from the palm-tree.
LXXXIII. A BACK-STRATCHER, IN THE SHAPE OF A HAND.
This hand will protect your shoulders from the bite of the troublesome flea, or from other things more offensive than a flea.
LXXXIV. A WOODEN BOOK-COVERING.
These fir covers will long preserve your manuscripts, and protect them against the friction of your toga and cloak.3
3 Compare B. i. Ep. 67.
LXXXV. A COUCH MADE OF CITRON-WOOD,
CALLED "PEACOCK-TAILED."
This couch derives its name from the bird adorned with painted feathers; which is now the attendant of Juno, but was formerly Argus.4
4 The hundred-eyed Argus was changed into a peacock.
LXXXVI. A SADDLE.
Huntsman, accept this saddle for your swift-footed steed, for a horse ridden bare-backed is apt to cause a painful disease.
LXXXVII. A DINNER COUCH.
Accept a semicircular couch decorated with crescents of tortoise-shell. It will hold eight. Whoever is a friend, let him take a seat on it.
LXXXVIII. A DINNER-TABLE ORNAMENTED WITH
THE BEST TORTOISE-SHELL.
If you imagine that I am adorned with female land-tortoise shell, you are mistaken; I bear the male offspring of the sea.
LXXXIX. A CITRON-WOOD TABLE.
Accept a present of rich wood from the forests of Atlas. Whoever makes a present of gold (of equal weight), will give less.
XC. A MAPLE-WOOD TABLE.
I am not veined, it is true; nor am I the offspring of an African forest; yet even my wood is no stranger to sumptuous feasts.
XCI. IVORY TUSKS.
Do you question whether tusks which toss in air the vast bodies or bulls, can support tables of African wood?1
1 See Spectac. Ep. 17 and 19.
XCII. A FIVE-FEET RULE.
This piece of oak, marked with spots, and tipped with a sharp point, frequently exposes the fraudulent dealings of the contractor.
XCIII. ANTIQUE VASES.
This is no recent masterpiece, nor the work of an artificer of our day; Mentor, who made these cups, was the first to drink out of them.
XCIV. COMMON CUPS.
Though we plebeian cups are not made of decorative glass, our stone ware is not cracked by boiling water.
XCV. A CHASED GOLD CUP.
Although I am formed of the most beautiful and ruddy Callaic gold,2 I glory far more in my workmanship; for it is that of Mys.
2 See B. v. Ep. *.
XCVI. A VATINIAN CUP.1
Accept this humble cup, a memorial of the cobbler Vatinius; it is not so big as his nose.
1 So called because the fashion of it was invented by Vatinius, a shoemaker of Beneventum; or because it was shaped like his nose.
XCVII. DISHES INLAID WITH GOLD.
Do not dishonour such large gold dishes with an insignificant mullet; it ought, at least, to weigh two pounds.
XCVIII. ARRETINE VASES.2
We warn you not to look with too much contempt on Arretine vases; Porsena's splendid service was of Etruscan pottery.
2 From Arretium, a town of Etruria, now Arezzo.
XCIX. A BASKET.3
I, a barbarian basket, came from the painted Britons; but now Rome claims me for her own.
3 The word "basket" is supposed to be derived from Bascauda. See Johnson's Dictionary.
C. PANACIAN VESSELS.
If you have visited the country of the learned Catullus, you have drunk Rhaetian wine from my earthenware.
CI. BOLETARIA, A COOKING VESSEL.
Though mushrooms (boleti) have given me so noble a name, I am used, I am ashamed to say it, for cabbages.
CII. SURRENTINE CUPS.
Accept these cups formed of no common clay, but the polished work of a Surrentine potter's wheel.
CIII. A SNOW-STRAINER.
Temper your cups of Setine wine, I advise you, with snow put into me. You may use linen strainers for inferior wines.
CIV. A SNOW-BAG.
Our coarse linen, too, will clarify snow-water, which does not gush any colder from your fine strainer.
CV. WATER-JUGS FOR THE TABLE.
Let cold water not be wanting, and the warm will be at command; never trifle with craving thirst.
CVI. AN EARTHEN PITCHER.
Here is presented to you a red pitcher with twisted handle; the Stoic Fronto 1 used to fetch his water in this vessel.
1 Perhaps he who is mentioned B. i. Ep. 56.
CVII. WINE CUPS.
The Satyr loves us; Bacchus loves us; and so too the intoxicated tigress, whom we have taught to lick the feet of her master.
CVIII. SAGUNTINE CUPS.
Accept these cups, fashioned of Saguntine clay, which your servant may take and handle without anxiety.
CIX. JEWELLED CUPS.
See how the gold, begemmed with Scythian emeralds, glistens! How many fingers does this cup deprive of jewels!2
2 Ancient gold as well as crystal cups and vases, inlaid with jewels, especially emeralds and rubies, are still found in some cabinets.
CX. AN AMPULLA, OR DRINKING FLASK.
Here is a gemmed cup, which bears the name of Cosmus;3 drink, luxurious man, if you thirst for perfumed wines.4
3 The perfumer often mentioned before.
4 It was a practice of the luxurious, in the time of Martial, to mix spikenard, myrrh, and other perfumes, with their wine. See Plin. H. N. 13.
CXI. CRYSTAL CUPS.
You break crystal cups in your anxiety to avoid breaking them; hands too careless, and too anxious, are equally destructive.
CXII. A NIMBUS OF GLASS.
The nimus that comes from Jupiter will supply you with abundance of water to mix with your wine; this nimbus will give you wine itself.1
1 Nimbus means a "storm," or "storm-cloud." The point lies is the word also meaning a wine-vessel, probably so called from its dark colour.
CXIII. MYRRHINE CUPS.
If you drink your wine warm, a Myrrhine cup is best for hot Falernian; and the flavour of the wine is improved by it
CXIV. A CUMAEAN PLATE.
This plate of red Cumaean earth is sent you by the chaste Sibyl. It is a native of the same place with herself.
CXV. GLASS CUPS.
Behold the talent of the Nile. Alas! how often has the workman, while wishing to give additional ornament to his work, destroyed it!
CXVI. A DECANTER FOR SNOW-WATER.
You drink Spoletine wine, or that which has been stored in Marsian cellars. Of what use to you is the noble luxury of iced water?
CXVII. SNOW.
To drink not snow, but water iced with snow, is the device of ingenious thirst.
CXVIII. THE SAME.
Do not, my slave, mix the smoky wine of Marseilles with iced water, lest the water cost you more than the wine.
CXIX. AN EARTHEN UTENSIL.
When I have been called for by a snap of my master's fingers, and the attendant has loitered, oh how often has the cushion been my rival!
CXX. A SILVER LIGULE, OR SMALL LADLE.
Though knights and senators call me ligula, I am called lingula by ignorant grammarians.1
1 The word is a diminutive from lingua, "a tongue;" but ligula became the prevalent form of it
CXXI. A COCHLEARE 2 (SPOON).
I am suitable for shell-fish, but not less so for eggs. Pray can you tell why the one has given me a name rather than the other?
2 Cochleare, from cochlea, a shell, on account of its shape. Our old tea-caddy spoons were often shaped like a cockle-shell.
CXXII. RINGS.
In old times we were frequently, but now we are rarely, presented to a friend. Happy the man who has for a friend a knight whose fortune he has made! 3
3 In ancient times patrons often presented their clients with a sum of money to enable them to purchase the equestrian dignity, and wear the ring of the order.
CXXIII. A RING-CASE.
Often does the heavy ring slip off the anointed fingers; but if you confide your jewel to me, it will be safe.
CXXIV. A TOGA.
He who gave the skies to his illustrious sire,4 made the toga-clad Romans lords of the world.
4 Domitian, who deified Vespasian, and built a temple to the Flavian family.
CXXV. THE SAME.
If you can reconcile yourself to give up your morning sleep, you may, by wearing out this toga, obtain a sportula.
CXXVI. A WARM CLOAK.
This is a poor man's gift, but not often a poor man's wear. We send you this cloak in place of a mantle.
CXXVII. A BROWN CLOAK OF CANUSIAN WOOL.5
This Canusian cloak, in colour extremely like must, shall be our gift to you. Rejoice! it will not soon wear out.
5 From Canusia in Apulia.
CXXVIII. A GALLIC HOOD.
Gaul clothes you with its Santonic1 hood: it was but recently that it clothed a monkey.2
1 From the Santoses, a people of Gaul.
2 It resembled the short coat sometimes put on monkeys.
CXXIX. RED CLOAKS OF CANUSIAN WOOL.
Rome more willingly wears brown cloaks; Gaul prefers red, a colour which pleases children and soldiers.
CXXX. A LEATHERN CLOAK.
Although you begin your journey on the finest of days let this leathern cloak be always at hand against sudden showers.
CXXXI. A SCARLET COAT.
If you belong to the blue or the green faction, why put on scarlet? Be careful, lest by that proceeding you be reckoned a deserter.
CXXXII. A CAP.
If I could, I should have been glad to send you a whole suit; as it is I send you only a covering for your head.
CXXXIII. BAETIC CLOAKS.
My wool is not deceitful, nor do I change my colour in the dying vat. Tyrian wool may please by such means; my colour is that of the sheep I clothed.
CXXXIV. A BREAST-BAND.
Breast-band! confine the swelling bosom of my mistress, that I may be able to cover and press it with my hand.
CXXXV. A DINNER DRESS.
No law courts or bail cases are known to me. My duty is to recline on embroidered couches.
CXXXVI. A WOOLLEN CLOAK.
Fine smooth garments are of little use in winter. My shaggy covering will impart warmth to your under-dress.
CXXXVII. WHITE WOOLLEN CLOAKS.
We recommend ourselves for service in the amphitheatre when our white covering encompasses the chilly toga.
CXXXVIII. A TABLE-COVER.
Let this woollen cloth protect your splendid citron table. On mine a dish may be placed without doing any harm.
CXXXIX. A LIBURNIAN HOOD.
You did not know, simpleton, how to suit your cloak to me. You put on a white cloak; you have to take off a green one.1
1 A portion of the wool of the hood, which fell down over the upper part of the white cloak, adhered to it, and gave it something of a green hue.
CXL. CILICIAN SOCKS.
These are not formed of wool, but of the beard of the fetid goat.2 You may bury your foot in this hairy covering.
2 From Cinyps, a river in Africa, on the banks of which goats abounded.
CXLI. A SYNTHESIS, OR FESTAL ROBE.
While your toga enjoys a rest of five days,3 you may, if you please, make use of this vestment.
3 The five days of the Saturnalia, during which the synthesis was worn instead of the toga. See Ep. 72, 79, etc.
CXLII. A MUFFLER.
If with the intention of reciting, I happen to present to you a little book, let this muffler defend your ears.
CXLIII. PATAVIAN WOOLLEN SHIRTS.
The Patavian triple tissue is composed of many fleeces; it is only a saw that can cut these thick shirts.
CXLIV. A SPONGE.
Chance has given you this sponge, useful for wiping tables, when it is slightly distended with the water which it imbibes.
CXLV. A CLOAK OF LONG HAIR.
Such is my whiteness, such the beauty of my long hair, that you would like to wear me even in the midst of harvest.
CXLVI. A PILLOW.
Rub your hair with the nard of Cosmus, and your pillow will smell of it. When your hair has lost the perfume, the pillow retains it
CXLVII. LONG-HAIRED COVERLETS.
Your woolly coverlet is radiant with purple trimmings; but what avails that, if an old wife freezes you?
CXLVIII. A PAIR OF BLANKETS.
Lest the mattress should be too plainly seen on your scantily-covered couch, we two sisters come to your aid.
CXLIX. A TUCKER.
I fear those whose development is large: give me to some tender maiden, that the linen of which I am formed may delight in her snow-white charms.
CL. AN ORNAMENTED COVERLET.
The land of Memphis makes you this present. The Babylonian needle is now surpassed by the loom of the Nile.
CLI. A WOMAN'S GIRDLE.
At present I am long enough; but if you should swell with an agreeable burden, I should then prove too short for you.
CLII. A SQUARE RUG.
The land of the learned Catullus1 will supply you with blankets. We are from the region of Helicaon.2
1 Verona.
2 From Patavium, founded by Helicaon, the son of Antenor. B. x. Ep. 93.
CLIII. AN APRON.
Let the rich man give you a tunic; I can only give you an apron. If I were a rich man, I would give you both.
CLIV. AMETHYST-COLOURED WOOLS.
Since I am drunk with the blood of the Sidonian shell-fish, I do not see why I should be called a sober wool.3
3 An allusion to the derivation of amethystus, from α and μεθύω, because it was supposed to have the power of preventing intoxication.
CLV. WHITE WOOL.
Apulia is noted for fleeces of the first quality; Parma for those of the second. The sheep whose wool is of the third quality distinguishes Altinum.
CLVI. TYRIAN WOOL.
I was the present of the shepherd-prince to his Spartan mistress. Her mother Leda's purple robe was inferior to me.
CLVII. POLLENTINE WOOL.
The territory of Pollentia is accustomed to give us, not only wool of a dark colour, but also cups.
CLVIII. THE SAME.
I am, it is true, a sad-coloured wool; but suitable for shorn attendants,2 such as are not required for the higher offices of the table.
2 The better class of slaves wore their hair long; the inferior sort had it cut close. Comp. B. viii. Ep. 51.
CLIX. MATTRESS-STUFFINGS OF LEUCONIUM.
Is the sacking3 uncomfortably close to your pillow? Take this wool plucked from Leuconian4 blankets.
3 Fascia, Some strap by which the pillow was buckled to the couch.
4 From the Leuci, or Leucones, a people of Gaul.
CLX. CIRCUS STUFFING.
The marsh-reed, when cut up, is called circus-stuffing, and is what the poor man buys instead of Leuconian stuffing.
CLXI. FEATHERS.
When fatigued, you may recline upon Amyclaean feathers, which the swan's inner coat provides for you.
CLXII. HAY.
Let your fragile bed be stuffed with hay filched from the mules. Pale care does not visit hard couches.
CLXIII. A BATH BELL.
Give up (playing with) the ball: the bell of the warm baths rings. Do you continue your game? You wish, then, for a cold bath before you return home.1
1 The warm baths, in which it was usual to bathe after playing at ball were closed at a certain time; those who did not go to them before they were closed might bathe in cold water. See B. v. Ep. 21; B. vi. Ep. 41.
CLXIV. A QUOIT.
When the shining Spartan quoit is flying through the air, keep at a distance, children. Let it not be fatal more than it once was.2
2 Alluding to the case of Hyacinthus, killed accidentally by Phoebus.
CLXV. A LYRE.
The lyre restored Eurydice to her bard (Orpheus); but he lost her again by his want of self-control and his too impatient love.
CLXVI. THE SAME.
The lyre, which attracted woods and detained wild beasts, has often been ejected from the theatre of Pompey.3
3 By the populace, who sometimes drove the musicians off the stage. See Spectac Ep. 21.
CLXVII. A QUILL FOR THE LYRE.
That an inflamed blister may not rise upon your chafed thumb, let this white quill elicit the sound or the gentle lyre.
CLXVIII. A. HOOP.
A wheel must be protected (with a tyre). You make me a useful present. It will be a hoop to children, but to me a tyre for my wheel
CLXIX. THE SAME.
Why do these jingling rings4 move about upon the rolling wheel? In order that the passers-by may get out of the way of the hoop.
4 Small rings were attached to boys' hoops to make a jingling noise.
CLXX. A GOLDEN STATUS OF VICTORY.
Victory is here presented, without the intervention of hazard, to him to whom the Rhine gave a true name.1 Slave, pour out ten cups of Falernian.2
1 To Domitian, surnamed Germanicus.
2 Answering to the ten letters in the name of Germanicus. B. i. Ep. 72.
CLXXI. A SMALL STATUE OF BRUTUS'S FAVOURITE.
Little as is this statuette, its glory is by no means inconsiderable. Brutus set his affection on this boy.
CLXXII. THE CORINTHIAN LIZARD-SLAYER.
Spare, treacherous child, the lizard which is crawling towards you. It is eager to perish by your hands.
CLXXIII. A PICTURE OF HYACINTHUS.
The young grandson of Oebalus, at once the shame and the regret of Phoebus, turns his dying eyes from the cruel disc.3
3See Ep. 164.
CLXXIV. A MARBLE HERMAPHRODITE.
He entered the water a male;4 he left it both male and female. In one feature only does he resemble his father;5 in every other his mother.6
4 The fountain of Salmacis. See Ovid's Metam. B. iv.
5 Mercury.
6 Venus.
CLXXV. A PICTURE OF DANAE.
Why, O ruler of Olympus, did Danae receive pay from you, if Leda granted you her favours for nothing?
CLXXVI. A GERMAN MASK.
I am the fancy of the potter, the mask of a red-haired Batavian. This countenance, at which you smile, is an object of terror to children.
CLXXVII. THE CORINTHIAN HERCULES.
The infant crushes the two snakes without turning his eyes from them. Already might the hydra have dreaded the tender hands.
CLXXVIII. A TERRA-COTTA HERCULES.
I am fragile; but do not, I warn you, despise my statuette. Alcides blushes not to bear my name.
CLXXIX. MINERVA IN SILVER.
Tell me, fierce maiden-goddess, why, since you have a helmet and a spear, you have not also an Aegis? "Caesar has it."
CLXXX. EUROPA.
The time, excellent father of the gods, when you might best have changed yourself into a bull, was when your Io was a cow.
CLXXXI. THE MARBLE LEANDER.
The daring Leander exclaimed amid the swelling waters: "Drown me, you waves, when I am on my return."
CLXXXII. A TERRA-COTTA FIGURE OF A HUNCHBACK.
Prometheus, I should think, was drunk when he gave such a monster to earth. Even he amused himself with Saturnalian clay.1
1 He had his Saturnalia as well as we.
CLXXXIII. HOMER'S "BATTLE OF THE FROGS AND MICE."
Read of the frogs, sung by the bard of Maeonia, and learn to relax your brow with such pleasantries as mine
CLXXXIV. A PARCHMENT COPY OF HOMER.
The Iliad, and the story of Ulysses, hostile to the kingdom of Priam, lie deposited in these many folds of skin.
CLXXXV. VIRGIL'S "GNAT."
Receive, studious reader, the "Gnat" of the eloquent Virgil, and do not entirely reject drolleries to read "Arma virumque cano."
CLXXXVI. VIRGIL ON PARCHMENT, WITH PORTRAIT.
How small a quantity of parchment holds the great Maro. His portrait ornaments the first page.
CLXXXVII. MENANDER'S "THAIS."
In this character did he first satirise the free loves of young men. It was not Glycere, but Thais, that was his mistress in youth.
CLXXXVIII. CICERO ON PARCHMENT.
If this parchment be your companion on a long journey, you may imagine that you are travelling with Cicero.
CLXXXIX. A COPY OF PROPERTIUS.
Cynthia, theme of the youthful muse of the eloquent Propertius, has not received more fame from him than she has given in return.
CXC. LIVY IN A SINGLE VOLUME.
The voluminous Livy, of whom my bookcase would once scarcely have contained the whole, is now comprised in this small parchment volume.
CXCI. SALLUST.
Sallust, according to the judgment of the learned, will rank as the prince of Roman historiographers.
CXCII. OVID'S METAMORPHOSES ON PARCHMENT.
This mass, which, as you see, consists of a great number of leaves, contains fifteen books of the verses of Naso.
CXCIII. TIBULLUS.
The playful Nemesis consumed with love the amorous Tibullus, whom it delighted to be a cipher in his own house.
CXCIV. LUCAN.
There are some who say that I am not a poet; but the bookseller, who sells me, thinks that I am.
CXCV. CATULLUS.
Great Verona owes as much to her Catullus, as little Mantua owea to her Virgil.
CXCVI. CALVUS' POEM ON WARM AND COLD SPRINGS.
This paper, which tells you of the virtues and names of water, deserves to be set afloat on the waters it describes.
CXCVII. DWARF MULES.
From these mules you need not fear a fall; you often sit higher on the ground.
CXCVIII. A GALLIC PUPPY.
If you wish to hear all the pretty tricks of the little puppy, a whole page would not suffice for me to enumerate them.
CXCIX. A JENNET.
This small horse, who picks up his swift hoofs in such regular time, is an Asturian, and comes from the gold-producing regions.
CC. THE GREYHOUND.
The active greyhound hunts not for himself but for his master, and will bring you the hare unhurt in his teeth.
CCI. THE WRESTLER.
I do not like him for conquering, but for knowing how to succumb, and still more for having learned the art of retrieving himself.
CCII. THE APE.
I am an ape, cunning in avoiding the darts hurled at me. Had I a tail, I should be a cercopithecus.1
1 A tailed monkey.
CCIII. A FEMALE DANCER OF CADIZ.
[Not translated in either the Bohn or Ker Loeb editions]
CCIV. CYMBALS.
The brazen instruments, which lament the love of the Phrygian mother,2 are often sold by her hungry priest.
2 Cybele.
CCV. THE FAVOURITE.
Mine be a favourite whose delicate skin is due to tender youth, and not to art; for whose sake no maiden may be pleasing in my eyes.
CCVI. THE CESTUS.
Bind upon your neck, child, this cestus, which is love itself warm from the bosom of Venus.
CCVII. THE SAME.
Take this cestus, steeped in the nectar of Cytherea; a cincture which kindled love in Jupiter.
CCVIII. A SHORT-HAND WRITER.
Though your words run swiftly, the hand is swifter still. The hand has recorded before the tongue has uttered.
The swifter hand doth the swift words out-run:
Before the tongue hath spoke the hand hath done.
Wright.
CCIX. A SHELL.
Let the Egyptian papyrus be made smooth by the marine shell; and the pen will then speed along without interruption.
CCX. THE BUFFOON.
His folly is not feigned, or assumed by cunning art. Whoever is not more than wise enough, is wise.
A modest folly may for wisdom go;
And he's less wise that would seem more than so.
Wright.
CCXI. A SHEEP'S HEAD.
You have cut the soft neck of the Phrixean husband of the flock.1 Did he, who gave you your clothing, cruel man, deserve this?
1 A ram such as that which carried Phrixus.
CCXII. A DWARF.
If you look only at the head of the man, you might fancy him to be Hector; if you see him on his legs, you would think him Astyanax.
CCXIII. A SMALL SHIELD.
This, which is wont often to be beaten,2 but rarely to beat, will be a small shield to you, but would be a large one for a dwarf.
2 Because the gladiators, called parmularii, or shield-bearers, were discouraged by Domitian.
CCXIV. YOUNG COMEDIANS.
No-one in that troop will be the Μισούμένοσ (hated one); but every one is ready to be Δὶς ἐξαπατῶν (the double deceiver).3
3 The names of two of Menander's comedies.
CCXV. A CLASP.
Tell me, clasp, frankly, of what advantage are you to actresses and lute-players? To enhance their favours.
CCXVI. A HAWK.
He used to prey upon birds; now he is the servant of the bird-catcher, and deceives birds, repining that they are not caught for himself.
CCXVII. A CATERER.
Tell me how many there are of you, and at what price you wish to dine. Not a word more; dinner is ready for you.
CCXVIII. RODS FOR BIRD-CATCHING.
The bird is deceived, not by the rods only, but also by the song, while the reed1 is stealthily stretched out by the concealed hand.
1 A reed covered with bird-lime.
CCXIX. A BULLOCK'S HEART.
As you, a poor lawyer, write verses that bring you no profit, accept a heart similar to your own.
CCXX. THE COOK.
Art alone is not enough for a cook. I do not like my palate to be his slave; the cook should have the taste of his master.
CCXXI. A GRIDIRON AND SPIT.
Let your slim gridiron be greased with the crescent-shaped steak. Let the foaming boar smoke upon the long spit.
CCXXII. THE CONFECTIONER.
That hand will construct for you a thousand sweet figures of art; for it the frugal bee principally labours.
CCXXIII. RICH BREAKFASTS.
Rise; the baker is already selling breakfasts to the children; and the crested birds of dawn are crowing on all sides.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: martial_epigrams_spurious.htm
Martial, Epigrams. Spurious epigrams. Mainly from Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
Martial, Epigrams. Spurious epigrams. Mainly from Bohn's Classical Library (1897)
EPIGRAMS ASCRIBED TO MARTIAL.
These epigrams come from various sources. Some are found in the manuscripts and old glossaries; others in the editions of Hadrianus Junius (Adrien de Jonghe, 1512-1575) and others.
I.
When asked what are my employments while living in the country, I answer briefly thus: At dawn I address my prayer to the gods; I visit my slaves and my fields, and allot to my people each his due portion of work. Then I read, and invoke Phoebus, and solicit the Muses. Next I anoint myself with olive oil, and take gentle exercise in the palaestra; at peace in mind, and free from interest-bearing debts. Then I dine, drink, sing, play, bathe, sup, and go to bed; while my little lamp consumes its modicum of oil, and furnishes these trifles elaborated by the aid of the muses at night.
II.
Varus happened lately to ask me to supper; the appointments were splendid, the supper itself was paltry. The table was laden with golden dishes, not with meats; the servants placed before us plenty to delight the eye, but very little to satisfy the appetite. I then observed: "I came to feed, not my eyes, but my stomach; either place food before me, Varus, or take away your rich service."
III.
You run about, Ponticus, incessantly, from one great man's house to another, and leave no spot untrodden: the objects at which you aim, Ponticus, are great; you are a great man. Whatever you do, Ponticus, you do without witness, without noise; you admit few persons, Ponticus, into your confidence; you are a cautious man. Nature made you, Ponticus, remarkable for good looks; you would have been worthy of Helen, Ponticus; you are a handsome man. With your voice, Ponticus, you could have moved adamant; your voice sounds sweetly, Ponticus; you are a sweet man. Thus is it you deceive others, Ponticus, thus it is you deceive even yourself. Will you have me say the truth, Ponticus? You are no man at all.
IV. ON A WOMAN OF UNPLEASING COUNTENANCE.
You are pleasing, when touched; you are pleasing, when heard; if not seen, you are altogether pleasing; if seen, you please in no way whatever.
V. ON MILO.
Milo is not is home: Milo having gone abroad, his fields lie fallow; his wife however is none the less productive. The reason why his fields are sterile, and his wife fruitful, I will tell you: his field receives no attention, his wife much.
VI. THE PUNISHMENT OF A PLAYER.
A well-fed player was guilty of an offence against propriety, before the statue of Jupiter; as a punishment, Jupiter enjoined that he should live at his own expense.
VII. ON AN IMPUDENT MAN.
You say that you have the mouth of your uncle, the nose and eyes of your father, and the gait of your mother. Since you thus represent your family, and there is no part in your body but attests it, pray tell me, whose forehead 1 do you have?
1 I.e. cheek. The forehead was the part that was the seat of shame. cf. Persius v.103.
VIII. TO MATTUS.
He who is denied, when you knock at his door, know you not what he says? "I am asleep to you, Mattus."
IX. TO MILO.
Frankincense, pepper, dresses, silver, cloaks, gems, you are accustomed, Milo, to sell, and the buyer carries them off with him. Traffic in your wife is more profitable; for, though often sold, she never leaves the seller, or lessens his store.
X. TO THE YOUNG.
Learn, young man, how with eloquence to plead your cause, that you may be your own defender, guard, and support. I would not that fortune should place me in the highest or in the lowest rank, but that she should assign to me the middle walk of life. Envy besets those in high places, oppression those who are needy; how happy does he live, who is free from both. What nature denies, industry may accord; rarely do the rich attain the blessings which are allotted to the poor. O you young men, who rejoice in a time of life apt for study, learn; years pass away like running water. Do not, while you have the opportunity of learning, waste your days, you docile youths, in idle pursuits; neither the running water nor the fleeting hour ever returns. Let youth ripen in the study of Virtue, that life may pass with well-merited esteem and honour.
The Ker Loeb edition has a different epigram here, and does not include the epigram above. Epigram 10 is as follows:
X. ON A MIDDLE STATION
I would not have Fortune set me in the highest or the lowest place; rather let her moderation grant life's middle station. Envy assails the high, wrong the weak: how happy does he live, who escapes both!
XI. TO SCAEVOLA.
Scaevola, you dine with every one, but no one with you; you drain the wine cups of others; but no one drains yours. Either make a return, or cease to court invitations; it is disgraceful always to receive and never to give.
XII. TO AUCTUS.
You expect from us Auctus, that love which you accord to no one; you expect from us that confidence which you repose in no one. You expect from us honour which you have not earned. It is remarkable that one who grants nothing himself should ask so much from others.
XIII. ON PHILUS.
Philus has fine mantles, and encircles his fingers with gold rings; and yet Philus is poorer than a pauper. He has Tyrian cloaks, mules, beasts of burden, clients; and yet Philus is poorer than a pauper. Philus has halls furnished with royal magnificence; and yet Philus is poorer than a pauper. He is hungry and thirsty, though surrounded with gold and clad in stately robes of purple, he is nevertheless hungry and thirsty. That the pangs of hunger visit him, is told by his paleness and thinness; yet his golden bulla would indicate that the pangs of hunger are unknown to him. Shall the unhappy man, then, become a slave for bread? His golden bulla prevents him from being a slave. Or if, with suppliant prayer, he asks any favour, his silken robe is an obstacle to success. That he may not perish, then, let him become poor instead of rich for, if he became poor, he might become richer.
XIV. TO AULUS.
Neither your birth, nor your good looks, nor the dignity of your rank, nor the respectability of your character, Aulus, will profit you in the least; for being poor, you will always be poor; and you will be enrolled in the lowest of the lowest class.
XV. TO REGULUS.
Regulus, Hermagoras says that we must not please everybody. Choose out of the many whom you would please.
XVI. TO AULICUS.
You give me much, Aulicus; I fear that you will expect much in return. I had rather that you would not give, if you look for a return.
XVII. TO GERMANICUS.
You raise your voice, Germanicus, in the strife, that your furious tones may give utterance to the fury of your mind.
XVIII. TO BASSUS.
Every friend loves, but not every one that loves is a friend. But whomsoever you love, Bassus, be also a friend to him.
XIX. TO TURGIDUS.
You prolong your dinner, Turgidus, till nightfall; your supper till day-break; and you drench yourself day and night with all kinds of wine. And although you study appearances, you decline to marry; and you give as your reason for declining, "A chaste life pleases me." You lie, Turgidus; yours is not chaste life. Would you have me tell you what a chaste life is? Moderation.
XX. ON CHLOE.
You long for a wanton Ganymede; you are the toy of any one; you overcome even the Hippolytuses 1 with desire. Many an adulterer meanwhile haunts your threshold; you are exposed for sale to anyone; how general is your taste! I should willingly have called you Demophile 2, had not your mother chosen to call you Chloe. She is wrong and she is right.
1 The most chaste. See viii.46. Hippolytus rejected the advances of his stepmother Phaedrus, the wife of his father Theseus.
2 i.e. loved by the mob.
XXI. TO LAIS.
Lais, most beauteous of women, whenever I ask you the price of your charms, you forthwith demand a great talent 1. I do not buy repentance, Lais, at so high a price.
1 The Attic talent was of 60 minae of silver.
XXII. TO MACRINUS.
You used to say, Macrinus, that men never died of mushrooms. But mushrooms have at last been the cause of your death.
Epigrams XXIII onwards are not included in the Ker Loeb edition.
XXIII. TO TREBONUS.
You will be steward, Trebonus, for a long time, since you are so skilled in multiplying a single hare. A hare is scarcely sufficient for one person; but you, by your skill in preserving an old hare, make it do duty for a thousand.
XXIV. ON SATIRE.
The Poet, who has everywhere seized the useful and presented it with the agreeable, is everywhere mentioned with praise in the well-known page. Him, I would follow at a distance, lightly touching on matters both serious and sportive, nay, I would even furnish sport, while treating on serious matters. I proposed to sketch, with a dash of colour, certain traits of character; if I carp at others, I also carp at myself. There is no malice or ill-nature, no spiteful attempts at a grin; I laugh at myself, and I laugh at others. I laugh at myself as well as others, that no one may laugh at me. The ill-natured carper delights in repeated attacks; and contrives that he who has been satirized once should be satirised three or four times. But I am unwilling that any serious consequence should attach itself to those whom I have satirised; let the cause and its effect be forgotten together.
XXV. TO GALLUS.
I now know, Gallus, why you avoid the society of ladies, your purse is full of wind, not of coin. But if your flesh does not sin, your mind, my friend, defiles itself; your devotion to the pleasures of the table is sufficient to convict you of want of self-control. Your stomach, I suppose, has resolved to empty your purse; under its influence you will always be a poor man. Yet in this way, Gallus, you may certainly secure peaceful slumbers, and set thieves at defiance. Your stomach takes care of all your money.
XXVI. TO GLAUCUS.
You have a horse that wants barley, Glaucus, a slave that wants clothes, and a house that wants a broom. Your hack is dirty and thin, and your servants' bones are stiff; disgusting dirt defiles your dwelling. Your horse no longer obeys the spur, * * * * 1 your house is entered only on rare occasions. * * * * No poverty or needy toil compels you to live thus. The sheep gives you a fleece, clothe your slave with it; the field gives you oats, let your horse taste them; bid farewell to dirt, and sweep your house.
1 The text is corrupt at this point.
XXVII.
That the cockerell might not suffer in plumpness from amorous excesses, he is converted into a capon. After this, he is brought up in darkness, while a kind hand provides him with corn, and his crop, purged with myrtle, is crammed to fatten him. How ingenious is luxury!
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: juvenal_satires_00_eintro.htm
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Preface to the online edition
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Preface to the online edition
A few notes on the unusual manuscript tradition of Juvenal may be of use to readers.
There is no complete list of extant manuscripts of Juvenal, but considerably more than 500 medieval copies are known to exist. There are also a few leaves preserved from ancient copies, and an indirect transmission of a few lines quoted in other works.
On the face of it, this should give us the materials for an excellent text. Unfortunately his work is poetry, and so subject to an unusual amount of corruption.
After his death, the work of Juvenal fell out of favour in antiquity. This lasted until the last quarter of the th century. At that time he reappears in the commentaries on Virgil of Servius, being quoted more than 70 times, and his wide popularity (together with the now lost history of Marius Maximus) is attested by Ammianus Marcellinus (book 28, 4:14). In consequence a complete ancient commentary on his work was composed, large portions of which are found in some of the medieval manuscripts and themselves help us to understand how the text has changed since. His works were popular in the middle ages, as the large number of copies attests.
Modern scholars estimate that around 50-100 spurious lines were interpolated into the text before the revival in the th century. These lines are present in all subsequent versions of the text.
When the work became popular again in the th century, the text suffered from its obscurity; difficult or obscure words were sometimes replaced with less difficult or more comprehensible words by readers and copyists, in the interest of producing a book that could be read and understood.
The overwhelming majority of the manuscripts reflect this ancient edited version of the text. Worse still, cross-contamination of readings between the medieval copies of this family makes it impossible to draw up a tree of what was copied from what. Even geographical divisions are unstable and difficult to make precisely.
The following manuscripts of this family were used by W. V. Clausen for his Oxford Classical Texts edition (1959). Their consensus he referred to as Φ.
Siglum
Location
Shelfmark & Notes
Date /
Century
A Munich Munich Clm 408. Written in Germany 11
F Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale Français. Paris. lat. 8071. Written in France 9
G Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale Français. Paris. lat. 7900A. Possibly written in Milan? 9-10
H Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale Français. Paris. lat. 9345. Written at Cluny in France. This manuscript contains a copy of an ancient subscription, on f.129v: "Legente Aepicarpio scrinbentis Exuperantio servo" (Written by Exuperantius the slave, read by Aepicarpio). 11
K Florence, Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenziana. Laur. 34.42. This manuscript also contains a different and interesting ancient subscription: "Legi ego Niceus apud M. Serbium Romae et emendavi." (I, Nicaeus, read this at the house of M. Servius in Rome and corrected it"). Whether this is the same as Servius the commentator on Virgil is unknown. 11
L Leiden, B.P.L. Ms. 82. This has a similar subscription to K: "Legi ego Niceus Rome apud Servium magistrum et emendavi." (I, Nicaeus, read this in Rome at the house of Servius the master/teacher and corrected it"). 10-11
O Oxford, Bodleian library Ms. Canon. Class. Lat. 41. Written in Southern Italy, possibly at Monte Cassino. 11-12
T Cambridge, Trinity college Ms. 1241 (O.4.10). Written in England at St. Augustine's, Canterbury. 10 ( nd half)
U Rome, Vatican library Ms. Urbinas lat. 661. Possibly written in Germany? 11
Z London, British Library Ms. Additional 15600. Written in France. 9 (3- th quarter)
Fortunately a number of manuscripts and fragments belong to a different ancient family. These are often more 'naturally' corrupt, but with many fewer intentional alterations.
Siglum
Location
Shelfmark & Notes
Date /
Century
P Montpellier Ms. 125. Written at Lorsch in Germany. Once owned by Pierre Pithou, and used for his edition of 1585. Also contains Persius. Also contains large portions of the ancient commentary or scholia. Often treated as the 'best' manuscript of Juvenal (over the objections of A.E.Housman). 9 (first quarter)
Arou. Aarau, Cantonsbibliothek. Fragmenta Arouiensia. Parts of five leaves of a complete manuscript written in Germany and broken up to reuse the parchment for bindings. Also includes scholia. 10
Sang. Abbey of St. Gall Ms. 870. A florilegium where pp. 6-31 include 280 lines of Juvenal. pp. 40-326 contain the ancient scholia. 9 (second quarter)
S Abbey of St. Gall Ms. 870. This siglum is given to the readings of the lines as found in the scholia (often rather different to the reading of the lines in the text itself). 9 (second quarter)
R Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale Français. Paris. lat. 8072. Possibly written in France? Portions of the text. 10 (end of)
V Vienna Ms. 107. Extracts. 9 (end of)
The relationship of P, Arou. and Sang. is very close. The first two are nearly identical twins, even sharing the same layout on the page. R and V are much less faithful members of the family, and V in particular shows contamination of readings from the other family.
The ancient commentary was also used as a source for scholia composed in the Carolingian period, which are found in some of the Φ manuscripts. The same source is probably responsible for the commentary of 'Probus' given by Giorgio Valla in his Venice edition of 1486.
There are also the remains of three ancient books.
Siglum
Location
Shelfmark & Notes
Date /
Century
Bob. Rome, Vatican library Vatican. lat. 5750, pp.77-8. (=CLA I.30) Probably written in Italy. Contains 14.324-15.43, with scholia; also Persius 1.53-104. 6
Ambr. Milan, Ambrosian library. Ms. Ambr. Cimelio 3. (=CLA III.305) Probably written in Italy. 6
Ant.
Fragmentum Antionoense. A parchment leaf excavated at Antinoe containing 7.149-198. (=CLA. supp. 1710) ca. 500 AD
None of these remains agree consistently with either branch of the medieval tradition.
There are also occasional references in other texts. The most spectacular of these was the discovery in 1899 by an Oxford undergraduate, E.O.Winstedt, of 36 otherwise unknown lines in the Bodleian ms. Canon. Class. Lat. 41. The genuineness of these lines has been debated but is now generally accepted. They are certainly ancient, as they have left traces in the scholia. If genuine, this section was omitted from both families, and 3 lines partially including some of the same material invented to replace it. This may have been done by Juvenal himself, or some other capable ancient editor. As with other serious disturbances in the text of Juvenal, the change must predate the relative stability of the th century revival of the text. The lines are one of a number of major classical texts that owe their survival to the active scriptorium at Monte Cassino under abbot Desiderius.
Bibliography
R.J.Tarrant, Juvenal, in: L.D.Reynolds, Texts and Transmissions. Oxford: Clarendon (1983) p.200-3. Checked.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: juvenal_satires_01.htm
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 1
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 1
Satire 1.
[Translated by G. G. Ramsay]
Difficile est Saturam non Scribere
What? Am I to be a listener only all my days? Am I never to get my word in----I that have been so often bored by the Theseid 1 of the ranting Cordus? Shall this one have spouted to me his comedies, and that one his love ditties, and I be unavenged? Shall I have no revenge on one who has taken up the whole day with an interminable Telephus,2 or with an Orestes,2 which, after filling the margin at the top of the roll and the back as well, hasn't even yet come to an end? No one knows his own house so well as I know the groves of Mars, and the cave of Vulcan near the cliffs of Aeolus. What the winds are brewing; whose souls Aeacus 3 has on the rack; from what country another worthy 4 is carrying off that stolen golden fleece; how big are the ash trees which Monychus 5 tosses about: these are the themes with which Fronto's 6 plane trees and marble halls are for ever ringing until the pillars quiver and quake under the continual recitations; such is the kind of stuff you may look for from every poet, greatest or least. Well, I too have slipped my hand from under the cane; I too have counselled Sulla to retire from public life and sleep his fill 7; it is a foolish clemency when you jostle against poets at every corner, to spare paper that will be wasted anyhow. But if you can give me time, and will listen quietly to reason, I will tell you why I prefer to run in the same course over which the great nursling ol Aurunca 8 drove his steeds.
When a soft eunuch takes to matrimony, and Maevia, with spear in hand and breasts exposed, to pig-sticking; when a fellow under whose razor my stiff youthful beard used to grate 9 challenges, with his single wealth, the whole nobility; when a guttersnipe of the Nile like Crispinus 10----a slave-born denizen of Canopus 11----hitches a Tyrian cloak on to his shoulder, whilst on his sweating finger he airs a summer ring of gold, unable to endure the weight of a heavier gem----it is hard not to write satire. For who can be so tolerant of this monstrous city, who so iron of soul, as to contain himself when the brand-new litter of lawyer Matho comes along, filled with his huge self; after him one who has informed against his noble patron and will soon despoil our pillaged nobility of what remains to them----one whom Massa 12 dreads, whom Carus 12 propitiates by a bribe, and to whom Thymele 13 was made over by the terrified Latinus;13 when you are thrust on one side by men who earn legacies by nightly performances, and are raised to heaven by that now royal road to high preferment----the favours of an aged and wealthy woman? Each of the lovers will have his share; Proculeius a twelfth part, Gillo eleven parts, each in proportion to the magnitude of his services. Let each take the price of his own blood, and turn as pale as a man who has trodden upon a snake bare-footed, or of one who awaits his turn to orate before the altar at Lugdunum.14
Why tell how my heart burns hot with rage when I see the people hustled by a mob of retainers attending on one who has defrauded and debauched his ward, or on another who has been condemned by a futile verdict----for what matters infamy if the cash be kept? The exiled Marius 15 carouses from the eighth hour of the day and revels in the wrath of Heaven, while you, poor Province, win your cause and weep!
Must I not deem these things worthy of the Venusian's 16 lamp? Must I not have my fling at them? Should I do better to tell tales about Hercules, or Diomede, or the bellowing in the Labyrinth, or about the flying carpenter 17 and the lad 18 who splashed into the sea; and that in an age when the compliant husband, if his wife may not lawfully inherit,19 takes money from her paramour, being well trained to keep his eyes upon the ceiling, or to snore with wakeful nose over his cups; an age when one who has squandered his family fortunes upon horse flesh thinks it right and proper to look for the command of a cohort? See him dashing at break-neck speed, like a very Automedon,20 along the Flaminian way, holding the reins himself, while he shows himself off to his great-coated mistress!
Would you not like to fill up a whole note-book at the street crossings when you see a forger borne along upon the necks of six porters, and exposed to view on this side and on that in his almost naked litter, and reminding you of the lounging Maecenas: one who by help of a scrap of paper and a moistened seal has converted himself into a fine and wealthy gentleman?
Then up comes a lordly dame who, when her husband wants a drink, mixes toad's blood with his old Calenian,21 and improving upon Lucusta 22 herself, teaches her artless neighbours to brave the talk of the town and carry forth to burial the blackened corpses of their husbands. If you want to be anybody nowadays, you must dare some crime that merits narrow Gyara 23 or a gaol; honesty is praised and starves. It is to their crimes that men owe their pleasure-grounds and high commands, their fine tables and old silver goblets with goats standing out in relief. Who can get, sleep for thinking of a money-loving daughter-in-law seduced, of brides that have lost their virtue, or of adulterers not out of their teens? Though nature say me nay, indignation will prompt my verse, of whatever kind it be----such verse as I can write, or Cluvienus! 24
From the day when the rain-clouds lifted up the waters, and Deucalion climbed that mountain in his ship to seek an oracle----that day when stones grew soft and warm with life, and Pyrrha showed maidens in nature's garb to men----all the doings of mankind, their vows, their fears, their angers and their pleasures, their joys and goings to and fro, shall form the motley subject of my page. For when was Vice more rampant? When did the maw of Avarice gape wider? When was gambling so reckless? Men come not now with purses to the hazard of the gaming table, but with a treasure-chest beside them. What battles will you there see waged with a steward for armour-bearer! Is it a simple form of madness to lose a hundred thousand sesterces, and not have a shirt to give to a shivering slave? Which of our grandfathers built such numbers of villas, or dined by himself off seven courses? Look now at the meagre dole set down upon the threshold for a toga-clad mob to scramble for! The patron first peers into your face, fearing that you may be claiming under someone else's name: once recognised, you will get your share. He then bids the crier call up the Trojan-blooded nobles----for they too besiege the door as well as we: "The Praetor first," says he, "and after him the Tribune." "But I was here first," says a freedman who stops the way; "why should I be afraid, or hesitate to keep my place? Though born on the Euphrates----a fact which the little windows in my ears would testify though I myself denied it----yet I am the owner of five shops which bring me in four hundred thousand sesterces.25 What better thing does the Broad Purple 26 bestow if a Corvinus 27 herds sheep for daily wage in the Laurentian country, while I possess more property than either a Pallas or a Licinus?" 28 So let the Tribunes await their turn; let money carry the day; let the sacred office 29 give way to one who came but yesterday with whitened 30 feet into our city. For no deity is held in such reverence amongst us as Wealth; though as yet, O baneful money, thou hast no temple of thine own; not yet have we reared altars to Money in like manner as we worship Peace and Honour, Victory and Virtue, or that Concord 31 that twitters when we salute her nest.
If then the great officers of state reckon up at the end of the year how much the dole brings in, how much it adds to their income, what shall we dependants do who, out of the self-same dole, have to find ourselves in coats and shoes, in the bread and fire of our homes? A mob of litters comes in quest of the hundred farthings; here is a husband going the round, followed by a sickly or pregnant wife; another, by a clever and well-known trick, claims for a wife that is not there, pointing, in her stead, to a closed and empty chair: "My Galla's in there," says he; "let us off quick, will you not?" "Galla, put out your head!" "Don't disturb her, she's asleep! "
The day itself is marked out by a fine round of business. First comes the dole; then the courts, and Apollo 32 learned in the law, and those triumphal statues among which some Egyptian Arabarch 33 or other has dared to set up his titles; against whose statue more than one kind of nuisance may be committed! Wearied and hopeless, the old clients leave the door, though the last hope that a man relinquishes is that of a dinner; the poor wretches must buy their cabbage and their fuel. Meanwhile their lordly patron will be devouring the choicest products of wood and sea, lying alone upon an empty couch; for off those huge and splendid antique dinner-tables he will consume a whole patrimony at a single meal. Ere long no parasites will be left! Who can bear to see luxury so mean? What a huge gullet to have a whole boar----an animal created for conviviality----served up to it! But you will soon pay for it, my friend, when you take off your clothes, and with distended stomach carry your peacock into the bath undigested! Hence a sudden death, and an intestate old age; the new and merry tale runs the round of every dinner-table, and the corpse is carried forth to burial amid the cheers of enraged friends!
To these ways of ours Posterity will have nothing to add; our grandchildren will do the same things, and desire the same things, that we do. All vice is at its acme;34 up with your sails and shake out every stitch of canvas! Here perhaps you will say, "Where find the talent to match the theme? Where find that freedom of our forefathers to write whatever the burning soul desired? 'What man is there that I dare not name? What matters it whether Mucius forgives my words or no?35'" But just describe Tigellinus 36 and you will blaze amid those faggots in which men, with their throats tightly gripped, stand and burn and smoke, and you 37 trace a broad furrow through the middle of the arena.
What? Is a man who has administered aconite to half a dozen uncles to ride by and look down upon me from his swaying cushions? "Yes; and when he comes near you, put your finger to your lip: he who but says the word, 'That's the man!' will be counted an informer. You may set Aeneas and the brave Rutulian 38 a-fighting with an easy mind; it will hurt no one's feelings to hear how Achilles was slain, or how Hylas 39 was searched for when he tumbled after his pitcher. But when Lucilius roars and rages as if with sword in hand, the hearer, whose soul was cold with crime, grows red; he sweats with the secret consciousness of sin. Hence wrath and tears. So turn these things over in your mind before the trumpet sounds; the helmet once donned, it is too late to repent you of the battle." Then I will try what I may say of those worthies whose ashes lie under the Flaminian and Latin 40 roads.
1. 1 An epic poem.
2. 2 Names of tragedies.
3. 3 One of the judges in Hades.
4. 4 Jason.
5. 5 A Centaur, alluding to the battle between the Centaurs and the Lapithae.
6. 6 A rich patron who lends his house for recitations.
7. 1 Referring to the retirement of Sulla from public life in B.C. 79. Such themes would be prescribed to schoolboys as rhetorical exercises, of the kind called suasoriae. See Mayor's n. and Sat. vii. 150-170.
8. 2 Lucilius, the first Roman satirist, B.C. 148-103.
9. 3 Some barber who had made a fortune. The line is repeated in x. 226.
10. 4 A favourite aversion of Juvenal's as a rich Egyptian parvenu who had risen to be princeps equitum. See iv. 1, 31, 108.
11. 5 A city in the Nile Delta.
12. 6 Notorious informers under Domitian.
13. 7 Both actors: the allusion is not known.
14. 1 Alluding to a rhetorical contest instituted at Lyons by Caligula (Suet. Cal. 20). Severe and humiliating punishments were inflicted on those defeated in these contests.
15. 2 Condemned for extortion in Africa in A.D. 100.
16. 3 Horace was born at Venusia B.C. 65.
17. 4 Daedalus.
18. 5 Icarus.
19. 6 i.e. be legally incapacitated from taking an inheritance.
20. 7 The charioteer of Achilles.
21. 1 Calenian and Falernian were two of the most famous Roman wines.
22. 2 A notorious poisoner under Nero.
23. 3 A small island in the Aegean Sea on which criminals were confined.
24. 4 Unknown; some scribbler of the day.
25. 1 The fortune required of a knight (the census equestris) was 400,000 sesterces.
26. 2 The broad purple stripe (latus clavus) on the tunic of senators.
27. 3One of an ancient Roman family.
28. 4 Pallas and Licinus were wealthy freedmen.
29. 5 The persons of the Tribunes of the Plebs were sacrosanct.
30. 6 Slaves imported for sale had white chalk-marks on their feet.
31. 1 The temple of Concord, near the Capitol. Storks built their nests on the temple.
32. 2 A statue of Apollo in the Forum Augusti.
33. 3 Probably an allusion to Julius Alexander, a Jew who was Prefect of Egypt A.D. 67-70.
34. 1 The phrase is difficult. Duff translates ''Vice always stands above a sheer descent," and therefore soon reaches its extreme point.
35. 2 Apparently a quotation from Lucilius, being an attack on P. Mucius Scaevola.
36. 3 An infamous favourite of Nero's.
37. 4 i.e. "your body." The passage refers to the burning of the early Christians, and the dragging of their remains across the arena.
38. 1 Turnus, king of the Rutulians.
39. 2 A favourite of Hercules, who was drawn into a well by the Naids.
40. 3 The sides of the great roads leading out from Rome were lined with monuments to the dead.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: juvenal_satires_02.htm
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 2
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 2
Satire 2.
[Translated by G. G. Ramsay]
Moralists without Morals
I would fain flee to Sarmatia and the frozen Sea when people who ape the Curii 1 and live like Bacchanals dare talk about morals. In the first place, they are unlearned persons, though you may find their houses crammed with plaster casts of Chrysippus 2; for their greatest hero is the man who has bought a likeness of Aristotle or Pittacus,3 or bids his shelves preserve an original portrait of Cleanthes.4 Men's faces are not to be trusted; does not every street abound in gloomy-visaged debauchees? And do you rebuke foul practices, when you are yourself the most notorious of the Socratic reprobates? A hairy body, and arms stiff with bristles, give promise of a manly soul: but the doctor grins when he cuts into the growths on your shaved buttocks. Men of your kidney talk little; they glory in taciturnity, and cut their hair shorter than their eyebrows. Peribomius 5 himself is more open and more honest; his face, his walk, betray his distemper, and I charge Destiny with his failings. Such men excite your pity by their frankness; the very fury of their passions wins them pardon. Far worse are those who denounce evil ways in the language of a Hercules; and after discoursing upon virtue, prepare to practise vice. "Am I to respect you, Sextus," quoth the ill-famed Varillus, "when you do as I do? How am I worse than yourself? " Let the straight-legged man laugh at the club-footed, the white man at the blackamoor: but who could endure the Gracchi railing at sedition? Who will not confound heaven with earth, and sea with sky, if Verves denounce thieves, or Milo 6 cut-throats? If Clodius condemn adulterers, or Catiline upbraid Cethegus 7; or if Sulla's three disciples 8 inveigh against proscriptions? Such a man was that adulterer 9 who, after lately defiling himself by a union of the tragic style, revived the stern laws that were to be a terror to all men----ay, even to Mars and Venus----at the moment when Julia was relieving her fertile womb and giving birth to abortions that displayed the similitude of her uncle. Is it not then right and proper that the very worst of sinners should despise your pretended Scauri,10 and bite back when bitten?
Laronia could not contain herself when one of these sour-faced worthies cried out, "What of your Julian Law? 11 Has it gone to sleep?" To which she answered smilingly," O happy times to have you for a censor of our morals! Once more may Rome regain her modesty; a third Cato has come down to us from the skies! But tell me, where did you buy that balsam juice that exhales from your hairy neck? Don't be ashamed to point out to me the shopman! If laws and statutes are to be raked up, you should cite first of all the Scantinian 12: inquire first into the things that are done by men; men do more wicked things than we do, but they are protected by their numbers, and the tight-locked shields of their phalanx. Male effeminates agree wondrously well among themselves; never in our sex will you find such loathsome examples of evil.
"Do we women ever plead in the courts? Are we learned in the Law? Do your court-houses ever ring with our bawling? Some few of us are wrestlers; some of us eat meat-rations: you men spin wool and bring back your tale of work in baskets when it is done; you twirl round the spindle big with fine thread more deftly than Penelope, more delicately than Arachne,13 doing work such as an unkempt drab squatting on a log would do. Everybody knows why Hister left all his property to his freedman, why in his life-time he gave so many presents to his young wife; the woman who sleeps third in a big bed will want for nothing. So when you take a husband, keep your mouth shut; precious stones 14 will be the reward of a well-kept secret. After this, what condemnation can be pronounced on women? Our censor absolves the crow and passes judgment on the pigeon!"
While Laronia was uttering these plain truths, the would-be Stoics made off in confusion: for what word of untruth had she spoken? Yet what will not other men do when you, Creticus, dress yourself in garments of gauze, and while everyone is marvelling at your attire, launch out against the Proculae and the Pollittae? Fabulla is an adulteress; condemn Carfinia of the same crime if you please; but however guilty, they would never wear such a gown as yours. "O but," you say, "these July days are so sweltering!" Then why not plead without clothes? Such madness would be less disgraceful. A pretty garb yours in which to propose or expound laws to our countrymen flushed with victory, and with their wounds yet unhealed; and to those mountain rustics who had laid down their ploughs to listen to you? What would you not exclaim if you saw a judge dressed like that? Would a robe of gauze sit becomingly on a witness? You, Creticus, you, the keen, unbending champion of human liberty, to be clothed in a transparency! This plague has come upon us by infection, and it will spread still further, just as in the fields the scab of one sheep, or the mange of one pig, destroys an entire herd; just as one bunch of grapes takes on its sickly colour from the aspect of its neighbour.
Some day you will venture on something more shameful than this dress; no one reaches the depths of turpitude all at once. In due time you will be welcomed by those who in their homes put fillets round their brows, swathe themselves with necklaces, and propitiate the Bona Dea with the stomach of a porker and a huge bowl of wine, though by an evil usage the Goddess warns off all women from the door; none but males may approach her altar. 15 "Away with you! profane women" is the cry; "no booming horn, no she-minstrels here!" Such were the secret torchlight orgies with which the Baptae 16 wearied the Cecropian 17 Cotytto. One prolongs his eyebrows with some damp soot on the edge of a needle, and lifts up his blinking eyes to be painted; another drinks out of an obscenely-shaped glass, and ties up his long locks in a gilded net; he is clothed in blue checks, or smooth-faced green; the attendant swears by Juno like his master. Another holds in his hand a mirror like that carried by the effeminate Otho: a trophy of the Auruncan Actor,18 in which he gazed at his own image in full armour when he was just ready to give the order to advance----a thing notable and novel in the annals of our time, a mirror among the kit of Civil War! It needed, in truth, a mighty general to slay Galba, and keep his own skin shaved; it needed a citizen of highest courage to ape the splendours of the Palace on the field of Bebriacum,19 and plaster his face with dough! Never did the quiver-bearing Samiramis 20 the like in her Assyrian realm, nor the despairing Cleopatra on board her ship at Actium. No decency of language is there here: no regard for the manners of the table. You will hear all the foul talk and squeaking tones of Cybele; a grey-haired frenzied old man presides over the rites; he is a rare and notable master of the art of gluttony, and should be hired to teach it. But why wait any longer when it were time in Phrygian fashion to lop off the superfluous flesh?
Gracchus has presented to a cornet player----or perhaps it was a player on the straight horn----a dowry of four hundred thousand sesterces. The contract has been signed; the benedictions have been pronounced; the banqueters are seated, the new made bride is reclining on the bosom of her husband. O ye nobles of Rome! is it a soothsayer that we need, or a Censor? Would you be more aghast, would you deem it a greater portent, if a woman gave birth to a calf, or an ox to a lamb? The man who is now arraying himself in the flounces and train and veil of a bride once carried the quivering shields 21 of Mars by the sacred thongs and sweated under the sacred burden!
O Father of our city, whence came such wickedness among thy Latin shepherds? How did such a lust possess thy grandchildren, O Gradivus? Behold! Here you have a man of high birth and wealth being handed over in marriage to a man, and yet neither shakest thy helmet, nor smitest the earth with thy spear, nor yet protestest to thy Father? Away with thee then; begone from that broad Martial Plain 22 which thou hast forgotten!
"I have a ceremony to attend," quoth one, "at dawn to-morrow, in the Quirinal valley." "What is the occasion?" "No need to ask: a friend is taking to himself a husband; quite a small affair." Yes, and if we only live long enough, we shall see these things done openly: people will wish to see them reported among the news of the day. Meanwhile these would-be brides have one great trouble: they can bear no children wherewith to keep the affection of their husbands; well has nature done in granting to their desires no power over their bodies. They die infertile; naught avails them the medicine-chest of the bloated Lyde, or to hold out their hands to the blows of the swift-footed Luperci! 23
Greater still the portent when Gracchus, clad in a tunic, played the gladiator, and fled, trident in hand, across the arena----Gracchus, a man of nobler birth than the Capitolini, or the Marcelli, or the descendents of Catulus or Paulus, or the Fabii: nobler than all the spectators in the podium 24; not excepting him who gave the show at which that net 25 was flung.
That there are such things as Manes, and kingdoms below ground, and punt-poles, and Stygian pools black with frogs, and all those thousands crossing over in a single bark----these things not even boys believe, except such as have not yet had their penny bath. But just imagine them to be true----what would Curius and the two Scipios think? or Fabricius and the spirit of Camillus? What would the legion that fought at the Cremera 26 think, or the young manhood that fell at Cannae; what would all those gallant hearts feel when a shade of this sort came down to them from here? They would wish to be purified; if only sulphur and torches and damp laurel-branches were to be had. Such is the degradation to which we have come! Our arms indeed we have pushed beyond Juverna's 27 shores, to the new-conquered Orcades and the short-nighted Britons; but the things which we do in our victorious city will never be done by the men whom we have conquered. And yet they say that one Zalaces, an Armenian more effeminate than any of our youth, has yielded to the ardour of a Tribune! Just see what evil communications do! He came as a hostage: but here boys are turned into men. Give them a long sojourn in our city, and lovers will never fail them. They will throw away their trousers and their knives, their bridles and their whips, and carry back to Artaxata the manners of our Roman youth.
1. 4 A famous family of early Rome.
2. 5 The eminent Stoic philosopher, pupil of Cleanthes.
3. 6 One of the seven wise men of Greece, b. circ. B.C. 652.
4. 1 Pupil and successor of Zeno, founder of the Stoic School, from about B.C. 300 to 220. Famous for his poverty and iron will.
5. 2 Some villainous character of the day.
6. 3 Alluding to the faction fights between Clodius and Milo, B.C. 52. Clodius violated the rites of the Bona Dea; see vi. 314-341.
7. 4 A partner in the Catilinarian conspiracy, B.C. 63.
8. 5 i.e. the second triumvirate (Octavius, Antony, and Lepidus) who followed the example of Sulla's proscriptions.
9. 6 The emperor Domitian. Domitian was a lover of his niece Julia, daughter of his brother Titus.
10. 1 One of the most famous families of the later Republic.
11. 2 In reference to the law passed by Augustus for encouraging marriage (Lex Iulia de maritandis ordinibus).
12. 3 A law against unnatural crime.
13. 1 A Lydian maiden who challenged Athene in spinning and was turned into a spider.
14. 2 Cylindrus, a cylinder, is here used for a precious stone cut in that shape.
15. 1 None but women could attend the rites of the Bona Dea. Hence the scandal created in B.C. 62 by Clodius when he made his way into the house of Caesar, where the rites were being celebrated, disguised as a woman. Hence Caesar put away his wife Pompeia, as " Caesar's wife must be above suspicion." In the present passage Juvenal refers to some real or imaginary inversion of the old rule, by which none but males, clothed in female dresses, were to be admitted to the worship of the Goddess.
16. 2 Worshippers of the Thracian deity Cotytto.
17. 3 i.e. Athenian, Cecrops being the first king of Athens.
18. 4 The words Actoris Aurunci spolium are a quotation from Virg. Aen. xii. 94. The suggestion seems to be that Otho was as proud of his mirror as if it had been a trophy of war, like the spear which King Turnus captured from Actor.
19. 1 The battle in which Otho was defeated by Vitellius.
20. 2 Mythical founder of the Assyrian empire with her husband Ninus.
21. 3 Gracchus was one of the Salii, priests of Mars who had to carry the sacred shields of Mars (ancilia) in procession through the city.
22. 1 i.e. the Campus Martius.
23. 2 The Luperci were a mysterious priesthood who on certain days ran round the pomoerium clad in goat-skins and struck at any woman they met with goat-skin thongs in order to produce fertility.
24. 3 The podium was a balustrade, or balcony, set all round the amphitheatre, from which the most distinguished of the spectators witnessed the performance.
25. 4 For the disgrace incurred by Gracchus in fighting as a retiarius against a secutor, see the fuller passage viii. 199----210 and note.
26. 1 The battle in which 300 Fabii were killed.
27. 2 Ireland.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: juvenal_satires_03.htm
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 3
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 3
Satire 3.
[Translated by G. G. Ramsay]
Quid Romae Faciam?
Though put out by the departure of my old friend, I commend his purpose to fix his home at Cumae, and to present one citizen to the Sibyl. That is the gate of Baiae, a sweet retreat upon a pleasant shore; I myself would prefer even Prochyta 1 to the Saburra! 2 For where has one ever seen a place so dismal and so lonely that one would not deem it worse to live in perpetual dread of fires and falling houses, and the thousand perils of this terrible city, and poets spouting in the month of August!
But while all his goods and chattels were being packed upon a single wagon, my friend halted at the dripping archway of the old Porta Capena. 3 Here Numa held his nightly assignations with his mistress; but now the holy fount and grove and shrine are let out to Jews, who possess a basket and a truss of hay for all their furnishings. For as every tree nowadays has to pay toll to the people, the Muses have been ejected, and the wood has to go a-begging. We go down to the Valley of Egeria, and into the caves so unlike to nature: how much more near to us would be the spirit of the fountain if its waters were fringed by a green border of grass, and there were no marble to outrage the native tufa!
Here spoke Umbritius:----" Since there is no room," quoth he, "for honest callings in this city, no reward for labour; since my means are less to-day than they were yesterday, and to-morrow will rub off something from the little that is left, I purpose to go to the place where Daedalus put off his weary wings while my white hairs are recent, while my old age is erect and fresh, while Lachesis has something left to spin, and I can support myself on my own feet without slipping a staff beneath my hand. Farewell my country! Let Artorius live there, and Catulus; let those remain who turn black into white, to whom it comes easy to take contracts for temples, rivers or harbours, for cleansing drains, or carrying corpses to the pyre, or to put up slaves for sale under the authority of the spear.4 These men once were horn-blowers, who went the round of every provincial show, and whose puffed-out cheeks were known in every village; to-day they hold shows of their own, and win applause by slaying with a turn of the thumb 5 whomsoever the mob bids them slay; from that they go back to contract for cesspools, and why not for any kind of thing, seeing that they are of the kind that Fortune raises from the gutter to the mighty places of earth whenever she wishes to enjoy a laugh?
What can I do at Rome? I cannot lie; if a book is bad, I cannot praise it, and beg for a copy; I am ignorant of the movements of the stars; I cannot, and will not, promise to a man his father's death; I have never examined the entrails of a frog; I must leave it to others to carry to a bride the presents and messages of a paramour. No man will get my help in robbery, and therefore no governor will take me on his staff: I am treated as a maimed and useless trunk that has lost the power of its hands. What man wins favour nowadays unless he be an accomplice----one whose soul seethes and burns with secrets that must never be disclosed? No one who has imparted to you an innocent secret thinks he owes you anything, or will ever bestow on you a favour; the man whom Verres loves is the man who can impeach Verres at any moment that he chooses. Ah! Let not all the sands of the shaded Tagus, and the gold which it rolls into the sea, be so precious in your eyes that you should lose your sleep, and accept gifts, to your sorrow, which you must one day lay down, and be for ever a terror to your mighty friend! "And now let me speak at once of the race which is most dear to our rich men, and which I avoid above all others; no shyness shall stand in my way. I cannot abide, Quirites, a Rome of Greeks; and yet what fraction of our dregs comes from Greece? The Syrian Orontes has long since poured into the Tiber, bringing with it its lingo and its manners, its flutes and its slanting harp-strings:6 bringing too the timbrels of the breed, and the trulls who are bidden ply their trade at the Circus. Out upon you, all ye that delight in foreign strumpets with painted headdresses! Your country clown, Quirinus, now trips to dinner in Greek-fangled slippers,7 and wears niceterian 7 ornaments upon a ceromatic 7 neck! One comes from lofty Sicyon, another from Amydon or Andros, others from Samos, Tralles or Alabanda; all making for the Esquiline, or for the hill that takes its name from osier-beds 8; all ready to worm their way into the houses of the great and become their masters. Quick of wit and of unbounded impudence, they are as ready of speech as Isaeus,9 and more torrential. Say, what do you think that fellow there to be? He has brought with him any character you please; grammarian, orator, geometrician; painter, trainer, or rope-dancer; augur, doctor or astrologer:----
'All sciences a fasting monsieur knows,
And bid him go to Hell, to Hell he goes!' 10
In fine, the man who took to himself wings 11 was not a Moor, nor a Sarmatian, nor a Thracian, but one born in the very heart of Athens!
"Must I not make my escape from purple-clad gentry like these? Is a man to sign his name before me, and recline upon a couch above mine, who has been wafted to Rome by the wind which brings us our damsons and our figs? Is it to go so utterly for nothing that as a babe I drank in the air of the Aventine, and was nurtured on the Sabine berry?
"What of this again, that these people are experts in flattery, and will commend the talk of an illiterate, or the beauty of a deformed, friend, and compare the scraggy neck of some weakling to the brawny throat of Hercules when holding up Antaeus 12 from the earth; or go into ecstasies over a squeaky voice not more melodious than that of a cock when he pecks his spouse the hen? We, no doubt, can praise the same things that they do; but what they say is believed. Could any actor do better when he plays the part of Thais, or of a matron, or of the nude Doris? You would never think that it was an actor that was speaking, but a very woman, complete in all her parts. Yet, in their own country, neither Antiochus 13 nor Stratocles,13 neither Demetrius 13 nor the delicate Haemus,13 will be applauded: they are a nation of play-actors. If you smile, your Greek will split his sides with laughter; if he sees his friend drop a tear, he weeps, though without grieving; if you call for a bit of fire in winter-time, he puts on his cloak; if you say 'I am hot,' he breaks into a sweat. Thus we are not upon a level, he and I; he has always the best of it, being ready at any moment, by night or by day, to take his expression from another man's face, to throw up his hands and applaud if his friend spit or hiccup nicely, or if his golden basin make a gurgle when turned upside down.
"Besides all this, there is nothing sacred to his lusts: not the matron of the family, nor the maiden daughter, not the as yet unbearded son-in-law to be, not even the as yet unpolluted son; if none of these be there, he will debauch the grandmother. These men want to discover the secrets of the family, and so make themselves feared. And now that I am speaking of the Greeks, pass on to the schools, and hear of a graver crime; the Stoic 14 who informed against and slew his own young friend and disciple 15 was born on that river bank 16 where the Gorgon's winged steed fell to earth. No: there is no room for any Roman here, where some Protogenes, or Diphilus, or Hermarchus rules the roast----one who by a defect of his race never shares a friend, but keeps him all to himself. For when once he has dropped into a facile ear one particle of his own and his country's poison, I am thrust from the door, and all my long years of servitude go for nothing. Nowhere is it so easy as at Rome to throw an old client overboard.
"And besides, not to flatter ourselves, what value is there in a poor man's serving here in Rome, even if he be at pains to hurry along in his toga before daylight, seeing that the praetor is bidding the lictor to go full speed lest his colleague should be the first to salute the childless ladies Albina and Modia, who have long ago been awake. Here in Rome the son of free-born parents has to give the wall to some rich man's slave; for that other will give as much as the whole pay of a legionary tribune to enjoy the chance favours of a Calvinal or a Catiena,17 while you, when the face of some gay-decked harlot takes your fancy, scarce venture to hand her down from her lofty chair. At Rome you may produce a witness as unimpeachable as the host of the Idaean Goddess 18----Numa himself might present himself, or he who rescued the trembling Minerva from the blazing shrine 19----the first question asked will be as to his wealth, the last about his character: 'how many slaves does he keep?' 'how many acres does he own?' 'how big and how many are his dinner dishes?' A man's word is believed in exact proportion to the amount of cash which he keeps in his strong box. Though he swear by all the altars of Samothrace or of Rome, the poor man is believed to care naught for Gods and thunderbolts, the Gods themselves forgiving him.
"And what of this, that the poor man gives food and occasion for jest if his cloak be torn and dirty; if his toga be a little soiled; if one of his shoes gapes where the leather is split, or if some fresh stitches of coarse thread reveal where not one, but many a rent has been patched? Of all the woes of luckless poverty none is harder to endure than this, that it exposes men to ridicule. 'Out you go! for very shame,' says the marshal; 'out of the Knights' stalls, all of you whose means do not satisfy the law.' Here let the sons of panders, born in any brothel, take their seats; here let the spruce son of an auctioneer clap his hands, with the smart sons of a gladiator on one side of him and the young gentlemen of a trainer on the other: such was the will of the numskull Otho who assigned to each of us his place.20 Who ever was approved as a son-in-law if he was short of cash, and no match for the money-bags of the young lady? What poor man ever gets a legacy, or is appointed assessor to an aedile? Romans without money should have marched out in a body long ago!
"It is no easy matter, anywhere, for a man to rise when poverty stands in the way of his merits: but nowhere is the effort harder than in Rome, where you must pay a big rent for a wretched lodging, a big sum to fill the bellies of your slaves, and buy a frugal dinner for yourself. You are ashamed to dine off delf; but you would see no shame in it if transported suddenly to a Marsian or Sabine table, where you would be pleased enough to wear a cape of coarse Venetian blue.
"There are many parts of Italy, to tell the truth, in which no man puts on a toga until he is dead. Even on days of festival, when a brave show is made in a theatre of turf, and when the well-known farce steps once more upon the boards; when the rustic babe on its mother's breast shrinks back affrighted at the gaping of the pallid masks, you will see stalls and populace all dressed alike, and the worshipful aediles content with white tunics as vesture for their high office. In Rome, everyone dresses above his means, and sometimes something more than what is enough is taken out of another man's pocket. This failing is universal here: we all live in a state of pretentious poverty. To put it shortly, nothing can be had in Rome for nothing. How much does it cost you to be able now and then to make your bow to Cossus? Or to be vouchsafed one glance, with lip firmly closed, from Veiento? One of these great men is cutting off his beard; another is dedicating the locks of a favourite; the house is full of cakes----which you will have to pay for. Take your cake,21 and let this thought rankle in your heart: we clients are compelled to pay tribute and add to a shaved menial's perquisites.22
"Who at cool Praeneste, or at Volsinii amid its leafy hills, was ever afraid of his house tumbling down? Who in modest Gabii, or on the sloping heights of Tivoli? But here we inhabit a city propped up for the most part by slender flute-players:23 for that is how the bailiff patches up the cracks in the old wall, bidding the inmates sleep at ease under a roof ready to tumble about their ears. No, no, I must live where there are no fires, no nightly alarms. Ucalegon 24 below is already shouting for water and shifting his chattels; smoke is pouring out of your third-floor attic above, but you know nothing of it; for if the alarm begins in the ground-floor, the last man to burn will be he who has nothing to shelter him from the rain but the tiles, where the gentle doves lay their eggs. Codrus possessed a bed too small for the dwarf Procula, a marble slab adorned by six pipkins, with a small drinking cup, and a recumbent Chiron below, and an old chest containing Greek books whose divine lays were being gnawed by unlettered mice. Poor Codrus had nothing, it is true: but he lost that nothing, which was his all; and the last straw in his heap of misery is this, that though he is destitute and begging for a bite, no one will help him with a meal, no one offer him board or shelter.
"But if the grand house of Asturicus be destroyed, the matrons go dishevelled, your great men put on mourning, the praetor adjourns his court: then indeed do we deplore the calamities of the city, and bewail its fires! Before the house has ceased to burn, up comes one with a gift of marble or of building materials, another offers nude and glistening statues, a third some notable work of Euphranor or Polyclitus,25 or bronzes that had been the glory of old Asian shrines. Others will offer books and bookcases, or a bust of Minerva, or a hundredweight of silver-plate. Thus does Persicus, that most sumptuous of childless men, replace what he has lost with more and better things, and with good reason incurs the suspicion of having set his own house on fire.
"If you can tear yourself away from the games of the Circus, you can buy an excellent house at Sora, at Fabrateria or Frusino, for what you now pay in Rome to rent a dark garret for one year. And you will there have a little garden, with a shallow well from which you can easily draw water, without need of a rope, to bedew your weakly plants. There make your abode, mattock in hand, tending a trim garden fit to feast a hundred Pythagoreans.26 It is something, in whatever spot, however remote, to have become the possessor of a single lizard!
"Most sick people here in Rome perish for want of sleep, the illness itself having been produced by food lying undigested on a fevered stomach. For what sleep is possible in a lodging? Who but the wealthy get sleep in Rome? There lies the root of the disorder. The crossing of wagons in the narrow winding streets, the slanging of drovers when brought to a stand, would make sleep impossible for a Drusus 27 ----or a sea-calf. When the rich man has a call of social duty, the mob makes way for him as he is borne swiftly over their heads in a huge Liburnian car. He writes or reads or sleeps as he goes along, for the closed window of the litter induces slumber. Yet he will arrive before us; hurry as we may, we are blocked by a surging crowd in front, and by a dense mass of people pressing in on us from behind: one man digs an elbow into me, another a sedan-pole; one bangs a beam, another a wine-cask, against my head. My legs are be-plastered with mud; huge feet trample on me from every side, and a soldier plants his hobnails firmly on my toe.
"See now the smoke rising from that crowd which hurries for the daily dole: there are a hundred guests, each followed by a kitchener of his own.28 Corbulo 29 himself could scarce bear the weight of all the big vessels and other gear which that poor little slave is carrying with head erect, fanning the flame as he runs along. Newly-patched tunics are torn in two; up comes a huge log swaying on a wagon, and then a second dray carrying a whole pine-tree, towering aloft and threatening the people. For if that axle with its load of Ligurian marble breaks down, and pours its spilt contents on to the crowd, what is left of their bodies? Who can identify the limbs, who the bones? The poor man's crushed corpse disappears, just like his soul. At home meanwhile the folk, unwitting, are washing the dishes, blowing up the fire with distended cheek, clattering over the greasy flesh-scrapers, filling the oil-flasks and laying out the towels. And while each of them is thus busy over his own task, their master is already sitting, a new arrival, upon the bank, and shuddering at the grim ferryman: he has no copper in his mouth to tender for his fare, and no hope of a passage over the murky flood.
"And now regard the different and diverse perils of the night. See what a height it is to that towering roof from which a potsherd comes crack upon my head every time that some broken or leaky vessel is pitched out of the window! See with what a smash it strikes and dints the pavement! There's death in every open window as you pass along at night; you may well be deemed a fool, improvident of sudden accident, if you go out to dinner without having made your will. You can but hope, and put up a piteous prayer in your heart, that they may be content to pour down on you the contents of their slop-pails!
"Your drunken bully who has by chance not slain his man passes a night of torture like that of Achilles when he bemoaned his friend, lying now upon his face, and now upon his back; he will get no rest in any other way, since some men can only sleep after a brawl. Yet however reckless the fellow may be, however hot with wine and young blood, he gives a wide berth to one whose scarlet cloak and long-retinue of attendants, with torches and brass lamps in their hands, bid him keep his distance. But to me, who am wont to be escorted home by the moon, or by the scant light of a candle whose wick I husband with due care, he pays no respect. Hear how the wretched fray begins----if fray it can be called when you do all the thrashing and I get all the blows! The fellow stands up against me, and bids me halt; obey I must. What else can you do when attacked by a madman stronger than yourself? 'Where are you from?' shouts he; 'whose swipes, whose beans have blown you out? With what cobbler have you been munching cut leeks 30 and boiled sheep's head?----What, sirrah, no answer? Speak out, or take that upon your shins! Where is your stand? In what prayer-shop 31 shall I find you?' Whether you venture to say anything, or make off silently, it's all one: he will thrash you just the same, and then, in a rage, take bail from you. Such is the liberty of the poor man: having been pounded and cuffed into a jelly, he begs and. prays to be allowed to return home with a few teeth in his head!
"Nor are these your only terrors. When your house is shut, when bar and chain have made fast your shop, and all is silent, you will be robbed by a burglar; or perhaps a cut-throat will do for you quickly with cold steel. For whenever the Pontine marshes and the Gallinarian forest are secured by an armed guard, all that tribe flocks into Rome as into a fish-preserve. What furnaces, what anvils, are not groaning with the forging of chains? That is how our iron is mostly used; and you may well fear that ere long none will be left for plough-shares, none for hoes and mattocks. Happy were the forbears of our great-grandfathers, happy the days of old which under Kings and Tribunes beheld Rome satisfied with a single gaol!
"To these I might add more and different reasons; but my cattle call, the sun is sloping and I must away: my muleteer has long been signalling to me with his whip. And so farewell; forget me not. And if ever you run over from Rome to your own Aquinum 32 to recruit, summon me too from Cumae to your Helvine 33 Ceres and Diana; I will come over to your cold country in my thick boots to hear your Satires, if they think me worthy of that honour."
1. 1 A small island off Misenum.
2. 2 The noisiest street in Rome.
3. 3 The Porta Capena was on the Appian Way, the great S. road from Rome. Over the gate passed an aqueduct, carrying the water of the Aqua Marcia. Hence " the dripping archway."
4. 1 A spear was set up at auctions as the sign of ownership.
5. 2 Vertere pollicem, to turn the thumb up, was the signal for dispatching the wounded gladiator; premere pollicem, to turn it down, was a sign that he was to be spared.
6. 1 Referring to the sambuca, a kind of harp, of triangular shape, producing a shrill sound.
7. 2 Trechedipna, "a run-to-dinner coat"; ceromaticus, from ceroma, oil used by wrestlers; and niceterium, "a prize of victory"----all used to ridicule the use of the Greek forms.
8. 3 i.e. the Mons Viminalis, from vimen, " an osier."
9. 4 An Assyrian rhetorician: not the Greek orator Isaeus.
10. 5 From Johnson's London.
11. 1 Daedalus.
12. 2 Hercules slew Antaeus by raising him from the ground, till when he was invincible.
13. 3 Names of Greek actors.
14. 1 Publius Egnatius Celer. See Tac. Ann. xvi. 30-32 and Hist. iv. 20 and 40.
15. 2 For the accusation and death of Barea Soranus, see Tac. Ann. xvi. 23 and 33.
16. 3 i.e. at Tarsus on the river Cydnus.
17. 1 Ladies of rank.
18. 2 P. Cornelius Scipio received the image of Cybele when brought from Phrygia, B.C. 204.
19. 3 L. Caecilius Metellus, in B.C. 241.
20. 1 The law of Otho (B.C. 67) reserved for knights the first fourteen rows in the theatre behind the orchestra where senators sat. The knights (equites) were the wealthy middle class, each having to possess a census of 400,000 sesterces.
21. 1 The rendering is uncertain. Duff translates, "Take your money and keep your cake."
22. 2 At this feast cakes (liba) are provided; but the guests are expected to give a tip to the slaves. According to Duff, the client pays the slave, but is too indignant to take the cake.
23. 3 i.e. statues used by way of props.
24. 4 Borrowed from Virgil, Aen. ii. 311, of the firing of Troy, iam proximus ardet= Vcalegon. Juvenal's friend inhabits the third floor, and the fire has broken out on the ground floor.
25. 1 Celebrated Greek sculptors.
26. 2 i.e.. vegetarians.
27. 1 Probably the somnolent Emperor Claudius is meant.
28. 2 The hundred guests are clients; each is followed by a slave carrying a kitchener to keep the dole hot when received.
29. 3 The great Roman general under Claudius and Nero, famed for his physical strength.
30. 1 See note on xiv. 133.
31. 2 Proseucha, a Jewish synagogue or praying-house.
32. 1 Aquinum was Juvenal's birthplace.
33. 2 The origin of this name of Ceres is unknown.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: juvenal_satires_04.htm
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 4
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 4
Satire 4.
[Translated by G. G. Ramsay]
A tale of a turbot.
Crispinus once again! a man whom I shall often have to call on to the scene, a prodigy of wickedness without one redeeming virtue; a sickly libertine, strong only in his lusts, which scorn none save the unwedded. What matters it then how spacious are the colonnades which tire out his horses, how large the shady groves in which he drives, how many acres near the Forum, how many palaces, he has bought? No bad man can be happy: least of all the incestuous seducer with whom lately lay a filleted 1 priestess, doomed to pass beneath the earth with the blood still warm within her veins.
To-day I shall tell of a less heinous deed, though had any other man done the like, he would fall under the censor's lash: for what would be shameful in good men like Seius or Teius sat gracefully on Crispinus. What can you do when the man himself is more foul and monstrous than any charge you can bring against him? Crispinus bought a mullet for six thousand sesterces----one thousand sesterces for every pound of fish, as those would say who make big things bigger in the telling of them. I could commend the man's cunning if by such a lordly gift he secured the first place in the will of some childless old mail, or, better still, sent it to some great lady who rides in a close, broad-windowed litter. But nothing of the sort; he bought it for himself: we see many a thing done nowadays which poor niggardly Apicius 2 never did. What? Did you, Crispinus----you who once wore a strip of your native papyrus round your loins----give that price for a fish? A price bigger than you need have paid for the fisherman himself, a price for which you might buy a whole estate in some province, or a still larger one in Apulia. What kind of feasts are we to suppose were guzzled by our Emperor himself when all those thousands of sesterces----forming a small fraction, a mere side-dish of a modest entertainment----were belched up by a purple-clad parasite of the august Palace----one who is now Chief of the Knights, and who once used to hawk, at the top of his voice, a broken lot of his fellow-countrymen the sprats? Begin, Calliope! let us take our seats. This is no mere fable, but a true tale that is being told; tell it forth, ye maidens of Pieria, and let it profit me that I have called you maids!
What time the last of the Flavii was flaying the half-dying world, and Rome was enslaved to a bald-headed Nero,3 there fell into a net in the sea of Hadria, in front of the shrine of Venus that stands in Dorian Ancona, a turbot of wondrous size, filling up all its meshes,----a fish no less huge than those which the lake Maeotis conceals beneath the ice till it is broken up by the sun, and then sends forth, torpid through sloth and fattened by long cold, to the mouths of the Pontic sea. This monster the master of the boat and line designs for the High Pontiff 4; for who would dare to put up for sale or to buy so big a fish in days when even the sea shores were crowded with informers? The inspectors of sea-weed would straightway have taken the law of the poor fisherman, ready to affirm that the fish was a run-away that had long feasted in Caesar's fishponds; escaped from thence, he must needs be restored to his former master. For if Palfurius 5 is to be believed, or Armillatus,5 every rare and beautiful thing in the wide ocean, in whatever sea it swims, belongs to the Imperial Treasury. The fish therefore, that it be not wasted, shall be given as a gift.
And now death-bearing Autumn was giving way before the frosts, fevered patients were hoping for a quartan,6 and bleak winter's blasts were keeping the booty fresh; yet on sped the fisherman as though the South wind were at his heels. And when beneath him lay the lake where Alba, though in ruins, still holds the Trojan fire and worships the lesser Vesta,7 a wondering crowd barred his way for a while; as it gave way, the gates swung open on easy hinge, and the excluded Fathers gazed on the dish that had gained an entrance. Admitted to the Presence, "Receive," quoth he of Picenum, "a fish too big for a private kitchen. Be this kept as a festive day; hasten to fill out thy belly with good things, and devour a turbot that has been preserved to grace thy reign. The fish himself wanted to be caught." Could flattery be more gross? Yet the Monarch's comb began to rise: there is nothing that divine Majesty will not believe concerning itself when lauded to the skies! But no platter could be found big enough for the fish; so a council of magnates is summoned: men hated by the Emperor, and on whose faces sat the pallor of that great and perilous friendship. First to answer the Ligurian's call "Haste, haste! he is seated!" was Pegasus, hastily catching up his cloak----he that had newly been appointed as bailiff over the astonished city. For what else but bailiffs were the Prefects 8 of those days? Of whom Pegasus was the best, and the most righteous expounder of the law, though he thought that even in those dread days there should be no sword in the hand of Justice. Next to come in was the aged, genial Crispus, 9 whose gentle soul well matched his style of eloquence. No better adviser than he for the ruler of lands and seas and nations had he been free, under that scourge and plague, to denounce cruelties and proffer honest counsels. But what can be more dangerous than the ear of a tyrant on whose caprice hangs the life of a friend who has come to talk of the rain or the heat or the showery spring weather? So Crispus never struck out against the torrent, nor was he one to speak freely the thoughts of his heart, and stake his life upon the truth. Thus was it that he lived through many winters and saw his eightieth solstice, protected, even in that Court, by weapons such as these.
Next to him hurried Acilius, of like age as himself, and with him the youth 10 who little merited the cruel death that was so soon hurried on by his master's sword. But to be both young and noble has long since become a prodigy; hence I would rather be a giant's 11 little brother. Therefore it availed the poor youth nothing that he speared Numidian bears, stripped as a huntsman upon the Alban arena. For who nowadays would not see through patrician tricks? Who would now marvel, Brutus, at that old-world cleverness of yours? 12 'Tis an easy matter to befool a king that wears a beard.
No more cheerful in face, though of ignoble blood, came Rubrius, condemned long since of a crime that may not be named, and yet more shameless than a reprobate who should write satire. There too was present the unwieldy frame of Montanus; and Crispinus, reeking at early dawn with odours enough to out-scent two funerals; more ruthless than he Pompeius,13 whose gentle whisper would cut men's throats; and Fuscus,14 who planned battles in his marble halls, keeping his flesh for the Dacian vultures. Then along with the sage Veiento came the death-dealing Catullus,15 who burnt with love for a maiden whom he had never seen----a mighty and notable marvel even in these days of ours: a blind flatterer, a dire courtier from a beggar's stand, well fitted to beg at the wheels of chariots and blow soft kisses to them as they rolled down the Arician hill. None marvelled more at the fish than he, turning to the left as he spoke; only the creature happened to be on his right. In like fashion would he commend the thrusts of a Cilician gladiator, or the machine which whisks up the boys into the awning.
But Veiento was not to be outdone; and like a seer inspired, O Bellona, by thine own gadfly, he bursts into prophecy: "A mighty presage hast thou, O Emperor! of a great and glorious victory. Some King will be thy captive; or Arviragus 16 will be hurled from his British chariot. The brute is foreign-born: dost thou not see the prickles bristling upon his back?" Nothing remained for Fabricius but to tell the turbot's age and birthplace.
"What then do you advise?" quoth the Emperor. "Shall we cut it up?" "Nay, nay," rejoins Montanus; "let that indignity be spared him. Let a deep vessel be provided to gather his huge dimensions within its slender walls; some great and unforeseen Prometheus is destined for the dish! Haste, haste, with clay and wheel! but from this day forth, O Caesar, let potters always attend upon thy camp!" This proposal, so worthy of the man, gained the day. Well known to him were the old debauches of the Imperial Court, which Nero carried on to midnight till a second hunger came and veins were heated with hot Falernian. No one in my time had more skill in the eating art than he. He could tell at the first bite whether an oyster had been bred at Circeii, or on the Lucrine rocks, or on the beds of Rutupiae;17 one glance would tell him the native shore of a sea-urchin.
The Council rises, and the councillors are dismissed: men whom the mighty Emperor had dragged in terror and hot haste to his Alban castle, as though to give them news of the Chatti, or the savage Sycambri,18 or as though an alarming despatch had arrived on wings of speed from some remote quarter of the earth.
And yet would that he had rather given to follies such as these all those days of cruelty when he robbed the city of its noblest and choicest souls, with none to punish or avenge! He could steep himself in the blood of the Lamiae; 19 but when once he became a terror to the common herd he met his doom.20
1. 3 The vitta, or fillet, was worn round the hair by Vestal Virgins.
2. 1 A celebrated gourmand.
3. 1 i.e. the emperor Domitian.
4. 2 The Pontifex Maximus, i.e. Domitian himself.
5. 3 These were two lawyers.
6. 4 i.e. a fever recurring every fourth day----an improvement upon a "tertian," one recurring every third day.
7. 5 i.e. as compared with the larger temple of Vesta in Rome.
8. 1 The Praefectus Urbi, under the Emperors, was the head magistrate in Rome, and exercised many important functions.
9. 2 Vibius Crispus; see Tac. Hist. ii. 10.
10. 1 Acilius Glabrio the younger was exiled, and afterwards put to death by Domitian.
11. 2 i.e. " son of a clod." Giants were supposed to be sprung from earth (γηγενεῖς).
12. 3 Brutus feigned madness to elude the suspicion of Tarquin. A simple " bearded " monarch was easily imposed upon.
13. 4 Evidently an informer.
14. 5 Cornelius Fuscus, prefect of the Praetorian Guard. He was killed in Domitian's Dacian wars, A. D. 86-88.
15. 6 Fabricius Veiento and Catullus Messalinus, informers under Domitian.
16. 1 A British prince, as in Cymbeline.
17. 1 Richborough.
18. 2 The Chatti and the Sycambri were two of the most powerful German tribes, between the Rhine and the Weser.
19. 3 Taken as a type of the ancient noble families of Rome.
20. 4 Domitian was murdered, as the outcome of a conspiracy, by the hand of a freedman, Stephanus, on September 18, A.D. 96.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: juvenal_satires_05.htm
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 5
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 5
Satire 5.
[Translated by G. G. Ramsay]
How Clients are Entertained
If you are still unashamed of your plan of life, and still deem it to be the highest bliss to live at another man's board----if you can brook indignities which neither Sarmentus nor the despicable Gabba 1 would have endured at Caesar's ill-assorted table----I should refuse to believe your testimony, even upon oath. I know of nothing so easily satisfied as the belly; but even granted that you have nothing wherewith to fill its emptiness, is there no quay vacant, no bridge? Can you find no fraction of a beggar's mat to stand upon? Is a dinner worth all the insults with which you have to pay for it? Is your hunger so importunate, when it might, with greater dignity, be shivering where you are, and munching dirty scraps of dog's bread?
First of all be sure of this----that when bidden to dinner, you receive payment in full for all your past services. A meal is the return which your grand friendship yields you; the great man scores it against you, and though it come but seldom, he scores it against you all the same. So if after a couple of months it is his pleasure to invite his forgotten client, lest the third place on the lowest couch 2 should be unoccupied, and he says to you, "Come and dine with me," you are in the seventh Heaven! what more can you desire? Now at last has Trebius 3 got the reward for which he must needs cut short his sleep, and hurry with shoe-strings untied, fearing that the whole crowd of callers may already have gone their rounds, at an hour when the stars are fading or when the chilly wain of Bootes is wheeling slowly round.
And what a dinner after all! You are given wine that fresh-clipped wool would refuse to suck up,4 and which soon converts your revellers into Corybants. Foul words are the prelude to the fray; but before long tankards will be flying about; a battle royal with Saguntine crockery will soon be raging between you and the company of freedmen, and you will be staunching your wounds with a blood-stained napkin.
The great man himself drinks wine bottled in the days when Consuls wore long hair; the juice which he holds in his hand was squeezed during the Social Wars,5 but never a glass of it will he send to a friend suffering from dyspepsia! To-morrow he will drink a vintage from the hills of Alba or Setia whose date and name have been effaced by the soot which time has gathered upon the aged jar----such wine as Thrasea 6 and Helvidius 6 used to drink with chaplets on their heads upon the birthdays of Cassius and the Bruti.
The cup in Virro's 7 hands is richly crusted with amber and rough with beryl: to you no gold is entrusted; or if it is, a watcher is posted over it to count the gems and keep an eye on your sharp finger-nails. Pardon his anxiety; that fine jasper of his is much admired! For Virro, like so many others, transfers from his fingers to his cups the jewels with which the youth 8 preferred to the jealous Iarbas used to adorn his scabbard. To you will be given a cracked cup with four nozzles that takes its name from a Beneventine cobbler,9 and calls for sulphur wherewith to repair its broken glass.
If my lord's stomach is fevered with food and wine, a decoction colder than Thracian hoar-frosts will be brought to him. Did I complain just now that you were given a different wine? Why, the water which you clients drink is not the same. It will be handed to you by a Gaetulian groom, or by the bony hand of a blackamoor whom you would rather not meet at midnight when driving past the monuments on the hilly Latin Way. Before mine host stands the very pink of Asia, a youth bought for a sum bigger than the entire fortune of the warlike Tullus or Ancus, more valuable, in short, than all the chattels of all the kings of Rome. That being so, when you are thirsty look to your swarthy Ganymede. The page who has cost so many thousands cannot mix a drink for a poor man: but then his beauty, his youth, justify his disdain! When will he get as far as you? When does he listen to your request for water, hot or cold? It is beneath him to attend to an old dependent; he is indignant that you should ask for anything, and that you should be seated while he stands. All your great houses are full of saucy slaves. See with what a grumble another of them has handed you a bit of hard bread that you can scarce break in two, or lumps of dough that have turned mouldy----stuff that will exercise your grinders and into which no tooth can gain admittance. For Virro himself a delicate loaf is reserved, white as snow, and kneaded of the finest flour. Be sure to keep your hands off it: take no liberties with the bread-basket! If you are presumptuous enough to take a piece, there will be someone to bid you put it down: "What, Sir Impudence? Will you please fill yourself from your proper tray, and learn the colour of your own bread?" "What?" you ask, "was it for this that I would so often leave my wife's side on a spring morning and hurry up the chilly Esquiline when the spring skies were rattling down the pitiless hail, and the rain was pouring in streams off my cloak? "
See now that huge lobster being served to my lord, all garnished with asparagus; see how his lordly breast distinguishes the dish; with what a tail he looks down upon the company, borne aloft in the hands of that tall attendant! Before you is placed on a tiny plate a crab hemmed in by half an egg----a fit banquet for the dead. The host souses his fish in Venafran oil; the sickly greens offered to you, poor devil, will smell of the lamp; for the stuff contained in your cruets was brought up the Tiber in a sharp-prowed Numidian canoe----stuff which prevents anyone at Rome sharing a bath with Bocchar, and which will even protect you from a black serpent's bite.
My lord will have a mullet dispatched from Corsica or the Rocks of Tauromenium:10 for in the rage for gluttony our own seas have given out; the nets of the fish-market are for ever raking our home waters, and prevent Tyrrhenian fish from attaining their full size. And so the Provinces supply our kitchens; from the Provinces come the fish for the legacy-hunter Laenas to buy, and for Aurelia to send to market.11
Virro is served with a lamprey, the finest that the Straits of Sicily can purvey; for so long as the South wind stays at home, and sits in his prison-house drying his dank wings, Charybdis has no terrors for the daring fisherman. For you is reserved an eel, first cousin to a water-snake, or perchance a pike mottled with ice-spots; he too was bred on Tiber's banks and was wont to find his way into the inmost recesses of the Subura, battening himself amid its flowing sewers.
And now one word with the great man himself, if he will lend his ear. "No one asks of you such lordly gifts as Seneca, or the good Piso or Cotta, used to send to their humble friends: for in the days of old, the glory of giving was deemed grander than titles or fasces. All we ask of you is that you should dine with us as a fellow-citizen 12: do this and remain, like so many others nowadays, rich for yourself and poor to your friends."
Before Virro is put a huge goose's liver; a capon as big as a goose, and a boar, piping hot, worthy of yellow-haired Meleager's 13 steel. Then will come truffles, if it be spring-time and the longed-for thunder have enlarged our dinners.14 "Keep your corn to yourself, O Libya!" says Alledius; "unyoke your oxen, if only you send us truffles!"
During all this time, lest any occasion for disgust should be wanting, you may behold the carver capering and gesticulating with knife in air, and carrying out all the instructions of his preceptor: for it makes a mighty difference with what gestures a hare or a hen be carved! If you ever dare to utter one word as though you were possessed of three names,15 you will be dragged by the heels and thrust out of doors as Cacus was, after the drubbing he got from Hercules. When will Virro offer to drink wine with you? or take a cup that has been polluted by your lips? Which one of you would be so foolhardy, so lost to shame, as to say to your patron "A glass with you, Sir"? No, no: there's many a thing which a man whose coat has holes in it cannot say! But if some God, or god-like manikin more kindly than the fates, should present you with four hundred thousand sesterces,16 O how great a personage would you become, from being a nobody; how dear a friend to Virro! "Pray help Trebius to this!" "Let Trebius have some of that!" "Would you like a cut just from the loin, good brother?" O money, money! It is to you that he pays this honour, it is you that are his brother! Nevertheless, if you wish to be yourself a great man, and a great man's lord, let there be no little Aeneas playing about your halls, nor yet a little daughter, more sweet than he; nothing will so endear you to your friend as a barren wife.17 But as things now are, though your Mycale pour into your paternal bosom three boys at a birth, Virro will be charmed with the chattering brood, and will order cuirasses of green rushes to be given them, and little nuts, and pennies too if they be asked for, when the little parasites present themselves at his table.
Before the guests will be placed toadstools of doubtful quality, before my lord a noble mushroom, such a one as Claudius ate before that mushroom of his wife's 18----after which he ate nothing more. To himself and the rest of the Virros he will order apples to be served whose scent alone would be a feast----apples such as grew in the never-failing Autumn of the Phaeacians, and which you might believe to have been filched from the African sisters;19 you are treated to a rotten apple like those munched on the ramparts by a monkey equipped with spear and shield who learns, in terror of the whip, to hurl a javelin from the back of a shaggy goat.
You may perhaps suppose that Virro grudges the expense; not a bit of it! His object is to give you pain. For what comedy, what mime, is so amusing as a disappointed belly? His one object, let me tell you, is to compel you to pour out your wrath in tears, and to keep gnashing your molars against each other. You think yourself a free man, and guest of a grandee; he thinks----and he is not far wrong----that you have been captured by the savoury odours of his kitchen. For who that had ever worn the Etruscan bulla 20 in his boyhood,----or even the poor man's leather badge----could tolerate such a patron for a second time, however destitute he might be? It is the hope of a good dinner that beguiles you: "Surely he will give us," you say, "what is left of a hare, or some scraps of a boar's haunch; the remains of a capon will come our way by and by." And so you all sit in dumb silence, your bread clutched, untasted, and ready for action. In treating you thus, the great man shows his wisdom. If you can endure such things, you deserve them; some day you will be offering your head to be shaved and slapped: nor will you flinch from a stroke of the whip, well worthy of such a feast and such a friend.
1. Sarmentus and Gabba are representatives of the lowest parasite class.
2. i.e. the least honourable place on the least honourable of the three couches of the triclinium.
3. The name of the client whom he is addressing.
4. i.e. the wine was not good enough to be used even for fomentations.
5. The Social Wars, after which the Italians gained the Roman franchise, were fought between B.C. 91 and 88.
6. Two famous Stoics whose outspoken freedom cost them their lives under Nero and Vespasian respectively.
7. The patron who gives the dinner.
8. Aeneas. Aen. iv. 36.
9. Vatinius, a man with a long nose.
10. Tauromenium, on the E. coast of Sicily.
11. Juvenal and other Roman writers are full of allusions to captatores, legacy-hunters, who showered presents of all kinds upon rich and childless old men or women. Aurelia sells the fish she has received as a present from Laenas.
12. The word civiliter, from which our word "civil" comes, meant " as a citizen and an equal."
13. The Aetolian hero who slew the Calydonian boar.
14. Thunder was supposed to be favourable to the growth of truffles.
15. i.e., as if you were a free-born Roman with the three necessary names----the praenomen, the nomen, and the cognomen.
16. i e. the fortune of an eques. See note on iii. 154-5.
17. It was the childless that were courted for their money.
18. Agrippina the younger. She poisoned her husband, the emperor, with a mushroom.
19. The Hesperides.
20. The golden bulla, enclosing a charm, was the sign of free birth (ingenuitas).
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: juvenal_satires_06.htm
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 6
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 6
Satire 6.
[Translated by G. G. Ramsay]
The Ways of Women
In the days of Saturn,1 I believe, Chastity still lingered on the earth, and was to be seen for a time ----days when men were poorly housed in chilly caves, when one common shelter enclosed hearth and household gods, herds and their owners; when the hill-bred wife spread her silvan bed with leaves and straw and the skins of her neighbours the wild beasts----a wife not like to thee, O Cynthia,2 nor to thee, Lesbia,3 whose bright eyes were clouded by a sparrow's death, but one whose breasts gave suck to lusty babes, often more unkempt herself than her acorn-belching spouse. For in those days, when the world was young, and the skies were new, men born of the riven oak,4 or formed of dust, lived differently from now, and had no parents of their own. Under Jove, perchance, some few traces of ancient modesty may have survived; but that was before he had grown his beard, before the Greeks had learned to swear by someone else's head, when men feared not thieves for their cabbages or apples, and lived with unwalled gardens. After that Astraea 5 withdrew by degrees to heaven, with Chastity as her comrade, the two sisters taking flight together.
To set your neighbour's bed a-shaking, Postumus, and to flout the Genius of the sacred couch,6 is now an ancient and long-established practice. All other sins came later, the products of the age of Iron; but it was the silver age that saw the first adulterers. Nevertheless, in these days of ours, you are preparing for a covenant, a marriage-contract and a betrothal; you are by now getting your hair cut by a master barber; you have also perhaps given a pledge to her finger. What! Postumus, are you, you who once had your wits, taking to yourself a wife? Tell me what Tisiphone, what snakes are driving you mad? Can you submit to a she-tyrant when there is so much rope to be had, so many dizzy heights of windows standing open, and when the Aemilian bridge offers itself to hand? Or if none of all these modes of exit hit your fancy, how much better to take some boy-bedfellow, who would never wrangle with you o' nights, never ask presents of you when in bed, and never complain that you took your ease and were indifferent to his solicitations!
But Ursidius approves of the Julian Law.7 He purposes to bring up a dear little heir, though he will thereby have to do without the fine turtles, the bearded mullets, and all the legacy-hunting delicacies of the meat-market. What can you think impossible if Ursidius takes to himself a wife? if he, who has long been the most notorious of gallants, who has so often found safety in the corn-bin of the luckless Latinus,8 puts his head into the connubial noose? And what think you of his searching for a wife of the good old virtuous sort? O doctors, lance his over-blooded veins. A pretty fellow you! Why, if you have the good luck to find a modest spouse, you should prostrate yourself before the Tarpeian threshold, and sacrifice a heifer with gilded horns to Juno; so few are the wives worthy to handle the fillets of Ceres, or from whose kisses their own father would not shrink! Weave a garland for thy doorposts, and set up wreaths of ivy over thy lintel! But will Hiberina be satisfied with one man? Sooner compel her to be satisfied with one eye! You tell me of the high repute of some maiden, who lives on her paternal farm: well, let her live at Gabii, at Fidenae, as she lived in her own country, and I will believe in your paternal farm. But will anyone tell me that nothing ever took place on a mountain side or in a cave? Have Jupiter and Mars become so senile?
Can our arcades show you one woman worthy of your vows? Do all the tiers in all our theatres hold one whom you may love without misgiving, and pick out thence? When the soft Bathyllus dances the part of the gesticulating Leda, Tuccia cannot contain herself; your Apulian maiden heaves a sudden and longing cry of ecstasy, as though she were in a man's arms; the rustic Thymele is all attention, it is then that she learns her lesson.
Others again, when all the stage draperies have been put away; when the theatres are closed, and all is silent save in the courts, and the Megalesian games are far off from the Plebeian,9 ease their dullness by taking to the mask, the thyrsus and the tights of Accius. Urbicus, in an Atellane interlude, raises a laugh by the gestures of Autonoe; the penniless Aelia is in love with him. Other women pay great prices for the favours of a comedian; some will not allow Chrysogonus 10 to sing. Hispulla has a fancy for tragedians; but do you suppose that any one will be found to love Quintilian? 11 If you marry a wife, it will be that the lyrist Echion or Glaphyrus, or the flute player Ambrosius, may become a father. Then up with a long dais in the narrow street! Adorn your doors and doorposts with wreaths of laurel, that your highborn son, O Lentulus, may exhibit, in his tortoiseshell cradle,12 the lineaments of Euryalus 13 or of a murmillo! 14
When Eppia, the senator's wife, ran off with a gladiator 15 to Pharos and the Nile and the ill-famed city of Lagos, Canopus itself cried shame upon the monstrous morals of our town. Forgetful of home, of husband and of sister, without thought of her country, she shamelessly abandoned her weeping children; and----more marvellous still----deserted Paris and the games. Though born in wealth, though as a babe she had slept in a bedizened cradle on the paternal down, she made light of the sea, just as she had long made light of her good name----a loss but little accounted of among our soft litter-riding dames. And so with stout heart she endured the tossing and the roaring of the Tyrrhenian and Ionian Seas, and all the many seas she had to cross. For when danger comes in a right and honourable way, a woman's heart grows chill with fear; she cannot stand upon her trembling feet: but if she be doing a bold, bad thing, her courage fails not. For a husband to order his wife on board ship is cruelty: the bilge-water then sickens her, the heavens go round and round. But if she is running away with a lover, she feels no qualms: then she vomits over her husband; now she messes with the sailors, she roams about the deck, and delights in hauling at the hard ropes.
And what were the youthful charms which captivated Eppia? What did she see in him to allow herself to be called "a she-Gladiator"? Her dear Sergius had already begun to shave; a wounded arm gave promise of a discharge, and there were sundry deformities in his face: a scar caused by the helmet, a huge wen upon his nose, a nasty humour always trickling from his eye. But then he was a gladiator! It is this that transforms these fellows into Hyacinths! it was this that she preferred to children and to country, to sister and to husband. What these women love is the sword: had this same Sergius received his discharge, he would have been no better than a Veiento.16
Do the concerns of a private household and the doings of Eppia affect you? Then look at those who rival the Gods,17 and hear what Claudius endured. As soon as his wife perceived that her husband was asleep, this august harlot was shameless enough to prefer a common mat to the imperial couch. Assuming a night-cowl, and attended by a single maid, she issued forth; then, having concealed her raven locks under a light-coloured peruque, she took her place in a brothel reeking with long-used coverlets. Entering an empty cell reserved for herself, she there took her stand, under the feigned name of Lycisca, her nipples bare and gilded, and exposed to view the womb that bore thee, O nobly-born Britannicus! 18 Here she graciously received all comers, asking from each his fee; and when at length the keeper dismissed the rest, she remained to the very last before closing her cell, and with passion still raging hot within her went sorrowfully away. Then exhausted but unsatisfied, with soiled cheeks, and begrimed with the smoke of lamps, she took back to the imperial pillow all the odours of the stews.
Why tell of love potions and incantations, of poisons brewed and administered to stepsons, or of the grosser crimes to which women are driven by the imperious power of sex? Their sins of lust are the least of all their sins.
But tell me why is Censennia, on her husband's testimony, the best of wives? "She brought him a million sesterces; that is the price at which he calls her chaste. He has not pined under the darts of Venus; he was never burnt by her torch. It was the dowry that lighted his fires, the dowry that shot those arrows! That dowry bought liberty for her: she may make what signals, and write what love letters she pleases, before her husband's face; the rich woman who marries a money-loving husband is as good as unmarried.
"Why does Sartorius burn with love for Bibula?" If you shake out the truth, it is the face that he loves, not the woman. Let three wrinkles make their appearance; let her skin become dry and flabby; let her teeth turn black, and her eyes lose their lustre: then will his freedman give her the order, "Pack up your traps and be off! you've become a nuisance; you are for ever blowing your nose; be off, and quick about it! There's another wife coming who will not sniffle." But till that day comes, the lady rules the roost, asking her husband for shepherds and Canusian sheep, and elms for her Falernian vines. But that's a mere nothing: she asks for all his slave-boys, in town and country; everything that her neighbour possesses, and that she does not possess, must be bought. Then in the winter time, when the merchant Jason is shut out from view, and his armed sailors are blocked out by the white booths,19 she will carry off huge crystal vases, vases bigger still of agate, and finally a diamond of great renown, made precious by the finger of Berenice.20 It was given as a present long ago by the barbarian Agrippa to his incestuous sister, in that country where kings celebrate festal sabbaths with bare feet,21 and where a long-established clemency suffers pigs to attain old age.22
"Do you say no worthy wife is to be found among all these crowds?" Well, let her be handsome, charming, rich and fertile; let her have ancient ancestors ranged about her halls; let her be more chaste than the dishevelled Sabine maidens who stopped the war----a prodigy as rare upon the earth as a black swan! yet who could endure a wife that possessed all perfections? I would rather have a Venusian wench for my wife than you, O Cornelia, mother of the Gracchi, if, with all your virtues, you bring me a haughty brow, and reckon up Triumphs as part of your marriage portion. Away with your Hannibal, I beseech you! Away with Syphax overpowered in his camp! Take yourself off, Carthage and all! 23
"Be merciful, I pray, O Apollo! and thou, O goddess, lay down thine arrows. These babes have done naught: shoot down their mother!" Thus prayed Amphion;24 but Apollo bends his bow, and Niobe 25 led forth to the grave her troop of sons, and their father to boot, because she deemed herself of nobler race than Latona, and more prolific than the white sow of Alba. For is any dignity in a wife, any beauty, worth the cost, if she is for ever reckoning up her merits against you? These high and transcendent qualities lose all their charm when spoilt by a pride that savours more of aloes than of honey. And who was ever so enamoured as not to shrink from the woman whom he praises to the skies, and to hate her for seven hours out of every twelve?
Some small faults are intolerable to husbands. What can be more offensive than this, that no woman believes in her own beauty unless she has converted herself from a Tuscan into a Greekling, or from a maid of Sulmo 26 into a maid of Athens? They talk nothing but Greek, though it is a greater shame for our people to be ignorant of Latin. Their fears and their wrath, their joys and their troubles----all the secrets of their souls----are poured forth in Greek; their very loves are carried on in Greek fashion. All this might be pardoned in a girl; but will you, who are hard on your eighty-sixth year, still talk in Greek? That tongue is not decent in an old woman's mouth. When you come out with the wanton words ζωὴ καὶ ψυχή, you are using in public the language of the bed-chamber. Caressing and naughty words like these incite to love; but though you say them more tenderly than a Haemus or a Carpophorus,27 they will cause no fluttering of the heart----your years are counted up upon your face!
If you are not to love the woman betrothed and united to you in due form, what reason have you for marrying? Why waste the supper, and the wedding cakes to be given to the well-filled guests when the company is slipping away----to say nothing of the first night's gift of a salver rich with glittering gold inscribed with Dacian or Germanic victories? 28 If you are honestly uxorious, and devoted to one woman, then bow your head and submit your neck to the yoke. Never will you find a woman who spares the man who loves her; for though she be herself aflame, she delights to torment and plunder him. So the better the man, the more desirable he be as a husband, the less good will he get out of his wife. No present will you ever make if your wife forbids; nothing will you ever sell if she objects; nothing will you buy without her consent. She will arrange your friendships for you; she will turn your now-aged friend from the door which saw the beginnings of his beard. Panders and trainers can make their wills as they please, as also can the gentlemen of the arena; but you will have to write down among your heirs more than one rival of your own.
"Crucify that slave!" says the wife. "But what crime worthy of death has he committed? " asks the husband; "where are the witnesses? who informed against him? Give him a hearing at least; no delay can be too long when a man's life is at stake!" "What, you numskull? You call a slave a man, do you? He has done no wrong, you say? Be it so; but this is my will and my command: let my will be the voucher for the deed." Thus does she lord it over her husband. But before long she vacates her kingdom; she flits from one home to another, wearing out her bridal veil; then back she flies again and returns to her own imprints in the bed that she has abandoned, leaving behind her the newly decorated door, the festal hangings on the walls, and the garlands still green over the threshold. Thus does the tale of her husbands grow; there will be eight of them in the course of five autumns----a fact worthy of commemoration on her tomb!
Give up all hope of peace so long as your mother-in-law is alive. It is she that teaches her daughter to revel in stripping and despoiling her husband; it is she that teaches her to reply to a seducer's love-letters in no plain and honest fashion; she eludes or bribes your guards; it is she that calls in Archigenes 29 when your daughter has nothing the matter with her, and tosses off the heavy blankets; the lover meanwhile is in secret and silent hiding, trembling with impatience and expectation. Do you really expect the mother to teach her daughter honest ways----ways different from her own? Nay, the vile old woman finds a profit in bringing up her daughter to be vile.
There never was a case in court in which the quarrel was not started by a woman. If Manilia is not a defendant, she'll be the plaintiff; she will herself frame and adjust the pleadings; she will be ready to instruct Celsus 30 himself how to open his case, and how to urge his points.
Why need I tell of the purple wraps 31 and the wrestling-oils used by women? Who has not seen one of them smiting a stump, piercing it through and through with a foil, lunging at it with a shield, and going through all the proper motions?----a matron truly qualified to blow a trumpet at the Floralia! 32 Unless, indeed, she is nursing some further ambition in her bosom, and is practising for the real arena. What modesty can you expect in a woman who wears a helmet, abjures her own sex, and delights in feats of strength? Yet she would not choose to be a man, knowing the superior joys of womanhood. What a fine thing for a husband, at an auction of his wife's effects, to see her belt and armlets and plumes put up for sale, with a gaiter that covers half the left leg; or if she fight another sort 33 of battle, how charmed you will be to see your young wife disposing of her greaves! Yet these are the women who find the thinnest of thin robes too hot for them; whose delicate flesh is chafed by the finest of silk tissue. See how she pants as she goes through her prescribed exercises; how she bends under the weight of her helmet; how big and coarse are the bandages which enclose her haunches; and then laugh when she lays down her arms and shows herself to be a woman! Tell us, ye grand-daughters of Lepidus, or of the blind Metellus, or of Fabius Gurges, what gladiator's wife ever assumed accoutrements like these? When did the wife of Asylus 34 ever gasp against a stump?
The bed that holds a wife is never free from wrangling and mutual bickerings; no sleep is to be got there! It is there that she sets upon her husband, more savage than a tigress that has lost her cubs; conscious of her own secret slips, she affects a grievance, abusing his slaves, or weeping over some imagined mistress. She has an abundant supply of tears always ready in their place, awaiting her command in which fashion they should flow. You, poor dolt, are delighted, believing them to be tears of love, and kiss them away; but what notes, what love-letters would you find if you opened the desk of your green-eyed adulterous wife! If you find her in the arms of a slave or of a knight, "Speak, speak, Quintilian, 35 give me one of your colours,36" she will say. But Quintilian has none to give: "find it yourself," says he. "We agreed long ago," says the lady, "that you were to go your way, and I mine. You may confound sea and sky with your bellowing, I am a human being after all." There's no effrontery like that of a woman caught in the act; her very guilt inspires her with wrath and insolence.
But whence come these monstrosities? you ask; from what fountain do they flow? In days of old, the wives of Latium were kept chaste by their humble fortunes. It was toil and brief slumbers that kept vice from polluting their modest homes; hands chafed and hardened by Tuscan fleeces, Hannibal nearing the city, and husbands standing to arms at the Colline gate.37 We are now suffering the calamities of long peace. Luxury, more deadly than any foe, has laid her hand upon us, and avenges a conquered world. Since the day when Roman poverty perished, no deed of crime or lust has been wanting to us; from that moment Sybaris and Rhodes and Miletus have poured in upon our hills, with the begarlanded and drunken and unabashed Tarentum.38 Filthy lucre first brought in amongst us foreign ways; wealth enervated and corrupted the ages with foul indulgences. What decency does Venus observe when she is drunken? when she knows not one member from another, eats giant oysters at midnight, pours foaming unguents into her unmixed Falernian, and drinks out of perfume-bowls, while the roof spins dizzily round, the table dances, and every light shows double!
Go to now and wonder what means the sneer with which Tullia snuffs the air, or what Maura whispers to her ill-famed foster-sister, when she passes by the ancient altar of Chastity? 39 It is there that they set down their litters at night, and befoul the image of the Goddess, playing their filthy pranks for the morn to witness. Thence home they go; while you, when daylight conies, and you are on your way to salute your mighty friends, will tread upon the traces of your wife's abominations.
Well known to all are the mysteries of the Good Goddess, when the flute stirs the loins and the Maenads of Priapus sweep along, frenzied alike by the horn-blowing and the wine, whirling their locks and howling. What foul longings burn within their breasts! What cries they utter as the passion palpitates within! How drenched their limbs in torrents of old wine! Saufeia challenges the slave-girls to a contest. Her agility wins the prize, but she has herself in turn to bow the knee to Medullina. And so the palm remains with the mistress, whose exploits match her birth! There is no pretence in the game; all is enacted to the life in a manner that would warm the cold blood of a Priam or a Nestor. And now impatient nature can wait no longer: woman shows herself as she is, and the cry comes from every corner of the den, "Let in the men!" If one favoured youth is asleep, another is bidden to put on his cowl and hurry along; if better cannot be got, a run is made upon the slaves; if they too fail, the water-carrier will be paid to come in. O would that our ancient practices, or at least our public rites, were not polluted by scenes like these! But every Moor and every Indian knows how Clodius forced his way into a place from which every buck-mouse scuttles away conscious of his virility, and in which no picture of the male form may be exhibited except behind a veil.
Who ever sneered at the Gods in the days of old? Who would have dared to laugh at the earthen-ware bowls or black pots of Numa, or the brittle plates made out of Vatican clay? But nowadays at what altar will you not find a Clodius? 40
I hear all this time the advice of my old friends----keep your women at home, and put them under lock and key. Yes, but who will watch the warders? Wives are crafty and will begin with them. High or low their passions are all the same. She who wears out the black cobble-stones with her bare feet is no better than she who rides upon the necks of eight stalwart Syrians.
Ogulnia hires clothes to see the games; she hires attendants, a litter, cushions, female friends, a nurse, and a fair-haired girl to run her messages; yet she will give all that remains of the family plate, down to the last flagon, to some smooth-faced athlete. Many of these women are poor, but none of them pay any regard to their poverty, or measure themselves by the standard which that prescribes and lays down for them. Men, on the other hand, do sometimes have an eye to utility; the ant has at last taught some of them to dread cold and hunger. But your extravagant woman is never sensible of her dwindling means; and just as though money were for ever sprouting up afresh from her exhausted coffers, and she had always a full heap to draw from, she never gives a thought to what her pleasures cost her.
"Whenever a cinaedus is kept he taints the household. Folks let these fellows eat and drink with them, and merely have the vessels washed, not shivered to atoms as they should be when such lips have touched them. So even the lanista's establishment is better ordered than yours, for he separates the vile from the decent, and sequesters even from their fellow-retiarii the wearers of the ill-famed tunic; in the training-school, and even in gaol, such creatures herd apart; but your wife condemns you to drink out of the same cup as these gentry, with whom the poorest trull would refuse to sip the choicest wine. Them do women consult about marriage and divorce, with their society do they relieve boredom or business, from them do they learn lascivious motions and whatever else the teacher knows. But beware! that teacher is not always what he seems: true, he darkens his eyes and dresses like a woman, but adultery is his design. Mistrust him the more for his show of effeminacy; he is a valiant mattress-knight; there Triphallus drops the mask of Thais. Whom are you fooling? 41 not me; play this farce to those who cannot pierce the masquerade. I wager you are every inch a man; do you own it, or must we wring the truth out of the maid-servants?"
I know well the advice and warnings of my old friends: "Put on a lock and keep your wife indoors." Yes, and who will ward the warders? They get paid in kind for holding their tongues as to their young lady's escapades; participation seals their lips. The wily wife arranges accordingly, and begins with them.... If your wife is musical, none of those who sell their voices 42 to the praetor will hold out against her charms. She is for ever handling musical instruments; her sardonyx rings sparkle thick all over the tortoise-shell; the quivering quill with which she runs over the chords will be that with which the gentle Hedymeles performed; she hugs it, consoles herself with it, and lavishes kisses on the dear implement. A certain lady of the lineage of the Lamiae and the Appii 43 inquired of Janus and Vesta, with offerings of cake and wine, whether Pollio could hope for the Capitoline oak-chaplet and promise victory to his lyre.44 What more could she have done had her husband been ill, or if the doctors had been shaking their heads over her dear little son? There she stood before the altar, thinking it no shame to veil her head 45 on behalf of a harper; she repeated, in due form, all the words prescribed to her; her cheek blanched when the lamb was opened. Tell me now, I pray, O father Janus, thou most ancient of the Gods, dost thou answer such as she? You have much time on your hands in heaven; so far as I can see, there is nothing for you Gods to do. One lady consults you about a comedian, another wishes to commend to you a tragic actor; the soothsayer will soon be troubled with varicose veins.46
Better, however, that your wife should be musical than that she should be rushing boldly about the entire city, attending men's meetings, talking with unflinching face and hard breasts to Generals in their military cloaks, with her husband looking on! This same woman knows what is going on all over the world: what the Thracians and Chinese are after, what has passed between the stepmother and the stepson; she knows who loves whom, what gallant is the rage; she will tell you who got the widow with child, and in what month; how every woman behaves to her lovers, and what she says to them. She is the first to notice the comet threatening the kings of Armenia and Parthia; she picks up the latest rumours at the city gates, and invents some herself: how the Niphates 47 has burst out upon the nations, and is inundating entire districts; how cities are tottering and lands subsiding, she tells to every one she meets at every street crossing.
No less insufferable is the woman who loves to catch hold of her poor neighbours, and deaf to their cries for mercy lays into them with a whip. If her sound slumbers are disturbed by a barking dog, "Quick with the rods!" she cries; "thrash the owner first, and then the dog!" She is a formidable woman to encounter; she is terrible to look at.
She frequents the baths by night; not till night does she order her oil-jars and her quarters to be shifted thither; she loves all the bustle of the hot bath; when her arms drop exhausted by the heavy weights, the anointer passes his hand skilfully over her body, bringing it down at last with a resounding smack upon her thigh. Meanwhile her unfortunate guests are overcome with sleep and hunger, till at last she comes in with a flushed face, and with thirst enough to drink off the vessel containing full three gallons which is laid at her feet, and from which she tosses off a couple of pints before her dinner to create a raging appetite; then she brings it all up again and souses the floor with the washings of her inside. The stream runs over the marble pavement; the gilt basin reeks of Falernian, for she drinks and vomits like a big snake that has tumbled into a vat. The sickened husband closes his eyes and so keeps down his bile.
But most intolerable of all is the woman who as soon as she has sat down to dinner commends Virgil, pardons the dying Dido, and pits the poets against each other, putting Virgil in the one scale and Homer in the other. The grammarians make way before her; the rhetoricians give in; the whole crowd is silenced: no lawyer, no auctioneer will get a word in, no, nor any other woman; so torrential is her speech that you would think that all the pots and bells were being clashed together. Let no one more blow a trumpet or clash a cymbal: one woman will be able to bring succour to the labouring moon! 48 She lays down definitions, and discourses on morals, like a philosopher; thirsting to be deemed both wise and eloquent, she ought to tuck up her skirts knee-high,49 sacrifice a pig to Silvanus,50 and take a penny bath.51 Let not the wife of your bosom possess a special style of her own; let her not hurl at you in whirling speech the crooked enthymeme! Let her not know all history; let there be some things in her reading which she does not understand. I hate a woman who is for ever consulting and poring over the "Grammar" of Palaemon,52 who observes all the rules and laws of language, who quotes from ancient poets that I never heard of, and corrects her unlettered 53 female friends for slips of speech that no man need trouble about: let husbands at least be permitted to make slips in grammar! There is nothing that a woman will not permit herself to do, nothing that she deems shameful, when she encircles her neck with green emeralds, and fastens huge pearls to her elongated ears: there is nothing more intolerable than a wealthy woman. Meanwhile she ridiculously puffs out and disfigures her face with lumps of dough; she reeks of rich Poppaean 54 unguents which stick to the lips of her unfortunate husband. Her lover she will meet with a clean-washed skin; but when does she ever care to look nice at home? It is for her lovers that she provides the spikenard, for them she buys all the scents which the slender Indians bring to us. In good time she discloses her face; she removes the first layer of plaster, and begins to be recognisable. She then laves herself with that milk for which she takes a herd of she-asses in her train if sent away to the Hyperborean pole. But when she has been coated over and treated with all those layers of medicaments, and had those lumps of moist dough applied to it, shall we call it a face or a sore?
It is well worth while to ascertain how these ladies busy themselves all day. If the husband has turned his back upon his wife at night, the wool-maid is done for; the tire-women will be stripped of their tunics; the Liburnian chair-man will be accused of coming late, and will have to pay for another man's 55 drowsiness; one will have a rod broken over his back, another will be bleeding from a strap, a third from the cat; some women engage their executioners by the year. While the flogging goes on, the lady will be daubing her face, or listening to her lady-friends, or inspecting the widths of a gold-embroidered robe. While thus flogging and flogging,56 she reads the lengthy Gazette, written right across the page,57 till at last, the floggers being exhausted, and the inquisition ended, she thunders out a gruff "Be off with you!"
Her household is governed as cruelly as a Sicilian Court.58 If she has an appointment and wishes to be turned out more nicely than usual, and is in a hurry to meet some one waiting for her in the gardens, or more likely near the chapel of the wanton Isis, the unhappy maid that does her hair will have her own hair torn, and the clothes stripped off her shoulders and her breasts. "Why is this curl standing up?" she asks, and then down comes a thong of bull's hide to inflict chastisement for the offending ringlet. Pray how was Psecas in fault? How would the girl be to blame if you happened not to like the shape of your own nose? Another maid on the left side combs out the hair and rolls it into a coil; a maid of her mother's, who has served her time at sewing, and has been promoted to the wool department, assists at the council. She is the first to give her opinion; after her, her inferiors in age or skill will give theirs, as though some question of life or honour were at stake. So important is the business of beautification; so numerous are the tiers and storeys piled one upon another on her head! In front, you would take her for an Andromache 59; she is not so tall behind: you would not think it was the same person. What if nature has made her so short of stature that, if unaided by high heels, she looks no bigger than a pigmy, and has to rise nimbly on tip-toe for a kiss! Meantime she pays no attention to her husband; she never speaks of what she costs him. She lives with him as if she were only his neighbour; in this alone more near to him, that she hates his friends and his slaves, and plays the mischief with his money.
And now, behold! in comes the chorus of the frantic Bellona and the mother of the Gods, attended by a giant eunuch to whom his obscene inferiors must do reverence.... Before him the howling herd with the timbrels give way; his plebeian cheeks are covered with a Phrygian tiara. With solemn utterance he bids the lady beware of the September Siroccos if she do not purify herself with a hundred eggs, and present him with some old mulberry-coloured garments in order that any great and unforeseen calamity may pass into the clothes, and make expiation for the entire year. In winter she will go down to the river of a morning, break the ice, and plunge three times into the Tiber, dipping her trembling head in its whirling waters, and crawling out thence naked and shivering, she will creep with bleeding knees right across the field 60 of Tarquin the Proud. If the white Io 61 shall so order, she will journey to the confines of Egypt, and fetch water from hot Meroe 62 with which to sprinkle the Temple of Isis which stands hard by the ancient sheepfold.63 For she believes that the command was given by the voice of the Goddess herself----a pretty kind of mind and spirit for the Gods to have converse with by night! Hence the chief and highest place of honour is awarded to Anubis,64 who, with his linen-clad and shaven crew, mocks at the weeping of the people as he runs along.65 He it is that obtains pardon for wives who break the law of purity on days that should be kept holy, and exacts huge penalties when the coverlet has been profaned, or when the silver serpent has been seen to nod his head. His tears and carefully-studied mutterings make sure that Osiris will not refuse a pardon for the fault, bribed, no doubt, by a fat goose and a slice of sacrificial cake.
No sooner has that fellow departed than a palsied Jewess, leaving her basket and her truss of hay,66 comes begging to her secret ear; she is an interpreter of the laws of Jerusalem, a high priestess of the tree,67 a trusty go-between of highest heaven. She, too, fills her palm, but more sparingly, for a Jew will tell you dreams of any kind you please for the minutest of coins.
An Armenian or Commagenian sooth-sayer, after examining the lungs of a dove that is still warm, will promise a youthful lover, or a big bequest from some rich and childless man; he will probe the breast of a chicken, or the entrails of a dog, sometimes even of a boy; some things he will do with the intention of informing against them himself.
Still more trusted are the Chaldaeans; every word uttered by the astrologer they will believe has come from Hammon's fountain, for now that the Delphian oracles are dumb, man is condemned to darkness as to his future. Chief among these was one 68 who was oft in exile, through whose friendship and venal prophecies the great citizen 69 died whom Otho feared. For nowadays no astrologer has credit unless he have been imprisoned in some distant camp, with chains clanking on either arm; none believe in his powers unless he has been condemned and all but put to death, having just contrived to get deported to a Cyclad, or to escape at last from the diminutive Seriphos.70
Your excellent Tanaquil 71 consults as to the long-delayed death of her jaundiced mother----having previously enquired about your own; she will ask when she may expect to bury her sister, or her uncles; and whether her lover will outlive herself----what greater boon could the Gods bestow upon her? And yet your Tanaquil does not herself understand the gloomy threats of Saturn, or under what constellation Venus will show herself propitious, which months will be months of losses, which of gains; but beware of ever encountering one whom you see clutching a well-worn calendar in her hands as if it were a ball of clammy amber 72; one who inquires of none, but is now herself inquired of; one who, if her husband is going forth to camp, or returning home from abroad, will not bear him company if the numbers of Thrasyllus 73 call her back. If she wants to drive as far as the first mile-stone, she finds the right hour from her book; if there is a sore place in the corner of her eye, she will not call for a salve until she has consulted her horoscope: and if she be ill in bed, deems no hour so suitable for taking food as that prescribed to her by Petosiris.74
If the woman be of humble rank, she will promenade between the turning-posts 75 of the Circus; she will have her fortune told, and will present her brow and her hand to the seer who asks for many an approving smack.76 Wealthy women will pay for answers from a Phrygian or Indian augur well skilled in the stars and the heavens, or one of the elders employed to expiate thunderbolts. Plebeian destinies are determined in the Circus or on the ramparts 77: the woman 78 who displays a long gold chain on her bare neck inquires before the pillars and the clusters of dolphins whether she shall throw over the tavern-keeper and marry the old-clothes-man.
These poor women, however, endure the perils of child-birth, and all the troubles of nursing to which their lot condemns them; but how often does a gilded bed contain a woman that is lying in? So great is the skill, so powerful the drugs, of the abortionist, paid to murder mankind within the womb. Rejoice, poor wretch; give her the stuff to drink whatever it be, with your own hand: for were she willing to get big and trouble her womb with bouncing babes, you might perhaps find yourself the father of an Ethiopian; and some day a coloured heir, whom you would rather not meet by daylight, would fill all the places in your will.
I say nothing of supposititious children, of the hopes and prayers so often cheated at those filthy pools 79 from which are supplied Priests and Salii,80 with bodies that will falsely bear the name of Scauri. There Fortune shamelessly takes her stand by night, smiling on the naked babes; she fondles them all and folds them in her bosom, and then, to provide herself with a secret comedy, she sends them forth to the houses of the great. These are the children that she loves, on these she lavishes herself, and with a laugh brings them always forward as her own.
One man supplies magical spells; another sells Thessalian 81 charms by which a wife may upset her husband's mind, and lather his buttocks with a slipper; thence come loss of reason, and darkness of soul, and blank forgetfulness of all that you did but yesterday. Yet even that can be endured, if only you become not raving mad like that uncle 82 of Nero's into whose drink Caesonia poured the whole brow of a weakly foal 83; and what woman will not follow when an Empress leads the way? The whole world was ablaze then and falling down in ruin just as if Juno had made her husband mad. Less guilty therefore will Agrippina's mushroom 84 be deemed, seeing that it only stopped the breath of one old man, and sent down his palsied head and slobbering lips to heaven, whereas the other potion demanded fire and sword and torture, mingling Knights and Fathers in one mangled bleeding heap. Such was the cost of one mare's offspring and of one she-poisoner.
A wife hates the children of a concubine; let none demur or forbid, seeing that it has long been deemed right and proper to slay a stepson. But I warn you wards----you that have a good estate----keep watch over your lives; trust not a single dish: those hot cakes are black with poison of a mother's baking. Whatever is offered you by the mother, let someone taste it first; let your trembling tutor take the first taste of every cup.
Now think you that all this is a fancy tale, and that our Satire is taking to herself the high heels of tragedy? Think you that I have out-stepped the limits and the laws of those before me, and am mouthing in Sophoclean tones a grand theme unknown to the Rutulian hills and the skies of Latium? Would indeed that my words were idle! But here is Pontia proclaiming "I did the deed; I gave aconite, I confess it, to my own children; the crime was detected, and is known to all; yes, with my own hands I did it." "What, you most savage of vipers? you killed two, did you, two, at a single meal?" "Aye, and seven too, had there chanced to be seven to kill!"
Let us believe all that Tragedy tells us of the savage Colchian 85 and of Procne 86; I seek not to gainsay her. Those women were monsters of wickedness in their day; but it was not for money that they sinned. We marvel less at great crimes when it is wrath that incites the sex to the guilty deed, when burning passion carries them headlong, like a rock torn from a mountain side, when the ground beneath gives way, and the overhanging slopes fall in. I cannot endure the woman who calculates, and commits a great crime in her sober senses. Our wives look on at Alcestis undergoing her husband's fate; if they were granted a like liberty of exchange, they would fain let the husband die to save a lap-dog's life. You will meet a daughter of Belus 87 or an Eriphyle every morning: no street but has its Clytemnestra.88 The only difference is this: the daughter of Tyndareus 89 wielded in her two hands a clumsy two-headed axe, whereas nowadays a slice of a toad's lung will do the business. Yet it may be done by steel as well, if the wary husband have beforehand tasted the medicaments of the thrice-conquered king of Pontus.90
1. i.e. in the golden days of innocence.
2. The Cynthia of Propertius.
3. The Lesbia of Catullus.
4. There was a legend that men had been born from oak-trees.
5. Astraea, daughter of Zeus and Themis, was the last mortal to leave the earth when the Golden Age came to an end; she was placed among the stars as Virgo.
6. The fulcrum was the head of the couch, often ornamented with the figure of the Genius in bronze.
7. A law to encourage marriage.
8. An actor who played the part of a lover in hiding.
9. The Megalesian games began on the th of April and lasted for six days; the Plebeian games took place early in November.
10. A famous singer.
11. M. Fabius Quintilianus, the famous Roman rhetorician, A. D. 40-100. No grave and learned man like Quintilian will attract them.
12. The conopeum was properly a mosquito-net; here it seems to be used for a bassinette or cradle.
13. A gladiator.
14. A murmillo was equipped as a Gaulish warrior in heavy armour. He carried the image of a fish in his crest, whence the name μορμύρος or μορμύλος.
15. Ludus is properly a gladiatorial school, or a troop of gladiators.
16. Probably the husband.
17. In allusion to the deification of the emperors.
18. Messalina was the mother of Britannicus, b. A.D. 42.
19. This passage is thus explained: The lady buys various articles at the feast of the Sigillaria (December 17-20), so called from the statuettes which were then on sale. These and other articles were set out in canvas booths, which were built up against certain public buildings so as to screen them from view. One of these buildings was the Portico of Agrippa on which there were paintings of the Argonauts. Thus "the merchant" Jason and his armed sailors were shut out and could not be seen.
20. Sister to King Agrippa II. (Acts, xxv. 23).
21. Josephus relates that Berenice sacrificed at Jerusalem with dishevelled hair and bare feet.
22. For Jewish abstinence from pork see Tac. Hist. v. 4.
23. Alluding to the exploits of the elder Scipio.
24. Husband of Niobe.
25. Wife of Amphion, king of Thebes. Proud of her six sons and six daughters, she boasted herself against Leto, mother of Apollo and Artemis. Indignant at her presumption, they slew all her children with arrows.
26. Sulmo, in the Pelignian country, was the birthplace of Ovid.
27. Names of actors.
28. Alluding to the gold coins (aurei) minted by Trajan in honour of his victories. The aureus was about equal in metal value to our guinea.
29. A fashionable doctor of the day.
30. Either a jurist or a rhetorician.
31. The endromis was a coarse, woollen cloak in which athletes wrapped themselves after their exercises.
32. Games in honour of Flora (April 28-May 3), at which much female licence was allowed.
33. i. e. a gladiatorial contest.
34. Supposed to be a gladiator.
35. The famous Roman rhetorician, b. A.D. 44, author of the Institutiones Oratoriae.
36. Color is a technical term in rhetoric, denoting an argument which puts a favourable or palliative light on some act.
37. For Hannibal at the Colline Gate, B.C. 213, see Liv. xxvi. 10.
38. Mr. Duff explains this of a scene in the theatre in Tarentum when the people, garlanded in honour of Dionysus, insulted the Roman ambassador (Dio. Cass. fragm. 145).
39. The ancient Temple of Pudicitia was in the Forum Boarium.
40. Alluding to the profanation of the mysteries of the Bona Dea by Clodius, in B.C. 62, by appearing in the disguise of a female lutist.
41. He now addresses the cinaedus [catamite] himself.
42. i.e. professionals who sing for hire on public occasions.
43. i.e. of a noble family.
44. A prize of oak-leaves was given at the agon Capitolinus, instituted by Domitian. Pollio was a player on the cithara.
45. To veil the head was part of the ceremony at a sacrifice.
46. i.e. with so much standing about.
47. Properly a mountain; here meant for a river.
48. Eclipses of the moon were supposed to be due to the incantations of witches. To prevent these from being heard, and so ward off the evil events portended by the eclipse, it was the custom to create a din by the clashing of bells, horns and trumpets, etc.
49. i.e. wear the short tunic of a man.
50. Only men sacrificed to Silvanus.
51. i. e. bathe in the public baths.
52. A treatise on grammar by Q. Remmius Palaemon, the most famous grammarian of the early empire.
53. The word Opican is equivalent to Oscan, denoting the early inhabitants of Campania. It is used here as equivalent to barbarian.
54. Cosmetics, called after Nero's wife Poppaea.
55. i.e. the husband's.
56. The text reads as if the flogging was done by the lady herself. But it was evidently done for her by slaves.
57. Books were usually written lengthwise on the roll; but it seems that the acta diurna, here mentioned, were written crosswise.
58. In allusion to Phalaris, tyrant of Agrigentum.
59. Hector's wife Andromache must be tall, as living in the heroic age.
60. i.e. the Campus Martius.
61. Apparently here identified with Isis. Io was changed into a white cow by Juno out of jealousy.
62. An island formed by the waters of the Nile. See xiii. 163.
63. The Temple of Isis was in the Campus Martius near the polling-booths (saepta) here called ovile.
64. A god of the dead; he attended on Isis, and is represented with the head of a dog.
65. The priest who im personates Anubis laughs at the people when they lament Osiris.
66. See iii. 14: Iudaei quorum cophinus fatnumque supellex.
67. Jews were allowed to camp out under trees as gipsies do in our own country. See iii. 15, 16.
68. According to Tac. Hist. i. 22 the name of Otho's astrologer was Ptolemy.
69. The emperor Galba.
70. One of the smaller Cyclades (Serpho), a well-known place of exile.
71. i.e. his wife. Tanaquil was wife of Tarquinius Priscus (perita caelestium prodigiorum, Liv. i. 34).
72. Roman ladies carried balls of amber in their hands, either as a scent or for warmth.
73. The favourite astrologer of Tiberius.
74. An ancient Egyptian astrologer.
75. The metae were the turning-posts at each end of the low wall (spina) round which the chariots had to turn. Each meta consisted of a group of conical pillars with dolphins on them.
76. Poppysma is a smacking sound made by the lips; it was apparently a sign of approval and satisfaction. These sounds are made by the consulting party.
77. The famous rampart of Servius Tullius, which protected Rome on its eastern side.
78. Apparently alluding to a low class of women.
79. These were pools or reservoirs in which infants were exposed. Fortune delights in spiriting these foundlings into the houses of the great.
80. The priests of Mars, recruited from noble families.
81. Thessaly was famous for witches and the magic art. The husband here is made mad by a love-potion.
82. The emperor Caligula. His wife Caesonia was said to have made him mad by a love-philtre.
83. Alluding to the hippomanes, an excrescence on the head of a young foal, which was used in love-potions.
84. Agrippina the younger murdered her husband, the Emperor Claudius, by a dish of mushrooms (Tac. Ann. xii. 57, Suet. 44). See v. 147.
85. Medea.
86. Procne, daughter of Pandion, king of Athens, revenged herself on her husband, Tereus, by serving up to him the flesh of his son Itys. She was turned into a swallow.
87. Belus was the father of Danaus; hence the Danaids are called Belidae.
88. The Danaids (daughters of Belus), Eriphyle, and Clytemnestra, all killed their husbands.
89. Clytemnestra was daughter of Tyndareus.
90. Mithridates, who was said to have secured himself against poisoning by prophylactics.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 7
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 7
Satire 7.
[Translated by G. G. Ramsay]
Learning and Letters Unprofitable
On Caesar alone hang all the hopes and prospects of the learned; he alone in these days of ours has cast a favouring glance upon the sorrowing Muses----at a time when poets of name and fame thought of hiring baths at Gabii, or bakehouses in Rome, while others felt no shame in becoming public criers, and starving Clio herself, bidding adieu to the vales of Aganippe,1 was flitting to the auction rooms. For if you see no prospect of earning a groat within the Muses' grove, you had better put up with Machaera's 2 name and profits and join in the battle of the sale-room, selling to the crowd winejars, tripods, book-cases and cupboards----the Alcithoe of Paccius, the Thebes or the Tereus 3 of Faustus! How much better that than to say before a judge "I saw" what you did not see! Leave that to the Knights of Asia,4 of Bithynia and Cappadocia----gentry that were imported bare-footed 5 from New Gaul!
But from this day forth no man who weaves the tuneful web of song and has bitten Apollo's laurel will be compelled to endure toil unworthy of his craft. To your task, young men! Your Prince is looking around and goading you on, seeking objects for his favour. If you expect patronage from any other quarter, and in that hope are filling up the parchment of your saffron tablet, you had better order faggots at once, Telesinus, and present your productions to the spouse 6 of Venus; or else put away your tomes, and let bookworms bore holes in them where they lie. Break your pen, poor wretch; destroy the battles that have robbed you of your sleep----you that are inditing lofty strains in a tiny garret, that you may come forth worthy of a scraggy bust 7 wreathed with ivy! No hope have you beyond that; your rich miser has now learnt only to admire, only to commend the eloquent, just as boys admire the bird of Juno.8 Meantime the years flow by that could have endured the sea, the helmet, or the spade; the soul becomes wearied, and an eloquent but penniless old age curses itself and its own Terpsichore! 9
And now learn the devices by which the patron for whose favour you desert the temples of the Muses and Apollo seeks to avoid spending anything on you. He writes verses of his own; yielding the palm to none but Homer----and that only because of his thousand years. If the sweets of fame fire you to give a recitation, he puts at your disposal a tumbledown house in some distant quarter, the door of which is closely barred like the gate of a beleaguered city. He knows how to supply you Avith freedmen to sit at the end of the rows, and how to distribute about the room the stalwart voices of his retainers: but none of your great men will give you as much as will pay for the benches, or for the tiers of seats resting on hired beams, or for the chairs in the front rows which will have to be returned when done with. Yet for all that, we poets stick to our task; we go on drawing furrows in the thin soil, and turning up the shore with unprofitable plough. For if you would give it up, the itch for writing and making a name holds you fast as with a noose, and becomes inveterate in your distempered brain.
But your real poet, who has a vein of genius all his own----one who spins no hackneyed lays, and whose pieces are struck from no common mint----such an one as I cannot point to, and only feel----is the product of a soul free from care, that knows no bitterness, that loves the woodlands, and is fitted to drink at the Muses' spring. For how can unhappy Poverty sing songs in the Pierian cave and grasp the thyrsus when it is short of cash, which the body has need of both by night and day? Horace's stomach was well filled when he shouted his cry of Evoe! Where can genius find a place except in a heart stirred by song alone, that shuts out every thought but one, and is swept along by the lords of Cirrha and of Nysa! 10 It needs a lofty soul, not one that is dismayed at the cost of a coverlet, to have visions of chariots and horses and Gods' faces, or to tell with what a mien the Fury confounded the Rutulian 11: had Virgil possessed no slave, and no decent roof over his head, all the snakes would have fallen from the Fury's hair; no dread note would have boomed from her voiceless trumpet. Do we expect Rubrenus Lappa to be as great in the buskin as the ancients, when his Atreus has to be pawned for his cloak and crockery? Numitor, poor man, has nothing to give to a needy friend, though he is rich enough to send presents to his mistress, and he had enough, too, to buy a tamed lion that needed masses of meat for his keep. It costs less, no doubt, to keep a lion than a poet; the poet's belly is more capacious!
Lucan,12 indeed, reclining amid the statues of his gardens, may be content with fame; but what will ever so much glory bring in to Serranus, or to the starving Saleius, if it be glory only? When Statius 13 has gladdened the city by promising a day, people flock to hear his pleasing voice and his loved Thebais; so charmed are their souls by his sweetness, with such rapture does the multitude listen to him. But when his verses have brought down the house, poor Statius will starve if he does not sell his virgin Agave to Paris 14: for it is Paris who appoints men to military commands; it is Paris who puts the golden ring round the poet's finger after six months of service.15 You can get from a stage-player what no great man will give you: why frequent the spacious antechambers of the Bareae or the Camerini? It is Pelopea 4 that appoints our Prefects, and Philomela 16 our Tribunes! Yet you need not begrudge the bard who gains his living from the play-house: who nowadays will be a Maecenas 17 to you, a Proculeius, or a Fabius? who another Cotta, or a second Lentulus? Genius in those days met with its due reward; many then found their profit in pale cheeks and in abjuring potations all through December.18
And is your labour more remunerative, ye writers of history? More time, more oil, is wasted here; regardless of all limit, the pages run up to thousands; the pile of paper is ever mounting to your ruin. So ordains the vast array of facts, and the rules of the craft. But what harvest will you gather, what fruit, from the tilling of your land? Who will give to an historian as much as he gives to the man who reads out the news?
"O but historians are a lazy crew, that delight in lounging and the shade." Tell me then what do pleaders get for their services in the courts, and for those huge bundles of papers which they bring with them? They talk big enough, especially if a creditor 19 of their own happens to be listening: or if, more urgent still, they get poked in the ribs by one who has brought a huge ledger to claim a doubtful debt. Then indeed do their capacious bellows pant forth prodigious lies! Then are their breasts be-slobbered! 20 and yet, if you want to discover their real gains, you may put on one side the fortunes of a hundred lawyers, on the other that of a single jockey of the Red! 21 The great men are seated; you rise, a pale-faced Ajax,22 to declaim before a bumpkin judge in a case of contested liberty. Strain your lungs, poor fool, until they burst, that when exhausted by your labours some green palm-branches may be put up to adorn your garret.23 What fee will your voice bring in? A dried-up ham 24; a jar of sprats; some veteran onions which would serve as rations for a Moor, or five flagons of wine that has sailed down the Tiber.25 If you have pled on four occasions, and been lucky enough to get a gold piece, a bit of it, as part of the compact, will go to the attorney. Aemilius will get the maximum legal fee,26 though he did not plead so well as we did; but then he has a bronze chariot in his forecourt, with four stately steeds, and an effigy of himself, seated on a gallant charger, brandishing from afar a bending spear, and practising for battle with one eye closed. That is how Pedo 27 becomes bankrupt, and how Matho 27 fails; and such will be the end of Tongilius, who frequents the baths with a huge oil-flask of rhinoceros horn, and disturbs the bathers with a mob of dirty retainers. His Maedian bearers are weighed down by the long poles of his litter as he passes through the Forum on his way to buy slaves or plate, agate vases or country houses; for that foreign robe of his, with its Tyrian purple, gains him credit. These gentlemen get profit out of this display; the purple or the violet robe brings practice to a lawyer; it pays him to live with a racket and an appearance beyond his means, and wasteful Rome sets no limits to extravagance.
Trust in eloquence, indeed? Why, no one would give Cicero himself two hundred pence nowadays unless a huge ring were blazing on his finger. The first thing that a litigant looks to is, Have you eight slaves and a dozen retainers? Have you a litter to wait on you, and gowned citizens to walk before you? That is why Paulus used to hire a sardonyx ring; that is why he earned a higher fee than Gallus or Basilus. When is eloquence ever found beneath a shabby coat? When does Basilus get the chance of producing in court a weeping mother? Who would listen to him, however well he spoke? Better go to Gaul or to Africa,28 that nursing mother of lawyers, if you would make a living by your tongue!
Or do you teach rhetoric? O Vettius! what iron bowels must you have when your troop of scholars slays 29 the cruel tyrant: when each in turn stands up, and repeats what he has just been conning in his seat, reciting the self-same things in the self-same verses! Served up again and again, the cabbage is the death of the unhappy master! What complexion 30 should be put on the case; within what category it falls; what is the crucial point; what hits will be made on the other side----these are things which everyone wants to know, but for which no one is willing to pay. "Pay indeed? Why, what have I learnt?" asks the scholar. It is the teacher's fault, of course, that the Arcadian youth feels no flutter in his left breast when he dins his "dire Hannibal" into my unfortunate head on every sixth day of the week, whatever be the question which he is pondering: whether he should make straight for the city from the field of Cannae, or whether, after the rain and thunder, he should lead around his cohorts, all dripping after the storm. Name any sum you please and you shall have it: what would I give 31 that the lad's father might listen to him as often as I do! So cry half-a-dozen or more of our sophists 32 in one breath, entering upon real lawsuits 33 of their own, abandoning "The Ravisher" and forgetting all about "The Poisoner" or "The wicked and thankless Husband," or the drugs that restore sight to the chronic blind.
And so, if my counsel goes for anything, I would advise the man who comes down from his rhetorical shade to fight for a sum that would buy a trumpery corn-ticket 34----for that's the most handsome fee he will ever get----to present himself with a discharge,35 and enter upon some other walk of life. If you ask what fees Chrysogonus and Pollio 36 get for teaching music to the sons of our great men, you will tear up the Rhetoric of Theodorus.37
Your great man will spend six hundred thousand sesterces upon his baths, and something more on the colonnade in which he is to drive on rainy days. What? Is he to wait for a clear sky, and bespatter his horses with fresh mud? How much better to drive where their hoofs will remain bright and spotless! Elsewhere let a banqueting hall arise, supported on lofty pillars of African marble, to catch the winter sun. And cost the house what it may, there will come a man to arrange the courses skilfully, and the man who makes up the tasty dishes. Amidst expenditure such as this two thousand sesterces will be enough, and more than enough, for Quintilian: there is nothing on which a father will not spend more money than on his son. "How then," you ask, "does Quintilian possess those vast domains?" Pass by cases of rare good fortune: the lucky man 38 is both beautiful and brave, he is wise and noble and high-born; he sews on to his black shoe the crescent of the Senator. He is a great orator too, a good javelin-man, and if he chance to have caught a cold, he sings divinely. For it makes all the difference by what stars you are welcomed when you utter your first cry, and are still red from your mother's womb. If Fortune so choose, you will become a Consul from being a rhetor; if again she so wills, you will become a rhetor from being a Consul.
What of Ventidius 39 and Tullius? 40 What made their fortunes but the stars and the wondrous potency of secret Fate? The Fates will give kingdoms to a slave, and triumphs to a captive! Nevertheless that fortunate man is rare----rarer than a white crow. Many have repented them of the Professor's vain and unprofitable chair; witness the ends of Thrasymachus 41 and Secundus Carrinas.41 Him too didst thou see in poverty on whom thou, O Athens, hadst nothing better to bestow than a cup of cold hemlock! 42 Grant, O Gods, that the earth may lie soft and light upon the shades of our forefathers: may the sweet-scented crocus and a perpetual spring-time bloom over their ashes; who deemed that the teacher should hold the place of a revered parent! Achilles trembled for fear of the rod when already of full age, singing songs in his native hills; nor would he then have dared to laugh at the tail of his musical instructor.43 But Rufus and the rest are cudgelled each by his own pupils----that Rufus 44 whom they have so often styled "the Allobrogian Cicero."
Who pours into the lap of Celadus, or of the learned Palaemon,45 as much as their grammatical labours deserve? And yet, small as the fee is----and it is smaller than the rhetor's wage----the pupil's unfeeling 46 attendant nibbles off a bit of it for himself; so too does the steward. But never mind, Palaemon; suffer some diminution of your wage, like the hawker who sells rags and white Gallic blankets for winter wear, if only it do not go for nothing that you have sat from early dawn in a hole which no blacksmith would put up with, no workman who teaches how to card wool with slanting tool: that it do not go for nothing to have snuffed up the odour of as many lamps as you had scholars in your class thumbing a discoloured Horace or a begrimed Virgil.
But it is seldom that the fee can be recovered without a judgment of the Court. And yet be sure, ye parents, to impose the strictest laws upon the teacher: he must never be at fault in his grammar; he must know all history, and have all the authorities at his finger-tips. If asked a chance question on his way to the baths, or to the establishment of Phoebus,47 he must at once tell you who was the nurse of Anchises, what was the name and birth-place of Anchemolus' 48 step-mother, to what age Acestes lived, how many flagons of Sicilian wine he presented to the Trojans.49 Require of him that he shall mould the young minds as a man moulds a face out of wax with his thumb; insist that he shall be a father to the whole brood, so that they shall play no nasty game, and do no nasty trick----no easy matter to watch the hands and sparkling eyes of so many youngsters! "See to all this," you say, "and then, when the year comes round, receive the golden piece which the mob demands for a winning jockey."
1. An inspiring spring on Mt. Helicon, sacred to the Muses.
2. Apparently an auctioneer.
3. Apparently names of tragedies.
4. Easterns originally imported as slaves, who had risen to be equites.
5. i. e. as slaves from Galatia.
6. Vulcan.
7. The busts of poets were wreathed with ivy (doctarum hederae praemia frontium, Hor. Od. i. i. 29).
8. i.e. the peacock.
9. Properly the Muse of Dancing; used here, like Clio above, for poetry in general.
10. Apollo and Dionysus.
11. Turnus. See Virg. Aen. viii. 445-450.
12. The famous author of the Pharsalia. M. Annaeus Lucanus, A.D. 39-65.
13. P. Papinius Statius, author of the Thebais, circ. A. D. 61-96.
14. Paris, a famous pantomimic dancer. There were two of the name; one a favourite of Nero, executed by him as a rival, A.D. 67; the other a favourite of Domitian, also executed, A.D. 87. See Introduction.
15. The commanding officers of a Legion (tribuni) became equites after serving for six months. Claudius instituted the practice of making honorary appointments, without service, so as to bestow the title of eques on his favourites.
16. Names of pantomime plays.
17. A noble patron of letters, especially of Horace; for Proculeius, see Hor. Od. II. ii. 5. Paulus Fabius Maximus was the patron of Ovid; Cotta is panegyrised by Ovid, Epp. ex P. ii. viii.; P. Lentulus Spinther helped to recall Cicero from banishment.
18. In reference to the festive season of the Saturnalia.
19. The creditor is one to whom the advocate owes money, and before whom he wishes to make a good appearance; the acrior illo is a litigant whom the advocate hopes to secure as a client.
20. Spitting or slobbering on the breast was considered lucky, to obviate the evil results of boasting.
21. Lacerta is apparently the name of a charioteer.
22. Alluding to the contest between Ajax and Achilles for the arms of Achilles.
23. The advocate who had won a case would have his stair decorated.
24. Lawyers received presents in kind from their country clients.
25. i.e. poor wine; like the vile Sabinum of Hor. Od. i. xx. 1.
26. Aemilius was a noble; the Lex Cincia (B.C. 204) placed a limit upon lawyers' fees.
27. These men are ruined by imitating the extravagance of their betters.
28. Flourishing schools of rhetoric were established under the early Empire in Gaul, Spain, and Africa.
29. i. e. in a rhetorical exercise.
30. For the meaning of color, see note on vi. 280.
31. The English idiom would be " What would I not give."
32. i.e. teachers, especially of rhetoric.
33. The rhetor goes to law to recover his fees.
34. A ticket for the gratuitous distributions of corn.
35. A retiring gladiator received a wooden sword (rudis) as a token of discharge.
36. Chrysogonus was a singer (vi. 74), Pollio a player on the cithara (vi. 387).
37. A famous rhetorician at Rhodes.
38. Juvenal sarcastically assigns to the lucky man all the qualities which the Stoics attributed to the sapiens. See Hor. Epp. i. i. 106-108. Juvenal probably had an eye to that passage.
39. P. Ventidius Bassus rose from nothing to be consul B.C. 43; he triumphed over the Parthians.
40. Cicero.
41. Both rhetoricians. Carrinas was banished by Caligula, and apparently hanged himself.
42. The reference must surely be to Socrates; though illum would have been more appropriate than hunc.
43. Achilles was instructed in the lyre by the Centaur Chiron.
44. Rufus was apparently an Allobrogian. The Allobroges occupied the country between the Rhone and the Isere.
45. Q. Remmius Palaemon, a famous Roman grammarian in the time of Tiberius and Caligula.
46. Acoenonoetus is one of those Greek terms whose use Juvenal wishes to ridicule. The Scholiast explains it as communi sensu carens. See Mayor.
47. Probably a private bathing establishment.
48. A warrior slain by Pallas. Virg. Aen, x. 389.
49. Aen. v. 73 ff.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: juvenal_satires_08.htm
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 8
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 8
Satire 8.
[Translated by G. G. Ramsay]
Stemmata quid Faciunt?
What avail your pedigrees? What boots it, Ponticus, to be valued for one's ancient blood, and to display the painted visages of one's forefathers----an Aemilianus 1 standing in his car; a half-crumbled Curius; a Corvinus who has lost a shoulder, or a Galba that has neither ear nor nose? Of what profit is it to boast a Fabius on your ample family chart, and thereafter to trace kinship through many a branch with grimy Dictators and Masters of the Horse, if in presence of the Lepidi you live an evil life? What signify all these effigies of warriors if you gamble all night long before your Numantine 2 ancestors, and begin your sleep with the rise of Lucifer, at an hour when our Generals of old would be moving their standards and their camps? Why should a Fabius, born in the home of Hercules,3 take pride in the title Allobrogicus,4 and in the Great Altar,5 if he be covetous and empty-headed and more effeminate than a Euganean 6 lambkin; if his loins, rubbed smooth by Catanian 7 pumice, throw shame on his shaggy-haired grandfathers; or if, as a trafficker in poison, he dishonour his unhappy race by a statue that will have to be broken in pieces? Though you deck your hall from end to end with ancient waxen images, Virtue is the one and only true nobility. Be a Paulus, or a Cossus, or a Drusus in character; rank them before the statues of your ancestors; let them precede the fasces themselves when you are Consul. You owe me, first of all things, the virtues of the soul; prove yourself stainless in life, one who holds fast to the right both in word and deed, and I acknowledge you as a lord; all hail to you, Gaetulicus, or you, Silanus, or from whatever stock you come, if you have proved yourself to a rejoicing country a rare and illustrious citizen, we would fain cry what Egypt shouts when Osiris has been found.8 For who can be called "noble" who is unworthy of his race, and distinguished in nothing but his name? We call some one's dwarf an "Atlas," his blackamoor "a swan"; an ill-favoured, misshapen girl we call "Europa"; lazy hounds that are bald with chronic mange, and who lick the edges of a dry lamp, will bear the names of "Pard," "Tiger," "Lion," or of any other animal in the world that roars more fiercely: take you care that it be not on that principle that you are a Creticus or a Camerinus!
Who is it whom I admonish thus? It is to you, Rubellius Blandus,9 that I speak. You are puffed up with the lofty pedigree of the Drusi, as though you had done something to make you noble, and to be conceived by one glorying in the blood of Iulus, rather than by one who weaves for hire under the windy rampart. "You others are dirt," you say; "the very scum of our populace; not one of you can point to his father's birthplace; but I am one of the Cecropidae!" Long life to you! May you long enjoy the glories of your birth! And yet among the lowest rabble you will find a Roman, who has eloquence, one who will plead the cause of the unlettered noble; you must go to the toga-clad herd for a man to untie the knots and riddles of the law. From them will come the brave young soldier who marches to the Euphrates, or to the eagles that guard the conquered Batavians, while you are nothing but a Cecropid, the image of a limbless Hermes! For in no respect but one have you the advantage over him: his head is of marble, while yours is a living effigy!
Tell me, thou scion of the Trojans, who deems a dumb animal well-born unless it be strong? It is for this that we commend the swift horse whose speed sets every hand aglow, and fills the Circus with the hoarse shout of victory; that horse is noblest, on whatever pasture reared, whose rush outstrips the rest, and whose dust is foremost upon the plain. But the offspring of Coryphaeus 10 or Hirpinus 10 comes to the hammer if Victory light but seldom on his car: no respect is there paid to ancestors, no favour is shown to Shades! The slow of foot, that are fit only to turn a miller's wheel, pass, for a mere nothing, from one owner to another, and gall their necks against the collar. So, if I am to respect yourself, and not your belongings, give me something of your own to engrave among your titles, in addition to those honours which we pay, and have paid, to those to whom you owe your all.
Enough this for the youth whom report has handed down to us as proud and puffed up with his kinship to Nero: for in those high places regard for others is rarely to be found. But for you, Ponticus, I cannot wish that you should be valued for the glories of your race while doing nothing that shall bring you praise in the days to come. It is a poor thing to lean upon the fame of others, lest the pillars give way and the house fall down in ruin. The vine-shoot, trailing upon the ground, longs for the widowed elm. Be a stout soldier, a faithful guardian, and an incorruptible judge; if summoned to bear witness in some dubious and uncertain cause, though Phalaris 11 himself should bring up his bull and dictate to you a perjury, count it the greatest of all sins to prefer life to honour, and to lose, for the sake of living, all that makes life worth having. The man who merits death is already dead, though he dine off a hundred Lucrine 12 oysters, and bathe in a whole cauldron of Cosmus' 13 essences.
When you enter your long-expected Province as its Governor, set a curb and a limit to your passion, as also to your greed; have compassion on the impoverished provincials, whose very bones have been sucked dry of marrow; have regard to what the law ordains, what the Senate enjoins; consider what honours await the good ruler, with what a just thunderstroke the Senate hurled down Capito and Numitor,14 those plunderers 15 of the Cilicians. Yet what profit was there from their condemnation? 16 Look out for an auctioneer, Chaerippus,17 to sell your chattels, seeing that Pansa has stripped you of all that Natta left. And hold your tongue about it; when all else is gone, it is madness to throw away your passage-money.18
Very different in days of old were the wailings of our allies and the harm inflicted on them by losses, when they had been newly conquered and were wealthy still. Their houses then were all well-stored; they had piles of money, with Spartan mantles and Coan purples; beside the paintings of Parrhasius, and the statues of Myron, stood the living ivories of Phidias; everywhere the works of Polyclitus were to be seen; few tables were without a Mentor.19 But after that came now a Dolabella,20 now an Antonius,21 and now a sacrilegious Verres,22 loading big ships with secret spoils, peace-trophies more numerous than those of war. Nowadays, on capturing a farm, you may rob our allies of a few yoke of oxen, or a few mares, with the sire of the herd; or of the household gods themselves, if there be a good statue left, or a single Deity in his little shrine; such are the best and choicest things to be got now. You despise perchance, and deservedly, the unwarlike Rhodian and the scented Corinthian: what harm will their resined 23 youths do you, or the smooth legs of the entire breed? But keep clear of rugged Spain, avoid the land of Gaul and the Dalmatian shore; spare, too, those harvesters 24 who fill the belly of a city that has no leisure save for the Circus and the play: what great profit can you reap from outrages upon Libyans, seeing that Marius 25 has so lately stripped Africa to the skin? Beware above all things to do no wrong to men who are at once brave and miserable. You may take from them all the gold and silver that they have; but plundered though they be, they will still have their arms; they will still have their shields and their swords, their javelins and helmets.
What I have just propounded is no mere theme, it is the truth; you may take it that I am reading out to you one of the Sibyl's leaves. If your whole staff be incorruptible: if no long-haired Ganymede sells your judgments; if your wife be blameless; if, in your circuit through the towns and districts, there is no Harpy ready to pounce with crooked talons upon gold,----then you may trace back your race to Picus 26; if you delight in lofty names, you may count the whole array of Titans, and Prometheus himself, among your ancestors, and select for yourself a great-grandfather from whatever myth you please. But if you are carried away headlong by ambition and by lust; if you break your rods upon the bleeding backs of our allies; if you love to see your axes blunted and your headsmen weary, then the nobility of your own parents begins to rise up in judgment against you, and to hold a glaring torch over your misdeeds. The greater the sinner's name, the more signal the guiltiness of the sin. If you are wont to put your signature to forged deeds, what matters it to me that you sign them in temples built by your grandfather, or in front of the triumphal statue of your father? What does that matter, if you steal out at night for adultery, your brow concealed under a cowl of Gallic wool?
The bloated Lateranus whirls past the bones and ashes of his ancestors in a rapid car; with his own hands this muleteer 27 Consul locks the wheel with the drag. It is by night, indeed: but the moon looks on; the stars strain their eyes to see. When his time of office is over, Lateranus will take up his whip in broad daylight; not shrinking to meet a now-aged friend, he will be the first to salute him with his whip; he will unbind the trusses of hay, and deal out the fodder to his weary cattle. Meanwhile, though he slays woolly victims and tawny steers after Numa's fashion, he swears by no other deity before Jove's high altar than the Goddess of horseflesh, and the images painted on the reeking stables. And when it pleases him to go back to the all-night tavern, a Syro-Phoenician runs forth to meet him-----a denizen of the Idumaean gate 28 perpetually drenched in perfumes----and salutes him as lord and prince with all the airs of a host; and with him comes Cyane, her dress tucked up, carrying a flagon of wine for sale.
An apologist will say to me, "We too did the same as boys." Perhaps: but then you ceased from your follies and let them drop. Let your evil days be short; let some of your misdoings be cut off with your first beard.29 Boys may be pardoned; but when Lateranus frequented those hot liquor shops with their inscribed linen awnings, he was of ripe age, fit to guard in arms the Armenian and Syrian rivers, the Danube and the Rhine; fit to protect the person of his Emperor. Send your Legate to Ostia, O Caesar, but search for him in some big cookshop! There you will find him, lying cheek-by-jowl beside a cut-throat, in the company of bargees, thieves, and runaway slaves, beside hangmen and coffin-makers, or of some eunuch priest lying drunk with idle timbrels. Here is Liberty Hall! One cup serves for everybody; no one has a bed to himself, nor a table apart from the rest. What would you do, friend Ponticus, if you chanced upon a slave like this? You would send him to your Lucanian or Tuscan bridewell.30 But you gentlemen of Trojan blood find excuses for yourselves; what would disgrace a huckster sits gracefully on a Volesus or a Brutus!
What if I can never cite any example so foul and shameful that there is not something worse behind? Your means exhausted, Damasippus, you hired out your voice to the stage,31 taking the part of the Clamorous Ghost of Catullus.32 The nimble Lentulus acted famously the part of Laureolus 33: deserving, in my judgment, to be really and truly crucified. Nor can the spectators themselves be forgiven: the populace that with brazen front sits and beholds the triple buffooneries of our patricians, that can listen to a bare-footed 34 Fabius, and laugh to see the Mamerci cuffing each other. What matters it at what price they sell their deaths? 35 No Nero compels them to sell; yet they hesitate not to sell themselves at the games of the exalted Praetor. And yet suppose that on one side of you were placed a sword, on the other the stage: which were the better choice? Was ever any man so afraid of death that he would choose to be the jealous husband of a Thymele, or the colleague of the clown Corinthus? Yet when an Emperor 36 has taken to harp-playing, it is not so very strange that a noble should act in a mime. Beyond this, what will be left but the gladiatorial school? And that scandal too you have seen in our city: a Gracchus fighting, not indeed as a murmillo, nor with the round shield and scimitar 37: such accoutrements he rejects, ay rejects and detests; nor does a helmet shroud his face. See how he wields his trident! and when with poised right hand he has cast the trailing net in vain, he lifts up his bare face to the benches and flies, for all to recognise, from one end of the arena to the other.38 We cannot mistake the golden tunic that flutters from his throat, and the twisted cord that dangles from the high-crowned cap 39; and so the pursuer who was pitted against Gracchus endured a shame more grievous than any wound.
If free suffrage were granted to the people, who would be so abandoned as not to prefer Seneca 40 to Nero----Nero, for whose chastisement no single ape or adder, no solitary sack,41 should have been provided? His crime was like that of Agamemnon's son 42; but the case was not the same, seeing that Orestes, at the bidding of the Gods, was avenging a father slain in his cups.43 Orestes never stained himself with Electra's blood, or with that of his Spartan wife 44; he never mixed poison-drafts for his own kin; he never sang upon the stage,45 he never wrote an Epic upon Troy! For of all the deeds of Nero's cruel and bloody tyranny, which was there that more deserved to be avenged by the arms of a Verginius,46 of a Vindex 47 or a Galba? These were the deeds, these the graces of our high-born Prince, whose delight it was to prostitute himself by unseemly singing upon a foreign stage, and to earn a chaplet of Greek parsley! Let thy ancestral images be decked with the trophies of thy voice! Place thou at the feet of a Domitius 48 the trailing robe of Thyestes 49 or Antigone,49 or the mask of Melanippa,49 and hang up thy harp on a colossus 50 of marble!
Where can be found, O Catiline, nobler ancestors than thine, or than thine, Cethegus? 51 Yet you plot a night attack, you prepare to give our houses and temples to the flames as though you were the sons of trousered 52 Gauls, or sprung from the Senones,53 daring deeds that deserved the shirt of torture.54 But our Consul 55 is awake, and beats back your hosts. Born at Arpinum, of ignoble blood, a municipal knight new to Rome, he posts helmeted men at every point to guard the affrighted citizens, and is alert on every hill. Thus within the walls his toga won for him as much name and honour as Octavius gained by battle in Leucas 56; as much as Octavius won by his blood-dripping sword on the plains of Thessaly 57; but then Rome was yet free when she styled him the Parent and Father of his country! Another son of Arpinum 58 used to work for hire upon the Volscian hills, toiling behind a plough not his own; after that, a centurion's knotty staff would be broken over his head 59 if his pick were slow and sluggish in the trench. Yet it is he who faces the Cimbri,60 and the mightiest perils; alone he saves the trembling city. And so when the ravens, who had never before seen such huge carcasses, flew down upon the slaughtered Cimbri, his high-born colleague is decorated with the second bay.
Plebeian were the souls of the Decii,61 plebeian were their names; yet they were accepted by the Gods beneath and by Mother Earth in lieu of all the Legions and the allies, and all the youth of Latium, for the Decii were more precious than the hosts whom they saved.
It was one born of a slave who won the robe and diadem and fasces of Quirinus----the last he of our good Kings 62----whereas the Consul's own sons, who should have dared some great thing for endangered liberty----some deed to be marvelled at by Mucius or Cocles,63 or by the maiden 64 who swam across the river-boundary of our realm----were for traitorously loosing the bolts of the city gates to the exiled tyrants. It was a slave----well worthy he to be bewailed by matrons----who revealed the secret plot to the Fathers, while the sons met their just punishment from scourging and from the axe then first used in the cause of Law.
I would rather that Thersites were your father if only you were like the grandson of Aeacus,65 and could wield the arms of Vulcan, than that you should have been begotten by Achilles and be like Thersites. Yet, after all, however far you may trace back your name, however long the roll, you derive your race from an ill-famed asylum: the first of your ancestors, whoever he was, was either a shepherd or something that I would rather not name.
1. Alluding to the younger Scipio, son of L. Aemilius Paulus, who according to rule took the name of Aemilianus after his adoption by P. Cornelius Scipio (son of Scipio Africanus major).
2. Scipio the younger was called Numantinus after the capture of Numantia, B.C. 134.
3. The Fabii pretended to be descended from Hercules.
4. Alluding to Q. Fabius Maximus Allobrogicus (B.C. 121).
5. The ara maxima of Hercules, near the Circus.
6. Fine pasture land in Venetia, where dwelt the Euganei.
7. From Catana near Mount Aetna.
8. When a new Apis was born, the people shouted εὑρήκαμεν συγχαίρομεν. Apis was supposed to be an incarnation of Osiris.
9. Rubellius Blandus was married to Julia, grand-daughter of Tiberius. One of his descendants must be meant here.
10. Famous racers.
11. The famous tyrant of Agrigentum, who slowly roasted his victims in a brazen bull.
12. Gaurus was a hill overlooking the Lucrine lake.
13. A well-known perfumer.
14. Condemned for extortion in Cilicia. See Tac. Ann. xiii. 33.
15. The word piratae is used because the Cilicians were notorious pirates.
16. The native Cilicians reap no benefit from the condemnation of the governors.
17. Chaerippus is a Cilician native who is advised to sell anything he has left. Pansa and Natta are fictitious names to denote the plundering governors.
18. i.e. the fee to be given to Charon for the passage over the Styx. Some take it of the passage-money to Rome.
19. These are all names of famous Greek artists of the third and fourth centuries.
20. Cornelius Dolabella, condemned of extortion in Cilicia, B.C. 78.
21. C. Antonius, uncle of Mark Antony, expelled from the Senate for extortion, B.C. 70.
22. C. Verres, propraetor of Sicily B.C. 73-70, attacked by Cicero in his famous Verrine orations.
23. Resin was used as a depilatory.
24. i. e. of Africa, whence came the main part of the Roman supplies of corn.
25. See n. to i. 49.
26. A mythical Latin king, son of Saturn, and father of Faunus.
27. Lateranus is called mulio as a term of reproach.
28. A low quarter of Rome; perhaps the Jews' quarter.
29. The first cutting off of the beard of a son or a favourite was attended with some ceremony.
30. Private prisons in which gangs of slaves were kept in irons.
31. Siparium was a curtain separating the front part of the stage, on which mimes were acted, from the back.
32. A writer of mimi.
33. A highwayman who was crucified.
34. Actors in mimes wore no shoes.
35. "To sell their deaths" is equivalent to "to sell their lives." The word funera may also suggest that these degenerate nobles are destroying the old glories of their families.
36. Nero.
37. The phrase falce supina = "a sickle on its back"; the point of the weapon was bent backwards instead of forwards.
38. It was a disgrace for Gracchus to fight as a retiarius. Having no armour, he had to run away if he missed his throw with the net. His adversary was fully armed.
39. Galerus or galerum was probably a kind of helmet or cap. The Schol. here says Galerus est humero impositus gladiatoris. See Duff and Mayor.
40. Seneca had to open his veins by Nero's order.
41. The ancient punishment for parricide was that the criminal should be tied up in a sack along with a dog, an ape, a snake, and a cock, and then cast into the sea.
42. Orestes slew his mother Clytemnestra in revenge for the murder of his father. But he did not slay a sister or a wife as Nero slew his wife Octavia and his half-sister Antonia.
43. So Homer, Od. xi. 409. The tragedian's story is that Agamemnon was slain in his bath.
44. Hermione.
45. In the year A.D. 59 Nero presented himself upon the stage (Tac. Ann. xiv. 15). In A.D. 67-8 he made a tour of the Greek games and won prizes at many musical contests.
46. Verginius Rufus, Legate of Upper Germany, defeated the revolting Vindex, and refused to be named emperor after Galba's death in A.D. 69.
47. C. Julius Vindex, propraetor of the province Lugdunensis, revolted against Nero in A.D. 68, and was defeated by Verginius.
48. Not the father of Nero, but one of his distinguished ancestors on his father's side. Nero's name before his adoption by Claudius was L. Domitius Ahenobarbus.
49. Tragic parts acted by Nero.
50. This is doubtless meant as a hit at the famous bronze Colossus of Nero.
51. C. Cornelius Cethegus was the most prominent associate of Catiline in the long-nursed conspiracy which was crushed by Cicero as consul in B.C. 63.
52. Narbonese Gaul was called bracata because its inhabitants wore trousers.
53. The Gauls who defeated the Romans in the battle of the Allia, B.C. 390.
54. A shirt lined with pitch in which the victims were burnt to death. See above i. 115 and Tac. Ann. xv. 44.
55. Cicero.
56. The island of Leucas here stands for the battle of Actium, though it was many miles distant from the place where the battle was fought.
57. The battle of Philippi (B.C. 42) is meant, though Philippi was in Macedonia, not in Thessaly. The battle fought in Thessaly was the battle of Pharsalia, B.C. 49. The Roman poets confound the two battles.
58. C. Marius.
59. i. e. he served as a private soldier.
60. The Cimbri and Teutones were utterly defeated by Marius and his colleague Q. Lutatius Catulus on the Raudian plain in B.C. 101. Catulus shared in the triumph, but all the honour was given to Marius.
61. P. Decius Mus, in the Latin War, B.C. 340, gained the victory for the Romans by devoting himself and the enemy to destruction; his son did the same in the battle of Sentinum, B.C. 295.
62. Servius Tullius.
63. Horatius Cocles, who "kept the bridge so well"; Mucius Scaevola, to show his courage, put his hand into the flames in Porsena's camp.
64. Cloelia, the hostage who escaped by swimming across the Tiber.
65. Achilles is called Aeacides as he was the grandson of Aeacus.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: juvenal_satires_09.htm
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 9
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 9
Satire 9.
[Translated by G. G. Ramsay]
The Sorrows of a Reprobate
I should like to know, Naevolus, why you so often look gloomy when I meet you, knitting your brow like a vanquished Marsyas.1 What have you to do with the look that Ravola wore when caught playing that dirty trick with Rhodope? If a slave takes a lick at the pastry, he gets a thrashing for his pains! Why do you look as woe-begone as Crepereius Pollio when he goes round offering a triple rate of interest, and can find no fool to trust him? Why have you suddenly developed those wrinkles? You used to be an easily contented person, who passed as a home-bred knight that could make biting jests at the dinner-table and tell witty town-bred stories. But now you are a different man. You have a hang-dog look; your head is a forest of unkempt, unanointed hair; your skin has lost all the gloss that it got from swathes of hot Bruttian pitch, and your legs are dirty and rough with sprouting hair. Why are you as thin as a chronic invalid in whom a quartan fever has long made its home? One can detect in a sickly body the secret torments of the soul, as also its joys: the face takes on the stamp of either. You seem, therefore, to have changed your mode of life, and to be going in a way opposite to your past. Not long ago, as I remember, you were a gallant more notorious than Aundius; you used to frequent the Temple of Isis and that of Peace with its Ganymede, and the secret courts of the Foreign Mother----for in what temple are there not frail fair ones to be found?
"Many men have found profit in my mode of life; but I have made nothing substantial out of my labours. I sometimes have a greasy cloak given me that will save my toga----a coarse and crudely dyed garment that has been ill-combed by the Gallic weaver----or some trifle in silver of an inferior quality. Man is ruled by destiny; even those parts of him that lie beneath his clothes.... What greater monster is there in the world than a miserly debauchee? 'I gave you this,' says he, 'and then that; and later again ever so much more.' Thus he makes a reckoning with his lusts. Well, set out the counters, call in the lads with the reckoning board, count out five thousand sesterces all told, and then enumerate my services.... I am less accounted of than the poor hind who ploughs his master's field. You used to deem yourself a delicate and good-looking youth, fit to be Jove's own cup-bearer; but will men like you, who are unwilling to pay for your own morbid pleasures, ever show a kindness to a poor follower or a slave? A pretty fellow to have presents sent him of green sunshades or big amber balls on a birthday, or on the first day of showery spring, when he lolls at full length in a huge easy chair counting over the secret gifts he has received upon the Matron's Day! 2
"Tell me, you sparrow, for whose benefit are you keeping all those hills and farms in Apulia, all those pasture-lands that tire out the kites? Your stores are filled with rich grapes from your Trifoline vineyard, or from the slopes that look down upon Cumae, or the unpeopled Gaurus; whose vats seal up more vintages destined for long life than yours? Would it be a great matter to present a few acres to the loins of an exhausted client? Is it better, think you, that this country woman, with her cottage and her babe and her pet dog, should be bequeathed to a friend who plays the timbrels? 'You're an impudent beggar,' you say. Yes, but my rent cries on me to beg; and so does my single slave-lad----as single as that big eye of Polyphemus which helped the wily Ulysses to make his escape. And one slave is not enough; I shall have to buy a second and feed them both. What shall I do, pray, when the winter howls? What shall I say to their shivering feet and shoulders when December's north wind blows? Shall I say 'Hold on, and wait till the grasshoppers arrive'?
"And though you ignore and pass by my other services, what price do you put on this, that were I not your true and devoted client, your wife would still be a maid? You know how often, and in what ways, you have asked that service of me, and what promises you made to me.... There's many a household in which a union that was unstable, ready to break up, and all but dissolved, has been saved by the intervention of a lover. Which way can you turn? Which service do you put first, which last? Is it to be no merit, you thankless and perfidious man, none at all, that I have presented you with a little son or daughter? For you rear the children, and love to spread abroad in the gazette the proofs of your virility. Hang up garlands over your door! You are now a father; I have given you something to set up against ill fame. You have now parental rights; through me you can be entered as an heir, and receive a legacy entire, with a nice little extra into the bargain; to all which perquisites many more will be added if I make up your family to the full number of three."
Indeed, Naevolus, you have just cause of complaint. But what has he got to say on the other side? "He takes no notice, and looks out for another two-legged donkey like myself. But remember, my secrets are for your ears alone; keep my complaints fast locked up in your own bosom. It is a fatal thing to have for your enemy a man who keeps himself smooth by pumice-stone! The man who has lately entrusted me with a secret has a consuming hatred of me, believing I have revealed everything that I know; he will not hesitate to take up a sword, or to lay open my head with a club, or to put a lighted candle against my door. Nor can you disregard or make nothing of the fact that for a man of his means the price of poison is never high. So keep my secrets close----as close as did the Council of Areopagus!"
O my poor Corydon! Do you suppose that a rich man has any secrets? Though his slaves hold their tongues, his beasts of burden and his dog will talk; his door posts and his marble columns will tell tales. Let him shut the windows, and close every chink with curtains; let him fasten the doors, remove the light, turn everyone out of the house, and permit no one to sleep in it----yet the tavern-keeper close by will know before dawn what he was doing at the second cock-crow; he will hear also all the tales invented by the pastry-man, by the head cook and the carver. For what calumny will they hesitate to concoct against their masters when a slander will avenge them for their strappings? Nor will some tippling friend be wanting to look for you at the crossways, and, do what you will, pour his drunken story into your ear. So just ask those people to hold their tongues about the things you questioned me about just now! Why, they would rather blab out a secret than drink as much stolen wine as Saufeia used to swill when conducting a public sacrifice. There are many reasons for right living; but the chiefest of them all is this, that you need pay no attention to the talk of your slaves. For the tongue is the worst part of a bad slave; and yet worse still is the plight of a man who cannot escape from the talk of those whom he supports with his own bread and money.
"Your advice is excellent, but it is vague. What do you advise me to do now, after all my lost time and disappointed hopes? for the short span of our poor unhappy life is hurrying swiftly on, like a flower, to its close: while we drink, and call for chaplets, for unguents, and for maidens, old age is creeping on us unperceived."
Be not afraid; so long as these seven hills of ours stand fast, pathic friends will never fail you: from every quarter, in carriages and in ships, those gentry who scratch their heads with one finger will flock in. And you have always a further and better ground of hope----if you fit your diet to your trade.
"Such maxims are for the fortunate; my Clotho and Lachesis are well pleased if I can fill my belly with my labours. O my own little Lares, whom I am wont to supplicate with a pinch of frankincense or corn, or with a tiny garland, when can I assure myself of what will keep my old days from the beggar's staff and mat? Twenty thousand sesterces, well secured; some vessels of plain silver----yet such as Censor Fabricius would have condemned----and a couple of stout Moesian porters on whose hired necks I may be taken comfortably to my place in the bawling circus. Let me have besides a stooping engraver, and a painter who will quickly dash off any number of likenesses. Enough this for a poor man like me. It is a pitiful prayer, and I have little hope even of that; for whenever Fortune is supplicated on my behalf, she plugs her ears with wax fetched from that selfsame ship which escaped from the Sicilian songstresses through the deafness of her crew." 3
1. Flayed by Apollo when beaten in a musical contest.
2. The st of March; see Hor. Od. III. viii. 1.
3. Ulysses stuffed the ears of his followers with wax to prevent them hearing the voices of the Sirens (Od. xii. 39 ff.).
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: juvenal_satires_10.htm
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 10
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 10
Satire 10.
[Translated by G. G. Ramsay]
The Vanity of Human Wishes
In all the lands that stretch from Gades to the Ganges and the Morn, there are but few who can distinguish true blessings from their opposites, putting aside the mists of error. For when does Reason direct our desires or our fears? What project do we form so auspiciously that we do not repent us of our effort and of the granted wish? Whole households have been destroyed by the compliant Gods in answer to the masters' prayers; in camp and city alike we ask for things that will be our ruin. Many a man has met death from the rushing flood of his own eloquence; others from the strength and wondrous thews in which they have trusted. More still have been ruined by money too carefully amassed, and by fortunes that surpass all patrimonies by as much as the British whale exceeds the dolphin. It was for this that in the dire days Nero ordered Longinus 1 and the great gardens of the over-wealthy Seneca 2 to be put under siege; for this was it that the noble Palace of the Laterani 3 was beset by an entire cohort; it is but seldom that soldiers find their way into a garret!
Though you carry but few silver vessels with you in a night journey, you will be afraid of the sword and cudgel of a freebooter, you will tremble at the shadow of a reed shaking in the moonlight; but the empty-handed traveller will whistle in the robber's face.
The foremost of all petitions----the one best known to every temple----is for riches and their increase, that our money-chest may be the biggest in the Forum. But you will drink no aconite out of an earthenware cup; you may dread it when a jewelled cup is offered you, or when Setine wine sparkles in a golden bowl. Then will you not commend the two wise men, one of whom 4 would laugh while the opposite sage 5 would weep every time he set a foot outside the door? To condemn by a cutting laugh comes readily to us all; the wonder is how the other sage's eyes were supplied with all that water. The sides of Democritus shook with unceasing laughter, although in the cities of his day there were no purple-bordered or purple-striped robes, no fasces, no palanquins, no tribunals. What if he had seen the Praetor uplifted in his lofty car amid the dust of the Circus, attired in the tunic 6 of Jove, hitching an embroidered Tyrian toga 6 on to his shoulders, and carrying a crown so big that no neck could bear the weight of it? For a public slave is sweating under the burden; and that the Consul may not fancy himself overmuch, the slave rides in the same chariot with his master. Add to all this the bird that is perched on his ivory staff; on this side the horn-blowers, on that the duteous clients preceding him in long array, with white-robed Roman citizens, whose friendship has been gained by the dinner-dole snugly lying in their purses,7 marching at his bridle-rein. Even then the philosopher found food for laughter at every meeting with his kind: his wisdom shows us that men of high distinction and destined to set great examples may be born in a dullard air, and in the land of mutton-heads.8 He laughed at the troubles, ay and at the pleasures, of the crowd, sometimes too at their tears, while for himself he would bid frowning fortune go hang, and point at her the finger of derision.
Thus it is that the things for which we pray, and for which it is right and proper to load the knees of the Gods with wax, are either profitless or pernicious! Some men are hurled headlong by over-great power and the envy to which it exposes them; they are wrecked by the long and illustrious roll of their honours: down come their statues, obedient to the rope; the axe hews in pieces their chariot wheels and the legs of the unoffending horses. And now the flames are hissing, and amid the roar of furnace and of bellows the head of the mighty Sejanus,9 the darling of the mob, is burning and crackling, and from that face, which was but lately second in the entire world, are being fashioned pipkins, pitchers, frying-pans and slop-pails! Up with the laurel-wreaths over your doors! Lead forth a grand chalked bull to the Capitol! Sejanus is being dragged along by a hook, as a show and joy to all! "What a lip the fellow had! What a face!"----"Believe me, I never liked the man!"----"But on what charge was he condemned? Who informed against him? What was the evidence, who the witnesses, who made good the case?"-----"Nothing of the sort; a great and wordy letter came from Capri." 10----"Good; I ask no more."
And what does the mob of Remus say? It follows fortune, as it always does, and rails against the condemned. That same rabble, if Nortia had smiled upon the Etruscan,11 if the aged Emperor had been struck down unawares, would in that very hour have conferred upon Sejanus the title of Augustus. Now that no one buys our votes, the public has long since cast off its cares; the people that once bestowed commands, consulships, legions and all else, now meddles no more and longs eagerly for just two things----Bread and Games!
"I hear that many are to perish."----"No doubt of it; there is a big furnace ready."----"My friend Brutidius 12 looked a trifle pale when I met him at the Altar of Mars. I tremble lest the defeated Ajax should take vengeance for having been so ill-defended." 13----"Let us rush headlong and trample on Caesar's enemy, while he lies upon the bank!"----"Ay, and let our slaves see us, that none bear witness against us, and drag their trembling master into court with a halter round his neck."
Such was the talk at the moment about Sejanus; such were the mutterings of the crowd. And would you like to be courted like Sejanus? To be as rich as he was? To bestow on one man the ivory chairs of office, appoint another to the command of armies, and be counted guardian of a Prince seated on the narrow ledge of Capri with his herd of Chaldaean astrologers? You would like, no doubt, to have Centurions, Cohorts, and Illustrious 14 Knights at your call, and to possess a camp of your own? Why should you not? Even those who don't want to kill anybody would like to have the power to do it. But what grandeur, what high fortune, are worth the having if the joy is overbalanced by the calamities they bring with them? Would you rather choose to wear the bordered robe of the man now being dragged along the streets, or to be a magnate at Fidenae or Gabii, adjudicating upon weights, or smashing vessels of short measure, as a thread-bare Aedile at deserted Ulubrae? 15 You admit, then, that Sejanus did not know what things were to be desired; for in coveting excessive honours, and seeking excessive wealth, he was but building up the many stories of a lofty tower whence the fall would be the greater, and the crash of headlong ruin more terrific. What was it that overthrew the Crassi, and the Pompeii, and him who brought the conquered Quirites under his lash? 16 What but lust for the highest place pursued by every kind of means? What but ambitious prayers granted by unkindly Gods? Few indeed are the kings who go down to Ceres' son-in-law 17 save by sword and slaughter----few the tyrants that perish by a bloodless death!
Every schoolboy who worships Minerva with a modest penny fee, attended by a slave to guard his little satchel, prays all through his holidays for eloquence, for the fame of a Cicero or a Demosthenes. Yet it was eloquence that brought both orators to their death; each perished by the copious and overflowing torrent of his own genius. It was his genius that cut off the hand, and severed the neck, of Cicero; never yet did futile pleader stain the rostra with his blood!
"O happy Fate for the Roman State
Was the date of my great Consulate!" 18
Had Cicero always spoken thus, he might have laughed at the swords of Antony. Better verses meet only for contempt than thou, O famous and divine Philippic, that comest out second on the roll! Terrible, too, was the death of him whom Athens loved to hear sweeping along and holding in check the crowded theatre. Unfriendly were the Gods, and evil the star, under whom was born the man whom his father, blear-eyed with the soot of glowing ore, sent away from the coal, the pincers and the sword-fashioning anvil of grimy Vulcan,19 to study the art of the rhetorician!
The spoils of war and trophies fastened upon stumps----a breast-plate, a cheek-strap hanging from a broken helmet, a yoke shorn of its pole, the flagstaff of a captured galley, or a captive sorrowing on a triumphal arch----such things are deemed glories too great for man; these are the prizes for which every General strives, be he Greek, Roman, or barbarian; it is for these that he endures toil and peril: so much greater is the thirst for glory than for virtue! For who would embrace virtue herself if you stripped her of her rewards? Yet full oft has a land been destroyed by the vainglory of a few, by the lust for honour and for a title that shall cling to the stones that guard their ashes----stones which may be rent asunder by the rude strength of the barren fig-tree, seeing that even sepulchres have their doom assigned to them!
Put Hannibal into the scales; how many pounds' weight will you find in that greatest of commanders? This is the man for whom Africa was all too small----a land beaten by the Moorish sea and stretching to the steaming Nile, and then, again, to the tribes of Aethiopia and a new race of Elephants! Spain is added to his dominions: he overleaps the Pyrenees; Nature throws in his way Alps and snow: he splits the rocks asunder, and breaks up the mountain-side with vinegar! And now Italy is in his grasp, but still on he presses: "Nought is accomplished," he cries, "until my Punic host breaks down the city gates, and I plant my standard in the midst of the Subura! " O what a sight was that! What a picture it would make, the one-eyed General riding on the Gaetulian monster! What then was his end? Alas for glory! A conquered man, he flees headlong into exile, and there he sits, a mighty and marvellous suppliant, in the King's antechamber, until it please his Bithynian Majesty 20 to awake! No sword, no stone, no javelin shall end the life which once wrought havoc throughout the world: that little ring 21 shall avenge Cannae and all those seas of blood. On! on! thou madman, and race over the wintry Alps, that thou mayest be the delight of schoolboys and supply declaimers with a theme!
One globe is all too little for the youth of Pella;22 he chafes uneasily within the narrow limits of the world, as though he were cooped up within the rocks of Gyara or the diminutive Seriphos; but yet when once he shall have entered the city fortified by the potter's art,23 a sarcophagus will suffice him! Death alone proclaims how small are our poor human bodies! We have heard how ships once sailed through Mount Athos, and all the lying tales of Grecian history; how the sea was paved by those self-same ships, and gave solid support to chariot-wheels; how deep rivers failed, and whole streams were drunk dry when the Persian breakfasted, with all the fables of which Sostratus 24 sings with reeking pinions. But in what plight did that king 25 flee from Salamis? he that had been wont to inflict barbaric stripes upon the winds Corus and Eurus----never treated thus in their Aeolian prison-house----he who had bound the Earth-shaker himself with chains, deeming it clemency, forsooth, not to think him worthy of a branding also: what god, indeed, would be willing to serve such a master?----in what plight did he return? Why, in a single ship; on blood-stained waves, the prow slowly forcing her way through waters thick with corpses! Such was the penalty exacted for that long-desired glory!
Give me length of days, give me many years, O Jupiter! Such is your one and only prayer, in days of strength or of sickness; yet how great, how unceasing, are the miseries of old age! Look first at the misshapen and ungainly face, so unlike its former self; see the unsightly hide that serves for skin; see the pendulous cheeks and the wrinkles like those which a matron baboon carves upon her aged jaws in the shaded glades of Thabraca.26 The young men differ in various ways: this man is handsomer than that, and he than another; one is stronger than another: but old men all look alike. Their voices are as shaky as their limbs, their heads without hair, their noses drivelling as in childhood. Their bread, poor wretches, has to be munched by toothless gums; so offensive do they become to their wives, their children and themselves, that even the legacy-hunter, Cossus, turns from them in disgust. Their sluggish palate takes joy in wine or food no longer, and all pleasures of the flesh have been long ago forgotten....
And now consider the loss of another sense: what joy has the old man in song, however famous be the singer? what joy in the harping of Seleucus himself, or of those who shine resplendent in gold-embroidered robes? What matters it in what part of the great theatre he sits when he can scarce hear the horns and trumpets when they all blow together? The slave who announces a visitor, or tells the time of day, must needs shout in his ear if he is to be heard.
Besides all this, the little blood in his now chilly frame is never warm except with fever; diseases of every kind dance around him in a body; if you ask of me their names, I could more readily tell you the number of Oppia's paramours, how many patients Themison killed in one season, how many partners were defrauded by Basilus, how many wards corrupted by Hirrus, how many lovers tall Maura wears out in a single season; I could sooner run over the number of villas now belonging to the barber under whose razor my stiff youthful beard used to grate.27 One suffers in the shoulder, another in the loins, a third in the hip; another has lost both eyes, and envies those who have one; another takes food into his pallid lips from someone else's fingers, while he whose jaws used to fly open at the sight of his dinner, now only gapes like the young of a swallow whose fasting mother flies to him with well-laden beak. But worse than any loss of limb is the failing mind which forgets the names of slaves, and cannot recognise the face of the old friend who dined with him last night, nor those of the children whom he has begotten and brought up. For by a cruel will he cuts off his own flesh and blood and leaves all his estate to Phiale----so potent was the breath of that alluring mouth which had plied its trade for so many years in her narrow archway.
And though the powers of his mind be strong as ever, yet must he carry forth his sons to burial; he must behold the funeral pyres of his beloved wife and his brothers, and urns filled with the ashes of his sisters. Such are the penalties of the long liver: he sees calamity after calamity befall his house, he lives in a world of sorrow, he grows old amid continual lamentation and in the garb of woe. If we can believe mighty Homer, the King of Pylos 28 was an example of long life second only to the crow; happy forsooth in this that he had put off death for so many generations, and had so often quaffed the new-made wine, counting now his years upon his right hand.29 But mark for a moment, I beg, how he bewails the decrees of fate and his too-long thread of life, when he beholds the beard of his brave Antilochus 30 in the flames,31 and asks of every friend around him why he has lived so long, what crime he has committed to deserve such length of days. Thus did Peleus also mourn when he lost Achilles; and so that other father 32 who had to bewail the sea-roving Ithacan. Had Priam perished at some other time, before Paris began to build his audacious ships, he would have gone down to the shade of Assaracus 33 when Troy was still standing, and with regal pomp; his body would have been borne on the shoulders ot Hector and his brothers amid the tears of Ilion's daughters, and the rending of Polyxena's 34 garments: Cassandra 34 would have led the cries of woe. What boon did length of days bring to him? He saw everything in ruins, and Asia perishing by fire and the sword. Laying aside his tiara, and arming himself, he fell, a trembling soldier, before the altar of Almighty Jove, like an aged ox discarded by the thankless plough who offers his poor lean neck to his master's knife. Priam's death was at least that of a human being; but his wife 35 lived on to open her mouth with the savage barking of a dog.
I hasten to our own countrymen, passing by the king of Pontus 36 and Croesus,37 who was bidden by the wise and eloquent Solon to look to the last lap of a long life. It was this that brought Marius to exile and to prison, it took him to the swamps of Minturnae and made him beg his bread in the Carthage that he had conquered. What could Nature ever in all the world have produced more glorious than him, if after parading his troops of captives with all the pomp of war he had breathed forth his soul in glory as he was about to step down from his Teutonic car? 38 Kindly Campania gave to Pompey a fever, which he might have prayed for as a boon 39; but the public prayers of all those cities gained the day; so his own fortune and that of Rome preserved him to be vanquished and to lose his head. No such cruel thing befell Lentulus 40; Cethegus 40 escaped such punishment and fell whole; and Catiline's corpse lay unviolated.
When the loving mother passes the temple of Venus, she prays in whispered breath for her boys----more loudly, and entering into the most trifling particulars, for her daughters----that they may have beauty. "And why should I not?" she asks; "did not Latona rejoice in Diana's beauty?" Yes: but Lucretia forbids us to pray for a face like her own; and Verginia would gladly take Rutila's hump and give her own fair form to Rutila. A handsome son keeps his parents in constant fear and misery; so rarely do modesty and good looks go together. For though his home be strict, and have taught him ways as pure as those of the ancient Sabines, and though Nature besides with kindly hand have lavishly gifted him with a pure mind and a cheek mantling with modest blood----and what better thing can Nature, more careful, more potent than any guardian, bestow upon a youth?----he will not be allowed to become a man. The lavish wickedness of some seducer will tempt the boy's own parents: such trust can be placed in money! No misshapen youth was ever unsexed by cruel tyrant in his castle; never did Nero have a bandy-legged or scrofulous favourite, or one that was hump-backed or pot-bellied!
Go to now, you that revel in your son's beauty; think of the deadly perils that lie before him. He will become a promiscuous gallant, and have to fear all the vengeance due to outraged husbands; no luckier than Mars, he will not fail to fall into the net. And sometimes the husband's wrath exacts greater penalties than any law allows: one lover is slain by the sword, another bleeds under the lash; some undergo the punishment of the mullet. Your dear Endymion will become the gallant of some matron whom he loves; but before long, when Servilia has taken him into her pay, he will serve one also whom he loves not, and will strip her of all her ornaments; for what can any woman, be she an Oppia or a Catulla,41 deny to the man who serves her passion? It is on her passion that a bad woman's whole nature centres. "But how does beauty hurt the chaste?" you ask. Well, what availed Hippolytus or Bellerophon 42 their firm resolve? The Cretan lady flared up as though repelled with scorn; no less furious was Stheneboea. Both dames lashed themselves into fury; for never is woman so savage as when her hatred is goaded on by shame.
And now tell me what counsel you think should be given to him 43 whom Caesar's wife is minded to wed. Best and fairest of a patrician house, the unhappy youth is dragged to destruction by Messalina's eyes. She has long been seated; her bridal veil is ready; the Tyrian nuptial couch is being spread openly in the gardens; a dowry of one million sesterces will be given after the ancient fashion, the soothsayer and the witnesses will be there. And you thought these things were secret, did you, known only to a few? But the lady will not wed save with all the due forms. Say what is your resolve: if you say nay to her, you will have to perish before the lighting of the lamps; if you perpetrate the crime, you will have a brief respite until the affair, known already to the city and the people, shall come to the Prince's ears; he will be the last to know of the dishonour of his house. Meanwhile, if you value a few days of life so highly, obey your orders: whatever you may deem the easier and the better way, that fair white neck of yours will have to be offered to the sword.
Is there nothing then for which men shall pray? If you ask my counsel, you will leave it to the gods themselves to provide what is good for us, and what will be serviceable for our state; for, in place of what is pleasing, they will give us what is best. Man is dearer to them than he is to himself. Impelled by strong and blind desire, we ask for wife and offspring; but the gods know ot what sort the sons, of what sort the wife, will be. Nevertheless that you may have something to pray for, and be able to offer to the shrines entrails and presaging sausages from a white porker, you should pray for a sound mind in a sound body; for a stout heart that has no fear of death, and deems length of days the least of Nature's gifts; that can endure any kind of toil; that knows neither wrath nor desire, and thinks that the woes and hard labours of Hercules are better than the loves and the banquets and the down cushions of Sardanapalus.44 What I commend to you, you can give to yourself; for it is assuredly through virtue that lies the one and only road to a life of peace. Thou wouldst have no divinity, O Fortune, if we had but wisdom; it is we that make a goddess of thee, and place thee in the skies.
1. A famous lawyer banished by Nero.
2. Forced by Nero to commit suicide.
3. Plautius Lateranus was put to death by Nero for joining in Piso's conspiracy, A.D. 63.
4. Democritus of Abdera.
5. Heraclitus of Ephesus.
6. The tunica palmata, embroidered with palm, and the toga picta, with gold, were triumphal garments, described by Livy as Iovis optimi maximi ornatus (xx. 7).
7. In i. 95-6 ff, the sportula (properly a basket) is spoken of as a meal actually carried away by the clients. The present passage refers to the later practice which substituted a sum of 100 quadrantes (4 sesterces) for the meal in kind.
8. Abdera, in Thrace, the birthplace of Democritus, had the reputation of being a breeder of thick-heads.
9. The upstart favourite of Tiberius.
10. Tiberius was living in grim solitude in his rock fortress on the island of Capreae when he sent to the Senate the famous letter----the verbosa et grandis epistola----which hurried Sejanus to his doom on the 18th of October, a.d. 29. (The passage in Tacitus which described the whole event is unfortunately lost; but the fine account of Dion Cassius is given in my Annals of Tacitus, vol. i. pp. 344-353.----G. G. R.).
11. Sejanus was a native of Volsinii in Etruria; Nortia was the Etruscan Goddess of Fortune.
12. A famous orator.
13. Apparently Ajax here stands for Tiberius, who, it is thought, may revenge himself by punishing those who have not sufficiently guarded his person.14. The highest and richest class of Equites were called Equites Illustres or Splendidi.
15. Fidenae, Gabii, Ulubrae, small and deserted towns in Latium.
16. Caesar.
17. Pluto.
18. This line is taken from the poem (De suo Consulatu) which Cicero wrote to glorify the events of his Consulship. To the many who are not gifted with the divine faculty of poesy it may be a consolation to know that a writer of the most splendid prose could be guilty of such a rubbishy line as that here quoted.
19. Demosthenes' father, of the same name, was a blacksmith ----or at least a manufacturer of swords.
20. Prusias I, king of Bithynia.
21. Containing poison.
22. Alexander the Great, b. at Pella B.C. 356, d. at Babylon B.C. 323.
23. The famous walls of Babylon were built of brick.
24. An unknown poet.
25. Xerxes.
26. A town in Numidia.
27. Referring to some barber who had made money, and was obnoxious to Juvenal as a rich parvenu.
28. Nestor.
29. i.e. had begun to count by hundreds.
30. Nestor's son.
31. ardentem, i.e. on the pyre.
32. Laertes, father of Ulysses.
33. Son of Tros, from whom the Trojans took their name.
34. Daughters of Priam.
35. Hecuba.
36. Mithridates.
37. The wealthy king of Lydia.
38. i.e. after the battle of Campi Raudii, near Vercellae, in B.C. 101.
39. When Pompey lay dangerously ill of a fever in B.C. 50 many of the towns of Italy offered vows and sacrifices for his recovery.
40. Accomplices in Catiline's conspiracy.
41. i.e. however noble the lady may be.
42. As Mr. Duff puts it, "Hippolytus and Bellerophon are the Josephs of the pagan mythology."
43. C. Silius, brought to ruin by the passion entertained for him by Messalina, wife of Claudius (Tac. Ann. xi. 12 and 26 ff.).44. The last king of the Assyrian empire of Nineveh. A proverb for luxury.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: juvenal_satires_11.htm
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 11
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 11
Satire 11.
[Translated by G. G. Ramsay]
Extravagance and Simplicity of Living
If Atticus dines sumptuously, he is thought a fine gentleman; if Rutilus does the same, people say he has lost his senses: for at what does the public laugh so loudly as at an Apicius 1 reduced to poverty? Every dinner table, all the baths, lounging-places and theatres have their fling at Rutilus; for while still young, active, and warm-blooded, and fit to wear a helmet, he plunges on till he will have to enrol himself----not compelled indeed, but not forbidden by the Tribune 2----under the rules and royal mandates of a trainer of gladiators. You may see many of these gentry being waited for by an oft-eluded creditor at the entrance to the meat-market----men whose sole reason for living lies in their palate. The greater their straits----though the house is ready to fall, and the daylight begins to show between the cracks----the more luxuriously and daintily do they dine. Meanwhile they ransack all the elements for new relishes; no cost ever stands in their way; if you look closely into it, the greater the price, the greater the pleasure. So when they want to raise money to go after the rest, they think nothing of pawning their plate, or breaking up the image of their mother; and having thus seasoned their gluttonous delf at a cost of four hundred sesterces, they come down at last to the hotch-potch of the gladiatorial school. It matters much therefore who provides the feast; what is extravagant in Rutilus, gets a fine name in Ventidius, and takes its character from his means.
Rightly do I despise a man who knows how much higher Atlas is than all the other mountains of Africa, and yet knows not the difference between a purse and an iron-bound money-box. The maxim "Know thyself" comes down to us from the skies; it should be imprinted in the heart, and stored in the memory, whether you are looking for a wife, or wishing for a seat in the sacred Senate: even Thersites never asked for that breastplate of Achilles in which Ulysses cut such a sorry figure.3 If you are preparing to conduct a great and difficult cause, take counsel of yourself and tell yourself what you are----are you a great orator, or just a spouter like Curtius and Matho? Let a man take his own measure and have regard to it in things great or small, even in the buying of a fish, that he set not his heart upon a mullet, when he has only a gudgeon in his purse. For if your purse is getting empty while your maw is expanding, what will be your end when you have sunk your paternal fortune and all your belongings in a belly which can hold capital and solid silver as well as flocks and lands? With such owners the last thing to go is the ring; poor Pollio, his finger stripped, has to go a-begging! It is not an early death or an untimely grave that extravagance has to dread: old age is more terrible to it than death.
The regular stages are these: money is borrowed in Rome and squandered before the owner's eyes; when some little of it is still left, and the lender's face grows pale, these gentlemen give leg bail, and make off for Baiae and its oyster-beds----for in these days people think no more of absconding from the Forum than of flitting from the stuffy Subuva to the Esquiline. One pang, one sorrow only, afflicts these exiles, that they must, for one season, miss the Circensian games! No drop of blood lingers in their cheek: Shame is ridiculed as she flees from the city, and few would bid her stay.
To-day, friend Persicus, you will discover whether I make good, in deed and in my ways of life, the fair maxims which I preach, or whether, while commending beans, I am at heart a glutton: openly bidding my slave to bring me porridge, but whispering "cheese-cakes" in his ear. For now that you have promised to be my guest, you will find in me an Evander 4; you yourself will be the Tirynthian, or the guest less great than he,5 though he too came of blood divine----the one by water, the other borne by fire,6 to the stars. And now hear my feast, which no meat-market shall adorn. From my Tiburtine farm there will come a plump kid, tenderest of the flock, innocent of grass, that has never yet dared to nibble the twigs of the dwarf willow, and has more of milk in him than blood; some wild asparagus, gathered by the bailiff's wife when done with her spindle, and some lordly eggs, warm in their wisps of hay, together with the hens that laid them. There will be crapes too, kept half the year, as fresh as when they hung upon the tree; pears from Signia and Syria, and in the same baskets fresh-smelling apples that rival those of Picenum, and of which you need not be afraid, seeing that winter's cold has dried up their autumnal juice, and removed the perils of unripeness.
Such were the banquets of our Senate in days of old, when already grown luxurious; when Curius,7 with his own hands, would lay upon his modest hearth the simple herbs he had gathered in his little garden ----herbs scoffed at nowadays by the dirty ditcher who works in chains, and remembers the savour of tripe in the reeking cookshop. For feast days, in olden times, they would keep a side of dried pork, hanging from an open rack, or put before the relations a flitch of birthday bacon, with the addition of some fresh meat, if there happened to be a sacrifice to supply it. A kinsman who had thrice been hailed as Consul, who had commanded armies, and filled the office of Dictator, would come home earlier than was his wont for such a feast, shouldering the spade with which he had been subduing the hillside. For when men quailed before a Fabius or a stern Cato, before a Scaurus or a Fabricius----when even a Censor might dread the severe verdict of his colleague 8----no one deemed it a matter of grave and serious concern what kind of tortoise-shell was swimming in the waves of Ocean to form a head-rest for our Troy-born grandees. Couches in those days were small, their sides unadorned: a simple headpiece of bronze would display the head of a be-garlanded ass, beside which would romp in play the children of the village. Thus house and furniture were all in keeping with the fare.
The rude soldier of those days had no taste for, or knowledge of, Greek art; if allotted cups made by great artists as his share in the booty of a captured city, he would break them up to provide gay trappings for his horse, or to chase a helmet that should display to the dying foe an image of the Romulean beast bidden by Rome's destiny to grow tame, with the twin Quirini beneath a rock, and the nude effigy of the God 9 swooping down with spear and shield. Their messes of spelt were then served on platters of earthenware; such silver as there was glittered only on their arms----all which things you may envy if you are at all inclined that way. The majesty of the temples also was more near to help us; it was then that was heard through the entire city that midnight voice telling how the Gauls were advancing from the shores of Ocean, the Gods taking on them the part of prophecy. Such were the warnings of Jupiter, such the cave which he bestowed on the concerns of Latium when he was made of clay, and undefiled by gold.
In those days our tables were home-grown, made of our own trees; for such use was kept some aged chestnut blown down perchance by the Southwestern blast. But nowadays a rich man takes no pleasure in his dinner----his turbot and his venison have no taste, his unguents and his roses no perfume----unless the broad slabs of his dinner-table rest upon a ramping, gaping leopard of solid ivory, made of the tusks sent to us by the swift-footed Moor from the portal of Syene,10 or by the still duskier Indian ----or perhaps shed by the monstrous beast in the Nabataean 11 forest when too big and too heavy for his head. These are the things that give good appetite and good digestion; for to these gentlemen a table with a leg of silver is like a finger with an iron ring. For this reason I will have none of your haughty guests to make comparisons between himself and me, and look down upon my humble state. So destitute am I of ivory that neither my dice nor counters are made of it; even my knife-handles are of bone. Yet are not the viands tainted thereby, nor does the pullet cut up any the worse on that account. Nor shall I have a carver to whom the whole carving-school must bow, a pupil of the learned Trypherus, in whose school is cut up, with blunt knives, a magnificent feast of hares and sow's paunches, of boars and antelopes, of Scythian fowls and tall flamingoes and Gaetulian gazelles, until the whole Subura rings with the clatter of the elm-wood banquet. My raw youngster, untutored all his days, has never learnt how to filch a slice of kid or the wing of a guinea-fowl, unpractised save in the theft of scraps. Cups of common ware, bought for a few pence, will be handed round by an unpolished lad, clad so as to keep out the cold. No Phrygian or Lycian youth, none bought from a dealer at a huge price, will you find; when you want anything, ask for it in Latin. They are all dressed alike; their hair cut close and uncurled, and only combed to-day because of the company. One is the son of a hardy shepherd; another of the cattle-man: he sighs for the mother whom he has not seen for so long, and thinks wistfully of the little cottage and the kids he knew so well; a lad of open countenance and simple modesty, such as those ought to be who are clothed in glowing purple.12 No noisy frequenter he of baths, presenting his armpits to be cleared of hair, and with only an oil-flask to conceal his nudity. He will hand you a wine that was bottled on the hills among which he was born, and beneath whose tops he played----for wine and servant alike have one and the same fatherland.
You may look perhaps for a troop of Spanish maidens to win applause by immodest dance and song, sinking down with quivering thighs to the floor----such sights as brides behold seated beside their husbands, though it were a shame to speak of such things in their presence.... My humble home has no place for follies such as these. The clatter of castanets, words too foul for the strumpet that stands naked in a reeking archway, with all the arts and language of lust, may be left to him who spits wine upon floors of Lacedaemonian marble; such men we pardon because of their high station. In men of moderate position gaming and adultery are shameful; but when those others do these same things, they are called gay fellows and fine gentlemen. My feast to-day will provide other performances than these. The bard of the Iliad will be sung, and the lays of the lofty-toned Maro that contest the palm with his. What matters it with what voice strains like these are read?
And now put away cares and cast business to the winds! Present yourself with a welcome holiday, now that you may be idle for the entire day. Let there be no talk of money, and let there be no secret wrath or suspicion in your heart because your wife is wont to go forth at dawn and to come home at night with crumpled hair and flushed face and ears. Cast off straightway before my threshold all that troubles you, all thought of house and slaves, with all that slaves break or lose, and above all put away all thought of thankless friends.
Meantime the solemn Idaean rite of the Megalesian napkin 13 is being held; there sits the Praetor in his triumphal state, the prey of horseflesh; and (if I may say so without offence to the vast unnumbered mob) all Rome to-day is in the Circus. A roar strikes upon my ear which tells me that the Green 14 has won; for had it lost, Rome would be as sad and dismayed as when the Consuls were vanquished in the dust of Cannae. Such sights are for the young, whom it befits to shout and make bold wagers with a smart damsel by their side: but let my shrivelled skin drink in the vernal sun, and escape the toga. You may go at once to your bath with no shame on your brow, though it wants a whole hour of mid-day.15 That you could not do for five days continuously, since even such a life has weariness. It is rarity that gives zest to pleasure.16
1. A notorious and wealthy glutton; see iv. 23.
2. i.e. a tribunus plebis, whose permission would be necessary.
3. Referring to his contest with Ajax for the arms of Achilles.
4. Alluding to the entertainment of Hercules by Evander (Virg. Aen. viii. 359-365).
5. Aeneas.
6. Both heroes were deified; Hercules met his death by burning, Aeneas by drowning.
7. Manius Curius Dentatus, the conqueror of Pyrrhus, type of the simple noble Roman of early times.
8. For the quarrel between the censors, see Livy, xxix. 37.
9. i.e. the god Mars.
10. Now Aswan, on the Roman frontier. The phrase "portal of Syene" means "the portal consisting of Syene," Syene itself constituting the portal.
11. The Nabataeans were an Arabian tribe. But there are no elephants in Arabia.
12. Referring to the purple stripe on the toga praetexta worn by all free-born boys.
13. The Megalesian games (April 4-10) were held in honour of Cybele (μεγάλη μήτηρ); the praetor gave the signal for starting the chariot-race by dropping a napkin.
14. There were four factions in the Circus, consisting of the supporters of the four charioteering colours, White, Red, Green, and Blue. The Green it seems was the popular colour, being usually favoured by the emperor.
15. The bath was usually not taken till the eighth hour.
16. This would seem to be almost a translation from Epictetus (Flor. 6. 59). "The rarest pleasures give most delight."
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: juvenal_satires_12.htm
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 12
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 12
Satire 12.
[Translated by G. G. Ramsay]
How Catullus escaped Shipwreck
Dearer to me, Corvinus, is this day, when my festal turf is awaiting the victims vowed to the Gods, than my own birthday. To the Queen of Heaven I offer a snow-white lamb; a fleece as white to the Goddess 1 armed with the Moorish 2 Gorgon; hard by is the frolicsome victim destined for Tarpeian Jove, shaking the tight-stretched rope and brandishing his brow; for he is a bold young steer, ripe for temple and for altar, and fit to be sprinkled with wine; it already shames him to suck his mother's milk, and with his budding horn he assails the oaks. Were my fortune large, and as ample as my love, I should have been hauling along a bull fatter than Hispulla, slow-footed from his very bulk; reared on no neighbouring herbage he, but showing in his blood the rich pastures of the Clitumnus,3 and marching along to to offer his neck to the stroke of the stalwart priest, to celebrate the return of my still trembling friend who has lately gone through such terrors, and now marvels to find himself safe and sound.
For besides the perils of the deep he escaped a lightning stroke. A mass of dense black cloud shut out the heavens, and down came a flash of fire upon the yards. Every man believed himself smitten by the bolt, and soon in his terror bethought him that no shipwreck could be so terrible as a ship on fire. All happened in the same way and as frightfully as when a storm arises in a poem, when lo! a new kind of peril came: hear it and give your pity once again, though the rest of the tale is all of one piece: a fearful lot, well known to many, and testified by many a votive tablet in our temples. Who knows not that it is Isis who feeds our painters? 4
A fate like to these befell our friend Catullus also. For when the hold was half full of water, and the waves rocked the hull from side to side, so that the white-haired skipper, with all his skill, could bring no succour to the labouring mast, he resolved to compound with the winds like the beaver, who gives up one part of his body that he may keep the rest; so conscious is he of the drug which he carries in his groin. "Overboard with everything!" shouted Catullus, ready to cast headlong his finest wares: purple garments, such as would have befitted a soft Maecenas, with other fabrics dyed on the sheep's back by the noble nature of the herbage ----though doubtless the hidden virtues of the water and air of Baetica 5 also lent their aid. Nor did he hesitate to throw over pieces of silver plate----charger's wrought by Parthenius,6 and bowls holding three gallons, fit to slake the thirst of the Centaur Pholus 7 or the wife of Fuscus. Besides these were baskets and dishes without number, and much chased work out of which the crafty purchaser of Olynthus 8 had slaked his thirst. What other man is there, in what part of the world, who would dare to value his life above his plate, or his safety above his property? Some men are so blinded and depraved that, instead of making fortunes for the sake of living, they live for their fortunes' sake.
And now most of the cargo has gone overboard, but even these losses do not ease the vessel; so in his extremity the skipper had to fall back upon cutting away the mast, and so find a way out of his straits----a dire pass indeed when no remedy can be found but one that diminishes the ship! Go now, and commit your life to the winds! Go trust yourself to a hewn plank which parts you from death by four finger-breadths, or seven if it be extra thick! Only remember in future, besides your bread and your bread-basket and your pot-bellied flagon, to take with you axes also for use in time of storm.
But soon the sea fell flat, and our mariners came on better times. Destiny proved stronger than wind and wave; the glad Fates, with kindly hand, spun a yarn of white wool, there sprang up what was no stronger than a gentle breeze, under which the poor ship sped on by the sorry help of outstretched garments, and the single sail now left to her on her prow. Soon the winds abated, and out came the sun, bringing hope of life; and then there came into view the beetling height 9 so dear to lulus, and preferred by him for his abode to his stepmother's Lavinum, a height that took its name from the white sow whose wondrous womb made glad the Phrygians' hearts, and gained fame for her thirty teats----a sight never seen before!
And now at length the ship comes within the moles built out to enclose the sea.10 She passes the Tyrrhenian Pharos, and those arms which stretch out and meet again in mid-ocean, leaving Italy far behind ---- a port more wondrous far than those of Nature's making. Then the skipper, with his crippled ship, makes for the still waters of the inner basin in which any Baian shallop may ride in safety. There the sailors shave their heads 11 and delight, in garrulous ease, to tell the story of their perils.
Away then, ye boys, and with reverent tongues and souls hang up garlands upon the shrines, sprinkle meal upon the knives, and deck the soft altars of verdant turf. I will quickly follow, and having duly performed the greater rite, will return thence home, where my little images of shining crumbling wax are being decked with slender wreaths. Here will I entreat my own Jupiter; here will I offer incense to my paternal Lares, and scatter pansies of every hue. Here all is bright; the gateway, in token of feast, has put up trailing branches, and is worshipping with early-lighted lamps.
Look not askance, Corvinus, upon these rejoicings. The Catullus for whose return I set up all these altars has three little heirs of his own. You may wait long enough before you find anyone to bestow a sickly hen, just closing her eyes, upon so unprofitable a friend; nay, a hen would be all too costly: no quail will ever fall for a man who is a father! But if the rich and childless Gallitta or Pacius have a touch of fever, their entire porticoes will be dressed out with tablets fastened in due form; there will be some to vow hecatombs, not elephants, indeed, seeing that elephants are not for sale, nor does that beast breed in Latium, or anywhere beneath our skies, but is fetched from the dark man's land, and fed in the Rutulian forest and the domains of Turnus.12 The herd is Caesar's,'12 and will serve no private master, since their forefathers were wont to obey the Tyrian Hannibal and our generals and the Molossian king,13 and to carry cohorts on their backs----no small fraction of a war----whole towers going forth to battle! Therefore Novius 14 would not hesitate, Pacuvius Hister2 would not hesitate, to lead that ivoried monster to the altar, and offer it to Gallitta's Lares, the only victim worthy of such august divinities, and of those who hunt their gold. For the latter worthy, if permitted, will vow to sacrifice the tallest and comeliest of his slaves; he will place fillets on the brows of his slave-boys and maidservants; if he has a marriageable Iphigenia 15 at home, he will place her upon the altar, though he could never hope for the hind of tragic story to provide a secret substitute.16
I commend the wisdom of my fellow townsman, nor can I compare a thousand ships to an inheritance; for if the sick man escape the Goddess of Death, he will be caught within the net, he will destroy his will, and after the prodigious services of Pacuvius will maybe by a single word, make him heir to all his possessions, and Pacuvius will strut proudly over his vanquished rivals. You see therefore how well worth while it was to slaughter that maiden at Mycenae! Long live Pacuvius! may he live, I pray, as many years as Nestor; may he possess as much as Nero plundered; may he pile up gold mountain-high; may he love no one, and be by none beloved!
1. Pallas.
2. The Gorgon (or Gorgons) were supposed to belong to Libya.
3. Famed for their breed of white cattle.
4. i.e by employing them to paint votive tablets for her temples.
5. Baetica was one of the provinces of Spain, called after the Baetis (Guadalquiver). The wool was famed for its golden colour.
6. An engraver, otherwise unknown.
7. The Centaurs were famed for their drinking capacity.
8. Philip of Macedon.
9. The Alban Mount.
10. The port of Ostia, built by Claudius and called Portus Augusti.
11. In fulfilment, no doubt, of a vow made in the moment of danger.
12. The emperors kept a herd of elephants for games, etc., at Laurentum, near the kingdom of the Rutulian Turnus.
13. Pyrrhus.
14. Legacy-hunters.
15. Sacrificed by her father Agamemnon to procure a fair wind for the Greek fleet.
16. Later tradition pretended that a hind had been substituted for Iphigenia.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: juvenal_satires_13.htm
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 13
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 13
Satire 13.
[Translated by G. G. Ramsay]
The Terrors of a Guilty Conscience
No deed that sets an example of evil brings joy to the doer of it. The first punishment is this: that no guilty man is acquitted at the bar of his own conscience, though he have won his cause by a juggling urn, and the corrupt favour of the judge. What do you suppose, Calvinus, that people are now thinking about the recent villainy and the charge of trust betrayed? Your means are not so small that the weight of a slight loss will weigh you down; nor is your misfortune rare. Such a mishap has been known to many; it is one of the common kind, plucked at random out of Fortune's heap. Away with undue lamentations! a man's wrath should not be hotter than is fit, nor greater than the loss sustained. You are scarce able to bear, the very smallest particle of misfortune; your bowels foam hot within you because your friend will not give up to you the sacred trust committed to him; does this amaze one who was born in the Consulship of Fonteius,1 and has left sixty years behind him? Have you gained nothing from all your experience?
Great indeed is Philosophy, the conqueror of Fortune, and sacred are her precepts; but they too are to be deemed happy who have learnt under the schooling of life to endure its ills without fretting against the yoke. What day is there, however festal, which fails to disclose theft, treachery and fraud: gain made out of every kind of crime, and money won by the dagger or the bowl? 2 For honest men are scarce; hardly so numerous as the gates of Thebes, or the mouths of the enriching Nile.3 We are living in a ninth age; an age more evil than that of iron----one for whose wickedness Nature herself can find no name, no metal from which to call it. We summon Gods and men to our aid with cries as loud as that with which the vocal dole 4 applauds Faesidius when he pleads. Tell me, you old gentleman, that should be wearing the bulla 5 of childhood, do you know nothing of the charm of other people's money? Are you ignorant of how the world laughs at your simplicity when you demand of any man that he shall not perjure himself, and believe that some divinity is to be found in temples or in altars red with blood? Primitive men lived thus in the olden days, before Saturn laid down his diadem and fled, betaking himself to the rustic sickle; in the days when Juno was a little maid, and Jupiter still a private gentleman in the caves of Ida.6 In those days there were no banquets of the heavenly host above the clouds, there was no Trojan youth, no fair wife of Hercules 7 for cup-bearer, no Vulcan wiping arms begrimed by the Liparaean 8 forge after tossing off his nectar. Each God then dined by himself; there was no such mob of deities as there is to-day; the stars were satisfied with a few divinities, and pressed with a lighter load upon the hapless Atlas. No monarch had as yet had the gloomy realms below allotted to him; there was no grim Pluto with a Sicilian spouse; there was no wheel,9 no rock,10 no Furies, no black torturing Vulture;11 the shades led a merry life, with no kings over their nether world. Dishonesty was a prodigy in those days; men deemed it a heinous sin, worthy of death, if a youth did not rise before his elders, or a boy before any bearded man, though he himself might see more strawberries, and bigger heaps of acorns, in his own home. So worshipful was it to be older by four years, so equal to reverend age was the first down of manhood!
But nowadays, if a friend does not disavow a sum entrusted to him, if he restore the old purse with all its rust, his good faith is deemed a portent calling for the sacred books of Etruria, and to be expiated by a lamb decked with garlands. If I discover an upright and blameless man, I liken him to a boy born with double limbs, or to fishes found by a marvelling rustic under the plough, or to a pregnant mule: I am as concerned as though it had rained stones, or a swarm of bees had settled in a long cluster on a temple-roof, or as though some river had poured down wondrous floods of milk into the sea. You complain, do you, that by an impious fraud you have been robbed of ten thousand sesterces? What if someone else has by a like fraud lost a secret deposit of two hundred thousand sesterces? A third a still greater sum, which could scarce find room in the corners of his ample treasure-chest? So simple and easy a thing is it to disregard heavenly witnesses, if no mortal man is privy to the secret! Hear how loudly the fellow denies the charge! See the assurance of his perfidious face! He swears by the rays of the sun and the Tarpeian thunderbolts; by the lance of Mars and the arrows of the Cirrhaean Seer; by the shafts and quiver of the maiden huntress, and by thine own trident, O Neptune, thou lord of the Aegaean sea. He throws in besides the bow of Hercules, and Minerva's spear, and all the weapons contained in all the armouries of Heaven; if he be a father, "May I eat," he tearfully declares, "my own son's head boiled, and dripping with Egyptian vinegar!"
Some think that all things are subject to the chances of Fortune; these believe that the world has no governor to move it, but that Nature rolls along the changes of day and year; they will therefore lay their hands on any altar you please without a tremor. Another fears that punishment will follow crime; he believes that there are Gods, but perjures himself all the same, reasoning thus within himself: "Let Isis deal with my body as she wills, and blast my sight with her avenging rattle, provided only that even when blind I may keep the money which I disavow; it is worth having phthisis or running ulcers or losing half one's leg at the price! Ladas 12 himself, if not needing treatment at Anticyra 13 or by Archigenes, would not hesitate to accept the rich man's gout; for what is to be got out of fame for swiftness of foot, or from a hungry branch of the Pisaean Olive 14? The wrath of the Gods may be great, but it assuredly is slow; if then they charge themselves with punishing all the guilty, when will they get my length? And besides I may perchance find the God placable; he is wont to forgive things like this. Many commit the same crime and fare differently: one man gets a gibbet, another a crown, as the reward of crime."
That is how they reassure their minds when in terror for some deadly guilt. If you summon them then to the holy shrine, they will be there before you; nay, they will themselves drag you thither, and dare you to the proof; for when a bad cause is well backed by a bold face, the man gets credit for self-confidence. Such a one plays a part, like the runaway buffoon of the witty Catullus,15 but you, poor wretch, may shout so as to out-do Stentor,16 or rather as loudly as the Mars of Homer, "Do you hear all this, O Jupiter, with lip unmoved, when you ought to have been making yourself heard, whether you be made of marble or of bronze? Else why do I open my packet of holy incense, and place it on your blazing altar? Why offer slices of a calf's liver or the fat of a white pig? So far as I can see, there is nothing to choose between your images and the statue of Vagellius!"
And now hear what consolations can be offered on the other side by one who has not embraced the doctrines either of the Cynics, or of the Stoics----who only differ from the Cynics by a shirt 17----nor yet reverenced Epicurus, so proud of the herbs in his tiny garden. Let doubtful maladies be tended by doctors of repute; your veins may be entrusted to a disciple of Philippus.18 If in all the world you cannot show me so abominable a crime, I hold my peace; I will not forbid you to smite your breast with your fists, or to pummel your face with open palm, seeing that after so great a loss you must close your doors, and that a household bewails the loss of money with louder lamentations than a death. In such a misfortune no grief is simulated; no one is content to rend the top of his garment, or to squeeze forced moisture from his eyes; unfeigned are the tears which lament the loss of wealth.
But if you see every court beset with complaints like to yours; if after a bond has been read over ten times by the opposing party, they declare the document to be waste paper, though convicted by their own handwriting, and. by the signet ring, most choice of sardonyx stones, kept in an ivory case----do you, my fine fellow, suppose that you are to be placed outside the common lot, because you were born of a white hen, while we are common chickens, hatched out of unlucky eggs? Your loss is a modest one, to be endured with a moderate amount of choler, if you cast an eye on grosser wrongs. Compare with your case the hired robber, or the fire purposely started by sulphur, the flame bursting out at your front door; think too of those who carry off from ancient temples splendid cups of venerable antiquity, that were the gift of nations, or crowns dedicated by some ancient monarch! If such things are not to be had, a petty desecrator will be found to scrape off the gilding from the thigh of Hercules, or from the very face of Neptune, or to strip Castor of his beaten gold. And why should he hesitate, when he has been used to melt down an entire Thunderer? Compare too the manufacturers and sellers of poison, and the man who should be cast into the sea inside an ox's hide, with whom a luckless destiny encloses a harmless ape.19 What a mere fraction these of the crimes which Gallicus,20 the guardian of our city, has to listen to from dawn to eve! If you would know what mankind is like, that one court-house will suffice; spend a few days in it, and when you come out, dare to call yourself unfortunate. Who marvels at a swollen throat in the Alps? or in Meroe 21 at a woman's breast bigger than her sturdy babe? Who is amazed to see a German with blue eyes and yellow hair, twisting his greasy curls into a horn? We marvel not, clearly because this one nature is common to them all. The Pygmy warrior marches forth in his tiny arms to encounter the sudden swoop and clamorous cloud of Thracian birds; but soon, no match for his foe, he is snatched up by the savage crane and borne in his crooked talons through the air.22 If you saw this in our own country, you would shake with laughter; but in that land, where the whole host is only one foot high, though like battles are witnessed every day, no one laughs! "What? Is there to be no punishment for that perjured soul and his impious fraud?" Well, suppose him to have been hurried off in heavy chains, and slain (what more could anger ask?) at our good pleasure; yet your loss still remains, your deposit will not be saved; and the smallest drop of blood from that headless body will bring you hatred along with your consolation. "O! but vengeance is good, sweeter than life itself." Yes; so say the ignorant, whose passionate hearts you may see ablaze at the slightest cause, sometimes for no cause at all; any occasion, indeed, however small it be, suffices for their wrath. But so will not Chrysippus 23 say, or the gentle Thales,24 or the old man 25 who dwelt near sweet Hymettus, who would have given to his accuser no drop of the hemlock-draught which was administered to him in that cruel bondage. Benign Philosophy, by degrees, strips from us most of our vices, and all our mistakes; it is she that first teaches us the right. For vengeance is always the delight of a little, weak, and petty mind; of which you may straightway draw proof from this----that no one so rejoices in vengeance as a woman.
But why should you suppose that a man escapes punishment whose mind is ever kept in terror by the consciousness of an evil deed which lashes him with unheard blows, his own soul ever shaking over him the unseen whip of torture? It is a grievous punishment, more cruel far than any devised by the stern Caedicius 26 or by Rhadamanthus, to carry in one's breast by night and by day one's own accusing witness. The Pythian prophetess once made answer to a Spartan that it would not pass unpunished in after time that he had thought of keeping back a sum entrusted to him supporting the wrong by perjury; for he asked what was the mind of the Deity, and whether Apollo counselled him to do the deed. He therefore restored the money, through fear, and not from honesty; nevertheless he found all the words of the Oracle to be true and worthy of the shrine, being destroyed with his whole race and family and relations, however far removed. Such are the penalties endured by the mere wish to sin; for he who secretly meditates a crime within his breast has all the guiltiness of the deed.
What then if the purposed deed be done? His disquiet never ceases, not even at the festal board; his throat is as dry as in a fever; he can scarcely take his food, it swells between his teeth; he spits out the wine, poor wretch; he cannot abide the choicest old Albanian, and if you bring out something finer still, wrinkles gather upon his brow as though it had been puckered up by some Falernian turned sour. In the night, if his troubles grant him a short slumber, and his limbs, after tossing upon the bed, are sinking into repose, he straightway beholds the temple and the altar of the God whom he has outraged; and what weighs with chiefest terror on his soul, he sees you in his dreams; your awful form, larger than life, frightens his quaking heart and wrings confession from him. These are the men who tremble and grow pale at every lightning-flash; when it thunders, they quail at the first rumbling in the heavens; not as though it were an affair of chance or brought about by the raging of the winds, but as though the flame had fallen in wrath and as a judgment upon the earth. If one storm pass harmless by, they look more anxiously for the next, as though this calm were only a reprieve. If, again, they suffer from pains in the side, with a fever that robs them of their sleep, they believe that the sickness has been inflicted on them by the offended Deity: these they deem to be the missiles, these the arrows of the Gods. They dare not vow a bleating victim to a shrine, or offer a crested cock to the Lares; for what hope is permitted to the guilty sick? What victim is not more worthy of life than they? Inconstant and shifty, for the most part, is the nature of bad men. In committing a crime, they have courage enough and to spare; they only begin to feel what is right and what wrong when it has been committed. Yet nature, firm and changeless, returns to the ways which it has condemned. For who ever fixed a term to his own offending? When did a hardened brow ever recover the banished blush? What man have you ever seen that was satisfied with one act of villainy? Our scoundrel will yet put his feet into the snare; he will have to endure the dark prison-house and the staple, or one of those crags in the Aegaean sea that are crowded with our noble exiles. You will exult over the stern punishment of a hated name, and at length admit with joy that none of the Gods is deaf or like unto Tiresias.27
1. C. Fonteius Capito, consul A.D. 67. That fixes the date of this Satire to the year A.D. 127.
2. Pyxis is any bowl made of boxwood.
3. Thebes had seven gates, the Nile seven mouths.
4. The dole (sportula) is called " vocal" because it secures to the patron the applause of his client when he pleads in court.
5. The bulla was a case of gold containing an amulet against the evil eye, worn by all free-born boys until they put on the toga virilis.
6. Mount Ida in Crete where Zeus was born.
7. Hebe.
8. Lipari, the group of islands elsewhere called Aeolian (i. 7), where Vulcan's forge was placed.
9. The wheel of Ixion.
10. The stone of Sisyphus.
11. Tityus was preyed upon by a vulture.
12. A famous Greek runner.
13. An island on which hellebore, the remedy for madness, was grown.
14. An olive-wreath was the prize at the Olympian games.
15. See viii. 180.
16. See Hom. Il. v. 785.
17. The Cynics discarded the tunic.
18. Some inferior doctor; unknown.
19. See note on viii. 214.
20. Rutilius Gallicus, prefect of the city under Domitian.
21. An island in Upper Egypt formed by two branches of the Nile.
22. Legends of battles between cranes and pygmies are found in Homer (Il. iii. 3-6), Aristotle, and elsewhere.
23. The great Stoic philosopher, B.C. 280-207.
24. The Ionic philosopher of Miletus, about B.C. 636-546.
25. Socrates.
26. Not known.
27. The soothsayer Tiresias was blind.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: juvenal_satires_14.htm
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 14
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 14
Satire 14.
[Translated by G. G. Ramsay]
No Teaching like that of Example
There are many things of ill repute, friend Fuscinus,----things that would affix a lasting stain to the brightest of lives,----which parents themselves point out and hand on to their sons. If the aged father delights in ruinous play, his heir too gambles in his teens, and rattles the selfsame weapons in a tiny dice-box. If a youth has learnt from the hoary gluttony of a spendthrift father to peel truffles, to preserve mushrooms, and to souse beccaficoes in their own juice, none of his relatives need expect better things of him when he grows up. As soon as he has passed his seventh year, before he has cut all his second teeth, though you put a thousand bearded preceptors on his right hand, and as many on his left, he will always long to fare sumptuously, and not fall below the high standard of his cookery.
When Rutilus delights in the sound of a cruel flogging, deeming it sweeter than any siren's song, and being himself a very Antiphates,1 or a Polyphemus, to his trembling household, is he inculcating gentleness, and leniency to slight faults: does he hold that the bodies and souls of slaves are made of the same stuff and elements as our own; or is he inculcating cruelty, never happy until he has summoned a torturer, and he can brand some one with a hot iron for stealing a couple of towels? What counsel does the father give to his son when he revels in the clanking of a chain, and takes wondrous pleasure in branded slaves, in prisons and his country bridewell? Are you simple enough to suppose that Larga's daughter will remain virtuous when she cannot count over her mother's lovers so rapidly, or string their names together so quickly, as not to take breath full thirty times? She was her mother's confidante as a girl; at her dictation she now indites her own little love-notes, despatching them to her paramours by the hand of the self-same menials. So Nature ordains; no evil example corrupts us so soon and so rapidly as one that has been set at home, since it comes into the mind on high authority. Here and there perhaps a youth may decline to follow the bad example: one whose soul the Titan 2 has fashioned with kindlier skill and of a finer clay; but the rest are led on by the parental steps which they should avoid, and are dragged into the old track of vice which has so long been pointed out to them.
Abstain therefore from things which you must condemn: for this there is at least one all-powerful motive, that our crimes be not copied by our children. For we are all of us teachable in what is base and wrong; you may find a Catiline among any people, and in any clime, but nowhere will you find a Brutus, or the uncle of a Brutus. Let no foul word or sight cross the threshold within which there is a father. Away with you, ye hireling damsels! Away with the songs of the night-revelling parasite! If you have any evil deed in mind, you owe the greatest reverence to the young; disregard not your boy's tender years, and let your infant son stand in the way of the sin that you propose. For if some day or other he shall do a deed deserving the censor's wrath, and shall show himself like to you, not in form and face only, but also your child in vice, and following in all your footsteps with sin deeper than your own, you will doubtless rebuke him and chide him angrily and thereafter prepare to change your will. But how can you assume the grave brow and the free tone of a father if you in your old age are doing things worse than he did, and your own empty pate has long been needing the windy cupping-glass?
When you expect a guest, not one of your household will be idle. "Sweep the pavement! Polish up the pillars! Down with that dusty spider, web and all! One of you clean the plain silver, another the embossed vessels!" So shouts the master, standing over them whip in hand. And so you are afraid, poor fool, that the eyes of your expected guest may be offended by the sight of dog's filth in the hall or of a portico splashed with mud----things which one slave-boy can put right with half a peck of sawdust: and yet will you take no pains that your son may behold a stainless home, free from any stain and blemish? It is good that you have presented your country and your people with a citizen, if you make him serviceable to his country, useful for the land, useful for the things both of peace and war. For it will make all the difference in what practices, in what habits, you bring him up. The stork feeds her young upon the serpents and the lizards which she finds in the wilds; the young search for the same things when they have gotten to themselves wings. The vulture hurries from dead cattle and dogs and gibbets to bring some of the carrion to her offspring; so this becomes the food of the vulture when he is full-grown and feeds himself, making his nest in a tree of his own. The noble birds that wait on Jove hunt the hare or the roe in the woods, and from them serve up prey to their eyrie; so when their progeny are of full age and soar up from the nest, hunger bids them swoop down upon that same prey which they had first tasted when they chipped the shell.
Cretonius was given to building; now on Caieta's winding shore, now on the heights of Tibur, now on the Praenestine hills, he would rear lofty mansions, with marbles fetched from Greece and distant lands, outdoing the temples of Fortune and of Hercules 3 by as much as the eunuch Posides 4 overtopped our own Capitol. Housed therefore in this manner, he impaired his fortune and frittered away his wealth; some goodly portion of it still remained, but it was all squandered by his madman of a son in building new mansions of still costlier marbles.
Some who have had a father who reveres the Sabbath, worship nothing but the clouds, and the divinity of the heavens,5 and see no difference between eating swine's flesh, from which their father abstained, and that of man; and in time they take to circumcision. Having been wont to flout the laws of Rome, they learn and practise and revere the Jewish law, and all that Moses committed to his secret tome, forbidding to point out the way to any not worshipping the same rites, and conducting none but the circumcised to the desired fountain.6 For all which the father was to blame, who gave up every seventh day to idleness, keeping it apart from all the concerns of life.7
All vices but one the young imitate of their own free will; avarice alone is enjoined on them against the grain. For that vice has a deceptive appearance and semblance of virtue, being gloomy of mien, severe in face and garb. The miser is openly commended for his thrift, being deemed a saving man, who will be a surer guardian of his own wealth than if it were watched by the dragons of the Hesperides or of Colchis. Moreover, such a one is thought to be skilled in the art of money-getting; for it is under workers such as he that fortunes grow. And they grow bigger by every kind of means: the anvil is ever working, and the forge never ceases to glow.
Thus the father deems the miser to be fortunate; and when he worships wealth, believing that no poor man was ever happy, he urges his sons to follow in the same path and to attach themselves to the same school. There are certain rudiments in vice; in these he imbues them from the beginning, compelling them to study its pettiest meannesses; after a while he instructs them in the inappeasable lust of money-getting. He pinches the bellies of his slaves with short rations, starving himself into the bargain; for he cannot bear to eat up all the mouldy fragments of stale bread. In the middle of September he will save up the hash of yesterday; in summer-time he will preserve under seal for to-morrow's dinner a dish of beans, with a bit of mackerel, or half a stinking sprat, counting the leaves of the cut leeks before he puts them away. No beggar from a bridge would accept an invitation to such a meal! But for what end do you pile up riches gathered through torments such as these, when it is plain madness and sheer lunacy to live in want that you may be wealthy when you die? Meantime, while your purse is full to bursting, your love of gain grows as much as the money itself has grown, and the man who has none of it covets it the least. And so when one country house is not enough for you, you buy a second; then you must extend your boundaries, because your neighbour's field seems bigger and better than your own; you must buy that too, and his vineyard, and the hill that is thick and grey with olive-trees. And if no price will persuade the owner to sell, you will send into his green corn by night a herd of lean and famished cattle, with wearied necks, who will not come home until they have put the whole crop into their ravenous bellies; no sickle could make a cleaner job! How many bewail wrongs like these can scarce be told, nor how many fields have been brought to the hammer by such outrages.
But what a talk there will be! How loud the blast of evil rumour! "What harm in that?" you will say: "better keep my peapods for myself than have the praises of the whole country-side if I am to have but a small farm and a miserable crop."
Yes; and no doubt you will escape disease and weakness, you will have no sorrow, no trouble, you will have long and ever happier days, if only you are sole possessor of as many acres of good land as the Roman people tilled in the days of Tatius. In later times, Romans broken with old age, who had fought in the Punic battles or against the dread Pyrrhus or the swords of the Molossians, received at last, in return for all their wounds, a scanty two acres of land. None ever deemed such recompense too small for their service of toil and blood; none spoke of a shabby, thankless country. A little plot like that would feed the father himself and the crowd at the cottage where lay the wife in childbed, with four little ones playing around----one slave-born, three the master's own; for their big brothers, on their return from ditch or furrow, a second and ampler supper of porridge would be smoking in a lordly dish. To-day we don't think such a plot of ground big enough for our garden!
It is here mostly that lies the cause of crime. No human passion has mingled more poison-bowls, none has more often wielded the murderous dagger, than the fierce craving for unbounded wealth. For the man who wants wealth must have it at once; what respect for laws, what fear, what sense of shame is to be found in a miser hurrying to be rich? "Live content, my boys, with these cottages and hills of yours," said the Marsian or Hernican or Vestinian father in the days of yore; "let the plough win for us what bread shall suffice our table; such fare the rustic Gods approve, whose aid and bounty gave us the glad ear of corn, and taught man to disdain the acorn of ancient times. The man who is not ashamed to wear high boots in time of frost, and who keeps off the East wind with skins turned inwards, will never wish to do a forbidden thing; it is purple raiment, whatever it be, foreign and unknown to us, that leads to crime and wickedness."
Such were the maxims which those ancients taught the young; but now, when autumn days are over, the father rouses his sleeping son after midnight with a shout: "Awake, boy, and take your tablets; scribble away and get up your cases; read through the red-lettered laws of our forefathers, or send in a petition for a centurion's vine-staff. See that Laelius notes your uncombed head and hairy nostrils, and admires your broad shoulders; destroy the huts of the Moors and the forts of the Brigantes,8 that your sixtieth year may bring you the eagle 9 that will make you rich. Or if you are too lazy to endure the weary labours of the camp, if the sound of horn and trumpet melts your soul within you, buy something that you can sell at half as much again; feel no disgust at a trade that must be banished to the other side of the Tiber; make no distinction between hides and unguents: the smell of gain is good whatever the thing from which it comes. Let this maxim be ever on your lips, a saying worthy of the Gods, and of Jove himself if he turned poet: 'No matter whence the money comes, but money you must have.'" These are the lessons taught by skinny old nurses to little boys before they can walk; this is what every girl learns before her ABC!
To any father urging precepts such as these I would say this: "Tell me, O emptiest of men, who bids you hurry? The disciple, I warrant you, will outstrip his master. You may leave him with an easy mind; you will be outdone as surely as Telamon was beaten by Ajax, or Peleus by Achilles. Be gentle with the young; their bones are not yet filled up with the marrow of ripe wickedness. When the lad begins to comb a beard, and apply to its length the razor's edge, he will give false testimony, he will sell his perjuries for a trifling sum, touching the altar and the foot of Ceres all the time. If your daughter-in-law brings a deadly dowry into the house, you may count her as already dead and buried. What a grip of fingers will throttle her in her sleep! For the wealth which you think should be hunted for over land and sea, your son will acquire by a shorter road; great crimes demand no labour. Some day you will say, 'I never taught these things, I never advised them': no, but you are yourself the cause and origin of your son's depravity; for whosoever teaches the love of wealth turns his sons into misers by his ill-omened instruction. When he shows him how to double his patrimony by fraud, he gives him his head, and throws a free rein over the car; try to call him back, and he cannot stop: he will pay no heed to you, he will rush on, leaving the turning-post far behind. No man is satisfied with sinning just as far as you permit: so much greater is the license which they allow themselves!
"When you tell a youth that a man is a fool who makes a present to a friend, or relieves and lightens the poverty of a kinsman, you teach him to plunder and to cheat and to commit any kind of crime for money's sake, the love of which is as great in you as was love of their country in the hearts of the Decii, or in that of Menoeceus,10 if Greece speaks true for Thebes----that country in whose furrows armed legions sprang into life out of dragons' teeth, taking straightway to grim battle as though a bugler had also risen up along with them. Thus you will see the fire, whose sparks you yourself have kindled, blazing far and wide and carrying all before them. Nor will you yourself, poor wretch, meet with any mercy; the pupil lion, with a loud roar, will devour the trembling instructor in his den. Your nativity, you say, is known to the astrologers: but it is a tedious thing to wait for the slow-running spindle, and you will die before your thread is snapped. You are already in your son's way; you are delaying his prayers; your long and stag-like old age is a torment to the young man. Seek out Archigenes at once; buy some of the mixture of Mithridates; if you wish to pluck one more fig, and gather roses once again, you should have some medicament to be swallowed before dinner by one who is both a father and a king."
I am showing you the choicest of diversions, one with which no theatre, no show of a grand Praetor can compare, if you will observe at what a risk to life men increase their fortunes, become possessors of full brass-bound treasure-chests, or of the cash which must be deposited with watchful Castor,11 ever since Mars the Avenger lost his helmet and failed to protect his own effects.12 So you may give up all the performances of Flora, of Ceres, and of Cybele 13; so much finer are the games of human life. Is there more pleasure to be got from gazing at men hurled from a spring-board, or tripping down a tight rope, than from yourself----you who spend your whole life in a Corycian 14 ship, ever tossed by the wind from North or South, a poor contemptible trafficker in stinking wares, finding your joy in importing sweet wine from the shores of ancient Crete, or flagons that were fellow-citizens of Jove? 15 Yet the man who plants his steps with balanced foot gains his livelihood thereby; that rope keeps him from cold and hunger; while you run the risk for the sake of a thousand talents or a hundred mansions. Look at our ports, our seas, crowded with big ships! The men at sea now outnumber those on shore. Whithersoever hope of gain shall call, thither fleets will come; not content with bounding over the Carpathian and Gaetulian seas, they will leave Calpe 16 far behind, and hear the sun hissing in the Herculean main. It is well worth while, no doubt, to have beheld the monsters of the deep and the young mermen of the Ocean that you may return home with tight-stuffed purse, and exult in your swollen money-bags!
Not all men are possessed with one form of madness. One 17 madman in his sister's arms is terrified by the faces and fire of the Furies; another,18 when he strikes down an ox, believes that it is Agamemnon or the Ithacan 19 that is bellowing. The man who loads his ship up to the gunwale with goods, with only a plank between him and the deep, is in need of a keeper, though he keep his hands off his shirt and his cloak, seeing that he endures all that misery and all that danger for the sake of bits of silver cut up into little images and inscriptions! Should clouds and thunder threaten, "Let go!" cries the merchant who has bought up corn or pepper, "that black sky, this dark wrack, are nought----it is but summer lightning." Poor wretch! on this very night perchance he will be cast out amid broken timbers and engulfed by the waves, clutching his purse with his left hand or his teeth. The man for whose desires yesterday not all the gold which Tagus and the ruddy Pactolus 20 rolls along would have sufficed, must now content himself with a rag to cover his cold and nakedness, and a poor morsel of food, while he begs for pennies as a shipwrecked mariner, and supports himself by a painted storm!
Wealth gotten with such woes is preserved by fears and troubles that are greater still; it is misery to have the guardianship of a great fortune. The millionaire Licinus orders a troop of slaves to be on the watch all night with fire buckets in their places, being anxious for his amber, his statues and Phrygian marbles, his ivory and plaques of tortoise-shell. The nude Cynic 21 fears no fire for his tub; if broken, he will make himself a new house to-morrow, or repair it with clamps of lead. When Alexander beheld in that tub its mighty occupant, he felt how much happier was the man who had no desires than he who claimed for himself the entire world, with perils before him as great as his achievements. Had we but wisdom, thou wouldst have no Divinity, O Fortune: it is we that make thee into a Goddess!
Yet if any should ask of me what measure of fortune is enough, I will tell him: as much as thirst, cold and hunger demand; as much as sufficed you, Epicurus, in your little garden; as much as in earlier days was to be found in the house of Socrates. Never does Nature say one thing and Wisdom another. Do the limits within which I confine you seem too severe? Then throw in something from our own manners; make up a sum as big as that which Otho's law 22 deems worthy of the fourteen rows. If that also knits your brow, and makes you thrust out your lip, take a couple of knights, or make up thrice four hundred thousand sesterces! If your lap is not yet full, if it is still opening for more, then neither the wealth of Croesus, nor that of the Persian Monarchs, will suffice you, nor yet that of Narcissus,23 on whom Claudius Caesar lavished everything, and whose orders he obeyed when bidden to slay his wife.24
1. A cruel tyrant, king of the Laestrygones,
2. Prometheus, who made men out of clay.
3. There were great temples of Fortuna at Praeneste, of Hercules at Tibur.
4. A freedman of Claudius.
5. The phrase caeli numen is hard to translate. What Juvenal means is that the Jews worshipped no concrete deity, such as could be pourtrayed, but only some impalpable mysterious spirit. They did not worship the sky or the heavens, but only the numen of the heavens. This is what Tacitus means when he says (Hist. v. 5) "The Jews worship with the mind alone." So Lucan. ii. 592-3 dedita sacris Incerti Judaea dei.
6. It is possible that this refers to the practice of baptism which had become usual among the Jews in the time of our Lord, as we see from the case of John the Baptist.
7. Tacitus also attributed the Sabbath to laziness; and adds dein blandiente inertia septimum quoque annum ignaviae datum (Hist. v. 4).
8. A powerful British tribe, occupying the greater part of England north of the Humber.
9. i.e. the post of Senior Centurion (centurio primi pili), who had charge of the eagle of the legion.
10. Slew himself to save Thebes.
11. Money was deposited in the temple of Castor, in the Forum.
12. The temple of Mars Ultor, in the Forum Augusti, seems to have been burgled.
13. i.e. the games.
14. Corycus, a town in Cilicia.
15. Because Zeus was born in Crete.
16. The rock of Gibraltar.
17. i. e. Orestes.
18. i.e. Ajax, who went mad, slaughtering a flock of sheep in the belief that he was slaying Agamemnon and Ulysses.
19. Ulysses.
20. The gold-bearing river of Lydia.
21. Diogenes.
22. See note on iii. 155.
23. The most powerful and wealthiest of Claudius' freedmen.
24. For the part played by Narcissus in securing the punishment of Messalina, see Tac. Ann. xi. 33-37.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: juvenal_satires_15.htm
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 1
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 15
Satire 15.
[Translated by G. G. Ramsay]
An Egyptian Atrocity
Who knows not, O Bithynian Volusius, what monsters demented Egypt worships? One district adores the crocodile, another venerates the Ibis that gorges itself with snakes. In the place where magic chords are sounded by the truncated Memnon,1 and ancient hundred-gated Thebes lies in ruins, men worship the glittering golden image of the long-tailed ape. In one part cats are worshipped, in another a river fish, in another whole townships venerate a dog; none adore Diana, but it is an impious outrage to crunch leeks and onions with the teeth. What a holy race to have such divinities springing up in their gardens! No animal that grows wool may appear upon the dinner-table; it is forbidden there to slay the young of the goat; but it is lawful to feed on the flesh of man! When Ulysses told a tale like this over the dinner-table to the amazed Alcinous,2 he stirred some to wrath, some perhaps to laughter, as a lying story-teller. "What?" one would say, "will no one hurl this fellow into the sea, who merits a terrible and a true Charybdis with his inventions of monstrous Laestrygones and Cyclopes? For I could sooner believe in Scylla, and the clashing Cyanean rocks,3 and skins full of storms, or in the story how Circe, by a gentle touch, turned Elpenor 4 and his comrades into grunting swine. Did he deem the Phaeacians people so devoid of brains?" So might some one have justly spoken who was not yet tipsy, and had taken but a small drink of wine from the Corcyraean bowl, for the Ithacan's tale was all his own, with none to bear him witness.
I will now relate strange deeds done of late in the consulship of Juncus,5 beyond the walls of broiling Coptus; a crime of the common herd, worse than any crime of the tragedians; for though you turn over all the tales of long-robed Tragedy from the days of Pyrrha onwards, you will find there no crime committed by an entire people. But hear what an example of ruthless barbarism has been displayed in these days of ours.
Between the neighbouring towns of Ombi and Tentyra 6 there burns an ancient and long-cherished feud and undying hatred, whose wounds are not to be healed. Each people is filled with fury against the other because each hates its neighbours' Gods, deeming that none can be held as deities save its own. So when one of these peoples held a feast, the chiefs and leaders of their enemy thought good to seize the occasion, so that their foe might not enjoy a glad and merry day, with the delight of grand banquets, with tables set out at every temple and every crossway, and with night-long feasts, and with couches spread all day and all night, and sometimes discovered by the sun upon the seventh morn. Egypt, doubtless, is a rude country; but in indulgence, so far as I myself have noted, its barbarous rabble yields not to the ill-famed Canopus.7 Victory too would be easy, it was thought, over men steeped in wine, stuttering and stumbling in their cups. On the one side were men dancing to a swarthy piper, with unguents, such as they were, and flowers and chaplets on their heads; on the other side, a ravenous hate. First come loud words, as preludes to the fray: these serve as a trumpet-call to their hot passions; then shout answering shout, they charge. Bare hands do the fell work of war. Scarce a cheek is left without a gash; scarce one nose, if any, comes out of the battle unbroken. Through all the ranks might be seen battered faces, and features other than they were; bones gaping through torn cheeks, and fists dripping with blood from eyes. Yet the combatants deem themselves at play and waging a boyish warfare because there are no corpses on which to trample. What avails a mob of so many thousand brawlers if no lives are lost? So fiercer and fiercer grows the fight; they now search the ground for stones----the natural weapons of civic strife----and hurl them with bended arms against the foe: not such stones as Turnus or Ajax flung, or like that with which the son of Tydeus 8 struck Aeneas on the hip, but such as may be cast by hands unlike to theirs, and born in these days of ours. For even in Homer's day the race of man was on the wane; earth now produces none but weak and wicked men that provoke such Gods as see them to laughter and to loathing.
To come back from our digression: the one side, reinforced, boldly draws the sword and renews the fight with showers of arrows; the dwellers in the shady palm-groves of neighbouring Tentyra turn their backs in headlong flight before the Ombite charge. Hereupon one of them, over-afraid and hurrying, tripped and was caught; the conquering host cut up his body into a multitude of scraps and morsels, that one dead man might suffice for everyone, and devoured it bones and all. There was no stewing of it in boiling pots, no roasting upon spits; so slow and tedious they thought it to wait for a fire, that they contented themselves with the corpse uncooked!
One may here rejoice that no outrage was done to the flame that Prometheus stole from the highest heavens, and gifted to the earth. I felicitate the element, and doubt not that you are pleased; but never was flesh so relished as by those who endured to put that carcase between their teeth. For in that act of gross wickedness, do not doubt or ask whether it was only the first gullet that enjoyed its meal; for when the whole body had been consumed, those who stood furthest away actually dragged their fingers along the ground and so got some smack of the blood.
The Vascones,9 fame tells us, once prolonged their lives by such food as this; but their case was different. Unkindly fortune had brought on them the last dire extremity of war, the famine of a long siege. In a plight like that of the people just named, resorting to such food deserves our pity, inasmuch as not till they had consumed every herb, every living thing, and everything else to which the pangs of an empty belly drove them----not till their very enemies pitied their pale, lean and wasted limbs----did hunger make them tear the limbs of other men, being ready to feed even upon their own. What man, what God, would withhold a pardon from bellies which had suffered such dire straits, and which might look to be forgiven by the Manes of those whose bodies they were devouring? To us, indeed, Zeno 10 gives better teaching, for he permits some things, though not indeed all things, to be done for the saving of life; but how could a Cantabrian 11 be a Stoic, and that too in the days of old Metellus? 12 To-day the whole world has its Greek and its Roman Athens; eloquent Gaul has trained the pleaders of Britain, and distant Thule 13 talks of hiring a rhetorician. Yet the people I have named were a noble people; and the people of Zacynthos,14 their equals in bravery and honour, their more than equals in calamity, offer a like excuse. But Egypt is more savage than the Maeotid 15 altar; for if we may hold the poet's tales as true, the foundress of that accursed Tauric rite does but slay her victims; they have nought further or more terrible than the knife to fear. But what calamity drove these Egyptians to the deed? What extremity of hunger, what beleaguering army, compelled them to so monstrous and infamous a crime? Were the land of Memphis to run dry, could they do aught else than this to shame the Nile for being loth to rise? No dread Cimbrians or Britons, no savage Scythians or monstrous Agathyrsians,16 ever raged so furiously as this unwarlike and worthless rabble that hoists tiny sails on crockery ships, and plies puny oars on boats of painted earthenware! No penalty can you devise for such a crime, no fit punishment for a people in whose minds rage and hunger are like and equal things. When Nature gave tears to man, she proclaimed that he was tender-hearted; and tenderness is the best quality in man. She therefore bids us weep for the misery of a friend upon his trial, or when a ward whose streaming cheeks and girlish locks raise a doubt as to his sex brings a defrauder into court. It is at Nature's behest that we weep when we meet the bier of a full-grown maiden, or when the earth closes over a babe too young for the funeral pyre. For what good man, what man worthy of the mystic torch,17 and such as the priest of Ceres would wish him to be, believes that any human woes concern him not? It is this that separates us from the dumb herd; and it is for this that we alone have had allotted to us a nature worthy of reverence, capable of divine things, fit to acquire and practise the arts of life, and that we have drawn from on high that gift of feeling which is lacking to the beasts that grovel with eyes upon the ground. To them in the beginning of the world our common maker gave only life; to us he gave souls as well, that fellow-feeling might bid us ask or proffer aid, gather scattered dwellers into a people, desert the primeval groves and woods inhabited by our forefathers, build houses for ourselves, with others adjacent to our own, that a neighbour's threshold from the confidence that comes of union, might give us peaceful slumbers; shield with arms a fallen citizen, or one staggering from a grievous wound, give battle signals by a common trumpet, and seek protection inside the same city walls, and behind gates fastened by a single key.
But in these days there is more amity among serpents than among men; wild beasts are merciful to beasts spotted like themselves. When did the stronger lion ever take the life of the weaker? In what wood did a boar ever breathe his last under the tusks of a boar bigger than himself? The fierce tigress of India dwells in perpetual peace with her fellow; bears live in harmony with bears. But man finds it all too little to have forged the deadly blade on an impious anvil; for whereas the first artificers only wearied themselves with forging hoes and harrows, spades and ploughshares, not knowing how to beat out swords, we now behold a people whose wrath is not assuaged by slaying someone, but who deem that a man's breast, arms, and face afford a kind of food. What would Pythagoras say, or to what place would he not flee, if he beheld these horrors of to-day,----he who refrained from every living creature as if it were human, and would not indulge his belly with every kind of vegetable?
1. The famous statue of Memnon at Thebes, which emitted musical sounds at daybreak.
2. King of the Phaeacians, to whom Ulysses narrated his adventures.
3. The clashing rocks (συμπληγάδεσ) at the mouth of the Bosporus.
4. One of the crew of Ulysses turned into a pig by Circe.
5. Aemilius Juncus was consul in A.D. 127. This fixes the earliest date for this Satire.
6. Ombi and Tentyra (now Dendera), towns in Upper Egypt.
7. A city in the Delta, near the W. mouth of the Nile.
8. Diomedes.
9. A Spanish tribe N. of the Ebro; their chief town, Calagurris, was reduced by Afranius in B.C. 72, after the fall of Sertorius.
10. The founder of the Stoic school.
11. The Vascones were not Cantabrians, who were more to the W.
12. Q. Caecilius Metellus conducted the war against Sertorius, B.C. 79-72.
13. The most distant land or island to the N.; possibly Shetland or Iceland.
14. A poetic name for the Spanish town of Saguntum, supposed to have been founded from Zacynthus; taken by Hannibal B.C. 218.
15. The palus Maeotis was the sea of Azov: strangers were there sacrificed on the altar of the Tauric (i.e. Crimean) Artemis.
16. An uncertain tribe, placed by Herodotus in Transylvania.
17. i.e. worthy of being initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: juvenal_satires_16.htm
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 16
Juvenal, Satires. (1918). Satire 16
Satire 16.
[Translated by G. G. Ramsay]
The Immunities of the Military
Who can count up, Gallius, all the prizes of prosperous soldiering? I would myself pray to be a trembling recruit if I could but enter a favoured camp under a lucky star: for one moment of benignant fate is of more avail than a letter of commendation to Mars from Venus, or from his mother,1 who delights in the sandy shore of Samos.
Let us first consider the benefits common to all soldiers, of which not the least is this, that no civilian will dare to thrash you; if thrashed himself, he must hold his tongue, and not venture to exhibit to the Praetor the teeth that have been knocked out, or the black and blue lumps upon his face, or the one eye left which the doctor holds out no hope of saving. If he seek redress, he has appointed for him as judge a hob-nailed centurion with a row of jurors with brawny calves sitting before a big bench. For the old camp law and the rule of Camillus still holds good which forbids a soldier to attend court outside the camp, and at a distance from the standards. "Most right and proper it is," you say, "that a centurion should pass sentence on a soldier; nor shall I fail of satisfaction if I make good my case." But then the whole cohort will be your enemies; all the maniples will agree as one man in applying a cure to the redress you have received by giving you a thrashing which shall be worse than the first. So, as you possess a pair of legs, you must have a mulish brain worthy of the eloquent Vagellius to provoke so many jack-boots, and all those thousands of hobnails. And besides who would venture so far from the city? Who would be such a Pylades 2 as to go inside the rampart? Better dry your eyes at once, and not importune friends who will but make excuses. When the judge has called for witnesses, let the man, whoever he be, who saw the assault dare to say, "I saw it," and I will deem him worthy of the beard and long hair of our forefathers. Sooner will you find a false witness against a civilian than one who will tell the truth against the interest and the honour of a soldier.
And now let us note other profits and perquisites of the service. If some rascally neighbour have filched from me a dell or a field of my ancestral estate, and have dug up, from the mid point of my boundary, the hallowed stone which I have honoured every year with an offering of flat cake and porridge; or if a debtor refuses to repay the money that he has borrowed, declaring that the signatures are false, and the document null and void: I shall have to wait for the time of year when the whole world begin their suits, and even then there will be a thousand wearisome delays. So often does it happen that when only the benches have been set out----when the eloquent Caecilius is taking off his cloak, and Fuscus has gone out for a moment----though everything is ready, we disperse, and fight our battle after the dilatory fashion of the courts. But the gentlemen who are armed and belted have their cases set down for whatever time they please; nor is their substance worn away by the slow drag-chain of the law.
Soldiers alone, again, have the right to make their wills during their fathers' lifetime; for the law ordains that money earned in military service is not to be included in the property which is in the father's sole control. This is why Coranus, who follows the standards and earns soldier's pay, is courted by his own father, though now tottering from old age. The son receives the advancement that is his due, and reaps the recompense for his own good services. And indeed it is the interest of the General that the most brave should also be the most fortunate, and that all should have medals and necklets to be proud of.
The Satire breaks off here.
1. Juno.
2. The inseparable friend of Orestes.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2008. This file and all material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: pagan_exorcism.htm
A pagan magical exorcism from the Paris magical codex
A pagan magical exorcism from the Paris magical codex
From A. Deissmann, Light from the ancient east (1910), pp. 254-260
There is a papyrus book from Egypt written around 300 AD and now in the Bibliothèque Français in Paris, shelfmark Ms. Suppl. gr. 574. It contains spells and prescriptions compiled by a magician. Folio 33 contains the following material, the end of a prescription for an exorcism.
We start on line 2993 of the codex. The subject referred to is a root, which is dug up with certain ceremonies, while a magic spell is pronounced, part of which comes on this page. The daemon is being addressed. Note the paratactic style and the frequent use of "and".
[Recto, Pagan Text]
— — — of the depth. But your powers are in the heart of
Hermes. Your trees are the bones of Mnevis.1 And your [l.2995] flowers are the eye of Horus. Your seed is the seed of Pan. Gird yourself for the strife with rosin as also — — — — — — — — — — — — —— — — —— — — — — — 2
the gods. And for my health be my companion in arms
at my prayer. And give us power like Ares and Athena. I am Hermes. I seize you in fellowship with good
[l.3000] Tyche and good Daemon, and in a good hour, and on a day good and prosperous for all things." Having said this,
roll up the gathered herb in a clean linen cloth. But into the place of the root seven wheat- grains, and the like number of barley, they 3 mixed with honey
and threw. And having filled in the earth that was dug up he 4 departs.
[Recto, Jewish Text]
For those possessed by daemons, an approved charm by Pibechis 5.
Take oil made from unripe olives, together with the plant mastigia and lotus pith, and boil it with marjoram [l.3010] (very colourless), saying: "Joel,6 Ossarthiomi, Emori, Theochipsoith, Sithemeoch, Sothe,
Joe, Mimipsothiooph, Phersothi AEHIOYW 7
Joe, Eochariphtha: come out of 8 such an one (and the other usual formulae)."
But write this phylactery 9 upon a little sheet of
tin: "Jaeo, Abraothioch, Phtha, Mesen-
tiniao, Pheoch, Jaeo, Charsoc,'' and hang it
round the sufferer: it is for every daemon a thing to be trembled at,10 which
he fears. Standing opposite, adjure him. The adjuration is
this: " I adjure you by the god of the Hebrews
[l.3020] Jesus,11 Jaba, Jae, Abraoth, Aia, Thoth, Ele,
Elo, Aeo, Eu, Jiibaech, Abarmas, Jaba-
rau, Abelbel, Lona, Abra, Maroia, arm,
you that appear in fire,12 you that are in the middle of earth and snow and vapour,13 Tannetis 14: let your angel descend, the implacable one, and let him draw into captivity the daemon as he flies around this creature which God formed in his holy paradise.15 For I pray to the holy god, through the might of Ammon-
ipsentancho." Sentence. " I adjure you with bold, rash words: Jacuth, [l.3030] Ablanathanalba, Acramm." Sentence. " Aoth, Jatha-
bathra, Chachthabratha, Chamynchel, Abro-
oth. You are Abrasiloth, Allelu, Jelosai,
Jael: I adjure you by him who appeared unto
Osrael 16 in the pillar of light and in the cloud by
day,17 and who delivered his people from the taskwork
of Pharaoh and brought upon Pharaoh the
ten plagues because he heard not. I adjure
you, every daemonic spirit, say whatsoever
you are.18 For I adjure you by the seal
[l.3040] which Solomon 19 laid upon the tongue
of Jeremiah 20 and he spoke. And say you
whatsoever you are, in heaven, or of the air,
[verso] or on earth, or under the earth or below the ground,21 or an Ebusaean, or a Chersaean, or a Pharisee.22 Say whatsoever you are, for I adjure you by God the light- bringer, invincible, who knows what is in the heart
of all life, who from the dust has formed the race
of men, who has brought out of uncertain [places]
and makes thick the clouds and causes it to rain upon the earth [l.3050] and blesseth the fruits thereof; who is blessed by every power in heaven of angels, of archangels. I adjure you by the great God Sabaoth, through whom the river Jordan returned backward,—the Red Sea also,
which Israel journeyed over and it stood impassable. For I adjure you by him that revealed the hundred and forty tongues and divided them by his command.23 I adjure you by him who with his lightnings the [race?] of stiff-necked giants con- [l.3060] sumed, to whom the heaven of heavens sings praises, to whom Cherubin 24 his wings sing praises. I adjure you by him who hath set mountains 25 about the sea,
a wall of sand, and has ordered it not to pass over, and the deep listened. And do you listen, every daemonic spirit, for I adjure you by him that moves the four winds since the holy aeons, him the heaven-like, sea- like, cloud-like, the light-bringer, invincible. I adjure you by him that is in Jerosolymum 26 the pure, to whom the [l.3070] unquenchable fire 27 through every aeon is offered, through his holy name Jaeo-
baphrenemun (Sentence), before whom trembles the Genna 28 of fire
and flames flame round about and iron
bursts 29 and every mountain fears from its foundations.
I adjure you, every daemonic spirit, by him that looks down on earth and makes tremble its foundations and has made all things out of things which are not into Being. But I adjure you,
you that use 30 this adjuration: do not eat the flesh of swine,
[l.3080] and there shall be subject to you every spirit and daemon, whatsoever he be. But when you adjure, blow,31 sending the breath from above [to the feet] and from the feet to the face, and he [the daemon] will be drawn into captivity. Be pure and keep it. For the sentence is Hebrew and kept by men that are pure.32
[Deissman adds:] Good parallels to the Jewish portion of the above text, both as a whole and in details, are furnished by the leaden tablet from Hadrumetum 33 and a magician's outfit discovered at Pergamum.34 Any one who can read this one leaf without getting bewildered by the hocus-pocus of magic words, will admit that through the curious channel of such magical literature a good portion of the religious thought of the Greek Old Testament found its way into the world, and must have already found its way by the time of St. Paul. The men of the great city in Asia Minor in whose hands St. Paul found texts of this kind were, though heathen, not altogether unprepared for Bible things. The flames of the burning papyrus books could not destroy recollections of sacred formulae which retained a locus standi even in the new faith. But, apart from this, the magical books with their grotesque farrago of Eastern and Western religious formulae, afford us striking illustrations of how the religions were elbowing one another as the great turning-point drew near.
[Selected footnotes]
1. The Egyptian Sun-bull.
2. Here, I think, one line or more must have dropped out; even by taking ὡς as a preposition we get no good sense.
3. Note the change of subject.
4. I.e. the digger of the root.
5. A magician, cf. Albrecht Dieterich, Jahrbucher fur classische Philologie, 16, Supplementband (1888), p. 756.
6. In these charms we should try to distinguish between meaningless hocus-pocus and words of Semitic (cf. Bibelstudien, p. 1 ff.; Bible Studies, p. 321 ff.) or Egyptian origin, etc., which once had and might still have a meaning. In trying to recover this meaning we must not only employ the resources of modern philology but also take into account the ancient popular and guessing etymologies, of which we have a good number of (Semitic) examples in the Onomastica Sacra. Several of the magical words in this text are Biblical and are explained in the Onomastica Sacra. That the explanations in the Onomastica Sacra were in some cases current among the people, is shown by the Heidelberg papyrus amulet containing Semitic names and Greek explanations (cf. Figure 62, facing p. 415 below).
7. [The seven Greek vowels. The long and short vowels are not shown in this online edition because of transcription difficulties.]
8. The same formula exactly occurs in Luke iv. 35; with ἐκ instead of ἀπό in Mark i. 25, v. 8, ix. 25.
9. I.e. amulet.
10. Cf. James ii. 19, and Bibelstudien, p. 42 f.; Bible Studies, p. 288.
11. The name Jesus as part of the formula can hardly be ancient. It was probably inserted by some pagan: no Christian, still less a Jew, would have called Jesus "the god of the Hebrews." [Note to the online text; the name is "Jesus", but Deissmann for some reason writes "Jesu"]
12. The arm of God together with the fire is probably a reminiscence of passages like LXX Isaiah xxvi. 11 and Wisdom xvi. 16.
13. Snow and vapour coming from God, LXX Psalm cxlvii. 5 16, cf. also LXX Job xxxviii. 22, 9.
14.? Dieterich, Abraxas, p. 138, alters it to τανυσθείς.
15. Cf. Tanchuma, Pikkude 3: Rabbi Jochanan said: "... Know that all the souls which have been since the first Adam and which shall be till the end of the whole world, were created in the six days of creation. They are all in the garden of Eden" (Ferdinand Weber, Judische Theologie auf Grund des Talmud und verwandter Schriften,2 Leipzig, 1897, p. 225).
16. This form [of "Israel"] also suggests the pagan origin of the editor of the Jewish text.
17. See for the facts Exod. xiii. 21. The LXX has pillar of fire, not pillar of light.
18. To obtain complete power over the daemon it is necessary to know his name; hence the question to the daemon in Mark v. 9 = Luke viii. 30.
19. Solomon's seal is well known in magic; see for instance Dieterich, Abraxas, p. 141 f., Schiirer, Geschichte des Judischen Volkes, III.3 p. 303.
20. I do not know what this refers to. The tradition is probably connected with LXX Jer. i. 6-10.
21. In spite of the resemblance to Phil. ii. 10, Eph. ii. 2, iii. 10, vi. 12, this is not a quotation from St. Paul. The papyrus and St. Paul are both using familiar Jewish categories.
22. This remarkable trio of daemons obviously comes from LXX Gen. xv. 20, Exod. iii. 8, 17, etc., where we find Χετταῖοι (who have become Χερσαῖοι, i.e. " land daemons"), Φερεζαῖοι (who have become the more intelligible " Pharisees"), and Ἰεβουσαῖοι. Χερσαῖοι, which also occurs elsewhere as a designation applied to a daemon (see Wessely's index), has here no doubt the force of an adjective derived from a proper name. Dieterich, Abraxas, p. 139, explains the passage somewhat differently.
23. Noah's generations enumerated in Genesis x. contain the names of 70 peoples; the Jews therefore assumed that there were 70 different languages (Weber,2 p. 66). Our papyrus has 2 x 70 languages—a number not mentioned elsewhere, so far as I know.
24. The use of Cherubin as a singular may perhaps be regarded as another proof that this Jewish formula was written out by a pagan. Cf. Tersteegen's plural form die Seraphinen, resulting from a like misconception of Seraphin as a singular.
25. Mountains is a corruption of bounds, cf. LXX Job xxxviii. 10, and especially LXX Jer. v. 22.
26. Cf. LXX Psalm cxxxiv. [cxxxv.] 21. The form of the name of the city again points to a pagan writer.
27. LXX Lev. vi. 9, 12, 13. The fire is that on the altar of burnt-offering at Jerusalem. As this fire was extinguished for ever in the year 70 A.D., this portion of the papyrus at any rate must have originated before the destruction of Jerusalem.
28. I.e. Gehenna.
29. The translation is not certain.
30. Or " receive."
31. For this formula cf. Luke x. 17, 20; 1 Cor. xiv. 32.
32. These concluding lines again prove that the formula was written out by a pagan magician.
33. Bibelstudien, pp. 21-54; Bible Studies, pp. 269-300.
34. An tikes Zaubergerat aus Pergamon, herausgegeben von Eichard Wunsch. Jahrbuch des Kaiserl. Deutschen Archaolog. Instituts, Erganzungsheft 6, Berlin, 1905, p. 35 f.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886). Preface to the online text.
Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886). Preface to the online text.
J.S.Watson's translation of Eutropius was accompanied by versions of Cornelius Nepos, and Justin. I have included these, although they have nothing to do with the fathers, rather than leave them, as no-one else was doing them. By the time I completed Justin, I found that two other website editors had commenced work on it.
Justin's work is an epitome of the massive 44 volume universal history of Pompeius Trogus, now lost. It is the only remaining history covering the whole of the Hellenistic period. Trogus knew the complete work of Livy, and criticised it, not least for exceeding the proper limits when it came to putting speeches in the mouths of generals.
The version of Justin given by Watson was incomplete, in that it did not include the 'Prologi', found at the end of the manuscripts in two of the four families of the text tradition. These are the only remaining portion of Pompeius Trogus, the summaries of the content of each book. The collection of summaries must have circulated separately, possibly as an advertising method, and so became attached to the epitome. From them we can gain an idea of the portions of Trogus omitted by Justin. I have therefore translated these from the critical text of Otto Seel, using J.C.Yardley's excellent modern version of Justin as a control to ensure I do not make daft mistakes.
A significant number of manuscripts of Justin survive.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886) Title page and preface
Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886) Title page and preface
JUSTIN.
CORNELIUS NEPOS,
AND
EUTROPIUS,
LITERALLY TRANSLATED, WITH NOTES AND A GENERAL INDEX.
BY THE
REV. JOHN SELBY WATSON, M.A
HEAD MASTER OF THE PROPRIETARY GRAMMAR SCHOOL, STOCKWELL
LONDON: GEORGE BELL AND SONS, YORK STREET,
COVENT GARDEN.
1886.
PREFACE.
-------
THIS volume contains Versions of Justin, Cornelius Nepos, and Eutropius.
Justin has been translated from the text of Wetzel; Cornelius Nepos from that of Bos, as re-edited by Fischer; and Eutropius from that of Tszchucke.
Each of the authors has been rendered in a style as easy as was consistent with a faithful adherence to the sense.
Notes on points of history, and on peculiarities in the text, have been given wherever they seemed to be required. Remarks on the authors are prefixed, and a copious Index added
J. S. W.
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Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886). pp. v-viii. Notice of the life and writings of Justin
Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886). pp. v-viii. Notice of the life and writings of Justin
NOTICE OF THE LIFE AND WRITINGS OF JUSTIN.
--------------
As Justin is not properly an author, but an abridger, we shall first give our attention to the writer whom he abridged.
All that is certainly known of the personal history of Trogus Pompeius is, that he was a Roman by birth;1 that his ancestors were of the Vocontii, a people of Italy; that his grandfather, Trogus Pompeius, was presented with the right of citizenship by Pompey during the war with Sertorius; that his uncle was an officer of cavalry under Pompey, in the war with Mithridates; and that his father served in the army under Julius Caesar, and was afterwards his private secretary.2 Trogus himself must, therefore, have flourished under Augustus. The last event that he appears to have recorded is the restoration of the Roman standards by the Parthians.
He wrote a history in forty-four books, which he entitled Historiae Philippicae, because, as is supposed, his chief design in writing it was to relate the origin, progress, decline, and extinction of the Macedonian monarchy, and especially the achievements of Philip and his son. But he allowed himself, like Herodotus and other historians, to indulge in such large digressions and excursions, that it was regarded by many as a Universal History, and is represented, in some manuscripts, |vi as containing totius mundi origines et terrae situs, a character to which it had no right.
The first six books comprised the period antecedent to Philip, in which an account was given of the Assyrians, Persians, Egyptians, Scythians, Athenians, and Lacedaemonians; the history of Macedonia was commenced in the seventh book, and continued, in combination with other matters, to the overthrow of Andriscus, the Pseudo-Philippus, in the thirty-third. The prologi, or arguments, which we have of all the books, similar to the epitomes of the lost books of Livy, were first published by Bongarsius.
He seems to have taken his materials from the Greek historians.3 His title appears to have been suggested by the Philippica of Theopompus, a voluminous work, of which Stephanus de Urbibus 4 cites the fifty-seventh book.
Whatever speeches he inserted were in the oblique form, for he blamed Livy and Sallust for giving long direct speeches in their histories. 5 He is praised by Justin for his eloquence; vir priscae eloquentiae;6 and Vopiscus 7 ranks his style with those of Sallust, Livy, and Tacitus.
A treatise of Trogus, de Animalibus, is mentioned by Charisius, 8 and Trogus is quoted as an authority by Pliny in several passages of his Natural History; and this Trogus is generally supposed to be the same as Trogus the historian.
A writer named Trogus is also twice cited by Priscian, in his fifth and sixth books, but whether he is the Trogus of Justin, is uncertain. |vii
The epitome that Justin made of the large work of Trogus, has often been supposed the cause that the original was lost.
Who or what JUSTIN was, we are left in ignorance; we know not even what name he had besides Justinus, for though one manuscript entitles him Justinus Frontinus, and another M. Junianus Justinus, the other manuscripts give him only one name.
From the words Imperator Antonine, which occur in the preface in the editions of Aldus and others, he has been often said to have lived in the reign of that emperor; but those words are now generally thought to have been interpolated by some, who, like Isidore and Jornandes, confounded him with Justin Martyr.9 From an expression in the eighth book, where Greece is said to be etiam nunc et viribus et dignitate orbis terrarum princeps, it has been conjectured that he flourished under the Eastern emperors; but such conjecture is groundless, for the words merely refer to the period of which the author is writing, and may be, indeed, not Justin's, but Trogus's.
His style, however, in which occur the words adunare, impossibilis, praesumtio, opinio for "report," and other words and phrases of inferior Latinity, show that he must have lived some considerable time after the Augustan age. Such phraseology could not have been found in the pages of Trogus. But Justin could not have been later than the beginning of the fifth century, as he is mentioned by St. Jerome.10
That he was not a Christian, is proved, as Vossius remarks, by the ignorance which he manifests of the Jewish Scriptures;11 for he could not, assuredly, have copied Trogus's vagaries without bestowing some correction upon them. He has been censured for not making a more regular abridgment |viii of his author's work, but without justice; for he intended only to extract or abbreviate such portions as he thought more likely than others to please the general reader.
His composition is animated, and in general correct, but not of the highest order of merit. His peculiarities of phraseology are carefully specified by Wetzel in his prolegomena, though he has omitted to remark his constant use of the conjunction quasi in his narratives and descriptions.
It is observed by Dr. Robertson,12 that "we cannot rely on Justin's evidence, unless when it is confirmed by the testimony of other ancient authors." The remark ought rather to be transferred to Trogus, whom Justin seems faithfully to have followed, and who seems, indeed, to have been a writer of sufficient credulity, as his account of Habis, in his forty-fourth book, may serve to show. But there is no historian, as Vopiscus 13 says, that does not tell something false, and Livy, Sallust, Tacitus, and Trogus, alike exhibit passages not proof against strict examination.
The best editions of Justin are those of Bongarsius, Paris, 1581; of Graevius, Lugd. Bat., 1683, which has been several times reprinted; of Hearne, Oxon, 1703; of Gronovius, Lugd. Bat. 1719, 1760; of Fischer, Lips. 1757; and of Wetzel, Lipa. 1806, reprinted in Lemaire's Bibliothèque Classique, 1823.
The oldest English Version is that of Arthur Goldinge, 1564, and the next that of Robert Codrington, 1654, both of whom had but an imperfect knowledge of the language of their author. There have since appeared translations by Thomas Brown, 1712; by Nicolas Bayley, 1732; by Clarke, 1732; and by Turnbull, 1746, the last being the most readable performance, but not always faithful to the sense.
[Footnotes moved to end and numbered]
1. * Just. xliii. 1.
2. + Just. xliii. fin.
3. * See Heeren de Trog. Pomp. Fontibus et Auctoritate, prefixed to Frotscher's edition.
4. + In Messape/ai.
5. ++ Just. xxviii. 3.
6. § Just. Pref.
7. || Life of Probus.
8. +++ I p. 79
9. * See the note on that passage of the Preface.
10. + Prooem. in Daniel.
11. ++ Just. xxxvi. 1, 2.
12. * Disquisition on Anc. India, note 12.
13. + Life of Aurelian, prope init.
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Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886). pp. 1-90. Preface, Books 1-10
Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886). pp. 1-90. Preface, Books 1-10
JUSTIN'S HISTORY OF THE WORLD,
EXTRACTED FROM
TROGUS POMPEIUS.
PREFACE.
AFTER many Romans,1 men even of consular dignity, had committed the acts of their countrymen to writing in Greek, a foreign language, 2 Trogus Pompeius, a man of eloquence equal to that of the ancients, 3 whether prompted by a desire to emulate their glory, or charmed by the variety and novelty of the undertaking, composed the history of Greece, and of the whole world, in the Latin tongue, in order that, as our actions might be read in Greek, so those of the Greeks might be read in our language; attempting a work that demanded extraordinary resolution and labour. For when, to most authors who write the history only of particular princes or nations, their task appears an affair of arduous effort, must not Trogus Pompeius, in attempting the whole world, seem to have acted with a boldness like that of Hercules, since in his books are contained the actions of all ages, monarchs, nations, and people? All that the historians of Greece had undertaken separately, according to what was suitable to each, Trogus Pompeius, omitting only what was useless, has put |2 together in one narration, everything being assigned to its proper period, and arranged in the regular order of events. From these forty-four volumes therefore (for such was the number that he published), I have extracted, during the leisure that I enjoyed in the city, whatever was most worthy of being known; and, rejecting such parts as were neither attractive for the pleasure of reading, nor necessary by way of example, have formed, as it were, a small collection of flowers, that those who are acquainted with the history of Greece might have something to refresh their memories, and those who are strangers to it something for their instruction. This work I have sent to you, 4 not so much that it may add to your knowledge, as that it may receive your correction; and that, at the same time, the account of my leisure, of which Cato thinks that an account must be given, may stand fair with you. For your approbation is sufficient for me for the present, with the expectation of receiving from posterity, when the malice of detraction has died away, an ample testimony to my diligence. |3
BOOK I.
The monarchy of the Assyrians, Ninus, I.----Semiramis, II. ----Sardanapalus, III.----The monarchy of the Medes; Astyages, IV.----The youth of Cyrus, V.----He becomes king, VI.----His victory over Croesus; Candaules and Gyges, VII.----Expedition of Cyrus against the Scythians; his death, VIII.----Cambyses; the Magi; Otanes, IX.----Darius, the son of Hystaspes, X.
I. ORIGINALLY,5 the government of nations and tribes was in the hands of kings; 6 whom it was not their flattery of the people, but their discretion, as commended by the prudent, that elevated to the height of this dignity. The people were not then bound by any laws; the wills of their princes were instead of laws. It was their custom to defend, rather than advance, 7 the boundaries of their empire. The dominions of each were confined within his own country.
The first of all princes, who, from an extravagant desire of ruling, changed this old and, as it were, hereditary custom, was Ninus, king of the Assyrians. It was he who first made war upon his neighbours, and subdued the nations, as yet too barbarous to resist him, as far as the frontiers of Libya Sesostris,8 king of Egypt, and Tanaus,9 king of Scythia, were indeed prior to him in time; the one of whom advanced into Pontus, and the other as far as Egypt; but these princes engaged in distant wars, not in struggles with their |4 neighbours; they did not seek dominion for themselves, but glory for their people, and, content with victory, declined to govern those whom they subdued. But Ninus established the greatness of his acquired dominion by immediately possessing himself of the conquered countries.10 Overcoming, accordingly, the nearest people, and advancing, fortified with an accession of strength, against others, while each successive victory became the instrument of one to follow, he subjugated the nations of the whole east. His last war was with Zoroaster, 11 king of the Bactrians, who is said to have been the first that invented magic arts, and to have investigated, with great attention, the origin of the world and the motions of the stars. After killing Zoroaster, Ninus himself died, leaving a son called Ninyas, still a minor, and a wife, whose name was Semiramis.12
II. Semiramis, not daring to entrust the government to a youth, or openly to take it upon herself (as so many great, nations would scarcely submit to one man, much less to a woman), pretended that she was the son of Ninus instead of his wife, a male instead of a female. The stature of both mother and son was low, their voice alike weak, and the cast of their features similar. She accordingly clad her arms and legs in long garments, and decked her head with a turban; and, that she might not appear to conceal any thing by this new dress, she ordered her subjects also to wear the same apparel; a fashion which the whole nation has since retained. Having thus dissembled her sex at the commencement of her |5 reign, she was believed to be a male. Sbe afterwards performed many noble actions; and when she thought envy was overcome by the greatness of them, she acknowledged who she was, and whom she had personated. Nor did this confession detract from her authority as a sovereign, but increased the admiration of her, since she, being a woman, surpassed, not only women, but men, in heroism.
It was she that built Babylon,13 and constructed round the city a wall of burnt brick; bitumen, a substance which everywhere oozes from the ground in those parts, being spread between the bricks instead of mortar. 14 Many other famous acts, too, were performed by this queen; for, not content with preserving the territories acquired by her husband, she added Ethiopia also to her empire; and she even made war upon India, into which no prince, 15 except her and Alexander the Great, ever penetrated. At last, conceiving a criminal passion for her son, she was killed by him, after holding the kingdom two and forty years from the death of Ninus.
Her son Ninyas, content with the empire acquired by his parents, laid aside the pursuits of war, and, as if he had changed sexes with his mother, was seldom seen by men, but grew old in the company of his women. His successors too, following his example, gave answers to their people through their ministers. The Assyrians, who were afterwards called Syrians, held their empire thirteen hundred years.
III. The last king that reigned over them was Sardanapalus, a man more effeminate than a woman. One of his satraps, named Arbaces, governor of the Medes, having, with great difficulty and after much solicitation, obtained admission to visit him, found him, among crowds of concubines, and in the dress, of a woman, spinning purple wool with a distaff, and |6 distributing tasks to girls, but surpassing all the women in the effeminacy of his person and the wantonness of his looks. At that sight, feeling indignant that so many men should be subject to one so much of a woman, and that those who bore swords and arms should obey one that handled wool, he proceeded to his companions, and told them what he had seen, protesting that he could not submit to a prince who had rather be a woman than a man. A conspiracy was consequently formed, and war raised against Sardanapalus; who, hearing of what had occurred, and acting, not like a man that would defend his kingdom, but as women are wont to do under fear of death, first looked about for a hiding-place, but afterwards marched into the field with a few ill-disciplined troops. Being conquered in battle, he withdrew into his palace, and, having raised and set fire to a pile of combustibles, threw himself and his riches into the flames, in this respect only acting like a man. After him Arbaces, who was the occasion of his death, and who had been governor of the Medes, was made king, and transferred the empire from the Assyrians to the Medes.
IV. After several kings, the crown, by order of succession, descended to Astyages. This prince, in a dream, saw a vine spring from the womb of his only daughter, with the branches of which all Asia was overshadowed. The soothsayers being consulted concerning the vision, replied, that he would have a grandson by that daughter, whose greatness was foreshown, and the loss of Astyages's kingdom portended. Alarmed at this answer, he gave his daughter in marriage, not to an eminent man, nor to one of his own subjects (lest nobility on the father or mother's side should rouse the spirit of his grandson), but to Cambyses, a man of mean fortune, and of the race of the Persians, which was at that time obscure. But not having, even thus, got rid of his fear of the dream, he sent for his daughter, while she was pregnant, that her child might be put to death under the very eye of his grandfather. The infant, as soon as it was born, was given to Harpagus, a friend of the king's and in his secrets, to be killed. Harpagus, fearing that if the crown, on the death of the king (as Astyages had no male issue), should devolve upon his daughter, she might exact from the agent, for the murder of her child, that revenge which she could not inflict on her |7 father, gave the infant to the herdsman of the king's cattle to be exposed. The herdsman, by chance, had a son born at the same time; and his wife, hearing of the exposure of the royal infant, entreated, with the utmost earnestness, that the child might be brought and shown to her. The herdsman, overcome by her solicitations, went back into the wood, and found a dog by the infant, giving it her teats, and protecting it from the beasts and birds of prey. Being moved with pity, with which he saw even a dog moved, he carried the child to the cattle-folds, the dog vigilantly following him. When the woman took the babe into her hands, it smiled upon her as if it knew her; and there appeared so much vivacity in it, with a certain sweetness in its smile as it clung to her, that the wife at once entreated the herdsman to expose her own child instead of the other, and to allow her to bring up the royal infant, whether to his own fortune or to her hopes.16 Thus the lot of the children being changed, the one was brought up as the shepherd's son, and the other exposed as the king's grandson. The nurse had afterwards the name of Spaco; for so the Persians call a dog.
V. The boy after a time, while he was among the shepherds, received the name of Cyrus. Subsequently, being chosen by lot king among his play-fellows, and having boldly scourged such of them as were disobedient to him, a complaint was made to the king by the parents of the boys, who were angry that free-born youths should be lashed with servile stripes by the king's slave. Astyages having sent for the boy and questioned him, and the boy replying, without any change of countenance, that "he had acted as a king," was struck with his high spirit, and reminded of his dream and its interpretation. In consequence, as both the resemblance of his features, the time of his exposure, and the confession of the herdsman, concurred exactly, he acknowledged him as his grandson. And since he seemed to have had his dream accomplished, by the boy's exercise of rule among the shepherds, he subdued his feelings of animosity; but with regard to him only; for, being incensed with his friend Harpagus, he, in revenge for the preservation of his grandson, killed his son, |8 and gave him to his father to eat. Harpagus, dissembling his resentment for the present, deferred showing his malice towards the king, until a proper time for vengeance should occur.
Some time having elapsed, and Cyrus being grown up, Harpagus, prompted by his resentment for the loss of his child, wrote him an account how he had been banished to the Persians by his grandfather; how his grandfather had ordered him to be killed when he was an infant; how he had been saved by his kindness; how he himself had incurred the king's displeasure, and how he had lost his son. He exhorted him to raise an army, and march directly to seize the throne, promising that the Medes should join him. This letter, because it could not be conveyed openly, as the king's guards occupied all the roads, was enclosed in the body of a hare, of which the bowels had been taken out; and the hare was committed to a trusty slave, to be carried into Persia to Cyrus. Nets were also given him, that the plot might be concealed under the appearance of a hunting expedition.
VI. Cyrus, after reading the letter, was exhorted in a dream to make the same attempt; but was also admonished to take the first man that he should meet on the following day, as a companion in his enterprize. Commencing his journey from the country, accordingly, before it was light, he met a slave named Soebaris, coming from the slave-house of a certain Mede. Having questioned him as to his birth-place, and hearing that he was born in Persia, he knocked off his fetters, took him with him as his companion, and returned to Per-sepolis. Here, having called the people together, he ordered them all to attend him with axes, and to cut down a wood that skirted each side of the road. When they had thoroughly accomplished this, he invited them on the following day to a feast prepared for them. Then, as soon as he saw them exhilarated with the banquet, he asked them, "if an offer were made them, which sort of life they would choose, a life of labour like that of yesterday, or of feasting like the present?" As they all exclaimed, "A life of feasting like the present," he told them that, "as long as they obeyed the Medes, they must lead a life like the drudgery of yesterday; but, if they would follow him, a life like the present entertainment." All expressing their joy, he made war upon the Medes. |9
Astyages, forgetting his treatment of Harpagus, entrusted him with the management of the war. Harpagus immediately delivered up the forces, which he had received from Astyages, to Cyrus, and took revenge for the king's cruelty by a treacherous desertion of him. Astyages, hearing of this occurrence, and collecting troops from all quarters, marched against the Persians in person. Having vigorously renewed the contest, he posted part of his army, while his men were fighting, in their rear, and ordered that those who turned back should be driven on the enemy with the point of the sword; telling them that, "unless they conquered, they would find men in their rear not less stout than those in their front; and they were therefore to consider whether they would penetrate the one body by fleeing, or the other body by fighting." In consequence of this obligation to fight, great spirit and vigour was infused into his army. As the Persian troops, therefore, were driven back, and were gradually retiring, their mothers and wives ran to meet them, and besought them to return to the field. While they hesitated, they took up their garments, and showed them the secret parts of their persons, asking them, "if they would shrink back into the wombs of their mothers or their wives." Checked with this reproach, they returned to the battle, and, making a vigorous assault, compelled those from whom they had fled to flee in their turn. In this battle Astyages was taken prisoner; from whom Cyrus took nothing but his kingdom, and, acting towards him the part rather of a grandson than of a conqueror, made him ruler of the powerful nation of the Hyrcanians; for to the Medes he was unwilling to return. Such was the termination of the empire of the Medes, who had ruled three hundred and fifty years.
VII. In the beginning of his reign, Cyrus appointed Soebaris (his companion in his undertakings, whom, in conformity with his dream, he had released from the slave-house, and made a sharer in all his enterprises), governor of Persia, and gave him his sister in marriage. But several cities, which had been tributary to the Medes, thinking that their condition was changed by this change in the government, revolted from Cyrus; a revolt which was the occasion and source of many wars against him. When he had at length, however, reduced most of them to submission, and was carrying |10 on war against the Babylonians, Croesus, king of Lydia, whose power and riches were at that time extraordinary, came to the aid of that people, but, being soon defeated and abandoned, fled back to his kingdom. Cyrus, after his victory, as soon as he had settled affairs in Babylonia, transferred the war into Lydia, where he easily routed the army of Craesus, already dispirited by the event of the former battle. Croesus himself was taken prisoner. But in proportion to the smallness of the danger in the battle, was the greatness of the clemency shown by Cyrus on his victory. To Croesus was granted his life, part of his hereditary possessions, and the city Barene,17 in. which he lived, though not the life of a king, yet one scarcely inferior to royal dignity. This lenity was of no less advantage to the conqueror than to the conquered; for when it was known that war was made upon Craesus, auxiliaries flocked to him from the whole of Greece, 18 as if to extinguish a conflagration that threatened them all; so popular was Croesus in all the Greek cities; and Cyrus would have incurred a heavy war with Greece, if he had resolved on any severe treatment of Croesus.
Some time after, when Cyrus was engaged in other wars, the Lydians rebelled, and, being a second time conquered, their arms and horses were taken from them, and they were compelled to keep taverns, to turn their thoughts to amusements, and open houses of pleasure. Thus a nation, formerly powerful through its industry, and brave in the field, was rendered effeminate by ease and luxury, and lost its ancient spirit; and those whom their wars had proved invincible till the time of Cyrus, idleness and sloth overpowered when they had fallen into dissoluteness of manners.
The Lydians had many kings before Craesus, remarkable for various turns of fate; but none to be compared, in singularity |11 of fortune, to Candaules. This prince used to speak of his wife, on whom he doated for her extreme beauty, to every body, for he was not content with the quiet consciousness of his happiness, unless he also published the secrets of his married life; just as if silence concerning her beauty had been a detraction from it. At last, to gain credit to his representations, he showed her undressed to his confidant, Gyges; an act by which he both rendered his friend, who was thus tempted to corrupt his wife, his enemy, and alienated his wife from him, by transferring, as it were, her love to another; for, soon after, the murder of Candaules was stipulated as the condition of her marriage with Gyges, and the wife, making her husband's blood her dowry, bestowed at once his kingdom and herself on her paramour.
VIII. Cyrus, after subduing Asia,19 and reducing the whole of the east under his power, made war upon the Scythians. At that time, the Scythians were ruled by a queen named Tomyris, who, not alarmed like a woman at the approach of an enemy, suffered them to pass the river Araxes, though she might have hindered them from passing it; thinking that it would be easier for her to fight within the limits of her kingdom, and that escape would be harder for the enemy from the obstruction of the river. Cyrus accordingly, having carried his troops across, and advanced some distance into Scythia, pitched his camp. On the day following, having quitted his camp in pretended alarm, and as if in full flight, he left behind him abundance of wine, and such things as were proper for a feast. The news of this event being brought to the queen, she despatched her son, a very young man, with a third part of her army, in pursuit of him. When they reached the camp of Cyrus, the youth, inexperienced in military matters, seeming to think he was come to feast and not to fight, paid no attention
to the enemy, but allowed his barbarians, who were unused to wine, to overload themselves with it; so that the Scythians were overcome with wine before they were subdued by the enemy; for Cyrus, learning what had happened, and returning in the night, fell upon them unawares, 20 and killed all the Scythians together with the queen's son. |12
But Tomyris, after losing so great an army, and, what she still more lamented, her only son, did not pour forth her sorrow for her loss in tears, but turned her thoughts to the solace of revenge, and entrapped her enemies, exulting in their recent victory, by a deception and stratagem similar to their own. For, counterfeiting timidity on account of the damage which she had received, and taking to flight, she allured Cyrus into a narrow defile, where, placing an ambush on the hills, she slew two hundred thousand of the Persians with their king himself; a triumph in which this also was remarkable, that not a man to tell of such a massacre survived. The queen ordered the head of Cyrus to be cut off and thrown into a vessel full of human blood, adding this exclamation against his cruelty, "Satiate thyself with blood for which thou hast thirsted, and of which thou hast always been insatiable." Cyrus reigned thirty years, and was a man wonderfully distinguished, not only in the beginning of his reign, but during the whole course of his life.
IX. He was succeeded by his son Cambyses, who added Egypt to his father's dominions, but, disgusted at the superstitions of the Egyptians, ordered the temples of Apis and the other gods to be demolished. He also sent an army to destroy the celebrated temple of Ammon; which army was overwhelmed with tempests and heaps of sand, and utterly annihilated. Afterwards he learned in a dream that his brother Smerdis was to be king. Alarmed at this vision, he did not scruple to add fratricide 21 to sacrilege; nor was it to be expected, indeed, that he, who, in contempt of religion, had braved the gods themselves, would spare his own relations. To execute this cruel service, he selected from his confidants a man named Prexaspes, one of the Magi. But in the mean time, he himself, being severely hurt in the thigh by his sword, which had started out of its sheath,22 died of the wound, and |13 paid the penalty whether of the fratricide which he had intended, or of the sacrilege which he had perpetrated. The Magus, receiving intelligence of this event, despatched his commission before the report of the king's death was spread abroad, and, having killed Smerdis, to whom the kingdom belonged, set up in his room his own brother Orospastes, who closely resembled him in features and person, and, no one suspecting any imposture in the case, Orospastes was declared king instead of Smerdis. This transaction was the more easily kept secret, as, among the Persians, the person of. the king is concealed from public view, under pretext of keeping his majesty inviolate. The Magi,23 to gain the favour of the people, granted a remission of the taxes, and an immunity from military service, for three years, that they might secure by indulgence and bounties the kingdom which they had gained by fraud. The imposition was first suspected by Otanes, a man of noble birth, and extremely happy in forming conjectures. He accordingly, by the aid of certain agents, inquired of his daughter, who was one of the royal concubines, whether the son of king Cyrus was now king. She replied that "she neither knew, nor could learn from any other woman, as all the females were shut up in separate apartments." He then desired her to feel his head while he was asleep; as Cambyses had cut off both the Magus's ears. Being then assured by his daughter that "the king was without ears," he disclosed the affair to some of the Persian noblemen, and, having persuaded them to murder the pretended king, bound them to the commission of the deed by a solemn oath. To this conspiracy seven only were privy, who at once (lest if time were allowed for change of mind, the affair should be made public by any one) proceeded to the palace with swords hidden under their garments. Here, having killed all that they met, they made their way to the Magi, who indeed did not want courage to defend themselves, for they drew their swords and killed two of the conspirators. They were overpowered, however, by numbers. Gobryas, having seized one of them by the waist, and his companions hesitating to use |14 their swords, lest, as the affair was transacted in the dark, they should stab him instead of the Magus, desired them to thrust the weapon into the Magus even through his body; but, as good fortune directed, the Magus was slain, and Gobryas escaped unhurt.
X. The Magi being slain, the glory of the noblemen, in having recovered the kingdom, was indeed great, but proved far greater in this, that when they came to debate about the disposal of it, they were able to act in concert. They were so equal in merit and nobility of birth, that their very equality would have rendered it hard for the people to make a selection from them. They themselves, therefore, contrived a method by which they might refer the judgment respecting them to religion 24 and fortune, and agreed that, on an appointed day, they should all bring their horses early in the morning before the palace, and that he whose horse should neigh first, on the rising of the sun, 25 should be king. For the Persians believe the sun to be the only god, and regard horses as sacred to the god. Among the conspirators was Darius the son of Hystaspes, to whom, when he felt anxious about his chance of the kingdom, his groom said that, "if that matter was the only obstacle to his success, there would not be the least difficulty about it." The groom then took the horse, in the night before the appointed day, to the place agreed upon, and there let him cover a mare, thinking that from the pleasure of the leap would result what actually came to pass. On the next day, accordingly, when they were all met at the appointed hour, the horse of Darius, recognizing the place, set up a neigh from desire for the mare, and, while the other horses were silent, was the first to give a fortunate signal for his master. Such was the moderation of the other nobles, that when they heard the omen, they immediately leaped from their horses, and saluted Darius as king. The whole people too, following the judgment of their chiefs, acknowledged him as their ruler. Thus the kingdom of the Persians, recovered by |15 the valour of seven of its noblest men, was by so easy a mode of decision conferred upon one of them. It is incredible that they should have resigned, with so much patience, their pretensions to a kingdom, for which, in order to recover it from the Magi, they had not hesitated to expose their lives. However, besides possessing gracefulness of person, and merit deserving of such an empire, Darius was related to the preceding kings; and, in the beginning of his reign, he took to wife the daughter of Cyrus, in order to strengthen his kingdom by a royal marriage, so that it might not so much, seem transferred to a stranger, as to be restored to Cyrus's family.
Some time after, when the Assyrians had revolted and seized upon Babylon, and the capture of the city proved difficult, so that the king was in great anxiety about it, Zopyrus, one of the assassins of the Magi, caused himself to be mangled with stripes, in his own house, over his whole body, and his nose, ears, and lips to be cut off, and in this condition presented himself unexpectedly before the king; when he privately informed Darius, who was astonished, and inquired the cause and author of so dire an outrage, with what object he had done it, and, having settled his plan of action for the future, set out for Babylon in the character of a deserter. There he showed the people his lacerated body; complained of the barbarity of the king, by whom, in the competition for the throne, he had been defeated, not by merit but by fortune, not by the judgment of men but by the neighing of a horse; and bade them form an opinion, from his treatment of his friends, what was to be apprehended by his enemies; exhorting them not to trust to their walls more than to their arms, and to allow him, whose resentment was fresher, to carry on the war in common with them. The nobleness and bravery of the man was known to them all; nor did they doubt of his sincerity, of which they had the wounds on his person, and the marks of his ill-usage, as proofs. He was therefore chosen general by the suffrages of all; and, having received a small body of men, and the Persians, once or twice, purposely retreating from the field, he fought some successful battles. At last he betrayed the whole army, with which he had been entrusted, to Darius, and brought the city under his power. Some time after, Darius |16 made war upon the Scythians, as shall be related in the following book.
BOOK II
Account of the Scythians and their actions, I., II., III.----The Amazons, IV.----The war of the Scythians with their slaves; the expeditions of Darius against the Scythians and Ionians, V.----The Athenians, and Solon, VI., VII.----Pisistratus, VIII.----Hippias, being exiled, brings the Persians against Greece; the battle of Marathon; Miltiades, IX.----The sons of Darius; Xerxes invades Greece, X.----Leonidas at Thermopylae, XI.----The battle of Salamis, XII.----Mardonius; the flight of Xerxes, XIII.----The battle of Plataeae, XIV.----The walls of Athens; Pausanias; Aristides; Cimon, XV.
I. IN narrating the acts of the Scythians, which were very great and glorious, we must commence from their origin; for they had a rise not less illustrious than their empire; nor were they more famous for the government of their men than for the brave actions of their women. As the men were founders of the Parthians and Bactrians, the women settled the kingdom of the Amazons; so that to those who compare the deeds of their males and females, it is difficult to decide which of the sexes was more distinguished.
The nation of the Scythians was always regarded as very ancient; though there was long a dispute between them and the Egyptians concerning the antiquity of their respective races; the Egyptians alleging that, "In the beginning of things, when some countries were parched with the excessive heat of the sun, and others frozen with extremity of cold, so that, in their early condition, they were not only unable to produce human beings, but were incapable even of receiving and supporting such as came from other parts (before coverings for the body were found out against heat and cold, or the inconveniences of countries corrected by artificial remedies), Egypt was always so temperate, that neither the cold in winter nor the sun's heat in summer, incommoded its inhabitants; and its soil so fertile, that no land was ever more productive of food for the use of man; and that, consequently, men must |17reasonably be considered to have been first produced in that country,26 where they could most easily be nourished."
The Scythians, on the other hand, thought that the temperateness of the air was no argument of antiquity; "because Nature, when she first distributed to different countries degrees of heat and cold, immediately produced in them animals fitted to endure the several climates, and generated also numerous sorts of trees and herbs, happily varied according to the condition of the places in which they grew; and that, as the Scythians have a sharper air than the Egyptians, so are their bodies and constitutions in proportion more hardy. But that if the world, which is now distinguished into parts of a different nature, was once uniform throughout; whether a deluge of waters originally kept the earth buried under it; or whether fire, which also produced the world, 27 had possession of all the parts of it, the Scythians, under either supposition as to the primordial state of things, had the advantage as to origin. For if fire was at first predominant over all things, and, being gradually extinguished, gave place to the earth, no part of it would be sooner separated from the fire, by the severity of winter cold, than the northern, since even now no part is more frozen with cold; but Egypt and all the east must have been the latest to cool, as being now burnt up with the parching heat of the sun. But if originally all the earth were sunk under water, assuredly the highest parts would be first uncovered when the waters decreased, and the water must have remained longest in the lowest grounds; while the sooner any portion of the earth was dry, the sooner it must have begun to produce animals; but Scythia was so much higher than all other countries, that all the rivers which rise in it run down into the Maeotis, and then into the Pontic and Egyptian seas; whereas Egypt, (which, though it had been fenced by the care and expense of so many princes and generations, and furnished with such strong mounds against the violence of the encroaching waters, and though it had been intersected also by so many canals, the waters being kept out by the one, and retained by the other, was yet |18 uninhabitable, unless the Nile were excluded,28) could not be thought to have been the most anciently peopled; 29 being a land, which, whether from the accessions of soil collected by its kings, or those from the Nile, bringing mud with it, must appear to have been the most recently formed of all lands." The Egyptians being confounded with these arguments, the Scythians were always accounted the more ancient.
II. Scythia, which stretches towards the east, is bounded on one side by the Pontus Euxinus; on the other, by the Rhipaean Mountains; at the back,30 by Asia 31 and the river Phasis. It extends to a vast distance, both in length and breadth. The people have no landmarks, for they neither cultivate the soil, nor have they any house, dwelling, or settled place of abode, but are always engaged in feeding herds and flocks, and wandering through uncultivated deserts. They carry their wives and children with them in waggons, 32 which, as they are covered with hides against the rain and cold, they use instead of houses. Justice is observed among them, more from the temper of the people, than from the influence of laws. No crime in their opinion is more heinous than theft; for, among people that keep their flocks and herds without fence or shelter in the woods, what would be safe, if stealing were permitted? Gold and silver they despise, as much as other men covet them. They live on milk and honey. The use of wool and clothes is unknown among them, although they are pinched by perpetual cold; they wear, however, the skins of wild animals, great and small. 33 Such abstemiousness |19 has caused justice to be observed among them, as they covet nothing belonging to their neighbours; for it is only where riches are of use, that the desire of them prevails. And would that other men had like temperance, and like freedom from desire for the goods of others! There would then assuredly be fewer wars in all ages and countries, and the sword would not destroy more than the natural course of destiny. And it appears extremely wonderful, that nature should grant that to them which the Greeks cannot attain by long instruction from their wise men and the precepts of their philosophers; and that cultivated morals should have the disadvantage in a comparison with those of unpolished barbarians. So much better effect has the ignorance of vice in the one people than the knowledge of virtue in the other.
III. They thrice 34 aspired to the supreme command in Asia; while they themselves remained always either unmolested or unconquered by any foreign power. Darius, king of the Persians, they forced to quit Scythia in disgraceful flight. They slew Cyrus with his whole army. They cut off in like manner Zopyrion, a general of Alexander the Great, with all his forces. Of the arms of the Romans they have heard, but never felt them. They founded the Parthian and Bactrian powers. They are a nation hardy in toils and warfare; their strength of body is extraordinary; they take possession of nothing which they fear to lose, and covet, when they are conquerors, nothing but glory.
The first that proclaimed war against the Scythians was Sesostris, king of Egypt, previously sending messengers 35 to announce conditions on which they might become his subjects. But the Scythians, who were already apprized by their neighbours of the king's approach, made answer to the deputies, that the prince of so rich a people had been foolish in commencing a war with a poor one (for war was more to be dreaded by himself at home), as the result of the contest waa uncertain, prizes of victory there were none, and the ill consequences of defeat were apparent; and that the Scythians, |20 therefore, would not wait till he came to them, since there was so much more to be desired in the hands of the enemy, but would proceed of their own accord to seek the spoil." Nor were their deeds slower than their words; and the king, hearing that they were advancing with such speed, took to flight,36 and leaving behind him his army and all his military stores, returned in consternation to his own kingdom. The morasses prevented the Scythians from invading Egypt; in their retreat from which they subdued Asia, and made it tributary, imposing, however, only a moderate tribute, rather as a token of their power over it, than as a recompence for their victory. After spending fifteen years in the réduction of Asia, they were called home by the importunity of their wives, who sent them word that "unless their husbands returned, they would seek issue from their neighbours, and not suffer the race of the Scythians to fail of posterity through the fault of their women." Asia was tributary to them for fifteen hundred years; and it was Ninus, king of Assyria, that put a stop to the payment of the tribute.
IV. Among the Scythians, in the meantime, two youths 37 of royal extraction, Ylinos and Scolopitus, being driven from their country by a faction of the nobility, took with them a numerous band of young men, and found a settlement on the coast of Cappaclocia, near the river Thermodon, occupying the Themiscyrian plains that border on it. Here, making it their practice for several years to rob their neighbours, they were at last, by a combination of the surrounding people, cut to pieces in an ambuscade. Their wives, when they found that to exile was added the loss of their husbands, took arms themselves, and maintained their position, repelling the attacks of their enemies at first, and afterwards assailing them in return. They relinquished all thoughts of marrying with their neighbours, saying that it would be slavery, not matrimony. Venturing to set an example unimitated through all generations, they established their government without the aid of men, and |21 soon maintained their power in defiance of them. And that none of their females might seem more fortunate than others, they put to death all the men who had remained at home. They also took revenge for their husbands that were killed in war, by a great slaughter of their neighbours.
Having thus secured peace by means of their arms, they proceeded, in order that their race might not fail, to form connexions with the men of the adjacent nations. If any male children were born, they put them to death. The girls they bred up to the same mode of life with themselves, not consigning them to idleness, or working in wool, but training them to arms, the management of horses, and hunting; burning their right breasts in infancy, that their use of the bow might not be obstructed by them; and hence they were called Amazons.38 They had two queens, Marpesia and Lampedo, who, dividing their forces into two bodies (after they were grown famous for their power), conducted their wars, and defended their borders separately and by turns. And that a reason for their success might not be wanting, they spread a report that they were the daughters of Mars.
After subduing the greater part of Europe, they possessed themselves also of some cities in Asia. + Having then founded Ephesus and several other towns there, they sent a detachment of their army home, laden with a vast quantity of spoil. The rest, who remained to secure their power in Asia, were cut to pieces, together with their queen Marpesia, by a combination of the barbarous tribes. Orithya, the daughter oi Marpesia, succeeded to the government in her room, and has attracted extraordinary admiration, not only for her eminent skill in war, but for having preserved her virginity to the end of her life. So much was added by her valour and conduct to the fame and glory of the Amazons, that the king, for whom Hercules was bound to perform twelve labours, ordered him, as if it were a thing impossible, to bring him the arms of the queen of the Amazons. Hercules, accordingly, having proceeded thither with nine ships of war, the principal young men of Greece accompanying him, attacked the Amazons unawares. Two sisters at this time held the government, Antiope and Orithya; but Orithya was engaged in a war |22 abroad. When Hercules, therefore, landed on the coast of the Amazons, there was but a small number of them there with their queen Antiope, free from all apprehension of hostilities. Hence it happened that a few only, roused by the sudden alarm, took up arms, and these afforded an easy conquest to the enemy. Many were slain, and many taken prisoners; among the latter were two sisters of Antiope, Menalippe being taken by Hercules, and Hippolyte by Theseus. Theseus, having received his prisoner as his share of the spoil, took her to wife, and had by her his son Hippolytus. Hercules, after his victory, restored his captive Menalippe to her sister, receiving the arms of the queen as a recompence; and having thus executed what was imposed on him, he returned to the king.
But Orithya, when she found that war had been maae upon her sister, and that the assailant was a chief of the Athenians, exhorted her followers to revenge the affront, saying that the "coast of the Pontus, and Asia, had been conquered in vain, if they were still exposed, not merely to the wars, but to the marauding invasions, of the Greeks." She then solicited aid from Sagillus, king of Scythia; representing to him "their Scythian descent, the loss of their husbands, their obligation to take arms, and their reasons for making war;" adding, "that they had proved by their valour, that the Scythians must be thought to have women not less spirited than their men." Sagillus, alive to the glory of his nation, sent his son Panasagoras, with a numerous body of cavalry, to their aid. But some disagreement having occurred before the battle, they were deserted by their auxiliaries, and worsted in the conflict by the Athenians. They had, however, the camp of their allies as a place of refuge, under whose protection, they returned to their kingdom unmolested by other nations.
After Orithya, Penthesilea occupied the throne, of whose valour there were seen great proofs among the bravest heroes in the Trojan war, when she led an auxiliary force thither against the Greeks. But Penthesilea being at last killed, and her army destroyed, a few only of the Amazons, who had remained at home in their own country, established a power that continued (defending itself with difficulty against its neighbours), to the time of Alexander the Great. Their queen Minithya, or Thalestris, after obtaining from Alexander |23 the enjoyment of his society for thirteen days, in order to have issue by him, returned into her kingdom, and soon after died, together with the whole name of the Amazons.
V. The Scythians, in their Asiatic expedition, having been absent from their wives and children eight years, were met on their return home by a war raised by their slaves. For their wives, weary of waiting so long for their husbands, and thinking that they were not detained by war, but had perished in the field, married their slaves that had been left at home to take care of the cattle; who, taking up arms, repelled their masters, returning with victory, from the borders of their country, as if they had been strangers. Success against them being uncertain, the Scythians were advised to change their method of attack, remembering that they were not to fight with soldiers, but with slaves, who were to be conquered, not by means of arms, but of magisterial authority; that whips, not weapons, were to be used in the field; and that, swords being laid aside, rods and scourges, and other instruments of terror to slaves, were to be provided. This suggestion being approved, and all being equipped as was prescribed, the Scythians, as soon as they drew near the enemy, held out scourges towards them unexpectedly, and struck them such terror, that they conquered with the dread of stripes those whom they could not conquer with the sword, and who took to flight, not as defeated enemies, but as fugitive slaves. As many as could be taken, paid the penalty for their rebellion on the cross. The women too, conscious of their ill conduct, put an end to their lives partly by the sword and partly by hanging.
After this occurrence, there was peace among the Scythians till the time of king Jancyrus, on whom Darius, king of Persia, as was said above, made war, because he could not obtain his daughter in marriage. Darius, having entered Scythia with seven hundred thousand armed men, and the enemy allowing him no opportunity of fighting, dreading lest, if the bridge over the Ister were broken down, his retreat should be cut off, hurried back in alarm, with the loss of eighty thousand men; which loss, however, out of so vast a, number, was scarcely accounted a disaster. Darius afterwards subdued Asia and Macedonia, and defeated the Ionians in a fight at sea. Then, learning that the Athenians had given |24 aid to the Ionians against him, he turned all his warlike fury upon them.
VI. Since we have now come to the wars of the Athenians, which were carried on, not only beyond expectation as to what could be done, but even beyond belief as to what was done, the efforts of that people having been successful beyond their hopes, the origin of their city must be briefly set forth; for they did not, like other nations, rise to eminence from a mean commencement, but are the only people that can boast, not only of their rise, but also of their birth. It was not a concourse of foreigners, or a rabble of people collected from different parts, that raised their city, but men who were born on the same ground which they inhabit; and the country which is their place of abode, was also their birthplace. It was they who first taught 39 the art of working iri wool, and the use of oil and wine. They also showed men, who had previously fed on acorns, how to plough and sow. Literature and eloquence, it is certain, and the state of civil discipline which we enjoy, had Athens as their temple. Before Deucalion's time, they had a king named Cecrops, whom, as all antiquity is full of fables, they represented tc have been of both sexes, because he was the first to join male and female in marriage. To him succeeded Cranaus, whose daughter Atthis gave name to the country. After him reigned Amphictyon, who first consecrated the city to Minerva, and gave it the name of Athens. In his days, a deluge swept away the greater part of the inhabitants of Greece. Those only escaped, whom a refuge on the mountains protected, or who went off in ships to Deucalion, king of Thessaly, by whom, from this circumstance, the human race is said to have been restored. The crown then descended, in the course of succession, to Erectheus, in whose reign the sowing of corn was commenced by Triptolemus at Eleusis; in commemoration of which benefit the nights sacred to the mysteries of Ceres were appointed. Aegeus also, the father of Theseus, was king of Athens, from whom Medea divorcing herself, on account of the adult age of her step-son, returned to Colchis with her son Medus, whom she had had by Aegeus. After Aegeus reigned Theseus, and after Theseus his son |25 Demophoon, who afforded aid to the Greeks against the Trojans. Between the Athenians and Dorians there had been animosities of long standing, which the Dorians, intending to revenge in war, consulted the oracle about the event of the contest. The answer was, that the "Dorians would have the advantage, if they did not kill the king of the Athenians." When they came into the field, the Doric soldiers were charged above all things to take care not to attack the king. At that time the king of the Athenians was Codrus, who, learning the answer of the god and the directions of the enemy,-laid aside his royal dress, and entered the camp of the enemy in rags, with a bundle of sticks on his back. Here, among a crowd of people that stood in his way, he was killed by a soldier whom he had purposely wounded with a pruning knife. His body being recognized as that of the king, the Dorians went off without coming to battle; and thus the Athenians, through the bravery of a prince who submitted to death for the safety of his country, were relieved from war.
VII. After Codrus there was no king at Athens; a cirurn stance which is attributed to the respect paid to his memory. The government of the state was placed in the hands of magistrates elected annually. At this period the people had no laws, for the wills of their princes had always been received instead of laws. Solon, a man of eminent integrity, was in consequence chosen to found the state, as it were afresh, by the establishment of laws. This man acted with such judicious moderation between the commons and the senate (though whatever he proposed in favour of one class, seemed likely to displease the other), that he received equal thanks from both parties. Among many illustrious acts of Solon, the following is eminently worthy of record. A war had been carried on between the Athenians and Megarians, concerning their respective claims to the island of Salamis, almost to the utter destruction of both. After many defeats, it was made a capital offence at Athens to propose a law for the recovery of the island. Solon, anxious lest he should injure his country by keeping silence, or himself by expressing his opinion, pretended to be suddenly seized with madness, under cover of which he might not only say, but do, what was prohibited. In a strange garb, like an insane person, he rushed |26 forth into the public streets, where, having collected a crowd about him, he began, that he might the better conceal his design, to urge the people in verse (which he was unaccustomed to make), to do what was forbidden, and produced such an effect on the minds of all, that war was instantly decreed against the Megarians; and the enemy being defeated, the island became subject to the Athenians.
VIII. After a time, the Megarians, cherishing the remembrance of the war made upon them by the Athenians, and fearing that they might be said to have taken up arms to no purpose, went on board a fleet with a design to seize the Athenian matrons as they were celebrating the Eleusinian mysteries during the night. Their intention becoming known, Pisistratus, the Athenian general, placed a body of young men in ambush to receive them, directing the matrons, at the same time, to continue the celebration of the sacred rites with their usual cries and noise, even while the enemy were approaching, in order that they might not know that their coming was expected; and thus attacking the Megarians unawares, just as they were leaving their ships, he put them all to the sword. Immediately after, having taken some women with his men on board the fleet which he had seized, to appear like captured matrons of the Athenians, he set sail for Megara. The Megarians, seeing ships of their own build approaching, apparently with the desired prey on board, went out to the harbour to meet them. Pisistratus cut them to pieces, and almost succeeded in taking their city. Thus the Megarians, having their own stratagem turned against them, afforded their enemies a triumph.
But Pisistratus, as if he had conquered for himself and not for his country, possessed himself of the sovereign authority by a subtle contrivance. Having undergone a voluntary scourging in his own house, he ran out, with his body lacerated, into the open street, and, having summoned an assembly of the people, showed them his wounds, complaining of the cruelty of the great men of the city, from whom he pretended to have received this treatment. Tears were joined to his words, and the credulous mob was easily inflamed be a calumnious speech, in which he affirmed that he had incurred the hatred of the senate by showing his love for the common people. He thus obtained a guard for the protection |27 of his person, by the aid of which he got the sovereign power into his hands, and reigned thirty-three years.
IX. After his death Diocles,40 one of his sons, having offered violence to a maiden, was slain by her brother. His other son, whose name was Hippias, taking upon him the authority of his father, ordered the murderer of his brother to be apprehended; who, being forced by torture to name those that were privy to the murder, named all the intimate friends of the tyrant. These being put to death, and Hippias asking him "whether any of the guilty still survived," he replied, that "there was no one surviving whom he should more rejoice to see die than the tyrant himself." By which answer he proved himself superior to the tyrant, after having avenged, too, the violated honour of his sister.
The city being animated, through his spirited conduct, with a desire for liberty, Hippias was at last deprived of his power, and driven into exile. Setting out for Persia, he offered himself as a leader to Darius against his own country; Darius being then, as has been said before, ready to make war on the Athenians. The Athenians, hearing of Darius's approach, requested assistance from the Lacedaemonians, who were then in alliance with them. But finding that they delayed at home four days, in consequence of some religious scruple, they did not wait for their help, but, having mustered ten thousand of their own citizens, and a thousand auxiliaries from Plataeae, went out to battle in the plain of Marathon, against six hundred thousand of the enemy. Miltiades was both their general in the field, and the person who advised them not to wait for assistance, being possessed with such confidence of success, that he thought there was more trust to be placed in expedition than in their allies. Great, therefore, was their spirit as they proceeded to battle; so that, though there were a thousand paces between the two armies, they came full speed upon the enemy before their arrows were discharged. Nor did the result fall short of their daring; for such was the courage with which they fought, that you might have supposed there were men on one side and a herd of cattle on the other. The Persians, utterly defeated, fled to their ships, of which many were sunk and many taken. In this battle, the bravery of every individual was such, that it was difficult to determine |28 to whom the highest praise was due. Amongst others, however, the heroism of Themistocles, then a young man, was greatly distinguished; in whom, even then, appeared a genius indicative of his future eminence as a general. The merit of Cynaegirus, too, an Athenian soldier, has met with great commendation from historians; for, after having slain a great number in the battle, and having chased the fleeing enemy to their ships, he seized a crowded vessel with his right hand, and would not let it go till he had lost his hand; and even then, when his right hand was cut off, he took hold of the ship with his left, and having lost this hand also, he at last seized the ship with his teeth. So undaunted was his spirit, that neither being weary with killing so many, nor disheartened with the loss of his hands, he fought to the last maimed as he was, with his teeth, like a wild beast. The Persians lost two thousand men in the battle or by shipwreck. Hippias also, the Athenian tyrant, who was the promoter and encourager of the war, was killed on the occasion; the gods, the avengers of his country, inflicting on him the penalty of his perfidy.
X. Some time after, Darius, when he was going to renew the war, died in the midst of his preparations for it, leaving behind him several sons, some born before his accession to the crown, and others after it. Artemenes, the eldest of them, claimed the kingdom by the law of primogeniture, a law which he said that both order of birth and nature herself had prescribed to all nations. Xerxes, however, alleged, that the dispute was not so much about the order as the good fortune of their birth; for that "Artemenes was born first indeed to Darius, but while he was in a private station; that he himself was born to him first after he was king; and that, consequently, such of his brothers as were born before him might claim, the private estate which Darius then possessed, but could have no claim to the kingdom; he himself being the first-born whom his father, when king, had bred up to succeed him on the throne.41 In addition to this," he said, "Artemenes was sprung, not only from a father but from a mother in a private condition, and from a maternal grandfather of similar station; but he himself was both sprung from a |29 mother who was a queen, and had never known his father except as a king; he had also for his maternal grandfather king Cyrus, not the heir, but the founder of so great an empire; and even if their father had left both brothers with equal claims, yet he himself ought to have the advantage in right of his mother and grandfather." The settlement of the controversy they left, with mutual consent, to their uncle Artaphernes, as the fittest judge of their family differences; who, having heard their pleas in his own house, decided in favour of Xerxes. But the contest was conducted in so brotherly a way, that neither did he who gained the cause show any unseemly triumph, nor did he who lost it express dissatisfaction; and, during the very time of the contention, they sent presents to one another, and gave such entertainments, as showed not only mutual confidence, but pleasure in each other's society. The judgment, too, was pronounced without witnesses, and heard without a murmur. So much more contentedly did brothers then share the greatest kingdoms, than they now divide the smallest estates!
Xerxes then proceeded, during five years, with his preparations for the war against Greece, which his father had commenced. As soon as Demaratus, king of the Lacedaemonians, who was then an exile at the court of Xerxes, understood his intentions, he, feeling more regard for his country, notwithstanding his banishment, than for the king in return for his favours, sent full intelligence of the matter to the magistrates of the Lacedaemonians, that they might not be surprised by an unexpected attack; writing the account on wooden tablets, and hiding the writing with wax spread over it; taking care, however, not merely that writing without a cover might not give proof against him, but that too fresh wax might not betray the contrivance. These tablets he committed to a trusty slave, who was ordered to deliver them into the hands of the authorities at Sparta. When they were received, the object of them was long a matter of inquiry, because the magistrates could see nothing written on them, and yet could not imagine that they were sent to no purpose; and they thought the matter must be momentous in proportion to its mysteriousness. While the men were still engaged in conjecture, the sister of king Leonidas surmised the writer's intention. The wax being accordingly scraped off. the account of the |30 warlike preparations appeared. Xerxes had already armed seven hundred thousand men of his own kingdom, and three hundred thousand of his auxiliaries; so that there was some ground for the assertion that rivers were drunk up by his army, and that all Greece could scarcely contain it. He is also said to have had a fleet of twelve hundred ships. But for this vast army a general was wanting; for if you contemplate its king, you could not commend his capacity as a leader, however you might extol his wealth, of which there was such abundance in his realm, that, while rivers were drained by his forces, his treasury was still unexhausted. He was always seen foremost in flight, and hindmost in battle; he was a coward in danger, and when danger was away, a boaster; and, in fine, before he made trial of war, elated with confidence in his strength (as if he had been lord of nature itself), he levelled mountains, filled up valleys, covered some seas with bridges, and contracted others, for the convenience of navigation, into shorter channels.
XI. In proportion to the terror of his entrance into Greece, was the shame and dishonour of his retreat from it. Leonidas, king of the Spartans, having occupied the straits of Thermopylae with four thousand men, Xerxes, in contempt of so small a number, ordered such of the Persians as had lost relatives in the battle of Marathon, to commence an attack upon them; who, while they endeavoured to avenge their friends, were the first to be slaughtered, and a useless multitude taking their place, the havoc became still greater. For three days was the struggle maintained, to the grief and indignation of the Persians. On the fourth, it being told Leonidas that the summit of the mountain was occupied by twenty thousand of the enemy, he exhorted the allies "to retire, and reserve themselves to their country for better times;" saying, that "he himself would try his fortune with the Spartans; that he ought to care more for his country than for his life, and that others should be preserved for the defence of Greece." On hearing the king's resolution, the rest retired, the Lacedaemonians alone remaining.
At the beginning of the war, when the Spartans consulted the oracle at Delphi, they had received the answer, that "either the king or their city must fall." King Leonidas, accordingly, when he proceeded to battle, had so fixed the |31 resolution of his men, that they felt they must go to the field with minds prepared for death. He had posted himself in a narrow pass, too, that he might either conquer more gloriously with a few, or fall with less damage to his country. The allies being therefore sent away, he exhorted his Spartans "to remember that, however they struggled, they must expect to perish; to take care not to show more resolution to stay than to fight;" adding that, "they must not wait till they were surrounded by the enemy, but when night afforded them opportunity, must surprise them in security and at their ease; as conquerors could die nowhere more honourably than in the camp of the foe." There was no difficulty in stimulating men determined to die. They immediately seized their arms, and six hundred men rushed into the camp of five hundred thousand, making directly for the king's tent, and resolving either to die with him, or, if they should be overpowered, at least in his quarters. An alarm spread through the whole Persian army. The Spartans being unable to find the king, marched uncontrolled through the whole camp, killing and overthrowing all that stood in their way, like men who knew that they fought, not with the hope of victory, but to avenge their own deaths. The contest was protracted from the beginning of the night through the greater part of the following day. At last, not conquered, but exhausted with conquering, they fell amidst vast heaps of slaughtered enemies. Xerxes, having thus met with two defeats by land, resolved next to try his fortune by sea.
XII. Themistocles, the general of the Athenians, having discovered that the lonians, on whose account they had undertaken this war with the Persians, were come to the assistance of the king with a fleet, resolved to draw them over to his own side. Being unable to find any opportunity of speaking with them, he caused placards to be fixed, and inscriptions to be written, on the rocks where they were to land, to the following effect; "What madness possesses you, O Ionians? What evil are you going to do? Do you intend to make war on those who were formerly your founders, and lately your avengers? Did we build your cities that a people might arise from them to destroy ours? Was it not Darius's reason 42 for attacking us before, and is it not now that of |32 Xerxes, that we did not desert you when you rebelled against them? But pass over from your place of confinement 43 to our camp; or, if this course is unsafe, withdraw when the battle begins; keep back your vessels with your oars, and retire from the engagement." Before this encounter at sea, Xerxes had sent four thousand armed men to plunder the temple of Apollo, as if he had been at war, not with the Greeks only, but with the immortal gods; but the whole of this detachment was destroyed by a storm of rain and thunder, that he might be convinced how feeble human strength is against the powers of heaven. Afterwards he burnt Thespiae, Plataeae, and Athens, all abandoned by their inhabitants; venting his rage on the buildings by fire, since he could not destroy the people by the sword. For the Athenians, after the battle of Marathon, because Themistocles forewarned them that their victory would not be the termination of the war, but the cause of a greater one, had built two hundred ships; and when, at the approach of Xerxes, he consulted the oracle at Delphi, they were answered, that "they must provide for their safety with wooden walls." Themistocles, thinking that defence with shipping was meant, persuaded them all, that "the citizens, not the walls, constituted their country; that a city consisted, not of its buildings, but of its inhabitants; that it would be better for them, therefore, to trust their safety to their ships than to their city; and that the god was the adviser of this course." The counsel being approved, they committed their wives and children, with their most valuable property, to certain islands out of the way; 44 while the men went in arms on board the ships. Other cities also followed the example of the Athenians. But when the whole fleet of the allies was assembled, ready for an engagement, |33 and had posted itself in the narrow strait of Salamis, that it might not be overwhelmed by superior numbers, a dissension arose among the leading men of the different cities, who were disposed to relinquish the plan of a general war, and go off each to defend his own country. Themistocles, fearing that, the strength of his countrymen would be too much weakened by such desertion of their allies, sent intimation to Xerxes by a trusty slave, that "he might now easily make himself master of all Greece, when it was collected in one place; but that if the several states which were inclined to go away should once be dispersed, he would have to pursue each of them singly with far greater trouble." By this stratagem he induced the king to give the signal for battle. The Greeks, at the same time, taken by surprise by the enemy's attack, proceeded to oppose them with their united force. The king, meantime, remained on shore as a spectator of the combat, with part of the ships near him; while Artemisia, queen of Halicarnassus, who had come to the assistance of Xerxes, was fighting with the greatest gallantry among the foremost leaders; so that you might have seen womanish fear in a man,45 and manly boldness in a woman. While the result of the battle was still doubtful, the Ionians, according to the admonition of Themistocles, began gradually to withdraw from the contest; and their desertion broke the courage of the rest. The Persians, as they were considering in which direction they might flee, suffered a repulse, and were soon after utterly defeated, and put to flight. In the confusion, many ships were taken, and many sunk; but the greater number, fearing the king's cruelty not less than the enemy, went off to their respective homes.
XIII. While Xerxes was confounded at his disaster, and doubtful what course to pursue, Mardonius addressed him, advising him "to return home to his kingdom, lest fame, carrying the news of his defeat, and exaggerating every thing according to her custom, should occasion any sedition in his absence; and to leave with him three hundred thousand men-at-arms, chosen from the whole army, with which force he would either subdue Greece to the king's glory, or, if the result should prove unfavourable, would retire before the enemy without dishonour to him." Mardonius's suggestion being approved, |34 the force which he requested was given him, and the king prepared to return home with the rest of the army. The Greeks, hearing of his flight, formed a design to hreak down the bridge, which, as conqueror of the sea, he had made at Abydos; so that, his retreat being cut off, he might either be destroyed with his army, or might be forced, by the desperate state of his affairs, to sue for peace. But Themistocles, fearing that the enemy, if they were stopped, might take courage from despair, and open by their swords a passage not to he opened by other means, and observing that "there were * enemies enough left in Greece, and that the number ought not to be increased by preventing their escape," but finding that he was unable to move his countrymen by his admonitions, despatched the same slave as before to Xerxes, acquainting him of the intention of the Greeks to break down the bridge, and urging him to secure a passage by a speedy flight. Xerxes, alarmed at the message, left his army to be conducted by his generals, and hurried away himself, with a few attendants, to Abydos; where, having found the bridge broken down by the winter storms, he crossed in the utmost trepidation in a fishing-boat. It was a sight worth contemplation for judging of the condition of man,46 so wonderful for its vicissitudes, to see him shrinking down in a little boat, whom shortly before the whole ocean could scarcely contain; to behold him wanting servants to attend him, whose armies had burdened the earth with their numbers! Nor had the land-forces, which he had committed to his generals, a more fortunate retreat; for to their daily fatigue (and there is no rest to men in fear) was added the want of provisions. A famine of several days produced also a pestilential distemper; and so dire was the mortality, that the roads were filled with dead bodies; and birds and beasts of prey, allured by the attraction of food, followed close upon the army.
XIV. In Greece, in the meantime, Mardonius took Olynthus by storm. He also invited the Athenians to listen |35 to offers of peace, and of the king's friendship; promising to rebuild their city, which had been burnt, in greater splendour than before. But when he saw that they would not sell their liberty at any rate, he set fire to what they had begun to rebuild, and led off his army into Boeotia. Thither the army of the Greeks, which consisted of a hundred thousand men, followed him, and there a battle was fought. But the fortune of the king was not changed with the general; for Mardonius, being defeated, escaped, as it were from a shipwreck, with but a small number of followers. His camp, which was filled with the king's treasures, was taken; and hence it was, on the division of the Persian gold among them, that the charms of wealth first attracted the Greeks. By chance, on the same day on which the army of Mardonius was defeated, an engagement was fought by sea near the mountain Mycale, on the coast of Asia. Before the encounter began, and whilst the fleets stood opposite one another, a rumour spread through both parties, chat the Greeks had gained a victory, and that the army of Mardonius was utterly destroyed. It is said that so great was the speed of this report, that when the battle was fought in Baeotia in the morning, the news of the victory arrived in Asia by noon, passing over so much sea, and so large a space of ground, in so very short a time. When the war was over, and they proceeded to consider the respective merits of the cities that had been engaged in it, the bravery of the Athenians was praised above that of any other people. Among the leaders too, Themistocles, being pronounced the most meritorious by the judgment of the several states, added greatly to the glory of his country.
XV. The Athenians, then, being enriched by the spoils of war, as well as in glory, applied themselves to rebuild their city. Having enlarged the compass of their walls, they became an object of suspicion to the Lacedaemonians, naturally reflecting how great power a city, when fortified, might secure to a people for whom it had done so much when in a state of ruin. They therefore sent ambassadors to admonish them that "they should not build what might prove a stronghold for the enemy, and a place of shelter for them in a future war." Themistocles seeing that envy was entertained towards the rising hopes of his city, but not thinking it prudent to deal abruptly with the Spartans, made answer to the ambassadors, that "deputies |36 should be sent to Lacedsemon to confer with them about the matter." After thus dismissing the messengers, he exhorted his countrymen "to expedite the work." Allowing some time to elapse, he set out, with some others, as an embassy to Sparta; but sometimes pretending ill health on the road, sometimes complaining of the tardiness of his colleagues, without whom nothing could be properly done, and thus putting off from day to day, he endeavoured to gain time for his countrymen to finish the erection of their walls. In the meanwhile* word was brought to the Spartans that the work was advancing at Athens with great speed; and they accordingly sent ambassadors a second time to ascertain the truth. Themistocles then sent a letter by the hand of a slave, to the magistrates of the Athenians, desiring them "to take the ambassadors into custody, and keep them as hostages, lest any violent measures should be adopted against himself at Sparta." He then went to the public assembly of the Lacedaemonians, and told them that "Athens was now well fortified, and could sustain a war, if any should be made upon it, not only with arms, but with walls; and that their ambassadors were detained by way of hostages at Athens, in case they should on that account resolve on anything injurious towards himself." He then upbraided them severely "for seeking to increase their power, not by their own valour, but by weakening their allies." Being then permitted to depart, he was received by his countrymen as if he had triumphed over Sparta.
After this occurrence, the Spartans, that they might not impair their strength in idleness, and that they might take vengeance for the war which had been twice made upon Greece by the Persians, proceeded to lay waste the Persian territories. They chose Pausanias to be general of their army, and that of their allies, who, coveting, instead of the mere office of general, the entire sovereignty of Greece, treated with Xerxes for a marriage with his daughter, as a reward foi betraying his country, restoring him, at the same time, his prisoners, that the good feeling of the king might be secured by such an obligation. He wrote also to Xerxes, "to put to death whatever messengers he sent to him, lest the négociation should be betrayed by their babbling." But Aristides, the general of the Athenians, and his associate in the command, by traversing the attempts of his colleague, and taking prudent |37 precautions on the occasion, defeated his treasonable designs. Not long after, Pausanias was brought to trial and condemned. Xerxes, when he found that this perfidious scheme was discovered, made fresh preparations for war. The Greeks nominated as their general Cimon the Athenian, the son of Miltiades, under whose command the battle of Marathon was fought; a young man whose future greatness his manifestations of affection towards his father foretold. For he redeemed the body of his father (who had been thrown into prison on a charge of embezzling the public money, and had died there), taking his fetters on himself,47 that it might receive the rites of sepulture. Nor did he, in his conduct of the war, disappoint the opinion of those who chose him; for, not falling in merit below his father, he forced Xerxes, defeated both by land and sea, to retreat in trepidation to his own dominions.
BOOK III.
Death of Xerxes; Artaxerxes; Artabanus, I.----Origin of the wars between the Athenians and Lacedaemonians; Lycurgus and the Spartan polity, II. III.----First and second wars between the Spartans and Messenians, IV., V.----Third war; commencement of the Peloponnesian war, VI. ---- Continuation of it, Pericles, VII.
I. XERXES, king of Persia, once the terror of the nations around him, became, after his unsuccessful conduct of the war against Greece, an object of contempt even to his own subjects. Artabanus, his chief officer, conceiving hopes of usurping the throne, as the king's authority was every day declining, entered one evening into the palace (which from his intimacy with Xerxes was always open to him), accompanied by his seven stout sons, and, having put the king to death, proceeded to remove by stratagem such of the king's sons as opposed his wishes. Entertaining little apprehension from Artaxerxes, who was but a boy, he pretended that the king had been slain by Darius, who was of full age, that he might have possession of the throne the sooner, and instigated Artaxerxes to revenge parricide by fratricide. When they came to Darius's house, |38 he was found asleep, and killed as if he merely counterfeited sleep.48 But seeing that one of the king's sons was still uninjured by his villany, and fearing a struggle for the throne on the part of the nobles, he took into his councils a certain Bacabasus, who, content that the government should remain in the present family, disclosed the whole matter to Artaxerxes, acquainting him "by what means his father had been killed, and how his brother had been murdered on a false suspicion of parricide; and, finally, how a plot was laid for himself." On this information, Artaxerxes, fearing the number of Artabanus's sons, gave orders for the troops to be ready under arms on the following day, as if he meant to ascertain their strength, and their respective efficiency for the field. Artabanus, accordingly, presenting himself under arms among the rest, the king, pretending that his corslet was too short for him, desired Artabanus to make an exchange with him, and, while he was disarming himself, and defenceless, ran him through with his sword, ordering his sons, at the same time, to be apprehended. Thus this excellent youth at once took revenge for his father's murder, and saved himself from the machinations of Artabanus.
II. During these transactions in Persia, all Greece, under the leadership of the Lacedaemonians and Athenians, was split into two parties, and turned their arms from foreign wars as it were against their own bowels. Of one people were formed two distinct bodies; and they who had so recently served in the same camp, were divided into two hostile armies. On the one side, the Lacedaemonians drew over to their faction the cities that had before been common auxiliaries to both. On the other side, the Athenians, renowned alike for their antiquity and their exploits, relied on their own strength. Thus the two most powerful people of Greece, made equal by the institutions of Solon and the laws of Lycurgus, rushed into war through envy of each other's power.
When Lycurgus had succeeded 49 Polydectes his brother, king of the Lacedaemonians, and might have secured the |39 kingdom for himself, he restored it, with the noblest integrity, to Charilaus, the posthumous son of Polydectes, as soon as he became of age; that all might see how much more the laws of integrity prevail with good men than all the charms of power. In the meantime, while the child was growing up, and he had the guardianship of him, he composed laws for the Spartans, who previously had had none. Nor was he more celebrated for the making of these laws, than for his exemplary conformity to them; for he imposed nothing by law upon others, of the observation of which he did not first give an example in his own conduct. He trained the people to be obedient to those in authority, and those in authority to be just in the exercise of their government. He enjoined frugality on all, thinking that the toils of war would be made more endurable by a constant observance of it. He ordered all purchases to be made, not with money, but by exchange of commodities. The use of gold and silver he prohibited, as being the origin of all evils.
III. He divided the administration of the government among the several orders; to the kings he gave the power of making war, to the magistrates the seats of justice in yearly succession; to the senate, the guardianship of the laws; to the people, the power of choosing the senate, or of creating what magistrates they pleased. The lands of the whole state he divided equally among all, that equality of possession might leave no one more powerful than another. He ordered all to take their meals in public, that no man might secretly indulge in splendour of luxury. He would not allow the young people to wear more than one dress in a year, nor any one to walk abroad in finer garments than another, or to fare more sumptuously, lest imitation of such practices should lead to general luxury. He ordered boys to be carried, not into the forum, but into the field, that they might spend their early years, not in effeminate employments, but in hard labour and exertion; not suffering them to put any thing under them to sleep upon, or to live on high seasoned food, and forbidding them to return into the city till they arrived at manhood. He caused virgins to be married without portions, that wives, not money, might be sought; and that husbands might govern their wives more strictly, being influenced by no regard to dowry. He ordained that the highest respect should be paid, not to the rich and powerful, but to the old, according to that |40 degrees of seniority; nor had old age, indeed, a more honourable habitation anywhere than at Sparta.
But seeing that such laws would at first be thought severe, as the state of manners had previously been relaxed, he represented that Apollo of Delphi was the author of them, and that he had brought them from thence at the command of the deity, in order that reverence for religion might overbalance the irksorneness of compliance with them. And to secure perpetuity to his laws, he bound the city by an oath "to make no change in them till he should return," pretending that he was going to ask the oracle at Delphi whether any thing seemed necessary to be added to his institutions, or changed in them But he went in reality to Crete, and continued there in voluntary exile; and, when he was dying, ordered his bones to be thrown into the sea, lest, if they were taken back to Lacedaemon, the Spartans might think themselves absolved from their oath respecting alteration in his laws.
IV. Under such a state of manners, the city acquired, in a short time, 50 such a degree of strength, that, on going to war with the Messenians for offering violence to some of their maidens at a solemn sacrifice of that people, they bound themselves under a severe oath not to return till they had taken Messene, promising themselves so much either from their strength or good fortune. This occurrence was the commencement of dissension in Greece, and the origin and cause of a civil war. But being detained in the siege of this city, contrary to their expectation, for ten years, and called on to return by the complaints of their wives after so long a widowhood, and being afraid that by persevering in the war they might hurt themselves more than the Messenians (for, in Messene, whatever men were lost in the war, were replaced by the fruitfulness of their women, while they themselves suffered constant losses in battle, and could have no offspring from their wives in the absence of their husbands), they in consequence selected, out of the soldiers that had come, after the military oath was first taken, 51 as recruits to the army, a |41 number of young men; whom they sent back to Sparta with permission to form promiscuous connexions with all the women of the city, thinking that conception would be more speedy if each of the females made the experiment with several men. Those who sprung from these unions were called Partheniae,52 as a reflection on their mothers' violated chastity; and, when they came to thirty years of age, being alarmed with the fear of want (for not one of them had a father to whose estate he could hope to succeed,) they chose a captain named Phalantus, the son of Aratus, by whose advice the Spartans had sent home the young men to propagate, that, as they had formerly had the father for the author of their birth, they might now have the son as the establisher of their hopes and fortunes. Without taking leave of their mothers, therefore, from whose adultery they thought that they derived dishonour, they set out to seek a place of settlement, and being tossed about a long time, and with various mischances, they at last arrived on the coast of Italy, where, after seizing the citadel of the Tarentines, and expelling the old inhabitants, they fixed their abode. But several years after, their leader Phalantus, being driven into exile by a popular tumult, went to Brundusium, whither the former inhabitants of Tarentum had retreated after they were expelled from their city. When he was at the point of death, he urged the exiles "to have his bones, and last relics, bruised to dust, and privately sprinkled in the forum of Tarentum; for that Apollo at Delphi had signified that by this means they might recover their city." They, thinking that he had revealed the destiny of his countrymen to avenge himself, complied with his directions; but the intention of the oracle was exactly the reverse; for it promised the Spartans, upon the performance of what he had said, not the loss, but the perpetual possession of the city. Thus by the subtlety of their exiled captain, and the agency, of their enemies, the possession of Tarentum was secured to the Partheniae for ever.
V. Meantime the Messenians, who could not be conquered by valour, were reduced by stratagem. For eighty years they bore the severe afflictions of slaves, as frequent stripes, and chains, and other evils of subjugation; and then, after so long an |42 endurance of suffering, they proceeded to resume hostilities, The Lacedaemonians, at the same time, ran to arms with the greater ardour and unanimity, because they seemed to be called upon to fight against their own slaves. While ill-treatment, therefore, on the one side, and indignation on the other, exasperated their feelings, the Lacedaemonians consulted the oracle at Delphi concerning the event of the war, and were directed to ask the Athenians for a leader to conduct it. The Athenians, learning the answer of the oracle, sent, to express their contempt of the Spartans a lame poet, named Tyrtaeus; who, being routed in three battles, reduced the Lacedaemonians to so desperate a condition, that, to recruit their army, they liberated a portion of their slaves, promising that they should marry the widows of those who were slain, and thus fill up, not merely the number of the lost citizens, but their offices. The kings of Sparta, however, lest, by contending against fortune, they should bring greater losses on their city, would have drawn off their army, had not Tyrtaeus interposed, and recited to the soldiers, in a public assembly, some verses of his own composition, in which he had comprised exhortations to courage, consolations for their losses, and counsels concerning the war. By this means he inspired the soldiers with such resolution, that, being no longer concerned for their lives, but merely for the rites of sepulture, they tied on their right arms tickets, inscribed with their names and those of their fathers, that if an unsuccessful battle should cut them off, and their features after a time become indistinct, they might be consigned to burial according to the indication of the inscriptions. When the kings saw the army thus animated, they took care that the state of it should be made known to the enemy; the report, however, raised in the Messenians no alarm, but a correspondent ardour. Both sides accordingly encountered with such fury, that there scarcely ever was a more bloody battle. But at last victory fell to the Lacedaemonians.
VI. Some time after, the Messenians renewed the war a third time, when the Lacedaemonians, among their other allies, called also upon the Athenians for assistance; but afterwards, conceiving some mistrust of them, they prevented them from joining in the war, pretending that they had no need for their services. The Athenians, not liking this |43 proceeding, removed the money, which had been contributed by the whole of Greece to defray the expense of the Persian war, from Del os to Athens, that, if the Lacedaemonians broke their faith as allies, it might not be an object of plunder to them. The Lacedaemonians, on the other hand, did not rest, for though they were engaged in the war with the Messenians, they set the people of the Peloponnesus to make war on the Athenians. The forces of the Athenians at home were at that time inconsiderable, as their fleet had been despatched into Egypt, so that, engaging in battle by sea, they were quickly worsted. Soon after, on the return of their fleet, being strengthened both by sea and land, they renewed the war; when the Lacedaemonians, leaving the Messenians at rest, turned their full force against the Athenians. Victory was long doubtful, and at last both parties gave over with equal loss. The Lacedaemonians being then recalled to the war with the Messenians, but not wishing to leave the Athenians in the meantime unmolested, bargained with the Thebans to restore them the supremacy of Boeotia, which they had lost in the time of the Persian war, if they would but take up arms against the Athenians. Such was the fury of the Spartans, that, though they were involved in two wars, they did not hesitate to occasion a third, if they might but raise up enemies against their enemies. The Athenians, therefore, to meet this storm of war, made choice of two eminent leaders, Pericles, a man of tried courage, and Sophocles, the writer of tragedies; who, dividing their forces, laid waste the lands of the Spartans, and brought many cities of Achaia53 under the power of the Athenians.
VII. The Lacedaemonians, being humbled by these losses, agreed upon a peace for thirty years. But their hostile feelings did not allow of so long a period of repose. Hence, laving broken the treaty before the fifteenth year was ended, they laid waste the territories of Attica in violation of their obligations towards the gods and towards men. And lest they should seem to have desired to plunder rather than to fight, they challenged the enemy to the field. But the Athenians, by the advice of their leader Pericles, deferred |44 revenge for the spoliation of their lands to a fitter time of exacting it, thinking it needless to hazard a battle, when they could avenge themselves on the enemy without risk. Some days afterwards, accordingly, they embarked in their fleet, and, while the Lacedaemonians expected nothing of the kind, laid waste all Sparta,54 carrying off much more than they had lost; so that, in a comparison of their respective sufferings, the retaliation was much greater than the injury at first received. This expedition of Pericles was considered as greatly to his honour; but his disregard of his private property was far more honourable. The enemy, while they wasted the lands of others, had left his uninjured; hoping, by this means, either to bring danger on him by rendering him unpopular, or dishonour by making him suspected of treachery. But Pericles, foreseeing what would happen, had both foretold it to the people, and, to escape the effects of popular odium, had made over his lands to the state as a gift; and thus obtained the greatest honour from that by which his ruin had been intended. Some days afterwards, an engagement took place by sea; and the Lacedaemonians, being worsted, fled. Nevertheless they did not cease from fierce attacks on one another, by sea or land, with various success. At last, exhausted with disasters on both sides, they made peace for fifty years, which however they maintained only for six; for they broke the treaty which they had concluded on their own account, under pretence of assisting their allies; as if they were less guilty of perjury by aiding their dependants, than by engaging in open hostilities themselves.
The war was in consequence transferred into Sicily; but before I relate its progress, it is proper to give some account of the situation of that island. |45
BOOK IV.
Sicily; Aetna; Scylla and Charybdis, I.----Ancient inhabitants of Sicily, II.----Dissension between Rhegium and Himera; the Athenians successful in Sicily at first, III.----The Syracusans seek aid from the Lacedaemonians; the progress of the war, IV.----Utter defeat of the Athenians, V.
I. IT is said that Sicily was formerly joined to Italy by a narrow pass,55 and was torn off, as it were, from the larger body, by the violence of the upper sea, 56 which impels itself in that direction with the whole force of its waters. The soil itself, too, is light and frangible, and so perforated with caverns and passages, that it is almost everywhere open to blasts of wind; and the very matter of it is naturally adapted for generating and nourishing fire, as it is said to be impregnated with sulphur and bitumen, a circumstance which is the cause that when air contends with fire in the subterraneous parts, the earth frequently, and in several places, sends forth flame, or vapour, or smoke. Hence it is that the fire of Mount Aetna has lasted through so many ages. And when a strong wind passes in through the openings of the cavities, heaps of sand are cast up.
The promontory of Italy on the side nearest to Sicily, is called Rhegium, 57 because things broken off are designated by that term in Greek. Nor is it strange that antiquity should have been full of fables concerning these parts, in which so many extraordinary things are found together. The sea, in the first place, is nowhere so impetuous, pouring on with a current not only rapid but furious, not only frightful to those who feel its effects, but to those who view it from a distance. So fierce is the conflict of the waves as they meet, that you may see some of them, put to flight as it were, sink down into the depths, and others, as if victorious, rising up to the skies. Sometimes, in one part, you may hear the roaring of the sea as it boils |46 up; and again, in another part, the groaning of it as it sinks into a whirlpool. Next are to be observed the adjacent and everlasting fires of Mount Aetna and the Aeolian islands, which burn as if their heat were nourished by the sea itself; nor indeed could such a quantity of fire have endured in such narrow bounds for so many ages unless it were supported by nourishment from the water.58 Hence fables produced Scylla and Charybdis; hence barkings were thought to have been heard; hence the appearances of monsters gained credit, as the sailors, frightened at the vast whirlpools of the subsiding waters, imagined that the waves, which the vortex of the absorbent gulf clashes together, actually barked. The same cause makes the fires of Mount Aetna perpetual; for the shock of the waters forces into the depths a portion of air hurried along with it, and then keeps it confined till, being diffused through the pores of the earth, it kindles the matter which nourishes the fire.
In addition, the proximity of Italy and Sicily is to be noticed, with the heights of their respective promontories, which are so similar, that, whatever wonder they raise in us in the present day, they excited proportionate terror in the ancients, who believed that whole ships were intercepted and destroyed by the promontories closing together and opening. Nor was this invented by the ancients to gratify the hearer with a fabulous wonder, but occasioned by the terror and consternation of those who passed by those parts; for such is the appearance of the coasts to any one beholding them from a distance, that you would take the passage between them for a bay in the sea, and not a strait; and, as you draw nearer, you would think that the promontories, which were before united, part asunder and separate.
II. At first Sicily had the name of Trinacria; 59 afterwards |47 it was called Sicania.60 It was originally the abode of the Cyclops; when they became extinct, Cocalus made himself ruler of the island. After his time the cities fell severally under the dominion of tyrants, of whom no country was more productive. One of them, Anaxilaus, strove to be as just as the others were cruel, and reaped no small advantage from his equity; for having left, at his death, some sons very young, and having committed the guardianship of them to Micythus, a slave of tried fidelity, so great was the respect paid to his memory among all his subjects, that they chose rather to submit to a slave than to abandon the king's children; and the noblemen of the state, forgetful of their dignity, suffered the authority of government to be exercised by a bondman. The Carthaginians, too, attempted to gain the sovereignty of Sicily, and fought against the tyrants for a long time with various success; but at length, after losing their general Hamilcar and his army, they remained quiet for some time in consequence of that defeat.
III. In the meantime, the people of Rhegium being troubled with dissension, and the city being divided by disputes into two factions, a body of veteran soldiers from Himera, who were invited by one of the parties to their assistance, having first expelled from the city those against whom they had been called, and then put to the sword those whom they had come to aid, took the government into their own hands, and made prisoners of the wives and children of their allies; venturing upon an atrocity to which that of no tyrant can be compared; so that it would have been better for the Rhegians to have been conquered than to conquer; 61 for whether they had become slaves to their conquerors by the laws of war, 62 or, withdrawing from their country, had been necessitated to live in exile, yet they would not have been butchered amidst their altars and household gods, and have left their country, with their wives and children, a prey to the most cruel of tyrants. |48
The people of Catana, also, finding themselves oppressed by the Syracusans, and distrusting their own power to withstand them, requested assistance from the Athenians, who, whether from desire of enlarging their dominions, so that they might master all Greece and Asia, or from apprehension of a fleet lately built by the Syracusans, and to prevent such a force from joining the Lacedaemonians, sent Lamponius, as general, with a naval armament into Sicily, that under pretence of assisting the people of Catana, they might endeavour to secure the sovereignty of the whole island. Having succeeded in their first attempts, and made havoc among the enemy on several occasions, they despatched another expedition to Sicily, with a greater fleet and more numerous army, under the command of Laches and Chariades. But the people of Catana, whether from fear of the Athenians, or from being weary of the war, made peace with the Syracusans, and sent back the Athenian force that had come to assist them.
IV. After a lapse of some time, however, as the articles of the peace were not observed by the Syracusans, they sent ambassadors a second time to Athens, who, arriving in a mean dress, with long hair and beards, and every sign of distress adapted to move pity, presented themselves in that wretched plight before the public assembly. To their entreaties were added tears; and the suppliants so moved the people to compassion, that the commanders who had withdrawn the auxiliary force from them received a sentence of condemnation.63 A powerful fleet was then appointed to aid them; Nicias, Alcibiades, and Lamachus were made captains; and Sicily was revisited with such a force as was a terror even to those to whose aid it was sent. In a short time, Alcibiades being recalled to answer certain charges made against him, Nicias and Lamachus fought two successful battles by land, and, drawing lines of circumvallation around Syracuse, cut off all supplies from the enemy by sea, keeping them closely blocked up in the city. The Syracusans, being greatly reduced by these measures, sought assistance from the Lacedaemonians, by whom Gylippus alone was sent; but he was a man equal to whole troops of |49 auxiliaries. He, having heard on his way of the declining state ot the war, and having collected some support partly from Greece and partly from Sicily, took possession of some posts suitable for carrying on the war. He was then conquered in two battles, but engaging in a third, he killed Lamachus, put the enemy to flight, and rescued his allies from the siege. But as the Athenians transferred their warlike efforts from the land to the sea, Gylippus sent for a fleet and army from Lacedaemon; upon intelligence of which the Athenians themselves, too, sent out Demosthenes and Eurymedon, in the room of their late leader, with a reinforcement to their troops. The Peloponnesians again, by a general resolution of their cities, sent powerful assistance to the Syracusans, and, as it the Greek war had been transported into Sicily, the contest was pursued on both sides with the utmost vigour.
V. In the first encounter at sea, the Athenians were worsted, and lost their camp, with all their money, both what was public and what belonged to private individuals. When, in addition to these disasters, they were also beaten in a battle on land, Demosthenes began to advise that "they should quit Sicily, while their condition, though bad, was not yet desperate; and that they should not persist in a war so inauspiciously commenced, as there were more considerable, and perhaps more unhappy wars, to be dreaded at home, for which it was expedient that they should reserve the present force of their city." But Nicias, whether from shame at his ill success, from fear of the resentment of his countrymen for the disappointment of their hopes, or from the impulse of destiny, contended for staying. The war by sea was therefore renewed, and their thoughts turned from reflections on their previous ill-fortune to the hopes of a successful struggle, but, through the unskilfulness of their leaders, who attacked the Syracusans when advantageously posted in a strait, they were easily overcome. Their general, Eurymedon, was the first to fall, fighting bravely in the front of the battle; and thirty ships which he commanded were burnt. Demosthenes and Nicias being also defeated, set their forces on shore, thinking that retreat would be safer by land. Gylippus seized a hundred and thirty ships which they had left, and then, pursuing them as they fled, took some of them prisoners, and put others to death. Demosthenes, after the loss of his troops |50 saved himself from captivity by voluntarily falling on his sword. But Nicias, not induced, even by the example of Demosthenes, to put himself out of the power of fortune, added to the loss of his army the disgrace of being made prisoner.
BOOK V.
Alcibiades banished from Athens; joins the Lacedaemonians, I.----Changes sides, defeats the Lacedaemonians, and returns to Athens II.-IV.----Defeated by Lysander, and goes into voluntary exile, V ----Lysander defeats Conon, VI.----Athens surrenders to Lysander who appoints the thirty tyrants; death of Alcibiades, VII. VIII. ----Theramenes, one of the tyrants, killed; Thrasybulus overthrows the tyrants; his act of oblivion, IX. X.----Death of Darius; Expedition of Cyrus, and his death; Artaxerxes established on the throne, XI.
I. WHILST the Athenians, during two years, were carrying on the war in Sicily, with more eagerness than success, Alcibiades, the promoter and leader of it, was accused at Athens in his absence of having divulged the mysteries of Ceres, which were rendered sacred by nothing more than by their secrecy. Being recalled from the war to take his trial, and being unwilling, either from the consciousness of guilt or from the affront put upon him, to obey, he retired, without offering to defend himself, to Elis. From thence, having learned that he was not only condemned, but devoted to destruction with execrations in the religious ceremonies of all the priests, he betook himself to Lacedaemon, where he urged the king 64 of the Lacedaemonians to make war on the Athenians in the midst of their distress at the unfortunate result of the struggle in Sicily. This being done, all the powers of Greece conspired against the Athenians, as if to extinguish a common conflagration; such hatred had they brought upon themselves by their desire of too great power. Darius also, the king of Persia, not forgetting his father's and grandfather's hostility to that city, concluded an alliance with the Lacedaemonians through Tissaphernes, satrap of Lydia, and promised to defray all the expense of the war. Such at least was his pretext for meddling in the affairs of Greece, but in reality he |51 was afraid that the Lacedaemonians, if they conquered the Athenians, should turn their arms against himself. Who then can wonder that the flourishing state of Athens went to ruin, when the whole strength of the east conspired to overwhelm one city? Yet they did not fall with merely a faint struggle, or without bloodshed, but fighting to the last, and sometimes victorious, being rather worn out by changes of fortune than overcome by force of arms. At the commencement of the war, too, all their allies deserted them, according to common practice; for whatever way fortune leans, in the same direction does the favour of mankind turn.
II. Alcibiades also supported tne war raised against his country, not with the services of a common soldier, but with the abilities of a general. Having received a squadron of five ships, he sailed directly to Asia, and, by the authority of his name, prevailed on the cities tributary to the Athenians to revolt from them. They knew his eminence at home; nor did they think his influence weakened by his banishment, but looked on him rather as a leader taken from the Athenians,65 than added to the Lacedaemonians, and balanced the command which he had gained against that which he had lost. But among the Lacedaemonians the abilities of Alcibiades had gained him more envy than favour; and the chief men having formed a plot to kill him, as their rival in glory, Alcibiades, receiving intelligence of their design from the wife of Agis, with whom he had an intrigue, fled to Tissaphernes, the satrap of king Darius, with whom he quickly ingratiated himself by his affability and obligingness of manners. He was then in the flower of youth, and distinguished for personal graces, and not less for oratory, even among the Athenians. But he was better fitted to gain the affections of friends than to keep them; because the vices in his character were thrown into the shade by the splendour of his eloquence. He succeeded in persuading Tissaphernes not to furnish such supplies |52 of money for the Lacedaemonian fleet; "for the Ionians," he said, "should be called upon to pay their share, since it was for their deliverance, when they were paying tribute to the Lacedaemonians, that the war was undertaken. Neither, however," he added, "should the Lacedaemonians be too greatly assisted; for he should remember that he was preparing a way for the supremacy of others, not for his own; and that the war was only so far to be supported, that it might not be broken off for want of supplies, as the king of Persia, while the Greeks were distracted by dissensions, would be the arbiter of peace and war, and would vanquish with their own arms those whom he could not overcome with his own; but that, if the war were brought to a conclusion, he would immediately have to fight with the conquerors. That Greece, therefore, ought to be reduced by civil wars, so that it might have no opportunity to engage in foreign ones; that the strength of its two parties should be kept equal, the weaker being constantly supported; since the Spartans, who professed themselves the defenders of the liberty of Greece, would not remain quiet after their present elevation." Such arguments were very agreeable to Tissaphernes; and he accordingly furnished supplies to the Spartans but sparingly, and did not send the whole of the king's fleet to assist them, lest he should gain them a complete victory, or bring the other party under the necessity of abandoning the war.
III. Meanwhile Alcibiades boasted of this service to his countrymen; and when deputies from the Athenians came to him, he promised to secure them the king's friendship, if the government should be transferred from the hands of the people to those of the senate; in hopes, either that, if the citizens could agree, he should be chosen general unanimously, or that, if dissension arose between the two orders, he should be invited by one of the parties to their assistance. The Athenians, as a dangerous war hung over them, were more solicitous about their safety than their dignity.66 The government, accordingly, was transferred, with the consent of the |53 people, to the senate. But as the nobility, with the pride natural to their order, treated the common people cruelly, and each arrogated to himself the exorbitant power of tyranny, the banished Alcibiades was recalled by the army, and appointed to the command of the fleet. Upon this, he at once sent notice to Athens that, "he would instantly march to the city with his army, and recover the rights of the people from the four hundred, 67 unless they restored them of themselves." The aristocracy, alarmed at this denunciation, at first attempted to betray the city to the Lacedaemonians, but being unable to succeed, went into exile. Alcibiades, having delivered his country from this intestine evil, fitted out his fleet with the utmost care, and proceeded to carry forward the war with the Lacedaemonians.
IV. Mindarus and Pharnabazus, the leaders of the Lacedaemonians, 68 were already waiting at Sestos with their fleet drawn up. A battle being fought, the victory fell to the Athenians. In this engagement, the greater part of the army and almost all the enemy's officers, were killed, and eighty ships taken. Some days after, the Lacedaemonians, transferring the war from the sea to the land, were defeated a second time. Weakened by these disasters, they sued for peace, but were prevented from obtaining it by the efforts of those to whom the war brought private advantage. In the meantime, too, a war made upon Sicily by the Carthaginians called home the aid sent by the Syracusans, and the Lacedaemonians, in consequence, being wholly unsupported, Alcibiades ravaged the coast of Asia with his victorious fleet, fought several battles, and being every where victorious, recovered the cities which had revolted, took some others, and added them to the dominion of the Athenians. Having thus reestablished their ancient glory by sea, and united to it reputation in war by land, he returned to Athens to gratify the longing of his countrymen to behold him. In all these battles two hundred ships of the enemy, and a vast quantity of spoils, were taken.
Upon this triumphant return of the army, the whole multitude from Athens poured forth to meet them, and gazed with |54 admiration on all the soldiers, but especially on Alcibiades; on him the whole city turned their eyes with looks of wonder; they regarded him as sent down from heaven, and as victory in person; they extolled what he had done for his country, nor did they less admire what he had done against it in his exile, excusing his conduct as the result of anger and provocation. Such power indeed, strange to say, was there 69 in that one man, that he was the cause of a great state being subverted and again re-established; victory removed herself to the side on which he stood; and a wonderful change of fortune always attended him. They therefore heaped upon him not only all human, but divine honours; they made it an object of contention, whether the contumely with which they banished him, or the honour with which they recalled him, should be the greater. They, by whose execrations he had been devoted, carried their gods to meet and congratulate him; and him to whom they had lately refused all human aid, they now desired, if they could, to exalt to heaven; they made amends for indignities with praises, for confiscations with gifts, for imprecations with prayers. The unfortunate battle on the coast of Sicily 70 was no longer in their mouths, but their success in Greece; 71 the fleets which he had lost were no more mentioned, but those which he had taken; they did not speak of Syracuse, but of Ionia and the Hellespont. Thus Alcibiades was never received with moderate feelings on the part of his countrymen, either when they were offended, or when they were pleased with him.
V. During these occurrences at Athens, Lysander was appointed by the Lacedaemonians to the command of their fleet and army; and Darius, king of Persia, made, in the room of Tissaphernes, his son Cyrus governor of Ionia and Lydia; who, by his assistance and support, inspired the Lacedemonians with hopes of recovering their former position. Their strength being therefore recruited, the Spartans, when their approach was wholly unexpected, surprised Alcibiades, |55 who had gone with a hundred vessels to Asia, while he was laying waste the country, which was in excellent condition from a long continuance of peace, and while, unapprehensive of any attack, he had allowed his soldiers to disperse themselves under the attractions of plunder; and such was the havoc among the scattered troops, that the Athenians received more injury from that single onslaught, than they had caused the enemy in their previous battles with them. Such, too, was the desperation of the Athenians on the occasion, that they immediately deposed Alcibiades to make room for Conon, thinking that they had been defeated, not by the fortune of war, but by the treachery of their general, on whom their former injuries had had more influence than their recent favours, and that he had conquered in the former part of the war, only to show the enemy what a leader they had despised, and to make his countrymen pay so much the dearer for their previous victory; for his vigour of mind and laxity of morals made everything that was said of Alcibiades credible. Fearing therefore the rage of the people, he went again into voluntary exile.
VI. Conon, being put in the place of Alcibiades, and seeing to what sort of commander he had succeeded, fitted out his fleet with the utmost exertion; but troops were wanting to man the vessels, as the stoutest men had been cut off in the plundering of Asia. Old men, however, and boys under age, were furnished with arms, and the number of an army was completed, but without the strength. But soldiers of an age so unfit for war could not long protract the contest; they were everywhere cut to pieces, or taken prisoners as they fled; and so great was the loss in slain and captured, that not merely the power of the Athenians, but even their very name, seemed to be extinct. Their affairs being ruined and rendered desperate in the contest, they were reduced to such want of men, all of military age being lost, that they gave the freedom of the city to foreigners, liberty to slaves, and pardon to condemned malefactors. With an army raised from such a mixture of human beings, they who had lately been lords of Greece could scarcely preserve their liberty. Yet they resolved once more to try their fortune at sea; and such was their spirit, that though they had recently despaired of safety, they now did not despair even of victory. But it was not such a |56 soldiery that could support the Athenian name; it was not such troops with which they had been used to conquer; nor were there the requisite military accomplishments in those whom prisons, not camps, had confined. All were in consequence either taken prisoners or slain; and the general Conon alone surviving the battle, and dreading the resentment of his countrymen, went off with eight ships to Evagoras, king of Cyprus.
VII. The general of the Lacedaemonians, after managing his affairs so successfully, grew insolent towards his enemies in their evil fortune. He sent the ships which he had taken, laden with spoil, and decorated as in triumph, to Lacedaemon. He received at the same time voluntary tenders of submission. from cities which dread of the doubtful fortune of war had kept in allegiance to the Athenians. Nor did he leave anything in possession of the Athenians but their city itself.
When all this was understood at Athens, the inhabitants, leaving their houses, ran up and down the streets in a frantic manner, asking questions of one another, and inquiring for the author of the news. Neither did incapacity keep the children at home, nor infirmity the old men, nor the weakness of their sex the women: so deeply had the feeling of such calamity affected every age. They met together in the forum, where, through the whole night, they bewailed the public distress. Some wept for their lost brothers, or sons, or parents; somo for other relatives; others for friends dearer than relatives; all mingling their lamentations for their country with plaints for their private sufferings; sometimes regarding themselves, sometimes their city, as on the brink of ruin; and deeming the fate of those who survived more unhappy than that of the slain. Each represented to himself a siege, a famine, and an enemy overbearing and flushed with victory; sometimes contemplating in imagination the desolation and burning of the city, and sometimes the captivity and wretched slavery of all its inhabitants; and thinking the former destruction of Athens, which was attended only with 72 the ruin of their houses, while their children and parents were safe, much less calamitous than what was now to befall them; since there remained no fleet in which, as before, they might find a refuge, and no |57 army by whose valour they might be saved to erect a finer city.
VIII. While the city was thus wept over and almost brought to nothing, the enemy came upon it, pressed the inhabitants with a siege, and distressed them with famine. They knew that little remained of the provisions which they had laid up, and had taken care that no new ones should be imported. The Athenians, exhausted by their sufferings, from long endurance of famine, and daily losses of men, sued for peace; but it was long disputed between the Spartans and their allies whether it should be granted or not. Many gave their opinion that the very name of the Athenians should be blotted out, and the city destroyed by fire; but the Spartans refused "to pluck out one of the two eyes of Greece," and promised the Athenians peace, on condition ''that they should demolish the walls 73 extending down to the Piraeeus, and deliver up the ships which they had left; and that the state should receive from them thirty governors of their own citizens." The city being surrendered on these terms, the Lacedaemonians committed it to Lysander to model the government of it. This year was rendered remarkable, not only for the reduction of Athens, but for the death of Darius, king of Persia, and the banishment of Dionysius, tyrant of Sicily.
When the form of government at Athens was changed, the condition of the citizens was likewise altered. Thirty governors of the state were appointed, who became absolute tyrants; for, at the very first, they organized for themselves a guard of three thousand men, though, after so much slaughter, scarcely as many citizens survived; and as if this force was too small to overawe the city, they received also seven hundred men from the victorious army. They then began to put to death the citizens, intending to commence with Alcibiades, lest he should again seize the government under pretence of delivering the city; and hearing that he was gone to Artaxerxes king of Persia, they despatched men in haste to stop him on his way. By these deputies he was beset, and, as he could not be killed openly, was burnt alive in the apartment in which he slept.
IX. The tyrants, thus freed from the dread of an avenger, wasted the miserable remains of the city with the sword and |58 spoliation; and finding that their proceedings displeased Theramenes, one of their own body, they put him also to death to strike terror into the rest. In consequence a general dispersion of the citizens took place in all directions, and Greece was filled with Athenian fugitives. But the privilege of flight being also taken from them (for the cities were forbidden, by an edict of the Lacedaemonians, to receive the exiles), they all betook themselves to Argos and Thebes,74 where they had not only safe places of refuge, but also conceived hopes of repossessing themselves of their country. There was among the refugees a man named Thrasybulus, a person of great bravery and of noble extraction, who, thinking that something should be attempted, even at the utmost hazard, for their country and the common interest, called together the exiles, and took post at Phyle, a fort on the borders of Attica. Some of the cities, pitying the severity of their misfortunes, afforded them countenance; Ismenias, a leading man among the Thebans, though he could not assist them publicly, yet supported them with his private means; and Lycias, the Syracusan orator, 75 at that time an exile, sent five hundred soldiers, equipped at his own charge, to the aid of the common country of eloquence. A desperate battle ensued; but as those on the one side fought with their utmost efforts to regain their country, and those on the other, with less eagerness, in support of the power of others, the tyrants were overcome. After their defeat they fled back into the city, which, already exhausted by their slaughters, they despoiled also of its arms. Suspecting all the Athenians, too, of disaffection towards them, they ordered them to remove out of the city, and to take up their abode among the ruins of the walls which had been demolished; supporting their own authority with foreign soldiers. Next they endeavoured to corrupt Thrasybulus, by promising him a share in the government; but, not succeeding, they sought assistance from Lacedaemon, on the arrival of which they took the field again. In |59 this encounter Critias and Hippolochus, the two most cruel of the tyrants, were killed.
X. The others being defeated, and their army, of which the greater part consisted of Athenians, running away, Thrasybulus called out to them with a loud voice, asking, "Why they should flee from him in the midst of victory, rather than join him as the assertor of their common liberty?" adding, that "they should reflect that his army was composed of their countrymen, not of enemies; that he had not armed himself to take any thing away from the conquered, but to restore them what they had lost; and that he was making war, not on the city, but on the thirty tyrants." He then reminded them of their ties of relationship, their laws, their common religion, and their long service as fellow soldiers in so many wars. He conjured them, that, "if they themselves could submit patiently to the yoke, they should yet take pity on their exiled countrymen;" he urged them "to restore him to his country, and to accept liberty for themselves." By these exhortations such an effect was produced, that when the army came back into the city, they ordered the thirty tyrants to retire to Eleusis, appointing ten commissioners to govern in their room; who, however, not at all deterred by the fate of the former tyrants, entered on a similar career, of cruelty. During the course of these proceedings, news arrived at Lacedaemon that war had broken out at Athens, and king Pausanias was sent to suppress it, who, touched with compassion for the exiled people, restored the unhappy citizens to their country, and ordered the ten tyrants to leave the city, and go to the rest at Eleusis. Peace was restored by these means; but, after an interval of some days, the tyrants, enraged at the recall of the exiles not less than at their own expulsion (as if liberty to others was slavery to themselves), suddenly resumed hostilities against Athens. As they were proceeding however to a conference,76 apparently with the expectation of recovering their power, they were seized by an ambuscade, and offered as sacrifices to peace. The people, whom they had obliged to leave the city, were recalled; and the state, which had been divided into several members, was |60 at length re-united into one body. And that no dissension might arise in consequence of anything that had gone before, the citizens were all bound by an oath that former discords should be forgotten.
Meanwhile the Thebans and Corinthians sent ambassadors to the Lacedaemonians, to demand a share of the spoil acquired by their common exertions in war, and at their common risk. Their demand being refused, they did not indeed openly resolve on war with the Lacedaemonians, but tacitly conceived such resentment towards them, that it might be seen that war was likely to arise.
XI. About the same time died Darius, king of Persia, leaving two sons, Artaxerxes and Cyrus. He bequeathed the kingdom to Artaxerxes, and to Cyrus the cities over which he had been satrap. But Cyrus thought the will of his father an injustice, and secretly made preparations for war with his brother. News of his intentions being brought to Artaxerxes, he sent for him, and, when he pretended innocence, and denied all thoughts of war, he bound him with golden fetters,77 and would have put him to death, had not his mother interposed. Cyrus, in consequence of her intercession, being allowed to depart, began to prepare for war, no longer secretly, but publicly, not with dissimulation, but with an open avowal of it, and assembled auxiliary troops from all quarters. The Lacedemonians, remembering that they had been vigorously aided by him in the war with Athens, and as if in ignorance against whom hostilities were intended, resolved that "assistance should be sent to Cyrus whenever his necessities should require;" hoping thus to secure favour with Cyrus, and a plea for pardon with Artaxerxes if he should have the advantage, because they had decreed nothing openly against him. But when they came to an encounter, fortune throwing the brothers together in the field, Artaxerxes was first wounded by Cyrus, but being rescued from danger by the speed of his horse, Cyrus was overpowered by the king's battalion, and slain. Thus Artaxerxes being victorious, got possession both of the spoil from the war with his brother, and of his brother's |61 army. In this battle there were ten thousand Greeks on the side of Cyrus, who had the superiority in the wing on which they had been posted, and, after the death of Cyrus, could neither be reduced forcibly by the vast army of their adversaries, nor captured by stratagem, but, returning through so many wild and barbarous nations, and over such vast tracts of land, defended themselves by their valour till they gained the borders of their country.
BOOK VI.
The Lacedaemonians aspire to conquer Asia; the command of the Persian fleet given to Conon, I.----Agesilaus is general of the Lacedaemonians; acts of Conon, II.----Battle between Conon and Pisander; the Lacedaemonians defeated, III.----Agesilaus supports the declining fortune of the Lacedaemonians, IV.----Iphicrates and Conon; the Athenians repair their city, V.----Peace proclaimed by the king of Persia throughout Greece; the Lacedaemonians break it, VI.----The Thebans attack the Lacedaemonians; the battle of Mantinea, VII.----Epaminondas, VIII.----State of Greece after his death, IX.
THE more the Lacedaemonians got, the more, according to the nature of mankind, they coveted, and, not satisfied at their strength being doubled by the accession of the Athenian power, they began to aspire to the dominion of all Asia. But the greater part of it was under the government of the Persians; and Dercyllidas, being chosen general to conduct the war against them, and seeing that he would be opposed to two satraps of Artaxerxes, Phamabazus and Tissaphernes, supported by the strength of powerful nations, resolved to make peace with one of them. As Tissaphernes seemed the fitter of the two for his purpose, being more attentive to business, and better furnished with troops (having with him those of the late prince Cyrus), he was invited to a conference, and induced to lay down his arms on certain conditions. This transaction Pharnabazus made matter of accusation to their common sovereign, acquainting him that "Tissaphernes had not taken arms to repel the Lacedaemonians on their invasion of Asia, but had maintained them at the king's charge, and bargained with them as to what they should put off doing in |62 the war, and what they should carry into execution, as if every loss did not affect the interest of the one empire in general," adding that "it was disgraceful that war should not he decided by the sword, but bought off, and that the enemy should be induced to retire, not by arms, but by money." When by such charges he had irritated the king against Tissaphernes, he advised him to appoint in his place, as commander by sea, Conon the Athenian, who, having left his country on account of his ill success, was living in exile in Cyprus; "for though the power of the Athenians," he said, "was reduced, their experience at sea was still left them, and that, were a choice to be made from them all, no one could be preferred to Conon." Pharnabazus was accordingly furnished with five hundred talents 78 and directed to set Conon over the fleet.
II. When this arrangement was publicly known, the Lacedaemonians, through their ambassadors, requested aid for their efforts by sea from Hercynio,* king of Egypt, by whom a hundred triremes, and six hundred thousand modii 79 of corn, were despatched to them, while from their other allies a great number of forces were also assembled. But for such an army, and against such a leader, an efficient commander was wanting; and when the auxiliaries desired Agesilaus, then king of the Lacedaemonians, for their general, the Lacedaemonians, in consequence of an answer from the oracle at Delphi, were long in doubt whether they should appoint him to the chiet command, as it was signified to them that "there would be an end of their power when the kingly authority should be lame;" and Agesilaus was lame of one foot. At last they decided that "it was better for the king to halt in his gait than for the kingdom to halt in its power;" and when they afterwards sent Agesilaus, with a large army into Asia, I cannot easily tell what other two generals were ever so well matched; for the age, valour, conduct, and wisdom of both were nearly equal, as was also the fame of their achievements; and fortune, who had given them equal qualifications, had kept the one from being conquered by the other. Great preparations for war, therefore, were made by both, and great deeds |63 were performed. But a mutiny among his soldiers arose to trouble Conon, in consequence of the king's officers making it a practice to defraud them of their pay; and they demanded their arrears the more obstinately, as they anticipated that service under so great a general would be very severe. Conon, having long importuned the king by letters to no purpose, went at last to him in person, but was debarred from any interview or conference with him, because he would not do him homage 80 after the manner of the Persians. He, however, treated with him through his ministers, and complained that "the wars of the richest king in the world ended in nothing through want of pay; and that he who had an army equal to that of the enemy, was defeated by means of money in which he was their superior, and found inferior to them in that article of power in which he had far the advantage of them." He also desired that one paymaster might be appointed for his troops, as it was evidently detrimental to commit that office to several. Money for his soldiers was then given him, and he returned to the fleet. Nor did he delay to enter on action; he executed many undertakings with resolution, many with success; he laid waste the enemy's country, stormed their towns, and bore down everything before him like a hurricane. The Lacedaemonians were so alarmed at his progress, that they resolved on recalling Agesilaus 81 from Asia to the support of his country.
III. In the meantime Pisander, who had been left governor of his country by Agesilaus at his departure, fitted out a powerful fleet with the utmost exertion, determining to try the fortune of war. Conon, too, on the other hand, being then to encounter the enemy's army for the first time, put his troops in order with the greatest care. The emulation between the generals in the contest was not greater than that between the soldiers. Conon himself, in his character of leader, did not so much regard the interest of the Persians as the honour of his own country; and as, when the strength of the Athenians was reduced, he had occasioned the utter loss |64 of their power, so he had a desire to be accounted its restorer, as well as to reinstate himself in his country by a victory from which he had been exiled through being defeated; and this the more remarkably as he was not to fight with the aid of the Athenians themselves, but with that of a foreign state; he was going to contend at the risk of the king, but to conquer to the advantage of his country, acquiring glory by means dissimilar from those by which the former generals of Athens had obtained it, for they had defended their country by defeating the Persians, but he would re-establish his country by making the Persians victorious. Pisander too, from his relationship to Agesilaus,82 was also an emulator of his virtues, and endeavoured not to fall short of his exploits and the brilliancy of his renown, and not to overthrow, by the misconduct of a moment, a power which had been gained by so many wars through so many ages. The anxiety of all the soldiers and sailors was similar, being not so much concerned 83 that they might not lose the power which they had got, as that the Athenians might not recover their former eminence. But the more spirited was the struggle, the more honourable was the victory of Conon. The Lacedaemonians were routed and put to flight; the garrison of the enemy was withdrawn from Athens; the people were restored to their rights, and their bondage was at an end; and several cities were reduced to their former state of obedience.
IV. To the Athenians this event was the beginning of their restoration to power; to the Lacedemonians it was the termination of their authority; for, as if they had lost their spirit with their pre-eminence, they began to be regarded with contempt by their neighbours. The first people that made war upon them, with the aid of the Athenians, were the Thebans; ft state which, by the abilities of its general, Epaminondas, was raised from the most humble condition to the hope of governing Greece. A battle was fought between the two powers by land, with the same fortune on the part of the |65 Lacedaemonians as they had experienced against Conon by sea. In this encounter Lysander, under whose conduct the Athenians had been defeated by the Lacedaemonians, was killed. Pausanias also, the other general of the Lacedaemonians, went into exile in consequence of being accused of treachery.
The Thebans, on gaining the victory, led their whole force against Lacedaemon, expecting that it would be easy to reduce the city, as the Spartans were deserted by all their allies. The Lacedaemonians, dreading the event, sent for their king Agesilaus out of Asia, where he was performing great exploits, to defend his country; for since Lysander was slain, they had no confidence in any other general; but, as he was tardy in coming, they raised an army, and proceeded to meet the enemy. Having been once conquered, however, they had neither spirit nor strength to meet those who had recently vanquished them. They were accordingly routed in the very first onset. But Agesilaus came up just when the forces of his countrymen were overthrown; and, having renewed the contest, he, with his fresh troops, invigorated by long service, snatched the victory from the enemy without difficulty, but was himself severely wounded.
V. The Athenians, receiving intelligence of this event, and fearing that if the Lacedaemonians obtained another victory, they should be reduced to their former state of bondage, assembled an army, and ordered that it should be conducted to the aid of the Boeotians by Iphicrates, a young man only twenty years of age, but of great abilities. The conduct of this youth was above his years, and greatly to be admired; nor had the Athenians ever before him, among so many and so great leaders, a captain of greater promise, or of talents that sooner came to maturity; and he had not only the qualifications of a general, but also those of an orator.
Conon, having heard of the return of Agesilaus, came also himself from Asia to ravage the country of the Lacedaemonians; who, while the terrors of war raged around them, were shut up within their walls, and reduced to the depths of despair. After wasting the enemy's territories, Conon proceeded to Athens, where he was received with great joy on the part of his countrymen; but he felt more sorrow at the state of his native city, which had been burnt and laid in ruins by the Lacedaemonians, than joy at his return to it after |66 so long an absence. He accordingly repaired what had been burnt, and rebuilt what had been demolished, from the price of the spoil which he had taken, and with the help of the Persian troops. Such was the fate of Athens, that having been first burnt by the Persians, it was restored by their labour; and having been afterwards wasted by the Lacedaemonians, it was re-adorned from their spoils; and, the state of things being reversed, it had now for allies those whom it then had for enemies, and those for enemies with whom it had been joined in the closest bonds of alliance.
VI. During the course of these proceedings, Artaxerxes, king of the Persians, sent deputies into Greece, with injunctions, "that they should all lay down their arms," and assurances "that he would treat as enemies those who should act otherwise." He restored to the cities their liberty and all that belonged to them; a course which he did not adopt from concern for the troubles of the Greeks, and for their incessant and deadly enmities displayed in the field, but from unwillingness that, while he was engaged in a war with Egypt (which he had undertaken because the Egyptians had sent aid to the Spartans against his satraps), his troops should be obliged to stay in Greece. The Greeks, exhausted with so much fighting, eagerly obeyed his mandate.
This year was not only remarkable for a peace being suddenly made throughout Greece, but for the taking of the city of Rome at the same time by the Gauls.
But the Lacedaemonians, watching an opportunity of surprising the unguarded, and observing that the Arcadians were absent from their country, stormed one of their fortresses, and, having taken possession of it, placed a garrison in it. The Arcadians in consequence, arming and equipping a body of troops, and calling the Thebans to their assistance, demanded in open war the restitution of what they had lost. In the battle which followed, Archidamus, general of the Lacedaemonians, was wounded, and, seeing his men cut down and apparently defeated, sent a herald to ask the bodies of the slain for burial; this being a sign among the Greeks that the victory is yielded. The Thebans, satisfied with this acknowledgment, made the signal for giving quarter.
VII. After the lapse of a few days, while neither side was offering any hostility, and while, as the Lacedemonians were |67 engaged in other contentions with their neighbours, a truce was observed as it were by tacit consent, the Thebans, under the leadership of Epaminondas, conceived hopes of seizing the city of Sparta. They accordingly proceeded thither secretly, in the early part of the night, but failed to take the inhabitants by surprise; for the old men, and others of an age unfit for war, observing the approach of the enemy, met them in arms at the very entrance of the gates; and not more than a hundred men, enfeebled with years, offered battle to fifteen thousand. So much spirit and vigour does the sight of our country and homes inspire; and so much more confidence is afforded by the presence, than by the remembrance of them; for when they considered where and for what they took their stand, they resolved either to conquer or die. A few old men, in consequence, held out against an army, which, shortly before, the flower of their troops were unable to withstand. In this battle two generals of the enemy were killed, when, on intelligence being received that Agesilaus was approaching, the Thebans retreated. But there was no long cessation of hostilities; for the Spartan youth, incited by the heroism and glorious deeds of the old men, could not be prevented from promptly engaging in the field. Just as victory inclined to the Thebans, Epaminondas, while he was discharging the duty, not only of a general, but of a gallant soldier, was severely wounded. When this was known, fear fell upon one side from, deep concern, and amaze on the other from excess of joy; and both parties, as if by mutual agreement, retired from the field. VIII. A few days after, Epaminondas died, and with him fell the spirit of the Theban state. For as, when you break off the point of a dart, you take from the rest of the steel the power of wounding, so when that general of the Thebans (who was, as it were, the point of their weapon84) was taken off, the strength of their government was so debilitated, that they seemed not so much to have lost him as to have all died with him. They neither carried on any memorable war before he became their leader, nor were they afterwards remarkable for their successes, but for their defeats; so that it is certain that with him the glory of his country both rose and fell. Whether he was more estimable as a man or a general is undecided; for he never sought power for himself, but for his |68 country, and was so far from coveting money, that he did not leave sufficient to pay for his funeral. Nor was he more desirous of distinction than of wealth; for all the appointments that he held were conferred on him against his will, and he filled his posts in such a manner that he seemed to add lustre to his honours rather than to receive it from them. His application to learning, and his knowledge of philosophy, were such, that it seemed wonderful how a man bred up in literature could have so excellent a knowledge of war. The manner of his death, too, was not at variance with his course of life; for when he was carried back half dead into the camp, and had recovered his breath and voice, he asked only this question of those that stood about him, "whether the enemy had taken his shield from him when he fell?" Hearing that it was saved, he kissed it, when it was brought to him, as the sharer of his toils and glory. He afterwards inquired which side had gained the victory, and hearing that the Thebans had got it, observed, "It is well," and so, as it were congratulating his country, expired.
IX. With his death the spirit of the Athenians also declined. For after he whom they were wont to emulate was gone, they sank into sloth and effeminacy, and spent the public income, not, as formerly, upon fleets and armies, but upon festivals, and the celebration of games; frequenting the theatres for the sake of eminent actors and poets, visiting the stage oftener than the camp, and praising men rather for being good versifiers than good generals.85 It was then that the public revenues, from which soldiers and sailors used to be maintained, were distributed 86 among the people of the city. By which means it came to pass, that during the absence of exertion on the part of the Greeks, the name of the Macedonians, previously mean and obscure, rose into notice; and Philip, who had been kept three years as a hostage at Thebes, and had been imbued with the virtues of Epaminondas and Pelopidas, imposed the power of Macedonia, like a yoke of bondage, upon the necks of Greece and Asia. |69
BOOK VII.
Ancient state of Macedonia, I.----Family of Perdiccas, II.----Persian ambassadors punished at the court of Amyntas; Bubares the Persian, III.----Family of Amyntas, IV.----Youth and education of Philip; commencement of his reign, V. VI.
I. MACEDONIA, was formerly called Emathia, from the name of king Emathion, of whose prowess the earliest proofs are extant in those parts. As the origin of this kingdom was but humble, so its limits were at first extremely narrow. The inhabitants were called Pelasgi,87 the country Paeonia. But in process of time, when, through the ability of their princes and the exertions of their subjects, they had conquered, first of all, the neighbouring tribes, and afterwards other nations and peoples, their dominions extended to the utmost boundaries of the east, 88 In the region of Paeonia, which is now a portion of Macedonia, is said to have reigned Pelegonus,89 the father of Asteropaaus, whose name we find, in the Trojan war, among the most distinguished defenders of the city. On the other side a king named Europus held the sovereignty in a district called Europa.90
But Caranus,91 accompanied by a great multitude of Greeks, having been directed by an oracle to seek a settlement in Macedonia, and having come into Emathia, and followed a flock of goats that were fleeing from a tempest, possessed himself of the city of Edessa, before the inhabitants, on account of the thickness of the rain and mist, were aware of his approach; and being reminded of the oracle, by which he had been ordered "to seek a kingdom with goats for his guides," he made this city the seat of his government, and |70 afterwards religiously took care, whithersoever he led his troops, to keep the same goats before his standards, that he might have those animals as leaders in his enterprises which he had had as guides to the site of his kingdom. He changed the name of the city, in commemoration of his good fortune, from Edessa to Aegeae, 92 and called the inhabitants Aegeatae. Having subsequently expelled Midas 93 (for he also occupied a part of Macedonia), and driven other kings from their territories, he established himself, as sole monarch, in the place of them all, and was the first that, by uniting tribes of different people, formed Macedonia as it were into one body, and laid a solid foundation for the extension of his growing kingdom.
II. After him reigned Perdiccas, whose life was distinguished, and the circumstances of whose death, as if ordered by an oracle, were worthy of record; for when he was old and at the point of death, he made known to his son Argaeus a place in which he wished to be buried, and directed that not only his own bones, but those of the kings that should succeed him, should be deposited in the same spot; signifying that, "as long as the relics of his posterity should be buried there, the crown would remain in his family;" and the people believe, in consequence of this superstitious notion, that the line came to be extinct in Alexander, because he changed the place of sepulture. Argaeus, having governed the kingdom with moderation, and gained the love of his subjects, left his son Philip his successor, who, being carried off by an untimely death, made Aeropus, then quite a boy, his heir.
The Macedonians had perpetual contests with the Thracians and Illyrians, and, being hardened by their arms, as it were by daily exercise, they struck terror into their neighbours by the splendour of their reputation for war. The Illyrians, however, despising the boyhood of a king under age, attacked the Macedonians, who, being worsted in the field, brought out their king with them in his cradle, and, placing him behind the front lines, renewed the fight with greater vigour, as if they had been defeated before, because the fortune of their prince |71 was not with them in the battle, and would now certainly conquer, because, from this superstitious fancy, they had con ceived a confidence of victory; while compassion for the infant, also, moved them, as, if they were overcome, they seemed likely to transform him from a king into a captive. Engaging in battle, therefore, they routed the Illyrians with great slaughter, and showed their enemies, that, in the former encounter, it was a king, and not valour, that was wanting to the Macedonians. To Aeropus succeeded Amyntas, a prince eminently distinguished, both for his own personal valour, and for the excellent abilities of his son Alexander, who had from nature such remarkable talents of every kind,94 that he contended for the prize in various species of exercises at the Olympic games.
III. About this time Darius king of Persia, having been forced to quit Scythia in dishonourable flight, but not wishing to be thought every where contemptible from losses in war, despatched Megabazus, with a portion of his army, to subdue Thrace, and other kingdoms in those parts; to which Macedonia, he thought, would fall as an unimportant addition, Megabazus, speedily executing the king's orders, and sending deputies to Amyntas king of Macedonia, demanded that hostages should be given him. as a pledge of future peace. The deputies, being liberally entertained, asked Amyntas, as their intoxication increased in the progress of a banquet, "to add to the magnificence of his board the privileges of friendship, by sending for his and his sons' wives to the feast; a practice which is deemed, among the Persians, a pledge and bond of hospitality." The women having entered, and the Persians laying hands upon them too freely, Alexander, the son of Amyntas, begged his father, from regard to his age and dignity, to leave the banqueting-room, engaging that he himself would moderate the frolicsome spirit of their guests. Amyntas having withdrawn, Alexander called the women from the apartment for a while, under pretext of having them dressed in better style, and bringing them back with greater attractions. But in their place he put young men, clad in the habit of matrons, and ordered them to chastise the insolence of the deputies with swords which they were to carry under their garments. All of them being thus put to death, Megabazus, not knowing what had happened, but finding |72 that the deputies did not return, sent Bubares to Macedonia with a detachment of his forces, as to an easy and trifling contest; disdaining to go himself, that he might not be disgraced by an encounter with so despicable a people. But Bubares, before he came to an engagement, fell in love with the daughter of Amyntas, when, breaking off hostilities, ha celebrated a marriage, and, all thoughts of war being abandoned, entered into bonds of affinity with the king
IV. Soon after the departure of Bubares from Macedonia, king Amyntas died; but his relationship with Bubares not only secured to his son and successor, Alexander, peace during the reign of Darius, but also such favour with Xerxes, that, when that monarch overspread Greece like a tempest, he conferred upon him the sovereignty of all the country between the mountains of Olympus and Haemus. But Alexander enlarged his dominions not less by his own valour than through the munificence of the Persians. The throne afterwards descended, by the order of succession, to Amyntas, the son of his brother Menelaus. This prince was remarkable for his application to business, and was endowed with all the accomplishments of a great general. By his wife Eurydice he had three sons, Alexander, Perdiccas, and Philip, the father of Alexander the Great, and one daughter, named Eurynoe; he had also by Gygaea Archelaus, Aridaeus, and Menelaus. Subsequently he had formidable contests with the Illyrians and Olynthians. He would have been cut off by a plot of his wife Eurydice, who, having engaged to marry her son-in-law, had undertaken to kill her husband, and to put the government into the hands of her paramour, had not her daughter betrayed the intrigue and atrocious intentions of her mother. Having escaped so many dangers, he died at an advanced age, leaving the throne to Alexander, the eldest of his sons.
V. Alexander, at the very beginning of his reign, purchased peace from the Illyrians with a sum of money, giving his brother Philip to them as a hostage. Some time after, too, he made peace with the Thebans by giving the same hostage; a circumstance which afforded Philip fine opportunities of improving his extraordinary abilities; for, being kept as a hostage at Thebes three years, he received the first rudiments of education 95 in a city distinguished for strictness of |73 discipline, and in the house of Epaminondas, an eminent philosopher, as well as commander. Not long afterwards Alexandei fell by a plot of his mother Eurydice, whom Amyntas, when she was convicted of a conspiracy against him, had spared for the sake of their children, little imagining that she would one day be the destroyer of them. Perdiccas, also, the brother of Alexander, was taken off by similar treachery. Horrible, indeed, was it, that children should have been deprived of life by a mother, to gratify her lust, whom a regard for those very children had saved from the punishment of her crimes. The murder of Perdiccas seemed the more atrocious from the circumstance that not even the prayers of his little son could procure him pity from his mother. Philip, for a long time, acted, not as king, but as guardian to this infant; but, when dangerous wars threatened, and it was too long to wait for the co-operation of a prince who was yet a child, he was forced by the people to take the government upon himself.
VI. When he took possession of the throne, great hopes were formed of him by all, both on account of his abilities, which promised that he would prove a great man, and on account of certain old oracles respecting Macedonia, which had foretold that "when one of the sons of Amyntas should be king, the state of the country would be extremely flourishing:" to fulfil which expectations the wickedness of his mother had left only him. At the commencement of his reign, when, on the one hand, the murder of his brother, so atrociously put to death, and the dread of treachery; on the other, a multitude of enemies, and the poverty of his kingdom, exhausted by a series of wars, bore hard upon the young king's immature age, thinking it proper to make distinct arrangements as to the wars, which, as if by a common conspiracy to crush Macedonia, rose around him from different nations and several quarters at the same time, to all of which he could not at once make resistance, he put an end to some by offers of peace, and bought off others, but attacked such of his enemies as seemed easiest to be subdued, that, by a victory over them, he might confirm the wavering minds of his soldiers, and alter any feelings of contempt with which his adversaries might regard |74 him. His first conflict was with the Athenians,96 whom he surprised by a stratagem, but, though he might have put them all to the sword, he yet, from dread of a more formidable war, allowed them to depart uninjured and without ransom. After wards, leading his army against the Illyrians, he killed several thousand of his enemies, and took the famous city of Larissa. He then fell suddenly on Thessaly (when it apprehended any thing rather than war), not from desire of spoil, but because he wished to add the strength of the Thessalian cavalry to his own troops; and he thus incorporated a force of horse and foot in one invincible army. His undertakings having been thus far successful, he married Olympias, daughter of Neoptolemus, afterwards king of the Molossians, her cousin-german Arrybas, then king of that nation, who had brought up the young princess, and had married her sister Troas, promoting the union; a proceeding which proved the cause of his ruin, and the beginning of all the evils that afterwards befell him; for while he hoped to strengthen his kingdom by this affinity with Philip, he was by that monarch deprived of his crown, and spent his old age in exile.
After these proceedings, Philip, no longer satisfied with acting on the defensive, boldly attacked even those who gave him no molestation. While he was besieging Methone, an arrow, shot from the walls at him as he was passing by, struck out his right eye; but by this wound he was neither rendered less active in the siege, nor more resentful towards the enemy; so that, some days after, he granted them peace on their application for it, and was not only not severe, but even merciful, to the conquered. |75
BOOK VIII.
War between the Thebans and Phocians, I.----The Thebans bring Philip against the Phocians; the Athenians take precautions for their defence, II.----Philip harasses Greece, takes possession of Cappadocia, destroys Olynthus; his acts in Thrace, III.----He deceives the Athenians, Boeotians, Thessalians, and Phocians, IV. ---- Oppresses the Phocians and other Greeks, V.----His machinations to strengthen his power, VI.
I. THE states of Greece, while each sought to gain the sovereignty of the country for itself, lost it as a body. Striving intemperately to ruin one another, they did not perceive, till they were oppressed by another power, that what each lost was a common loss to all; for Philip, king of Macedonia, looking, as from a watch-tower, for an opportunity to attack their liberties, and fomenting their contentions by assisting the weaker, obliged victors and vanquished alike to submit to his royal yoke. The Thebans were the cause and origin of this calamity, who, obtaining power, and having no steadiness of mind to bear prosperity, insolently accused the Lacedaemonians and Phocians, when they had conquered them in the field, before the common council of Greece,97 as if they had not been sufficiently punished by the slaughters and depredations that they had suffered. It was laid to the charge of the Lacedaemonians, that they had seized the citadel of Thebes during a time of truce, and to that of the Phocians, that they had laid waste Boeotia, as if the Thebans themselves, after their conduct in the field, had left themselves any ground for resorting to law. But as the cause was conducted according to the will of the more powerful, the Phocians were sentenced to pay such a fine as it was impossible for them to raise, and in consequence, despoiled of their lands, children. and wives, and reduced to desperation, they seized, under the leadership of one Philomelus, on the temple of Apollo at Delphi, as if they were enraged at the god. Being hence enriched with gold and treasure, and hiring mercenary troops, they made war upon the Thebans. This proceeding of the Phocians, though all expressed detestation at the sacrilege, brought more odium upon the Thebans, by whom they had been reduced to such necessity, than on the Phocians |76 themselves; and aid was in consequence despatched to them both by the Athenians and Lacedaemonians. In the first engagement, Philomelus drove the Thebans from their camp; but in the next he was killed, fighting in front among the thickest of the enemy, and paid the penalty of his sacrilege by the effusion of his impious blood. Onomarchus was made general in his stead.
II. To oppose Onomarchus, the Thebans and Thessalians chose as general, not one of their own people, lest they should not be able to endure his rule if he should conquer, but Philip, king of Macedonia, voluntarily submitting to that power from a foreigner which they dreaded in the hands of their own countrymen. Philip, as if he were the avenger of the sacrilege, not the defender of the Thebans, ordered all his soldiers to assume crowns of laurel, and proceeded to battle as if under the leadership of the god. The Phocians, seeing these ensigns of the deity, and frighted with the consciousness of guilt, threw down their arms and fled, receiving punishment for their violation of religion by the bloodshed and slaughter that they suffered. This affair brought incredibly great glory to Philip in the opinion of all people, who called him "the avenger of the god, and the defender of religion," and said that "he alone had arisen to require satisfaction for what ought to have been punished by the combined force of the world, and was conseqtiently worthy to be ranked next to the gods, as by him the majesty of the gods had been vindicated."
The Athenians, hearing the result of the conflict, and fearing that Philip would march into Greece, took possession of the straits of Thermopylae, as they had done on the invasion of the Persians, but by no means with like spirit, or in a similar cause; for then they fought in behalf of the liberty of Greece, now, in behalf of public sacrilege;98 then to defend the temples of the gods from the ravages of an enemy, now, to defend the plunderers of temples against the avengers of their guilt, acting as advocates of a crime of which it was dishonourable to them that others should have been the punishers, and utterly unmindful that, in their dangers, they had often had recourse to this deity as a counsellor; that, under his guidance, |77 they had entered on so many wars with success, had founded bo many cities auspiciously, and had acquired so extensive a dominion by sea and land: and that they had never done any thing, either of a public or private nature, without the sanction of his authority. Strange that a people of such ability, improved by every kind of learning, and formed by the most excellent laws and institutions, should have brought such guilt upon themselves as to leave nothing with which they could afterwards justly upbraid barbarians.
III. Nor did Philip distinguish himself by more honourable conduct towards his allies; for, as if he was afraid of being surpassed by his opponents in the guilt of sacrilege, he seized and plundered, like an enemy, cities of which he had just before been captain, which had fought under his auspices, and which had congratulated him and themselves on their victories; he sold the wives and children of the inhabitants for slaves; he spared neither the temples of the gods, nor other sacred structures, nor the tutelar gods, public or private, before whom he had recently presented himself as a guest; so that he seemed not so much to avenge sacrilege as to seek a license for committing it.
In the next place, as if he had done every thing well, he crossed over into Chalcidice,99 where, conducting his wars with equal perfidy,100 and treacherously capturing or killing the neighbouring princes, he united the whole of the province to the kingdom of Macedonia. Afterwards, to throw a veil over his character for dishonesty, for which he was now deemed remarkable above other men, he sent persons through the kingdoms and the richest of the cities, to spread a report that king Philip was ready to contract, at a vast sum, for the re-building of the walls, temples, and sacred edifices, in the several towns, and to invite contractors by public criers; but when those who were willing to undertake these works went to Macedonia, they found themselves put off with various excuses, and, from dread of the king's power, returned quietly to their |78 homes. Soon after he fell upon the Olynthians, hecause, after the death of one of his brothers, they had, from pity, afforded a refuge to two others, whom, being the sons of his step-mother, Philip would gladly have cut off, as pretenders to a share in the throne. For this reason he destroyed an ancient and noble city, consigning his brothers to the death long before destined for them, and delighting himself at the same time with a vast quantity of booty, and the gratification of his fratricidal inclinations. Next, as if every thing that he meditated was. lawful for him to do, he seized upon the gold mines in Thessaly, and the silver ones in Thrace, and, to leave no law or right unviolated, proceeded to engage in piracy. While such was his conduct, it happened that two brothers, princes of Thrace, chose him as arbitrator in their disputes, not, indeed, from respect for his justice, but because each dreaded that he would unite his strength to that of the other. Philip, in accordance with his practice and disposition, came unexpectedly upon the brothers with an army in full array, not apparently to try a cause, but to fight a battle, and spoiled them both of their dominions, not like a judge, but with the perfidy and baseness of a robber.
IV. During the course of these transactions, ambassadors came to him from the Athenians to ask for peace. Having listened to their request, he despatched ambassadors to Athens with terms, and a peace was concluded there to the advan tage of both parties. Embassies came to him also from other states of Greece, not from inclination for peace, but for fear of war; for the Thessalians and Baeotians, with reviving wrath, entreated that he would prove himself the leader of Greece, as he had professed to be, against the Phocians; such being the hatred with which they were inflamed towards that people, that they chose rather to perish themselves, than not to destroy them, and to submit to the known cruelty of Philip, rather than spare their enemies. On the other hand, ambassadors from the Phocians (the Lacedaemonians and Athenians joining with them) endeavoured to avert the war, forbearance from which they had thrice before purchased from Philip. It was a shameful and miserable sight, to behold Greece, even then the most distinguished country in the world for power and dignity, a country that had constantly been the conqueror of kings and nations, and was still mistress of many cities, |79 waiting at a foreign court to ask or deprecate war; that the champions of the world should place all their hopes on assistance from another, and should be reduced, by their discords and civil feuds, to such a condition as to flatter a power which had lately been a humble portion of their dependencies; and that the Thebans and Lacedaemonians should especially do this, who were formerly rivals for sovereignty, but now for the favour of a sovereign. Philip, to show his importance, assumed an air of disdain for these great cities, and deliberated to which of the two he should vouchsafe his favour. Having heard both embassies privately, he promised to the one security from war, binding them by an oath to reveal his. answer to nobody; to the other he engaged himself to come and bring them assistance. He charged them both neither to prepare for war, nor to fear it. Different replies being thus given to each, he seized, while they were all free from apprehension, on the pass of Thermopylae.
V. The Phocians in consequence, finding themselves overreached by the cunning of Philip, were the first, in great trepidation, to take arms. But there was no time to make due preparation for war, or to collect auxiliaries, and Philip, unless a surrender should be made, threatened their destruction. Overcome, accordingly, by necessity, they submitted, stipulating only for their lives. But this stipulation was just as faithfully observed by Philip as his promises had been respecting the war which they had deprecated. They were every where put to the sword, or made prisoners; children were not left to their parents, nor wives to their husbands, nor the statues of the gods in the temples. The sole comfort of the wretched people was, that as Philip had defrauded his allies of their share of the spoil, they saw none of their property in the hands of their enemies.
On his return to his kingdom, as shepherds drive their flocks sometimes into winter, sometimes into summer pastures, so he transplanted people and cities hither and thither, according to his caprice, as places appeared to him proper to be peopled or left desolate. The aspect of things was every where wretched, like that of a country ravaged by an enemy. There was not, indeed, that terror of a foe, or hurrying of troops through the cities, or seizure of property and prisoners, which are seen during a hostile invasion; but there prevailed a sorrow |80 and sadness not expressed in words, the people fearing that even their very tears would he thought signs of discontent Their grief was augmented by the very concealment of it, sinking the deeper the less they were permitted to utter it. At one time they contemplated the sepulchres of their ancestors, at another their old household gods, at another the homes in which they had been born, and in which they had had families; lamenting sometimes their own fate, that they had lived to that day, and sometimes that of their children, that they were not born after it.
VI. Some people he planted upon the frontiers of his kingdom to oppose his enemies; others he settled at the extremities of it. Some, whom he had taken prisoners in war, he distributed among certain cities to fill up the number of inhabitants; and thus, out of various tribes and nations, he formed one kingdom and people. When he had settled and put in order the affairs of Macedonia, he reduced the Dardanians and others of his neighbours, who were overreached by his treacherous dealings. Nor did he keep his hands even from his own relations; for he resolved on expelling Arrybas, king of Epirus, who was nearly related to his wife Olympias, out of his kingdom; and he invited Alexander, a step-son of Arrybas, and brother of his wife Olympias (a youth of remarkable beauty), into Macedonia, in. his sister's name, and engaged him, after earnestly tempting him with hopes of his father's throne, and pretending violent love for him, in a criminal intercourse, thinking to find greater submission from him, whether through shame on account of his guilt, or through obligation for a kingdom conferred upon him. When he was twenty years of age, accordingly, he took the kingdom from Arrybas, and gave it to the youth, acting a base part towards both, for he disregarded the claims of consanguinity in him from whom he took the kingdom, and corrupted him to whom he gave it before he made him a king. |81
BOOK IX.
Philip besieges Byzantium, I.----His transactions with the Scythians; he defeats them, II.----Robbed of spoil by the Triballi; Defeats the Thebans and Athenians, III.----His treatment of them, IV.----Settles the affairs of Greece, in order to an invasion of Persia, V. ----Is killed by Pausanias, with the knowledge, as is supposed, of Olympias and Alexander, VI. VII.----His character, VIII.
I. WHEN Philip had once come into Greece, allured by the plunder of a few cities, and had formed an opinion, from the spoil of such towns as were of less note, how great must be the riches of all its cities put together, he resolved to make war upon the whole of Greece. Thinking that it would greatly conduce to the promotion of his design, if he could get possession of Byzantium, a noble city and seaport, which would be a station for his forces by land and sea, he proceeded, as it shut its gates against him, to lay close siege to it. This city had been founded by Pausanias, king of Sparta, and held by him for seven years, but afterwards, as the fortune of war varied, it was regarded as at one time belonging to the Athenians, and at another to the Lacedaemoniaus; and this uncertainty of possession was the cause that, while neither party supported it as its own, it maintained its liberty with the greater determination. Philip, exhausted by the length of the siege, had recourse to piracy for a supply of money, and having captured a hundred and seventy ships, and sold off the cargoes, he was enabled for a while to relieve his craving wants. But that so great an army might not be wasted in the siege of a single city, he marched away with his best troops, and stormed some towns of the Chersonese. He also sent for his son Alexander, who was then eighteen years of age, to join him, and learn the rudiments of war in the camp of his father. He made an expedition, too, into Scythia, to get plunder, that, after the practice of traders, he might make up for the expenses of one war by the profits of another.
II. The king of the Scythians at that time was Atheas, who, being distressed by a war with the Istrians, sought aid from Philip through the people of Apollonia, on the under standing that he would adopt him for his successor on the throne of Scythia. But in the mean time, the king of the Istrians |82 died, and relieved the Scythians both from the fear of war and the want of assistance. Atheas, therefore, sending away the Macedonians, ordered a message to be sent to Philip, that "he had neither sought his aid, nor proposed his adoption; 101 for the Scythians needed no protection from the Macedonians, to whom they were superior in the field, nor did he himself want an heir, as he had a son living." When Philip heard this, he sent ambassadors to Atheas to ask him to defray at least a portion of the expense of the siege, 102 that he might not be forced to raise it for want of money; "a request," he said, "with which he ought the more readily to comply, as, when he sent soldiers to his assistance, he had not even paid their expenses on the march, to say nothing of remuneration for their service." Atheas, alluding to the rigour of their climate and the barrenness of their soil, which, far from enriching the Scythians with wealth, scarcely afforded them sustenance, replied, that "he had no treasury to satisfy so great a king, and that he thought it less honourable to do little than to refuse altogether; but that the Scythians were to be estimated by their valour and hardiness of body, not by their possessions." Philip, mocked by this message, broke up the siege of Byzantium, and entered upon a war with the Scythians, first sending ambassadors to lull them into security, by telling Atheas that "while he was besieging Byzantium, he had vowed a statue to Hercules, which he was going to erect at the mouth of the Ister, requesting an unobstructed passage to pay his vow to the god, since he was coming as a friend to the Scythians." Atheas desired him, "if his object was ' merely to fulfil his vow, to let the statue be sent to him," promising that "it should not only be erected, but should remain uninjured," but refusing "to allow an army to enter his territories," and adding that, "if he should set up the statue in spite of the Scythians, he would take it down when he was gone, and turn the brass of it into heads for arrows." With feelings thus irritated on both sides, a battle was fought. Though the Scythians were superior in courage and numbers, they were defeated by the subtlety of Philip. Twenty |83 thousand young men and women were taken, and a vast number of cattle, but no gold or silver. This was the first proof which they had of the poverty of Scythia. Twenty thousand fine mares were sent into Macedonia to raise a breed.
III. But as Philip was returning from Scythia, the Triballi met him, and refused to allow him a passage, unless they received a share of the spoil. Hence arose a dispute, and afterwards a battle, in which Philip received so severe a wound through the thigh, that his horse was killed by it; and while it was generally supposed that he was dead, the booty was lost. Thus the Scythian spoil, as if attended with a curse, had almost proved fatal to the Macedonians.
But as soon as he recovered from his wound, he made war upon the Athenians, of which he had long dissembled his intention. The Thebans espoused their cause, fearing that if the Athenians were conquered, the war, like a fire in the neighbourhood, would spread to them. An alliance being accordingly made between the two cities, which were just before 103 at violent enmity with each other, they wearied Greece with embassies, stating that "they thought the common enemy should be repelled by their common strength, for that Philip would not rest, if his first attempts succeeded, until he had subjugated all Greece." Some of the cities were moved by these arguments, and joined themselves to the Athenians; but the dread of a war induced some to go over to Philip. A battle being brought on, 104 though the Athenians were far superior in number of soldiers, they were conquered by the valour of the Macedonians, which was invigorated by constant service in the field. They were not, however, in defeat, unmindful of their ancient valour; for, falling with wounds in front, they all covered the places which they had been charged by their leaders to defend, with their dead bodies. This day put an end to the glorious sovereignty and ancient liberty of all Greece.
IV. Philip's joy for this victory was artfully concealed. He abstained from offering the usual sacrifices 105 on that day; he did not smile at table, or mingle any diversions with the |84 entertainment; he had no chaplets or perfumes; and, as far as was in his power, he so managed his conquest that none might think of him as a conqueror. He desired that he should not be called king, but general of Greece; and conducted himself with such prudence, between his own secret joy on the one hand and the grief of the enemy on the other, that he neither appeared to his own subjects to rejoice, nor to the vanquished to insult them. To the Athenians, whom he had found to be his bitterest enemies, he both sent back their prisoners without ransom, and gave up the bodies of the slain for burial; exhorting them to convey the relics of their dead to the sepulchres of their ancestors. He also sent Alexander his son with his friend Antipater to Athens, to establish peace and friendship with them. The Thebans, however, he compelled to purchase their prisoners, as well as the liberty of burying their dead. Some of the chief men of their city, too, he put to death; others he banished, seizing upon the property of them all. Afterwards, he reinstated in their country those that had been unjustly banished, of whom he made three hundred judges and governors of the city, before whom when the most eminent citizens were arraigned on this very charge, that of having banished them unjustly, they had such spirit that they all acknowledged their participation in the fact, and affirmed that it was better with the state when they were condemned than when they were restored. A wonderful instance of courage! They passed sentence, as far as they could, on those who had the disposal of them for life or death, and set. at nought the pardon which their enemies could give them; and, as they could not avenge themselves 106 by deeds, they manifested their boldness of spirit by words.
V. War being at an end in Greece, Philip directed deputies from all the states to be summoned to Corinth, to settle the condition of affairs. Here he fixed terms of peace for the whole of Greece, according to the merits of each city; and chose from them all a council, to form a senate as it were for the country. But the Lacedaemonians, standing alone, showed |85 contempt alike for the terms and the king; regarding the state of things, which had not been agreed upon by the cities themselves, but forced upon them by a conqueror, as a state, not of peace, but of slavery. The number of troops to be furnished by each state was then determined, whether the king, in case of being attacked, was to be supported by their united force, or whether war was to be made on any other power under him as their general. In all these preparations for war it was not to be doubted that the kingdom of Persia was the object in view. The sum of the force was two hundred thousand infantry and fifteen thousand cavalry. Exclusive of this number there was also the army of Macedonia, and the adjacent barbarians of the conquered nations.
In the beginning of the next spring, he sent forward three of his generals into that part of Asia which was under the power of the Persians, Parmenio, Amyntas, and Attalus, whose sister he had recently married, having divorced Olympias, the mother of Alexander, on suspicion of adultery.
VI. In the meantime, while the troops were assembling from Greece, he celebrated the marriage of his daughter Cleopatra with Alexander, whom he had made king of Epirus. The day was remarkable for the pomp displayed on it, suitable to the magnificence of the two princes, him that gave his daughter in marriage, and him that married her. Magnificent games were also celebrated, and as Philip was going to view them, unattended by his guards, walking between the two Alexanders, his son and son-in-law, Pausanias, a noble Macedonian youth, without being suspected by any one, posting himself in a narrow passage, killed him as he was going through it, and caused a day appointed for joy to be overclouded with mourning for a death. Pausanias, in the early part of his youth, had suffered gross violence at the hands of Attalus, to the indignity of which was added this further affront, that Attalus had exposed him, after bringing him to a banquet and making him drunk, not only to insults from himself, but also to those of the company, as if he had been a common object for ill-treatment, and rendered him the laughing-stock of those of his own age. Being impatient under this ignominy, Pausanias had often made complaints to Philip, but being put off with various excuses, not unattended with ridicule, and seeing his adversary also honoured with a |86 general's commission, he turned his rage against Philip himself, and inflicted on him, as an unjust judge, that revenge which he could not inflict on him as an adversary.107
VII. It is even believed that he was instigated to the act by Olympias, Alexander's mother, and that Alexander himself was not ignorant that his father was to be killed; as Olympias had felt no less resentment at her divorce, and the preferment of Cleopatra to herself, than Pausanias had felt at the insults which he had received. As for Alexander, it is said that he feared his brother by his step-mother as a rival for the throne; and hence it happened that he had previously quarrelled at a, banquet, first with Attalus, and afterwards with his father himself, insomuch that Philip pursued him even with his drawn sword, and was hardly prevented from killing him by the entreaties of his friends. Alexander had in consequence retired with his mother into Epirus, to take refuge with his uncle, and from thence to the king of the Illyrians, and was with difficulty reconciled to his father when he recalled him, and not easily induced by the prayers of his relations to return. Olympias, too, was instigating her brother, the king of Epirus, to go to war with Philip, and would have prevailed upon him to do so, had not Philip, by giving him his daughter in marriage, disarmed him as a son-in-law. With these provocations to resentment, both of them are thought to have encouraged Pausanias, when complaining of his insults being left unpunished, to so atrocious a deed. Olympias, it is certain, had horses prepared for the escape of the assassin; and, when she heard that the king was dead, hastening to the funeral under the appearance of respect, she put a crown of gold, the same night that she arrived, on the head of Pausanias, 108 as he was hanging on a cross; an act which no one but she would have dared to do, as long as the son of Philip was alive. A few days after, she burnt the body of the assassin, when it had been taken down, upon the remains of her husband, and made him a tomb in the same place; she also provided that yearly sacrifices should beper-formed to his manes, possessing the people with a superstitious notion for the purpose. Next she forced Cleopatra, for whose sake she had been divorced from Philip, to hang herself, |87 having first killed her daughter in her lap, and enjoyed the sight of her suffering this vengeance, to which she had hastened by procuring the death of her husband.109 Last of all she consecrated the sword, with which the king had been killed, to Apollo, under the name of Myrtale, 110 which was Olympias's own name when a child. And all these things were done so publicly, that she seems to have been afraid lest it should not be evident enough that the deed was promoted by her.
VIII. Philip died at the age of forty-seven, after having reigned twenty-five years. He had, by a dancing girl of Larissa, a son named Aridaeus, who reigned after Alexander. He had also many others by several wives,111 as is not unusual with princes, some of whom died a natural death, and others by the sword. As a king, he was more inclined to display in war, than in entertainments; and his greatest riches were means for military operations. He was better at getting wealth than keeping it, and, in consequence, was always poor amidst his daily spoliations. Clemency and perfidy were equally valued by him; and no road to victory was, in his opinion, dishonourable. He was equally pleasing and treacherous in his address, promising more than he could perform, He was well qualified either for serious conversation or for jesting. He maintained friendships more with a view to interest than good faith. It was a common practice with him to pretend kindness where he hated, and to counterfeit dislike where he loved; to sow dissension among friends, and try to gain favour from both sides. With such a disposition, his eloquence was very great, his language full of point and studied effect; so that neither did his facility fall short of his art, nor his invention of his facility, nor his art of his invention.
To Philip succeeded his son Alexander, a prince greater than his father, both in his virtues and his vices. Each of the two had a different mode of conquering; the one prosecuted his wars with open force, the other with subtlety; the one delighted in deceiving his enemies, the other in boldly repulsing them. The one was more prudent in council, the other more noble in feeling. The father would dissemble his resentment |88 and often:subdue it; when the son was provoked, there was neither delay nor bounds to his vengeance. They were both too fond of wine, but the ill effects of their intoxication were totally different; the father would rush from a banquet to face the enemy, cope with him, and rashly expose himself to dangers; the son vented his rage, not upon his enemies, but his friends. A battle often sent away Philip wounded; Alexander often left a banquet 112 stained with the blood of his companions. The one wished to reign with his friends, the other to reign over them. The one preferred to be loved, the other to be feared. To literature both gave equal attention. The father had more cunning, the son more honour. Philip was more staid in his words, Alexander in his actions. The son felt readier and nobler impulses to spare the conquered; the father showed no mercy even to his allies. The father was more inclined to frugality, the son to luxury. By the same course by which the father laid the foundations of the empire of the world, the son consummated the glory of conquering the whole world.
BOOK X.
The sons of Artaxerxes conspire against him, and are put to death, I.----Causes of the conspiracy, II.----Darius Ochus; Darius Codomannus; end of the Persian monarchy, III.
I. ARTAXERXES, 113 king of Persia, had a hundred and fifteen sons by his concubines, but only three begotten in lawful wedlock, Darius, Ariarathes, and Ochus. Of these the father, from paternal fondness, made Darius king during his own lifetime, contrary to the usage of the Persians, among whom the king is changed only by death; for he thought nothing taken from himself that he conferred upon his son, and expected greater enjoyment from having progeny, if he saw the insignia of royalty adorning his son while he lived. But Darius, after such an extraordinary proof of his father's affection, conceived the design of killing him. He would have been bad enough, if he had meditated the parricide alone, but he became so |89 much the worse, by enticing fifty of his brothers to a participation in his crime, and making them parricides in intention as well as himself. It was certainly a kind of prodigy, that, among so great a number, the assassination should not only have been plotted, but concealed, and that of fifty children there should not have been found one, whom either respect for their father's dignity, or reverence for an old man, or gratitude for paternal kindness, could deter from so horrible a purpose. Was the name of father so contemptible among so many sons, that he who should have been secured even against enemies by their protection, should be beset by their treason, and find it easier to defend himself against his foes than his children?
II. The cause of the intended parricide was even more atrocious than the crime itself; for after Cyrus was killed in the war against his brother, of which mention has been previously 114 made, Artaxerxes had married Aspasia, 115 the concubine of Cyrus; and Darius had required that his father should resign her to him as he had resigned the kingdom. Artaxerxes, from fondness from his children, said at first that he would do so, but afterwards, from a change of mind, and in order plausibly to refuse what he had inconsiderately promised, made her a priestess of the sun, an office which obliged her to perpetual chastity. The young Darius, being incensed at this proceeding, broke out at first into reproaches against his father, and subsequently entered into this conspiracy with his brothers. But while he was meditating destruction for his father, he was discovered and apprehended with his associates, and paid the penalty of his guilt to the gods who avenge paternal authority. The wives of them all, too, together with their children, were put to death, that no memorial of such execrable wickedness might be left. Soon after Artaxerxes died of a disease contracted by grief, having been happier as a king than as a father.
III. Possession of the throne was given to Ochus, who, dreading a similar conspiracy, filled the palace with the blood and dead bodies of his kinsmen and the nobility, being touched with compassion neither for consanguinity, nor sex, nor age, lest, apparently, he should be thought less wicked than his brothers that had meditated parricide. |90
Having thus, as it were, purified his kingdom, he made war upon the Cardusii; in the course of which one Codomannus,116 followed by applause from all the Persians, engaged with one of the enemy that offered himself for single combat, and, having killed his antagonist, regained the victory for his fellow soldiers, as well as the glory which they had almost lost. For this honourable service Codomannus was made governor of Armenia. Some time after, on the death of Ochus, he was chosen king by the people from regard to his former merits, and, that nothing might be wanting to his royal dignity, honoured with the name of Darius. He maintained a long war, with various success, but with great efforts, against Alexander the Great. But being at last overcome by Alexander, and slain 117 by his relations, he terminated his life and the kingdom of the Persians together.
[Footnotes moved to end and numbered]
1. * Among these were Aulus Albinus, consul A.U.C. 602, Cic. Brut. c. 21; Aul. Gell. xi. 8; Lucius Cincius, mentioned by Dionys. Halicarn. i. 6; Caius Julius a senator, Liv. Epit. liii.; Lucius Lucullus, consul A.U.C. 679, Cic. Acad. ii. l; and Cicero, who sent an account of his consulship (A.U.C. 690) written in Greek to his friend Atticus; Ep. ad Att.i. 19.---- Wetzel
2. + Graeco peregrinoque sermone.] Greek, and therefore foreign, not Latin.---- Wetzel.
3. + Vir priscae eloquenticae.] More literally, "A man of ancient eloquence."
4. * Ad te.] In the editions before that of Bongarsius, 1581, the words Marce Antonine followed te, but as they did not appear in the manuscripts which Bongarsius consulted, he omitted them. They are generally supposed to have been inserted by some editor or editors, who confounded Justin the historian with Justin Martyr, who lived in the reign of Antoninus. At what time Justin the historian lived is uncertain. See the biographical notice prefixed. But Pontanus and Isaac Vossius argued for the words being retained; and Scheffer, observing that the oldest editions, and that of Bongarsius himself, based on at least eight manuscripts, have Quod ad te non cognoscendi magis quam emendandi causa transmisi, would read, Quod ad te non tam cognoscendi, Marce Antonine Caesar, quam emendandi, &c., supposing magis to be a corruption of M. A. C., the first letters of the emperor's names.
5. * Principio rerum.] "In the beginning of things," i. e., as soon as there was any government at all.
6. + Penes reges.] See Sallust, Cat. i. 2; Cig. Leg. 2, 11, de Off. ii. 12; Arist. Polit, i.
7. ++ See Sall. Cat. 2; Tacit. Ann. iii. 26; Ov. Met. i. 89.
8. § Justin, ii. 3, makes Sesostris fifteen hundred years older than Ninus; but the truth is that his age and actions are equally involved in obscurity, though Usher says that he was the son of the Amenophis who perished in the Red Sea, and that, consequently, he began his reign A.M. 2513. But Reitz, on Herod, ii. 102, fixes his death in A.M. 2713, eighty-seven years before the taking of Troy. Marsham, again, in his Can. Chr. p. 22, follows Josephus (Ant. viii. 4) in placing him much later, and in making him the same with Shishak, who took Jerusalem and plundered the temple, A.M. 3013, two hundred and thirteen years after Troy was taken. Diodorus Siculus, who speaks of his actions, i. 53----58, settles nothing certain concerning his age.----Wetzel.
9. || Herodotus, iv. 5, calls the first king of Scythia Targitaus.
10. * Continua possessione.] His establishment of his power over the countries was immediately consequent on his subjugation of them.
11. + By Diodorus, ii. 6, he is called Oxyartes. See also Plin. H. N. xxx. 1; August. De Civ. Dei. xxi. 14.---- Wetzel. Concerning the age of Zoroaster all is uncertainty; such is the difference of opinions about it. Agathias and others think that he must have lived at a later date, about the commencement of the Persian empire. See Marsham in Canon. Aegypt. ad Sec. ix.----Gronovius. It has not yet been shown that Zoroaster the king and Zoroaster the Magus were the same person.
12. ++ See Diodorus, xi. 4; Plutarch in Amator.; Aelian. Var. Hist. vii. 1; Polyaen. Stratag. vii. "Conon apud Photium, Narr. ix. states, that Semiramis was not the wife but the daughter of Ninus or Ninyas, and says, eam ignaram cum filio concubuisse, and afterwards, re cognita, married him; after which occurrence it was lawful among the Persians for sons commisceri matribus."----Vossius. To the concubitus cum equo Pliny alludes, H. N. viii. 64.
13. * Concerning the real builder of Babylon, see Strab. xvi. init.; Diod. Sic. ii. 17; Q. Curt. v. 1, 42; Euseb. Chron. init.; Jerome on Hos. c. xi.; Herod. i. 184.; Amm. Marcell. xxii. 20.---- Lemaire.
14. + Arenae vice.] Understand sand mixed with lime.----Berneccerus But the signification of arena is not always confined to that of sand; it sometimes means earth or mud. Thus Virgil, Georg. i. 105, has male pinguis arenae; and, speaking of the Nile, says, Viridem, Aegyptum nigra faecundat arena. Dübner's edition has arenati vice, I know not on what authority.
15. ++ Nemo.] Justin has forgotten the expeditions of Hercules and Bacchus.----Lemaire.
16. * Sive fortunae ipsius sive spei suae puerum nutrire.] She hoped that the child would be restored to the regal station or fortune in which it had been born.----Lemaire.
17. * This word has been received into the text instead of the old Barce (which was a city of Cyrene, into which country the arms of Cyrus had not yet penetrated), on the conjecture of Bongarsius and authority of Ctesias, who states that this city, situated near Ecbatana, wag given to Craesus.---- Wetzel.
18. + Ex universâ Graeciâ.] This is not true. Craesus having asked aid of the Athenians and Lacedaemonians by advice of the Delphic oracle, the Lacedaemonians were proceeding to assist him. but having heard, at the commencement of their march, of his defeat, they went back. Herod, i. 53, 69, 70, 77, 82, 152. -Wetzel.
19. * That is, the kingdom of Lydia, which included almost all Asia Minor. Herod. i. 28. ---- Wetzel.
20. + Securos.] I have adopted securos from Aldus, instead of the other reading saucios, for which Freinshemius happily conjectured sopitos. Though it should be observed that Justin, xxiv. 8, has mero saucius.---- Wetzel.
21. * Parricidium.] See Festus in voce Parrici, and note on Sall. Cat. c. 14, Bonn's Cl. Library.
22. + Sponte evaginato.] Justin seems to think that there was something miraculous in the unsheathing of the sword. Herodotus, iii. 64, says the sword fell from the sheath by accident, the cap at the end of the sheath having dropped off; observing, however, that the occurrence took place on the spot where Cambyses had previously wounded the god Apis.
23. * The rest of the Magi conspired to support the one who was made king.
24. * Religioni.] To the gods, who might signify their will by omens. ---- Wetzel.
25. + Inter solis ortum.] The old editions have ante solis ortum, but inter, which Bongarsius took from his manuscripts, agrees better with the account of Herodotus, who has h(li/ou a)nate/llontoj, and a#ma tw| h(li/w| a)ni/onti. Inter ortum solis is equivalent to dum sol oritur. -- Vorstius.
26. * On the supposition that men sprung out of the ground. See Lucretius, v. 803; Ovid. Met. i. 80; Diod. Sic. i. 10.
27. + Ignis, qui et mundum genuit.] This was the opinion of Heraclitus and some other philosophers. See Lucretius, i. 636.
28. * Nisi excluso Nilo.] Excluded from the land, or confined to its channel.---- Wetzel.
29. + Hominum vetustate ultimam.] The farthest back in the antiquity of its inhabitants."
30. ++ A tergo.] i. e. towards the west.
31. § Asia Minor.---- Wetzel.
32. || In plaustris.] See Hor. Od. iii. 24, 9.
33. +++ Ferinis aut murinis.] By mures is to be understood small animals in general, as cats, weasels, badgers, rabbits, hares, foxes. Thus Hesychius says that the si/mwr is a muo_j a)gri/on ei]doj among the Parthians, the skin of which they use for garments. So Ammianus Marcellinus, xxxi. 2, says of the Huns, that they wear garments ex pellibus silvestrium, murium consarcinatis.---- Wetzel. By mus Ponticus, Plin. H. N. x. 73, is generally understood the ermine or squirrel. Seneca, Ep. 90, says, that the Scythians wear skins vulpium ac murium. See also Plin. H. N. xxx. 6.
34. * One expedition only is mentioned by Herodotus.---- Wetzel.
35. + Lenonibus.] Messenger, mediator, or conciliator, seems to have been the primary meaning of the word leno. Priscian derives it from lento. Maxima lena mora est, says Ovid; and vox sua lena fuit, A. Am. iii. 316.
36. * Herodotus, on the contrary, with Diodorus Siculus, and Dicaearchus, say, that the Scythians were put to flight by Sesostris, who conquered every nation that he attacked.---- Wetzel.
37. + Herodotus, iv. 110, 117, gives a different account; and another is given by Diod. Siculus, ii. 45. Compare Orosius, i. 15; Ammian. Marcellinus, lib. xxii.; Eustath. on Dionysius; Strabo, lib. ii. says much on this subject, deeming all the accounts fabulous.----Lemaire.
38. * From a) privative, and mazo&j, + Asia Minor.
39. * See, on the praise of Athens, Lucret, vi. 1; Aelian. Var. Hist, iii 38; Strabo, lib. xix.; Thucyd. lib. i.; Diod. Sic. lib. i.
40. * All other historians call him Hipparchus. See Thucyd i. 20.
41. * In regnum.] Wetzel, with most editors, has in regno but in regnum is much more to the purpose.
42. * Quid? si non haec et Dario prius, et nunc Xerxes, belli causa nobiscum, foret, &c.] I have not attempted to translate the commencement of this sentence literally. Some editions have a note of interrogation after quid, and others not, and some have quod si; but, as Scheffer says, no one of these readings is satisfactory. Lemaire plausibly conjectures Quasi non haec, &c.
43. * Ex istâ obsidione.] They being hemmed in by the Persian fleet like enemies.---- Wetzel.
44. + Abditis insulis.] He calls the islands abditae because they were situated in the innermost recess of the [Saronic] gulf.---- Vossius. We may suppose Salamis and Aegina to be meant.---- Vorstius. See Corn. Nep. Them. 2, 8; Herod. viii. 41.
45. * Xerxes himself.
46. * Erat res spectaculo digna, et aestimatione sortis humanae, rerum varietate mirandae.] Such is the reading of Wetzel and Gronovius. Some editions omit the et. Wetzel gives this comment: "It was a spectacle deserving of attentive contemplation, and one from which you might judge of the lot of man; of the wonderful changeableness of which Xerxes was an example."
47. * Translatis in se vinculis.] Whether this act was altogether voluntary is discussed by J. A. Bos on Corn. Nep. Cim. c. 1.
48. * Quasi somnum fingeret.] As if, being guilty, he had counterfeited himself to be asleep on purpose.----Codrington's Translation.
49. + Successisset.] That is, the Spartans would have accepted him as successor to his brother, had he not preferred to give the throne to his brother's son.
50. * Brevi ] Not in so very short a time, for Lycurgus published hia laws 130 years before the foundation of Rome, and this war commenced eleven years after its foundation, i.e. 141 years after the promulgation of the laws.---- Wetzel.
51. + Post jusjurandum.] That is, after the enrolment of the army, when the soldiers took the oath of service.
52. * From parqe/noj, virgo.] It answers exactly to the German ein Jungfraukind.----Berneccerus.
53. * Achaiae.] So the northern coast of the Peloponnesus was called, Tauchnitz's edition and Dübner's have Asiae instead of Achaiae; but I know not whence they took it. Gronovius, and I believe all the older editors, read Achaiae.
54. * Totam Spartam.] That is, all the neighbourhood of Sparta, all the lands of the Spartans; as in xii. 2, we find in Troja for in agri Trojano. Concerning this expedition, see Thucyd. ii. 19----46; Diod. Sic. ii. 42
55. * Angustis faucibus.] It was supposed that the two countries had formed one tract of land, with merely "a narrow valley or defile between them, and that the sea rushed into this valley and split them asunder.
56. + Superi maris.] The Adriatic.
57. ++ From r(h&gvumi, to break.
58. * Nisi humoris nutrimentis aleretur.] Justin seems to mean nothing more than what he expresses below, that the water carried down with it into the earth a certain portion of air, which kindled, or at least excited, the subterraneous fires. I make this observation lest any one should suppose that he had an idea like that of Sir Humphrey Davy, that water, by coming in contact with certain substances beneath the earth, might be decomposed into gases.
59. + From having tri/a a!kra, three promontories, or three great angular points.
60. * From the Sicani, an Iberian tribe, according to Dionysius Halicarnassensis, lib. i. The Siculi, from whom it was called Sicilia, are said to have come into the island from Italy.---- Wetzel.
61. + A remark scarcely applicable to the subject. Part of the Rhegians were conquered by the other part with the aid of the people of Himera.
62. ++ Jure captivitatis.
63. * It is not easy to see on what ground such a sentence was pronounced; for it is stated at the end of the third chapter that the Catanians themselves sent back their Athenian auxiliaries.
64. * Agis.
65. * They did not so much regard him as a leader deprived of his command by the Athenians, as one who had been entrusted with a similar command by the Lacedaemonians. "Although he had lost his appointment with the Athenians, they considered that he was advanced to equal dignity among the Lacedaemonians."----Berneccerus. "The office of general, which he had lost on the one side, he had recovered on the other."----Graevius.
66. * Major salutis, quam dignitatis, cura fuit.] The Athenians submitted to the condition imposed by the king of Persia, viz., that of transferring the government to the senate, though they might lower their dignity by the submission.
67. * These four hundred composed the senate. See Thucyd. viii. 67, 68.
68. + Lacedaemoniorum duces.] Not strictly; Mindarus was captain of the Lacedaemonians: Pharnabazus, a Persian satrap.
69. * Enimvero tantum in uno viro fuisse momenti, ut, &c.] In such constructions, says Wetzel, we must understand mirandum est, or some thing similar. See ii. 14: Tantam famae velocitatem fuisse; viii. 2, sut fin.; xiv. 5, med.
70. + See iv. 5, init,
71. ++ In Greece, Euboea, Thrace, and Asia Minor.---- Wetzel.
72. * Taxatae sint.] Was at the expense of.
73. * Muri brachia.] The arms of the wall.
74. * These cities had not obeyed the edict of the Lacedaemonians, but had resolved to receive the exiles.
75. + Lysias Syracusanus orator.] He was born at Athens, but is called a Syracusan, because he was the son of a native of Syracuse. He had left Athens at the age of fifteen, among the colonists that went to Thurii in Italy and did not return to Athens till the age of forty-seven, after the defeat of the Athenians in Sicily.
76. * The original stands thus: bellum Atheniensibus inferunt; sed ad colloquium, veluti dominationem recepturi, progressi, &c. Justin seems here to have abridged his author a little too much.
77. * That proper respect might be paid to him as one of the royal family. So Darius, when seized by Bessus, was bound with golden chains, as is stated by Q. Curtius, v. 12, and by Justin, xi. 15.----Berneccerus.
78. * Called Psammitichus by Diodorus Siculus, xiv. 35.----Wetzel.
79. + The modius was not quite half a peck. Its exact content was 1 gall. 7.8576 pints. See Fragments of the Hist. of Sallust; Bohn's Class. Library, Sallust p. 234.
80. * Adorare.] See C. Nepos, Life of Conon, c. 9.
81. + Justin is here in error; for it was not the proceedings of Conon in Asia, but the war raised by the Corinthians, Athenians, and Argives in Europe, that caused the recall of Agesilaus, as indeed Justin himself says, c. 4, med.---- Wetzel.
82. * Pro conjunctione Agesilai.] He was Agesilaus's wife's brother. See Xen. Hell. iii. 4, 29.
83. + The text stands thus: Quos major sollicitudo cruciabat, non tam, ne ipsi quaesitas opes amitterent, quàm lui pristinus Athenienses reciperent. So no alteration is necessary, as Berneccerus remarks, unless, as Vorstius improbably supposes, major may be taken for magna.
84. * Velut mucrone teli.] Faber and Lemaire think these words spurious.
85. * Versificatoresque meliores, quàm duces laudantes.] An obscure mode of expression; but it seems to be equivalent to laudantes magis bonos versificatores quàm bonos duces.
86. + This was not first done at the period of which Justin is speaking, but had previously been done by Pericles, to whom Aristophanes attributes it in more than one passage.---- Wetzel.
87. * See Herod. i. 56; Muller's Dorians, vol. i. Append. i.; Dr. Smith's Classical Dict.; Mannert, vol. vii.; Barker's Lempriere.
88. + Viz. by Alexander the Great.
89. ++ Hom. Il. xxi. 141.
90. § Europa is a part of Thrace by Mount Haemus, but has nothing to do with this passage, in which Justin is speaking only of Macedonia. In my opinion we should read Europia, which is a portion of Macedonia, in which stood the town of Europus, and where it said that Europus, the son of Macedo, reigned.----Is. Vossius. Tanaquil Faber agrees with him.
91. || He came from Argos. See Vell. Pat. i. 6; Diod. Sic. vii. 17, p. 318, ed. Didot.
92. * Sometimes written Aegae, or in the singular Aegea or from ai c, a goat.
93. + Justin speaks otherwise of him, xi. 7. Photius, in an extract from Conon, (n. 186, p. 423) says, that he was instructed by Orpheus on Mount Pieria, and thence crossed over into Mysia.
94. * Tanta omnium virtutum ornamenta.
95. * Prima puerotiae rudimenta deposuit.] He went through of (experienced, got over) the earliest instruction of his boyhood." Comp. ix. 1. tirocinii rudimenta deponeret. Ponere is used in the same sense, Liv. xxxi. 11.
96. * Who had sent a fleet to Macedonia under Manteias, with the intention of placing on the throne Argaeus the rival of Philip. Diod. Sic. xvi. 2
97. * The Amphictyonic council.
98. * Pro sacrilegio publico.] This is not just. The Athenians did not fight in defence of sacrilege, but merely took the side of the Phocians to stop Philip's progress into Greece.
99. * Wetzel retains Cappadociam, the old reading, in his text, though he condemns it in his note, observing that it is well known Philip never went to Cappadocia. Gronovius suggested Chalcidice. and Tanaquil Faber approved it.
100. + Pari perfidiâ.] Justin, or Trogus, represents Philip's character, through all this account of his wars, in far too unfavourable a light.
101. * Meaning that he had given no such commission to the people of Apollonia, who must therefore have taken it upon themselves both to mention the adoption, as well as to request the auxiliary troops.
102. + Of Byzantium.
103. * Paullo ante.] In the Phocian war. See viii. 1, 8.---- Wetzel.
104. + At Chaeronea in Boeotia, the leaders opposed to Philip being Chares and Lysicles. See Diodor. xvi. 85.---- Wetzel.
105. ++ Solita sacra.] For having obtained a victory.
106. * Wetzel's text has, et quam rebus nequeunt ulcisci, verbis usurpant libertatem. I follow Gronovius, who reads quoniam instead of quam. Faber would retain quam and omit ulcisci. Wetzel's reading cannot be right; nor does he himself attempt to explain or justify it, but remarks only how it may be corrected
107. * He could not call Philip to account in single combat.
108. + He had been apprehended, as he was making his escape, by Perdiccas, and killed. Diod. Sic. xvi. 94.
109. * Parricidio.] See note on Sall. Cat. c. 14.
110. + Sub nomine Myrtalae.] Putting an inscription on it, "Myrta (dedicates this) to Apollo,"
111. ++ Ex variis matrimoniis.
112. * Convivio frequenter excessit.] "As in the cases of Clitus, Parmenio, Philotas."---- Wetzel. But of. these only Clitus was killed at a banquet; frequenter is an absurd exaggeration.
113. + Artaxerxes Mnemon.
114. * Book v. c. 11.
115. + Concerning whom see Aelian. Var. Hist. xii. 1.
116. * Codomannus quidam.] Codomannus was not so obscure, that it was necessary to speak of him as quidam, for his father was Arsames, and his mother Sisygambis, the brother and sister of king Ochus.----Wetzel.
117. + See Book xi. c. 15.
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Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886). pp. 90-171 Books 11-20
Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886). pp. 90-171 Books 11-20
BOOK XI.
Commencement of Alexander's reign; he prepares to invade Persia, I. II. ----Suppresses the seeds of revolt in Greece; destroys Thebes; banishes the Athenian orators, III. IV.----Sets out for Persia, V.----Battle of the Granicus, VI.----The Gordian knot, VII.----Alexander and his physician Philippus, VIII. Battle of Issus, IX.----Alexander becomes luxurious; takes Tyre, X.----Visits the oracle of Jupiter Ammon, XI.----Refuses peace to Darius, XII.----Battle of Arbela and its consequences, XIII. XIV.----Death of Darius Codomannus, XV.
I. IN the army of Philip there were various nations, and after his death different feelings prevailed among them. Some, oppressed with an unjust yoke, were excited with hopes of recovering their liberty; others, from dislike of going to war in a distant country, rejoiced that the expedition was broken off; others grieved that the torch, kindled at the daughter's nuptials, should have been applied to the funeral pile of the father. It was no small fear, too, that possessed his friends on so sudden a change, contemplating at one time Asia that |91 had been provoked, at another Europe 1 that was not yet pacified, at another the Illyrians, Thracians, Dardanians, and other barbarous nations, who were of wavering faith and perfidious dispositions, and whom, if they should all rebel at once, it would be utterly impossible to resist.
To all these apprehensions the succession of Alexander was a relief, who, in a public assembly, so effectually soothed and encouraged the people, as to remove all uneasiness from those that were afraid, and to fill every one with favourable expectations. He was now twenty years old; at which age he gave great promise of what he would be, but with such modesty, that it was evident he reserved the further proofs of his ability for the time of action. He granted the Macedonians relief from all burdens, except that of service in war; by which conduct he gained such popularity with his subjects, that they said they had changed only the person, not the virtues, of their king.
II. His first care was about his father's funeral, when he caused all who had been privy to his murder to be put to death at his burial-place. The only one that he spared was Alexander Lyncestes 2 his brother, preserving in him the man who had first acknowledged his royal authority, for he had been the first to salute him king. His brother Caranus, 3 a rival for the throne, as being the son of his step-mother, he ordered to be slain.
In the beginning of his reign he put down many tribes that were revolting, and quelled some seditions in their birth. Encouraged by his success, he marched with haste into Greece, where, after his father's example, having summoned the states to meet at Corinth, he was appointed general in his room. He then turned his attention to the war with Persia, of which a commencement had been made by Philip; but, as he was engaged in preparations for it, he received intelligence that "the Thebans and Athenians had gone over from his side to that of the Persians, and that the author of the defection was the orator Demosthenes, who had been bribed by |92 the Persians with a large sum of money, and who had asserted that the whole army of the Macedonians, with their king, had been cut off by the Triballi, producing the author of the information before an assembly of the people, a man who said that he had been wounded in the battle in which the king had fallen. In consequence of which statement," it was added, "the feelings of almost all the cities were changed, and the garrisons of the Macedonians besieged." To repress these commotions, he marched upon Greece with an army in full array, and with such expedition, that they could scarcely believe they saw him of whose approach they were so little aware.
III. In the course of his march he had exhorted the Thessaiians to peace, reminding them of the kindnesses 4 shown them by his father Philip, and of his mother's connexion with them by the family of the Aeacidae. 5 The Thessalians gladly listening to such an address, he was chosen, like his father, captain-general of the whole nation, and they resigned into his hand all their customs and public revenues. The Athenians, as they had been the first to rebel, were also the first to repent of their rebellion, turning their contempt for their enemy into admiration of him, and extolling the youth of Alexander, which they had previously despised, above the merits of old generals. Sending ambassadors, therefore, they deprecated war; and Alexander, listening to their eiir treaties, and severely reproving them for their conduct, laid aside hostilities against them. He then directed his march towards Thebes, intending to show similar indulgence, if he found similar penitence. But the Thebans had recourse, not to prayers or in treaties, but to arms, and, being conquered, suffered the severest hardships of the most wretched state of subjugation. It being debated in a council of war whether the city should be destroyed, the Phocians, Plataeans, Thespians, and Orchomenians, who were the allies of Alexander and sharers in his victory, dwelt upon the destruction of their own cities and the cruelty of the Thebans, urging against |93 them not only their present, but former, defection to the Persians, to the prejudice of the common liberty of Greece; "on which account," they said, "they were an object of general hatred, as was manifest from the fact that all the Greeks' had bound themselves by an oath to demolish Thebes as soon as they had conquered the Persians." They brought forward also the fabulous accounts of their old crimes, with which they had filled every theatre, to make them odious not only for their recent perfidy, but for their ancient infamy.
IV. Cicadas, one of those who had been taken prisoners, being permitted to speak in their behalf, said, that "they had not revolted from the king, whom they understood to be killed, but from the king's heirs; that what had been done in the matter was the fault, not of treachery, but of credulity;6 for which, however, they had already suffered severely by the loss of the flower of their soldiery; that there was left them only a multitude of old men and women, equally weak and harmless, but who had been so harassed by contumelies and insults, that they had never endured anything more grievous; and that he did not now intercede for his countrymen, of whom so few survived, but for their unoffending natal soil, and for a city which had given birth, not only to men, but to gods." 7 He endeavoured to work upon the king, too, from his superstitious regard for Hercules, who had been born at Thebes, and from whom the family of the Aeacidae was descended, and from the reflection that the youth of his father Philip had; been spent at Thebes; and he conjured him "to spare a city which adored some of his ancestors, who had been born in it, as gods, and saw others who had been brought up in it, princes of the highest dignity." But resentment was more powerful than entreaty. The city was in consequence demolished, the lands divided among the conquerors, and the prisoners publicly sold, their price being settled not for the profit of those who bought them, but according to the hatred of their enemies. 8 Their fate seemed to the Athenians |94 deserving of pity; and they therefore, though contrary to the king's prohibition, opened their gates for the reception of the exiles. At this proceeding Alexander was so displeased, that when they deprecated war by a second embassy, he forbore from hostilities only on condition that their orators and leaders, through confidence in whom they had so often rebelled, should be delivered up to him. The Athenians preparing to comply, lest they should be compelled to abide a war, the matter ended in this arrangement, that the orators should be retained and the generals banished; when the latter immediately went over to Darius, and formed no inconsiderable addition to the strength of the Persians.
V. When he set out to the Persian war, he put to death all his step-mother's relations 9 whom Philip had advanced to any high dignity, or appointed to any command. Nor did he spare such of his own kinsmen as seemed qualified to fill the throne, lest any occasion for rebellion should be left in Macedonia during his absence; and of the tributary princes he took such as were distinguished for ability to the war with him, leaving the less able at home for the defence of his dominions. Having then assembled his troops, he put them on shipboard, where, excited with incredible animation at the sight of Asia, he erected altars to the twelve gods to offer prayers for success in the war. He divided all his private property, which he had in Macedonia and the rest of Europe, among his friends, saying, "that for himself Asia was sufficient." Before any ship left the shore, he offered sacrifices, praying for "victory in that war, in which he had been chosen the avenger of Greece so often assailed by the Persians, to whom," he said, "a reign sufficiently long had been granted, a reign that had now reached maturity, and it was time that others, who would conduct themselves better, should take their place." Nor were the anticipations of the army different from those of the priace; for all the soldiers, unmindful of their wives and children, and of the length of the expedition from home, contemplated the Persian gold, and the wealth of the whole east, as already their own prey, thinking neither of the war nor its perils, but of riches only. When they arrived at |95 the continent of Asia, Alexander first of all threw a dart into the enemy's country, and leaped on the shore in full armour, like one dancing the tripudium.10 He then proceeded to offer sacrifices, praying that "those countries might not unwillingly receive him as their king." He also sacrificed at Troy, at the tombs of the heroes who had fallen in the Trojan war.
VI. Marching forward in quest of the enemy, he kept the soldiers from ravaging Asia, telling them that "they ought to spare their own property, and not destroy what they came to possess." His army consisted of thirty-two thousand infantry, and four thousand five hundred cavalry, with a hundred and eighty-two ships. Whether, with this small force, it is more wonderful that he conquered the world, or that he dared to attempt its conquest, is difficult to determine. When he selected his troops for so hazardous a warfare, he did not choose robust young men, or men in the flower of their age, but veterans, most of whom had even passed their term of service, and who had fought under his father and his uncles; 11 so that he might be thought to have chosen, not soldiers, but masters in war. No one was made an officer 12 who was not sixty years of age; so that he who saw the captains assembled at head-quarters,13 would have declared that he saw the senate of some ancient republic. None, on the field of battle, thought of flight, but every one of victory; none trusted in his feet, but every one in his arms.
King Darius, on the other hand, from confidence in his strength, abstained from all artifice in his operations; |96 observing that "clandestine measures were fit only for a stolen victory;" he did not attempt to repel the enemy from his frontiers, but admitted them into the heart of his kingdom, thinking it more honourable to drive war out of his kingdom than not to give it entrance. The first engagement, in consequence, was fought on the plains of Adrastia.14 The Persian army consisted of six hundred thousand men, who were conquered not less by the valour of the Macedonians than by the conduct of Alexander, and took to flight. The slaughter among the Persians was great. Of the army of Alexander there fell only nine foot-soldiers, and a hundred and twenty horse, whom the king buried sumptuously as an encouragement to the rest, honouring them also with equestrian statues, and granting privileges to their relatives. After this victory the greater part of Asia came over to his side. He had also several encounters with Darius's lieutenants, whom he conquered, not so much by his arms, as by the terror of his name.
VII. During the course of these proceedings, he was acquainted, on the information of a certain prisoner, that a conspiracy was forming against him by Alexander Lyncestes the son-in-law of Antipater, who had been made governor of Macedonia. Fearing, therefore, that, if he were put to death, some disturbance might arise in Macedonia, he only kept him in prison.15
He soon after marched to a city called Gordium, which is situated between the Greater and Lesser Phrygia, and which he earnestly desired to take, not so much for the sake of plunder, as because he had heard that in that city, in the temple of Jupiter, was deposited the yoke of Gordius's car; the knot of which, if any one should loose, the oracles of old had predicted that he should rule all Asia. The cause and origin of the matter was as follows. When Gordius was ploughing in these parts, with oxen that he had hired, 16 birds of every kind began to fly about him. Going to consult the augurs of the next town on the occurrence, he met at the |97 gate a virgin of remarkable beauty, and asked her "which of the augurs he had best consult." When she, having heard his reason for consulting them, and knowing something of the art from the instruction of her parents, replied, that "a kingdom was portended to him," and offered to become his wife and the sharer of his expectations. So fair a match seemed the chief felicity of a throne. After his marriage a civil war arose among the Phrygians; and when they consulted the oracles how their discord, might be terminated, the oracles replied that "a king was required to settle their disputes." Inquiring a second time as to the person of the king, they were directed to regard him as their king whom they should first observe, on their return, going to the temple of Jupiter on a car. The person who presented himself to them was Gordius, and they at once saluted him king. He dedicated the car, in which he was riding when the throne was offered him, "to kingly majesty," and it was placed in the temple of Jupiter. After him reigned his son Midas, who, having been instructed by Orpheus in sacred rites, filled all Phrygia with ceremonies of religion, by which he was better protected, during his whole life, than by arms. Alexander, having taken the city, and gone to the temple of Jupiter, requested to see the yoke of Gordius's car, and, when it was shown him, not being able to find the ends of the cords, which were hidden within the knots, he put a forced interpretation on the oracle, and cut the cords with his sword; and thus, when the involutions were opened out, discovered the ends concealed in them.
VIII. While he was thus engaged, intelligence was brought him that Darius was approaching with a vast army. Fearing the defiles, he crossed Mount Taurus with the utmost expedition, advancing, in one of his forced marches, five hundred stadia.17 Arriving at Tarsus, and being charmed with the pleasantness of the river Cydnus, which flows through the midst of the city, he threw off his armour, and, covered as he was with dust and sweat, plunged himself into the water, which was then excessively cold; when, on a sudden, such a numbness seized his nerves, that his voice was lost, and not only was there no hope of saving his life, but not even a means of |98 delaying death could be found. One of his physicians, named Philippus, was the only person that promised a cure; but a letter from Parmenio, which arrived the day before from Cappadocia, rendered him an object of suspicion; for Parmenio, knowing nothing of Alexander's illness, had written to caution him against trusting Philippus, as he had been bribed by Darius with a large sum of money. Alexander, however, thought it better to trust the doubtful faith of the physician, than to perish of certain disease. Taking the cup from Philippus, therefore, he gave him Parmenio's letter to read, and, as he drank, fixed his eyes upon the physician's countenance while he was reading. Seeing him unmoved, he became more cheerful, and recovered his health on the fourth day after.
IX. Meantime Darius advanced to battle with four hundred thousand foot and a hundred thousand horse. So vast a multitude of enemies caused some distrust in Alexander, when he contemplated the smallness of his own army; but he called to mind, at the same time, how much he had already done, and how powerful people he had overthrown, with that very moderate force. His hopes, therefore, prevailing over his apprehensions, and thinking it more hazardous to defer the contest, lest dismay should fall upon his men, he rode round among his troops, and addressed those of each nation in an appropriate speech. He excited the Illyrians and Thracians by describing the enemy's wealth and treasures, and the Greeks by putting them in mind of their wars of old, and their deadly hatred towards the Persians. He reminded the Macedonians at one time of their conquests in Europe, and at another of their desire to subdue Asia, boasting that no troops in the world had been found a match for them, and assuring them that this battle would put an end to their labours and crown their glory. In the course of these proceedings he caused the army occasionally to halt, that they might, by such stoppages, accustom themselves to endure the sight of so great a multitude. Nor was Darius less active in drawing up his forces. Rejecting the services of his officers, he rode himself through the whole army, encouraged the several divisions, and put them in mind of the ancient glory of the Persians, and the perpetual possession of empire vouchsafed them by the im mortal gods. Soon after a battle was fought with great spirit. |99 Both kings were wounded in it. The result remained doubtful until Darius fled, when there ensued a great slaughter of the Persians, of whom there fell sixty-one thousand infantry and ten thousand horse, and forty thousand were taken prisoners. On the side of the Macedonians were killed a hundred and thirty foot and a hundred and fifty horse. In the camp of the Persians was found abundance of gold and other treasures; and among the captives taken in it were the mother and wife, who was also the sister, of Darius, and two of his daughters. When Alexander came to see and console them, they threw themselves, at the sight of his armed attendants, into one another's arms, and uttered mournful cries, as if expecting to die immediately. Afterwards, falling at the feet of Alexander, they begged, not that they might live, but that their death might be delayed till they should bury the body of Darius. Alexander, touched with the respectful concern of the princesses for Darius, assured them that the king was still alive, and removed their apprehensions of death; directing, at the same time, that they should be treated as royal personages, and giving the daughters hopes of husbands suitable to the dignity of their father.
X. As he afterwards contemplated the wealth and display of Darius, he was seized with admiration of such magnificence. Hence it was that he first began to indulge in luxurious and splendid banquets, and fell in love with his captive Barsine for her beauty, by whom he had afterwards a son that he called Hercules. Not forgetting, however, that Darius was still alive, he despatched Parmenio to seize the Persian fleet, and commissioned some others of his friends to secure the cities of Asia, which, on hearing the report of the victory, had immediately submitted to the conqueror, the satraps of Darius surrendering themselves with a vast quantity of treasure. He next marched into Syria, where he was met by several princes of the east with fillets on their heads.18 Of these, according to their respective deserts, he received some into alliance; others he deprived of their thrones, and put new kings in their places. Above the rest Abdolonymus, appointed by Alexander king of Sidon, stood pre-eminent; a man whom, when he was living a life of poverty, being accustomed to draw water, and water gardens for hire, Alexander made |100 a king, setting aside the nobles, lest they should regard his favour as shown to their birth, and not as proceeding from the kindness of the giver.
The city of Tyre sending Alexander, by the hands of a deputation, a golden crown of great value, as a token of congratulation, he received their present kindly, and told them that "he intended to visit Tyre to pay his vows to Hercules." The deputies replying that "he would do that better at Old Tyre,19 and in the more ancient temple;" he was so provoked with them, because they evidently deprecated his visit, that he threatened their city with destruction. Bringing up his army, soon after, to the island, he was met with a hostile resistance, the Tyrians, from reliance on Carthage, being not less determined than himself. The example of Dido had stimulated the Tyrians; for that queen, after founding Carthage, had secured the empire over the third part of the world;20 and they thought it would be dishonourable if their women should show more courage in acquiring dominion than they in defending their liberty. They removed to Carthage, therefore, such as were unfit for war, and sent at once for assistance, but were, not long afterwards, reduced by treachery.21
XI. Alexander next got possession of Rhodes and Cilicia 22 without an effort. He then went to the temple of Jupiter Ammon, to consult the oracle about the event of his future proceedings, and his own parentage. For his mother Olympias had confessed to her husband Philip, that "she had conceived Alexander, not by him, but by a serpent of extraordinary size." Philip, too, towards the end of his life, had publicly declared that "Alexander was not his son;" and he accordingly divorced Olympias, as having been guilty of adultery. Alexander, therefore, anxious to obtain the honour of divine paternity, and to clear his mother from infamy, instructed the priests, by messengers whom he sent before him, what answers |101 he wished to receive. The priests, as soon as he entered the temple, saluted him as the son of Ammon. Alexander, pleased with the god's adoption of him, directed that he should be regarded as his son. He then inquired "whether he had taken vengeance on all that had been concerned in the assassination of his father." He was answered that "his father could neither be assassinated, nor could die; but that vengeance for Philip's death had been fully exacted." On putting a third question, he was told that "success in all his wars, and dominion over the world, was granted him." A response was also given by the oracle to his attendants, that "they should reverence Alexander as a god, and not as a king." Hence it was that his haughtiness was so much increased, and a strange arrogance arose in his mind, the agreeableness of demeanour, which he had contracted from the philosophy of the Greeks and the habits of the Macedonians, being entirely laid aside. On his return from the temple of Ammon he founded Alexandria, and desired that that colony of the Macedonians might be considered the metropolis of Egypt.
XII. Darius, having fled to Babylon, entreated Alexander, in a letter, "to give him permission to redeem his prisoners," offering a large sum for their ransom. But Alexander demanded his whole kingdom, and not a sum of money, as the price of their release. Some time after, another letter from Darius was brought to Alexander, in which one of his daughters was offered him in marriage, and a portion of his kingdom. Alexander replied that "what was offered was his own," and desired him ''to come to him as a suppliant, and to leave the disposal of his kingdom to his conqueror." All hopes of peace being thus lost, Darius resumed hostilities, and proceeded to meet Alexander with four hundred thousand infantry and a hundred thousand cavalry. On his march he was informed that "his wife had died of a miscarriage, and that Alexander had mourned for her death, and attended her funeral; acting, in that respect, not from love, but merely from kindness of feeling; as Darius's wife had been visited by him but once, though he had often gone to console his mother and her little daughters."
Darius now considered himself indeed overcome, since, after losing so many battles, he was surpassed by his enemy even in kindnesses, and declared that it vas a consolation to him |102 since he could not conquer, to be conquered by such an enemy. He therefore wrote a third letter to Alexander, thanking him for not having acted as an enemy towards his family, and offering him a larger portion of his kingdom, even as far as the river Euphrates, another of his daughters in marriage, and thirty thousand talents for the other prisoners. To this Alexander replied, that "thanks were needless from an enemy; that nothing had been done by him to flatter Darius, or to gain the means of mollifying him, with a view either to the doubtful results of war, or to conditions of peace; but that he had acted from a certain greatness of mind, by which he had learned to fight against the forces of his enemies, not to take advantage of their misfortunes;" and he promised at the same time, that "he would comply with the wishes of Darius, if he would be content to be second to him, and not his equal; but that the universe could not be governed by two suns, nor could the earth with safety have two sovereigns; and that he must consequently either prepare to surrender on that day, or to fight on the next, and must promise himself no better success than he had already experienced."
XIII. On the next day they drew up their armies; when, on a sudden, before they came to battle, a deep sleep fell on Alexander, who was wearied with making arrangements. Nothing but the presence of the king being wanting, in order to commence the engagement, he was awakened, though with difficulty, by Parmenio, and as those about him asked the reason of his sleeping in the midst of danger, when he was sparing of sleep even in time of security, he answered that "he had been relieved from great concern, and that his repose was occasioned by sudden freedom from apprehension, since he should now engage with the forces of Darius in a body; whereas he had dreaded, if the Persians should divide their army, that the war would be greatly protracted." Before the battle commenced, each army was an object of admiration to its antagonists. The Macedonians admired the host of men opposed to them, their stature, and the beauty of their armour. The Persians were amazed that so many thousands of their countrymen had been defeated by so small a force. Nor did the kings forbear to ride round among their troops. Darius told his men, that "if a division of the enemy were |103 made, scarcely one man would fall to ten 23 of his own armed followers." Alexander exhorted the Macedonians "not to be alarmed at the numbers of the enemy, their stature, or the strangeness of their complexion." He bade them remember only that "they were now fighting for the third time with the same adversaries; and not to imagine that they had been rendered braver by defeat, as they would bring into the field with them the sad recollection of former disasters, and of the blood shed in the two previous engagements;'' adding, that "Darius had the greater number of human beings, but he himself the greater number of men." He admonished them "to despise an army glittering with gold and silver, in which they would find more spoil than danger, since victory was to be gained, not by splendour of arms, but by the power of the sword."
XIV. Soon after, the battle was begun. The Macedonians rushed upon the swords presented to them, with contempt for an enemy whom they had so often defeated. The Persians, on the other hand, were desirous to die rather than be conquered. Seldom has there been so much blood shed in a battle. Darius, when he saw his army repulsed, wished himself to die, but was compelled by his officers to flee. Some advising that the bridge over the Cydnus should be broken down, in order to stop the advance of the enemy, he said that "he would not provide for his safety in such a way as to expose so many thousands of his followers to the foe; and that the road which was open to himself, ought also to be open to others." Alexander, meanwhile, made the most hazardous efforts; where he saw the enemy thickest, and fighting most desperately, there he always threw himself, desiring that the peril should be his, and not his soldiers'. By this battle he gained the dominion over Asia, in the fifth year after his accession to the throne. His victory was so decisive, that after it none ventured to rebel against him; and the Persians, after a supremacy of so many years, patiently |104 submitted to the yoke of servitude. After rewarding his soldiers, and allowing them to recruit their strength for thirty-four days, he took account of the spoil. He afterwards found forty thousand talents in the city of Susa. Next he took Persepolis, the metropolis of the kingdom of Persia, a city which had been eminent for many years, and which was filled with the spoils of the world, as was now first seen at its destruction. In the course of these proceedings, about eight hundred Greeks met Alexander, men who had been punished in captivity by mutilation of their bodies, and who entreated that, "as he had delivered Greece, he would also release them from the cruelty of their enemies." Permission was given to them to go home, but they preferred receiving portions of land in Persia, lest, instead of causing joy to their parents by their return, they should merely shock them by the horrid spectacle which they presented.
XV. Meanwhile, to gain the favour of the conqueror, Darius was confined in golden fetters 24 and chains in a village of the Parthians named Thara; the immortal gods, I suppose, ordaining that the empire of the Persians should have its termination in the country of those who were to succeed them in dominion.25 Alexander, hastening his march, arrived there on the following day, when he found that Darius had been conveyed from the place in the night, in a covered vehicle. Directing his army to follow him, he pursued the flying prince with six thousand cavalry. On his march he had several severe encounters, and advanced many miles without finding any traces of Darius. But while he was allowing the horses time to rest, one of the soldiers, going to a neighbouring spring, found Darius in the vehicle, wounded in several places, but still alive. One of the Persian captives being brought forward, the dying prince, knowing from his voice that he was his countryman, said that "he had at least this comfort in his present sufferings, that he should speak to one who could understand him, and that he should not utter his last words in vain." He then desired that the following message should be given to Alexander: that "he died without having done him any acts of kindness, but a debtor to him |105 for the greatest, since he had found his feelings towards his mother and children to be those of a prince, not of a foe; that he had been more happy in his enemy than in his relations, for by his enemy life had been granted to his mother and children, but taken from himself by his relatives, to whom he had given both life and kingdoms; and that such a requital must therefore be made them as his conqueror should please. For himself, that he made the only return to Alexander which he could at the point of death, by praying to the gods above and below, and the powers that protected kings, that the empire of the world might fall to his lot. That he desired the favour of a decent rather than a magnificent funeral; and, as to avenging his death, it was not his cause alone that was concerned, but precedent, and the common cause of all kings, which it would be both dishonourable and dangerous for him to neglect; since, in regard to vengeance, the interests of justice were affected, and, in regard to precedent, those of the general safety. To this effect he gave him his right hand, as the only pledge of a king's faith to be conveyed to Alexander." Then, stretching out his hand, he expired.
When this intelligence was communicated to Alexander, he went to see the body of the dead monarch, and contemplated with tears a death so unsuitable to his dignity. He also directed his corpse to he buried as that of a king, and his relics to be conveyed to the sepulchres of his ancestors.
BOOK XII.
Greece resumes hostilities in Alexander's absence, I.----Expedition of Alexander, king of Epirus, into Italy; Scythia invaded, II.----Alexander's luxury; Thalestris; Alexander assumes the Persian dress, III.----Effects of his conduct on his troops; his mode of conciliating them, IV,----Parmenio and Philotas put to death; further conquests of Alexander; Bessus delivered up to justice, V.----Death of Clitus; Alexander's grief, VI.----Alexander's pride; his march to the east; his ardour to surpass Bacchus and Hercules, VII. ----Overcomes Porus, VIII. ---- His danger among the Sygambri; reaches the mouth of the Indus; marries Statira, IX. X.----His munificence; he suppresses a mutiny; death of Hephaestion, XI. XII.----Alexander poisoned by the contrivance of Antipater, XIII. XIV.----His death, XV.----His eulogy, XVI.
I. ALEXANDER interred the soldiers, whom he had lost in the pursuit of Darius, at great expense, and distributed |106 thirteen thousand talents among the rest that attended him in that expedition. Of the horses, the greater part were killed by the heat; and those that survived were rendered unfit for service. All the treasure, amounting to a hundred and ninety thousand talents, was conveyed to Ecbatana, and Parmenio was entrusted with the charge of it. In the midst of these proceedings, letters from Antipater in Macedonia were brought to Alexander, in which the war of Agis king of Sparta in Greece, that of Alexander king of Epirus in Italy, and that of Zopyrion his own lieutenant-general in Scythia, were communicated. At this news he was affected with various emotions, but felt more joy at learning the deaths of two rival kings, than sorrow at the loss of Zopyrion and his army.
After the departure of Alexander from Macedonia, almost all Greece, as if to take advantage of the opportunity for recovering their liberty, had risen in arms, yielding, in that respect, to the influence of the Lacedaemonians, who alone had rejected peace from Philip and Alexander, and had scorned the terms on which it was offered. The leader in this insurrection was Agis, king of the Lacedaemonians, but Antipater, assembling an army, suppressed the commotion in its infancy. The slaughter, however, was great on both sides; for king Agis, when he saw his men taking to flight, dismissed his guards, and, that he might seem inferior to Alexander in fortune only, not in valour, made such a havoc among the enemy, that he sometimes drove whole troops before him. At last, overpowered by numbers, he fell superior to all in glory.
II. Alexander, too, the king of Epirus, having been invited into Italy by the Tarentines,* who desired his assistance against the Bruttians, had gone thither as eagerly as if, in a division of the world, the east had fallen by lot to Alexander, the son of his sister Olympias, and the west to himself, and as if he was likely to have not less to do in Italy, Africa, and Sicily, than Alexander in Asia and Persia. To this was added, that as the oracle at Delphi had forewarned Alexander the Great against treachery in Macedonia, so that of Jupiter at Dodona had admonished the other Alexander "to beware of the city Pandosia and the river Acheron;" and as both these were in Epirus, and he was ignorant that they were also to be found in Italy, he had the more eagerly fixed on this foreign expedition, in hope of escaping the dangers signified in the |107 warning. On his arrival in Italy, his first contest was with the Apulians; but when he learned the destiny appointed to their city, he soon concluded a peace and alliance with their king. The chief city of the Apulians, at that time, was Brundusium, which a party of Aetolians that followed Diomede, a leader rendered famous and honourable by his achievements at Troy, had founded; but being expelled by the Apulians, and having recourse to some oracle, they received for answer that "they would possess for ever the place which they had sought to recover," On this ground they demanded of the Apulians that their city should be restored, threatening them with war unless the demand should be complied with. But the oracle becoming known to the Apulians, they put the ambassadors to death, and buried them in the city, that they might have a perpetual abode there; and, having thus given the oracle a fulfilment, they long kept possession of the city. Alexander, hearing of this occurrence, and having great respect for the oracles of antiquity, made an end of hostilities with the Apulians.
He engaged also in war with the Bruttians and Lucanians, and captured several cities; and he formed treaties and alliances with the Metapontines, Pediculans, and Romans. But the Bruttians and Lucanians, having collected reinforcements from their neighbours, renewed the war with fresh vigour; when the king was slain near the city Pandosia and the river Acheron, not knowing the name of the fatal place before he fell in it, and understanding, as he was expiring, that the death, for fear of which he had fled from his country, had not been to be dreaded in his country. The Thurians ransomed his body at the public expense, and buried it.
During these events in Italy, Zopyrion, who had been left governor of Pontus by Alexander the Great, thinking that, if he did not attempt something, he should be stigmatized as indolent, collected a force of thirty thousand men, and made war upon the Scythians. But being cut off, with his whole army, he paid the penalty for a rash attack upon an innocent people.
III. When these occurrences were reported to Alexander, who was then in Parthia, he assumed a show of grief on account of his relationship to Alexander, and caused the army to mourn for three days. But while all his men were expecting, as if the war had been ended, to return to their country, and |108 were embracing in imagination their wives and children, he called a general assembly of the troops; in which he told them that "nothing had been done in so many glorious battles, if the barbarians more to the eastward should be left unmolested; that he had not sought the body, but the throne, of Darius; and that those who had revolted from his government must be punished." Having, by this speech, revived the spirits of his soldiers for new exertions, he subdued Hyrcania and the Mardians. Here Thalestris, or Minithya, queen of the Amazons, came to meet him, having travelled for twenty-five days, with three hundred women in her train, and through extremely populous nations, in order to have issue by him. Her appearance and arrival was a cause of astonishment to all, both from her dress, which was an unusual one for women, and from the object of her visit. To gratify her, thirteen days' rest was allowed by the king; and when she thought herself pregnant, she took her leave.
Soon after, Alexander assumed the attire of the Persian monarchs, as well as the diadem, which was unknown to the kings of Macedonia, as if he gave himself up to the customs of those whom he had conquered. And lest such innovations should be viewed with dislike, if adopted by himself alone, he desired his friends also to wear the long robe of gold and purple. That he might imitate the luxury too, as well as the dress of the Persians, he spent his nights among troops of the king's concubines of eminent beauty and birth. To these extravagances he added vast magnificence in feasting; and lest his entertainments should seem jejune and parsimonious,26 he accompanied his banquets, according to the ostentation of the eastern monarchs, with games; being utterly unmindful that power is accustomed to be lost, not gained, by such practices.
IV. During the course of these proceedings, there arose throughout the camp a general indignation that he had so degenerated from his father Philip as to abjure the very name of his country, and to adopt the manners of the Persians, |109 whom, from the effect of such manners, he had overcome. But that he might not appear to be the only person who yielded to the vices of those whom he had conquered in the field, he permitted his soldiers also, if they had formed a connexion with any of the female captives, to marry them; thinking that they would feel less desire to return to their country, when they had some appearance of a house and home in the camp, and that the fatigues of war would be relieved by the agreeable society of their wives. He saw, too, that Macedonia would be less drained to supply the army, if the sons, as recruits, should succeed their veteran fathers, and serve within the ramparts within which they were born, and would be likely to show more courage, if they passed, not only their earliest days of service, but also their infancy, in the camp. This custom was also continued under Alexander's successors. Maintenance was provided for the boys, and arms and horses were given them when they grew up; and rewards were assigned to the fathers in proportion to the number of their children. If the fathers of any of them were killed, the orphans notwithstanding received their father's pay; and their childhood was a sort of military service in various expeditions. Inured from their earliest years to toils and clangers, they formed an invincible army; they looked upon their camp as their countiy, and upon a battle as a prelude to victory.
V. Alexander, meanwhile, began to show a passionate temper towards those about him, not with a princely severity, but with the vindictiveness of an enemy. What most incensed him was, that reflections were cast upon him in the common talk of the soldiers, for having cast off the customs of his father Philip and of his country. For this offence, Parmenio, an old man, next to the king in rank, and his son Philotas, were put to death; an examination by torture having been previously held on both of them. At this instance of cruelty, all the soldiers, throughout the camp, began to express their displeasure, being concerned for the fate of the innocent old general and his son, and saying, at times, that "they must expect nothing better for themselves." These murmurs coming to the knowledge of Alexander, he, fearing that such reports would be carried to Macedonia, and that the glory of his victories would be sullied by the stain of |110 cruelty, pretended that be was going to send home some of his friends to give an account of his successes. He exhorted his soldiers to write to their relatives, as they would now have fewer opportunities on account of the scene of warfare being further from home. The packets of letters, as they were given in, he commanded to be privately brought to him, and having learned from them what every one thought of him, he put all those, who had given unfavourable opinions of his conduct, into one regiment, with an intention either to destroy them, or to distribute them in colonies in the most distant parts of the earth.
He then subdued the Drancae, the Evergetae, the Parymae, the Parapammeni, the Adaspii, and other nations that dwelt at the foot of Mount Caucasus.
In the meantime Bessus, one of the former friends of Darius, who had not only betrayed his sovereign, but put him to death, was brought to Alexander in chains, who, that he might be punished for his treachery, delivered him to the brother of Darius to be tortured, considering not so much that Darius had been his enemy, as that he had been the friend of the man by whom he had been lulled.
That he might leave his name to these parts, he founded the city of Alexandria on the river Tanais, completing a wall six miles in circuit in seventeen days, and transplanting into it the inhabitants of three cities that had been built by Cyrus. He also built twelve cities in the territories of the Bactrians and Sogdians, and distributed among them such of the soldiers as he had found mutinous.
VI. After these proceedings, he invited his friends on some particular day, to a banquet, where mention being made, when they were intoxicated, of the great things achieved by Philip, he began to prefer himself to his father, and to extol the vastness of his own exploits to the skies, the greater part of the company agreeing with him; and when Clitus, one of the older guests, trusting to his hold on the king's friendship, in which he held the principal place, defended the memory of Philip, and praised his acts, he so provoked Alexander, that he snatched a weapon from one of the guards, and slew him with it in the midst of the guests. Exulting at the murder, too, he scoffed at the dead man for his defence of Philip, and his commendation of his mode of warfare. But when his mind, satiated with the bloodshed, grew calm, and reflection |111 took the place of passion, he began, as he contemplated at one time the character of the dead, and at another the occasion of his death, to feel the deepest sorrow for the deed; grieving that he had listened to his father's praises with more anger than he ought to have listened to insults on his memory, and that an old and blameless friend had been slain by him at a feast and carousal. Driven, therefore, to repentance, with the same vehemence with which he had before been impelled to resentment, he determined to die. Bursting into tears, he embraced the dead man, laid his hand on his wounds, and confessed his madness to him as if he could hear; then, snatching up a weapon, he pointed it against his breast, and would have committed suicide, had not his friends interposed. His resolution to die continued even for several days after; for to his other causes of sorrow was added the remembrance of his nurse, the sister of Clitus, on whose account, though she was far away, he was greatly ashamed of his conduct, lamenting that so base a return should be made her for rearing him; and that, in the maturity of life and conquest, he should have requited her, in whose arms he had spent his infancy, with bloodshed instead of kindness. He reflected, too, what remarks and odium he must have occasioned, as well in his own army as among the conquered nations; what fear and dislike of himself among his other friends; and how dismal and sad he had rendered his entertainment, appearing not less to be dreaded at a feast than when armed in the field of battle. Parmenio and Philotas, his cousin Amyntas, his murdered stepmother and brothers, with Attalus, Eurylochus, Pausanias, and other slaughtered nobles of Macedonia, presented themselves to his imagination. He in consequence persisted in abstaining from food for four days, until he was drawn from his purpose by the prayers of the whole army, who conjured him "not to lament the death of one, so far as to ruin them all; since, after bringing them into the remotest part of the barbarians' country, he would leave them amidst hostile nations exasperated by war." The entreaties of Callisthenes the philosopher had great effect upon him, a man who was intimate with him from having been his fellow-student under Aristotle, and who had been subsequently sent for, by the king himself, to record his acts for the perusal of posterity. |112
VII. Soon after, he gave orders that he should not be approached with mere salutation, but with adoration;27 a point of Persian pride to which he had hesitated to advance at first, lest the assumption of everything at once should excite too strong a feeling against him. Among those who refused to obey, the most resolute was Callisthenes; but his opposition proved fatal, both to himself and to several other eminent Macedonians, who were all put to death on the pretence that they were engaged in a conspiracy. The custom of saluting their king was however retained by the Macedonians, adoration being set aside.28
He then marched into India, that he might have his empire bounded by the ocean, and the extreme parts of the east. That the equipments of his army might be suitable to the glory of the expedition, he mounted the trappings of the horses, and the arms of the soldiers, with silver, and called a body of his men, from having silver shields, Argyraspides.29 On arriving at the city Nysa, he ordered the inhabitants, who, from their confidence in being protected by their worship of Bacchus, the founder of their city, made no resistance, to be spared; rejoicing that he had not only followed the god's military achievements, but also his footsteps. He then led his army to view the sacred mountain, which was clad with the adornments of nature, the vine and ivy, as beautifully as if it had been tilled by art, and decked by the labour of the cultivator. But the troops, as they approached the hill, were impelled, by a sudden commotion in their minds, to utter devout cries to the god, and ran frantically up and down, to the amazement of the king, but without suffering any harm; whence he might understand that, by sparing the town, he had not so much secured its safety, as that of his own army.
He next proceeded to the Daedalian mountains,30 and the dominions of Queen Cleophis; who, after surrendering to Alexander, recovered her throne from him by admitting him |113 to her bed; saving by her charms what she had been unable to secure by her valour. A son whom she had by him, she named Alexander; and he afterwards sat upon the throne of the Indians. Queen Cleophis, for allowing her chastity to be violated, was thenceforward called by the Indians the royal harlot.
Having arrived, in his course through India, at a rock of extraordinary ruggedness and altitude, to which many people had fled for refuge, he learned that Hercules had been hindered from taking it by an earthquake. Seized with a desire, in consequence, to go beyond the exploits of Hercules, he made himself master of the rock with the utmost exertion and peril, and received submission from all the tribes of that part of the country.
VIII. There was one of the kings of India, named Porus, equally distinguished for strength of body and vigour of mind, who, hearing of the fame of Alexander, had been for some time before preparing for war against his arrival. Coming to battle with him, accordingly, he directed his soldiers to attack the rest of the Macedonians, but desired that their king should be reserved as an antagonist for himself. Nor did Alexander decline the contest; but his horse being wounded in the first shock, he fell headlong to the ground, and was saved by his guards gathering round him. Porus, covered with a number of wounds, was made prisoner, and was so grieved at being defeated, that when his life was granted him by the enemy, he would neither take food nor suffer his wounds to be dressed, and was scarcely at last prevailed upon to consent to live. Alexander, from respect to his valour, sent him back in safety to his kingdom. Here he founded two cities, one called Nicaea, and the other, from the name of his horse, Bucephale.
He then overthrew the Adrestae, the Gesteani, the Presidae, and the Gangaridae, with great slaughter among their troops. When he had reached the Cuphites, where the enemy awaited him with two thousand cavalry, the whole army, wearied not less with the number of their victories than with their toils in the field, besought him with tears that "he would at length make an end of war, and think on his country and his return; considering the years of his soldiers, whose remainder of life would scarcely suffice for their journey home." One pointed |114 to his hoary hairs, another to his wounds, another to his body worn out with an age, another to his person disfigured with scars,31 saying "that they were the only men who had endured unintermitted service under two kings, Philip and Alexander;" and conjuring him in conclusion that "he should restore their remains at least to the sepulchres of their fathers, since they failed not in zeal but in age; and that, if he would not spare his soldiers, he should yet spare himself, and not wear out his good fortune by pressing it too far." Moved with these reasonable supplications, he ordered a camp to be formed, as if to mark the termination of his conquests, of greater size than usual, by the works of which the enemy might be astonished, and an admiration of himself be left to posterity. No task did the soldiers execute with more alacrity. After great slaughter of the enemy, they returned to this camp with mutual congratulations.
IX. From hence Alexander proceeded to the river Acesines, and sailed down it into the ocean. In his way he received the submission of the Hiacensanae 32 and the Silei, whom Hercules settled; next he sailed to the Ambri and Sigambri,33 who met him with eighty thousand foot and sixty thousand horse. Gaining the victory in a battle, he led his army against their city; and supposing, as he looked from the wall, which he had been the first to mount, that the place was destitute of defenders, he leaped down into the area of the city without a single attendant. The enemy, seeing him alone, gathered round upon him with a shout, to try if by taking one life they could put an end to war in the world, and exact vengeance for the defeats of so many nations. Alexander withstood them with equal spirit, fighting alone against thousands. It is, indeed, incredible, that neither the multitude of enemies, nor the thick showers of javelins, nor the loud outcries of his assailants, could in the least alarm him; and that he alone should have spread havoc and terror among so many thousands. But seeing that he was likely to be overpowered by numbers, |115 he fixed himself against the trunk of a tree that stood by the wall, by the help of which he long resisted a host, when, his danger being known, his friends leaped down to him, many of whom were slain, and the battle continued doubtful, till the whole army, making a breach in the wall, came to his aid. Being wounded in the struggle by an arrow, and likely to faint through loss of blood, he placed his knee on the ground, and fought till he had killed the man by whom he had been wounded. The curing of the wound caused him more suffering than the wound itself.
X. Being at length restored to health, after there had been great despair of it, he sent Polysperchon with the army to Babylon, while he himself, with a select band of followers, went on board the fleet, and sailed along the shore of the ocean. When he came to the city of king Ambiger, the inhabitants, hearing that he was invincible to the sword, tipped their arrows with poison; and thus repulsing the enemy from their walls with wounds doubly fatal, they killed a great number of them. Ptolemy, with many others, being wounded, and seeming to be at the point of death, a herb was shown to the king in a, dream as a cure for poison; this being taken in a drink, he was freed from danger, and the greater part of the army were saved by the same remedy. Taking the city afterwards by storm, and returning to the fleet, he made oblations to the ocean, praying for a prosperous return to his country; and having thus, as it were, driven his chariot round the goal, and fixed the boundaries of his empire, as far as either the deserts would suffer him to proceed by land, or the sea was navigable, he sailed up the mouth of the river Indus with the tide. There he built the city Barce, in memory of the exploits achieved by him, and erected altars, leaving one of his friends as governor of the Indians on the coast. As he intended to march from thence by land, and as the parts in the middle of his route were said to be dry, he ordered wells to be made in suitable places, from which he got abundance of fresh water, and so returned to Babylon. Hither many of the conquered people sent deputations to accuse their governors, whom Alexander, without any regard to his former friendship for them, commanded to be put to death in the sight of the deputies.
Soon after he married Statira, the daughter of king Darius; but, at the same time, he gave the noblest virgins, chosen from |116 all the conquered natives, as wives to the chiefs of the Macedonians; in order that the impropriety of the king's conduct 34 might be rendered less glaring by the practice becoming general.
XI. He next assembled the army, and promised that "he would pay all their debts at his own expense," so that they might carry home their spoil and prizes undiminished. This munificence was highly prized, not only for the sum given, but for the character of the gift, and was received not more thankfully by the debtors than by the creditors, exaction being as troublesome to the one as payment to the other. Twenty thousand talents were expended in this largess. Discharging some of the veterans, he recruited the army with younger soldiers. But those that were retained, murmuring at the discharge of the older men, demanded that they themselves should be released likewise; desiring that "their years, not of life, but of service, should be counted," and thinking it reasonable that "those who had been enlisted in the service together, should together be set free from the service." Nor did they address the king only with entreaties, but also with reproaches, bidding him "carry on his wars alone, with the aid of his father Ammon, since he looked with disdain on his soldiers." Alexander, on the other hand, sometimes upbraided his men, and sometimes charged them in gentle terms, "not to tarnish their glorious services by mutiny." At last, when he could produce no effect by words, he leaped unarmed from his tribunal among the armed multitude, to lay hands on the authors of the mutiny; and not a man daring to oppose him, he led thirteen of them, whom he had seized with his own hand, to punishment. Such submission to death did the fear of their king produce in the men; or such courage in inflicting punishment had his knowledge of military discipline given the king.
XII. He then addressed himself, in a public speech, to the auxiliary troops of the Persians apart from the Macedonians. He extolled their constant fidelity, as well as to himself as to their former kings; he mentioned the kindnesses which he had shown them, saying that "he had never treated them as |117 a conquered people, but always as sharers in his successes; that he had gone over to the usages of their nation, not they to those of his; and that he had mingled the conquerors with the conquered by matrimonial connexions. And now," he added, "he would entrust the guardianship of his person, not to the Macedonians only, but also to them." Accordingly, he enrolled a thousand of their young men among his bodyguard; and at the same time incorporated into his army a portion of the auxiliaries, trained after the discipline of the Macedonians. At this proceeding the Macedonians were much dissatisfied, exclaiming that "their enemies were put into their places by their king;" and at length they all went to Alexander in a body, beseeching him with tears "to content himself rather with punishing than ill-treating them." By this modest forbearance they produced such an effect upon him, that he released eleven thousand veterans more. Of his own friends, too, were sent away the old men, Polysperchon, Clitus, Gorgias, Polydamas, Amadas, and Antigènes. Of those that were sent home Craterus was appointed leader, and commissioned to take the government of Macedonia in the room of Antipater, whom he sent for, with a body of recruits, to supply the place of Craterus. Pay was allowed to those that went home, as if they had been still in the service. In the course of those proceedings, Hephaestion, one of his friends, died; a man who was a great favourite with Alexander, at first on account of his personal qualities in youth, and afterwards from his servility. Alexander mourned for him longer than became his dignity as a king, built a monument for him that cost twelve thousand talents, and gave orders that he should be worshipped as a god.
XIII. As he was returning to Babylon, from the distant shores of the ocean, he was acquainted that embassies from, the Carthaginians, and other states of Africa, as well as from the Spains, Sicily, Gaul, and Sardinia, and some also from Italy, were waiting his arrival at that city. So powerfully had the terror of his name diffused itself through the world, that all nations were ready to bow to him as their destined monarch. When he was hastening to Babylon, therefore, to hold an assembly, as it were, of the states of the world, one of the Magi warned him "not to enter the city," for that the "place would be fatal to him." He accordingly |118 avoided Babylon, and turned aside to Borsippa, a city on the other side of the Euphrates, that had been for some time uninhabited. Here again be was persuaded by Anaxarchus the philosopher, to slight the predictions of the Magi as fallacious and uncertain; observing that, "if things were fixed by fate, they were unknown to mortals, and, if they were dependent on the course of nature, were unchangeable." Returning, therefore, to Babylon, and allowing himself several days for rest, he renewed, in his usual manner, the entertainments which had been for some time discontinued, resigning himself wholly to mirth, and joining in his cups the night to the day. As he was returning, on one occasion, from a banquet, Médius, a Thessalian, proposing to renew their revelling, invited him and his attendants to his house. Taking up a cup, he suddenly uttered a groan while he was drinking, as if he had been stabbed with a dagger, and being carried half dead from the table, he was excruciated with such torture that he called for a sword to put an end to it, and felt pain at the touch of his attendants as if he were all over wounds. His friends reported that the cause of his disease was excess in drinking, but in reality it was a conspiracy, the infamy of which the power of his successors threw into the shade.
XIV. The author of this conspiracy was Antipater, who, seeing that 35 his dearest friends were put to death, that Alexander Lyncestes, his son-in-law, was cut off, and that he himself, after his important services in Greece, was not so much liked by the king as envied by him, and was also persecuted with various charges by his mother Olympias; reflecting, too, on the severe penalties inflicted, a few days before, on the governors of the conquered nations, and hence imagining that he was sent for from Macedonia, not to share in the war, but to suffer punishment, secretly, in order to be beforehand with Alexander, furnished his son Cassander with poison, who, with his brothers Philippus and Iollas, was accustomed to attend on the king at table. The strength of this poison was so great, that it could be contained neither in brass, nor iron, nor shell, nor could be conveyed in any other way than in the hoof of a horse. Cassander had been warned |119 to trust nobody but the Thessalian and his brothers; and hence it was that the banquet was prepared and renewed in the house of the Thessalian. Philippus and Iollas, wko used to taste and mix the king's drink, had the poison ready in cold water, which they put into the drink after it had been tasted.
XV. On the fourth day, Alexander, finding that death was inevitable, observed that "he perceived the approach of the fate of his family, for the roost of the Aeacidae had died under thirty years of age."36 He then pacified the soldiers, who were making a tumult, from suspecting that the king was the victim of a conspiracy, and, after being carried to the highest part of the city, admitted them to his presence, and gave them his right hand to kiss. While they all wept, he not only did not shed a tear, but showed not the least token of sorrow; so that he even comforted some who grieved immoderately, and gave others messages to their parents; and his soul was as undaunted at meeting death, as it had formerly been at meeting an enemy. When the soldiers were gone, he asked his friends that stood about him, "whether they thought they should find a king like him?" All continuing silent, he said that, "although he did not know that, he knew, and could foretel, and almost saw with his eyes, how much blood Macedonia would shed in the disputes that would follow his death, and with what slaughters, and what quantities of gore, she would perform his obsequies." At last he ordered his body to be buried in the temple of Jupiter Ammon. When his friends saw him dying, they asked him "whom he would appoint as the successor to his throne?" He replied, "The most worthy." Such was his nobleness of spirit, that though he left a son named Hercules,37 a brother called Aridaeus,38 and his wife Roxane 39 with child, yet, forgetting his relations, he named only "the most worthy" as his successor; as though it were unlawful for any but a brave man to succeed a brave man, or for the power of so great an empire to be left to any but approved governors. But as if, by this reply, he had |120 sounded the signal for battle among his friends, or had thrown the apple of discord amongst them, they all rose in emulation* against each other, and tried to gain the favour of the army by secretly paying court to the common soldiers. On the sixth day from the commencement of his illness, being unable to speak, he took his ring from his finger, and gave it to Perdiccas; an act which tranquillized the growing dissension among his friends; for though Perdiccas was not expressly named his successor, he seemed intended to be so in Alexander's judgment.
XVI. Alexander, when he died, was thirty-three years and one month old. He was a man endowed with powers of mind far beyond ordinary human capacity. His mother Olympias, the night in which she conceived him, dreamed that she was entwined with a huge serpent; nor was she deceived by her drearn; for she certainly bore in her womb a conception superior to mortality; and though her descent from the Aeacidae, a family of the remotest antiquity, and the royal dignity of her father, brother, husband, and indeed of all her ancestors, conferred sufficient splendour upon her, yet by no one's influence was she rendered more illustrious than that of her son. Some omens of his future greatness appeared at his birth. Two eagles sat the whole of the day on which he was born on the top of his father's palace, giving indication of his double empire over Europe and Asia. The very same day, too, his father received the news of two victories, one in the war with the Illyrians, the other in the Olympic games, tc which he had sent some four-horse chariots; an omen which portended to the child the conquest of the world. As a boy, he was ably instructed in elementary learning; and, when his boyhood was past, he improved himself, for five years, under his famous instructor Aristotle.40 On taking possession of the throne, he gave orders that he should be styled "King of all the earth and of the world; " and he inspired his soldiers with such confidence in him, that, when he was present, they |121 feared the arms of no enemy, though they themselves were unarmed. He, in consequence, never engaged with any enemy whom he did not conquer, besieged no city that he did not take, and invaded no nation that he did not subjugate. He was overcome at last, not by the prowess of any enemy, but by a conspiracy of those whom he trusted, and the treachery of his own subjects.
BOOK XIII.
Feelings of the Macedonians on the death of Alexander, I.----Opinions of the generals about a successor, II.----Mutiny among the infantry, III.----Aridaeus chosen king; the generals divide the provinces among them, IV.----The Aetolians and Athenians fight for the liberty of Greece; the services of Demosthenes, V.----Perdiccas defeats the Cappadocians; goes to war with Antigonus; conduct of Ptolemy, VI.----Account of Cyrene, VII.----Ptolemy goes to war with Perdiccas; acts of Eumenes, VIII.
I. WHEN Alexander was thus cut off in the flower of his age, and at the height of his successes, a mournful silence prevailed among all people throughout Babylon. But the conquered nations could not give credit to the report of his death, because, as they had believed him to be invincible, they had also conceived that he was immortal, reflecting how frequently he had been snatched from imminent destruction, and how often, when he was given up for lost, he had suddenly presented himself to his soldiers, not only safe, but victorious. As soon, however, as the report of his death was confirmed, all the barbarous nations, whom he had shortly before subdued, lamented for him, not as an enemy, but as a father. The mother, too, of King Darius, who, though she had been reduced, after the death of her son, from the summit of royal dignity to the state of a captive, had, till that day, through the kindness of the conqueror, never felt weary of life, com mitted suicide when she heard of the death of Alexander; not that she felt more for an enemy 41 than she had felt for her son, but because she had experienced the attention of a son from him whom she had feared as an enemy. The Macedonians, on the other hand, did not mourn for him as a |122 countryman, and a prince of such eminence, but rejoiced at his death as at that of an enemy, execrating his excessive severity and the perpetual hardships of war to which he exposed them. The chiefs, moreover, were looking to sovereignty and offices of command; the common soldiers to the treasury and heaps of gold, as a prize unexpectedly presented to their grasp; the one meditating on the possibility of seizing the throne, the other on the means of securing wealth and plenty; for there were in the treasury fifty thousand talents, while the annual tribute produced thirty thousand. Nor did the friends of Alexander look to the throne without reason; for they were men of such ability and authority, that each of them might have been taken for a king. Such was the personal gracefulness, the commanding stature, and the eminent powers of body and mind, apparent in all of them, that whoever did not know them, would have thought that they had been selected, not from one nation, but from the whole earth. Never before, indeed, did Macedonia, or any other country, abound with such a multitude of distinguished men; whom Philip first, and afterwards Alexander, had selected with such skill, that they seemed to have been chosen, not so much to attend them to war, as to succeed them on the throne. Who then can wonder, that the world was conquered by such officers, when the army of the Macedonians appeared to be commanded, not by generals, but by princes?----men who would never have found antagonists to cope with them, if they had not quarrelled with one another; while Macedonia would have had many Alexanders instead of one, had not Fortune inspired them with mutual emulation for their mutual destruction.
II. But, when Alexander was taken off, their feelings of security were not in proportion to their exultation; for they were all competitors for the same dignity; nor did they fear one another 42 more than the soldiery, whose licence was less controllable, and whose favour was more uncertain. Their very equality inflamed their discord, no one being so far superior to the rest, that any other would submit to him. |123 They therefore met in the palace under arms to settle the present state of affairs. Perdiccas gave his opinion that "they ought to wait till Roxane was delivered, who was now eight months gone with child by Alexander; and that, if she brought forth a boy, he should be appointed his father's successor." Meleager argued that "their proceedings should not be suspended for the result of an uncertain birth; nor ought they to wait till kings were born, when they might choose from such as were already born; for if they wished for a boy, there was at Pergamus a son of Alexander by Barsine, named Hercules; or, if they would rather have a man, there was then in the camp Aridaeus, a brother of Alexander, a person of courteous manners, and acceptable to every body, not only on his own account, but on that of his father Philip. But that Roxane was of Persian origin, and that it was unlawful that kings should be chosen for the Macedonians from the blood of those whose kingdoms they had overthrown; a choice to which Alexander himself would not have consented, who, indeed, when he was dying, made no mention of Roxane's issue." Ptolemy objected to Aridaeus as king, "not only on account of the meanness of his mother (he being the son of a courtezan of Larissa), but because of the extraordinary weakness with which he was affected, lest, while he had the name of king, another should exercise the authority;" and said that "it would be better for them to choose from those who were next in merit to the king, and who could govern the provinces and be entrusted with the conduct of wars, than to be subjected to the tyranny of unworthy men under the authority of a king." The opinion of Perdiccas was adopted with the consent of all; and it was resolved to wait for the delivery of Roxane; and, if a boy should be born, they appointed Leonatus, Perdiccas, Craterus, and Antipater, his guardians, to whom they at once took an oath of obedience.
III. When the cavalry had also taken the oath, the infantry, indignant that no share in the deliberation had been granted to them, proclaimed Aridaeus, the brother of Alexander, king, chose him guards from their own body, and appointed that he should be called Philip, after the name of his father. These proceedings being reported to the cavalry, they despatched two of their officers, Attalus and Meleager, to quell the excitement; but they, hoping for power for |124 themselves by flattering the multitude, neglected their commission, and took part with the soldiers. The insurrection soon gathered strength, when it once began to have a head and regular management. The infantry rushed in a body, under arms, to the palace, with a resolution to cut the cavalry to pieces; but the cavalry, hearing of their approach, retreated in haste from the city, and after pitching their camp, began to threaten the infantry in return. Nor did the animosity of the chiefs, meanwhile, abate. Attalus despatched some of his men to assassinate Perdiccas, the leader of the opposite party, but, as he was armed, the assassins durst not go near him, though he freely invited them to approach; and such was the resolution of Perdiccas, that he went of his own accord to the infantry, and, summoning them to an assembly, represented to them the atrocity of their conduct; admonishing them "to consider against whom they had taken arms; that they were not Persians, but Macedonians; not enemies, but their own countrymen; most of them their kinsmen, but certainly all of them their fellow soldiers, sharers of the same camp and of the same dangers; that they would present a striking spectacle to their enemies, who would rejoice at the mutual slaughter of those by whose arms they grieved at having been conquered; and that they would atone with their own blood to the manes of their slaughtered adversaries."
IV. Perdiccas having enforced these arguments with eloquence peculiar to himself, produced such an effect upon the infantry, that his admonitions were obeyed, and he was unanimously chosen general. The cavalry, soon after, being reconciled with the infantry, agreed to have Aridaeus for their king. A portion of the empire was reserved for Alexander's son, if a son should be born. These proceedings they conducted with the body of Alexander placed in the midst of them, that his majesty might be witness to their resolutions; Such an arrangement being made, Antipater was appointed governor of Macedonia and Greece; the charge of the royal treasure was given to Craterus; the management of the camp, the army, and the war, to Meleager and Perdiccas; and king Aridaeus was commissioned to convey the body of Alexander to the temple of Jupiter Ammon. Perdiccas, who was still enraged at the authors of the late disturbance, suddenly gave notice, without the knowledge of his colleague, that there |125 would be a lustration of the camp on the following day on account of the king's death. Having drawn up the troops under arms in the field, he, with the general consent, gave orders, as he passed along, that the offenders, selected from each company, should be secretly given up to punishment. On his return, he divided the provinces among the chief men, in order both to remove his rivals out of the way, and to make the gift of a prefectship appear a favour from himself. In the first place Egypt, with part of Africa and Arabia, fell by lot to Ptolemy, whom Alexander, for his merit, had raised from the condition of a common soldier: and Cleomenes, who had built Alexandria,43 was directed to put the province into his hands. Laomedon of Mitylene was allotted Syria, which bordered ou Ptolemy's province; Philotas, Cilicia; and Philo, Illyria. Atropatus was set over the Greater Media; the father-in-law of Perdiccas over the Less. Susiana was assigned to Scynus, and the Greater Phrygia to Antigonus, the son of Philip. Nearchus received Lycia and Pamphylia; Cassander, Caria; and Menander, Lydia. The Lesser Phrygia fell to Leonatus; Thrace, and the coasts of the Pontic sea, to Lysimachus; Cappadocia and Paphlagonia were given to Eumenes. The chief command of the camp fell to Seleucus the son of Antiochus. Cassander, the son of Antipater, was made commander of the king's guards and attendants. In Ulterior Bactriana, and the countries of India, the present governors were allowed to retain their office. The region between the rivers Hydaspes and Indus, Taxiles received. To the colonies settled in India, Python, the son of Agenor, was sent. Of Paropamisia, and the borders of mount Caucasus, Extarches had the command. The Arachosians and Gedrosians were assigned to Sibyrtius; the Drancae and Arci to Stasanor. Amyntas was allotted the Bactrians, Scythaeus the Sogdians, Nicanor the Parthians, Philippus the Hyrcanians, Phrataphemes the Armenians, Tleptolemus the Persians, Peucestes the Babylonians, Archon the Pelasgians, Arcesilaus, Mesopotamia. When this allotment, like a gift from the fates, was made to |126 each, it was to many of them a great occasion for improving their fortunes; for not long after, as if they had divided kingdoms, not governments, among themselves, they became princes instead of prefects, and not only secured great power to themselves, but bequeathed it to their descendants.
V. While these transactions were passing in the east, the Athenians and Aetolians proceeded with all their might to prosecute the war which they had begun in the life of Alexander. The cause of the war was, that Alexander, on his return from India, had written certain letters to Greece, according to which the exiles from all the states, except such as had been convicted of murder, were to be recalled. These letters, being read before all Greece, assembled at the Olympic games,44 had excited a great commotion; because many had been banished, not by legal authority, but by a faction of the leading men, who were afraid that, if they were recalled, they would become more powerful in their states than themselves. Many states therefore at once expressed open discontent, and said that their liberty must be secured by force of arms. The leaders among them, all, however, were the Athenians and Aetolians.
This being reported to Alexander, he gave orders that a thousand ships of war should be raised among his allies, with which he might carry on war in the west; and he intended to make an expedition, with a powerful force, to level Athens with the ground. The Athenians, in consequence, collecting an army of thirty thousand men and two hundred ships, went to war with Antipater, to whom the government of Greece had been assigned; and when he declined to come to battle, and sheltered himself within the walls of Heraclea, they besieged him there; At that time Demosthenes, the Athenian orator, who had been banished from his country on the charge of taking gold from Harpalus (a man who had fled from Alexander's severity), bribing him to prevail on the city 45 to go to war with Alexander, happened then to be living in exile at Megara, and learning that Hyperides was sent as an ambassador by the Athenians to persuade the Peloponnesians to join |127 in the war, followed him, and, by his eloquence, brought over Sicyon, Argos, Corinth, and other states, to the Athenian interest. For this service a ship was sent for him by the Athenians, and he was recalled from banishment. Meanwhile Leosthenes, the general of the Athenians, was killed, while he was besieging Antipater, by a dart hurled at him from the wall as he was passing by. This occurrence gave so much encouragement to Antipater, that he ventured to break down the Athenian rampart. He then sought assistance from Leonatus, who was soon reported to be approaching with his army; but the Athenians met him in battle array, and he was severely wounded in an action of the cavalry, and died. Antipater, though he saw his auxiliaries defeated, was yet rejoiced at the death of Leonatus, congratulating himself that his rival was taken off, and his force added to his own. Taking Leonatus's army under his command, therefore, and thinking himself a match for the enemy, even in a regular battle, he immediately released himself from the siege, and marched away to Macedonia. The forces of the Greeks, too, having driven the enemy 46 from the territory of Greece, went off to their several cities.
VI. Perdiccas, in the meantime, making war upon Ariarathes, king of the Cappadocians, defeated him in a pitched battle, but got no other reward for his efforts but wounds and perils; for the enemy, retreating from the field into the city, killed each his own wife and children, and set fire to his house and all that he possessed; throwing their slaves too into the flames, and afterwards themselves, that the victorious enemy might enjoy nothing belonging to them but the sight of the conflagration that they had kindled. Soon after, that he might secure royal support to his present power, he turned his thoughts to a marriage with Cleopatra, sister of Alexander the Great, and formerly wife of the other Alexander,47 her mother Olympias showing no dislike to the match. But he wished first to outwit Antipater, by pretending a desire for an alliance with him, and therefore made a feint of asking his daughter in marriage, the more easily to procure from him young recruits from Macedonia. Antipater, however, seeing |128 through, his deceit, he courted two wives at once, but obtained neither.
Afterwards a war arose between Antigonus and Perdiccas; Craterus and Antipater (who, having made peace with the Athenians, had appointed Polysperchon to govern Greece and Macedonia) lent their aid to Antigonus. Perdiccas, as the aspect of affairs was unfavourable, called Aridaeus, and Alexander the Great's son,48 then in Cappadocia (the charge of both of whom had been committed to him), to a consultation concerning the management of the war. Some were of opinion that it should be transferred to Macedonia, to the very head and metropolis of the kingdom, where Olympias, the mother of Alexander, was, who would be no small support to their party, while the good will of their countrymen would be with them, from respect to the names of Alexander and Philip; but it seemed more to the purpose to begin with Egypt, lest, while they were gone into Macedonia, Asia should be seized by Ptolemy. Paphlagonia, Caria, Lycia, and Phrygia were assigned to Eumenes, in addition to the provinces which he had already received; and he was directed to wait in those parts for Craterus and Antipater, Alcetas, the brother of Perdiccas, and Neoptolemus being appointed to support him with their forces. The command of the fleet was given to Clitus. Cilicia, being taken from Philotas, was given to Philoxenus. Perdiccas himself set out for Egypt with a large army. Thus Macedonia, while its commanders separated into two parties, was armed against its own vitals, and turned the sword from warring against the enemy to the effusion of civil blood, being ready, like people in a fit of madness, to hack her own hands and limbs. But Ptolemy, by his wise exertions in Egypt, was acquiring great power; he had secured the favour of the Egyptians by his extraordinary prudence; he had attached the neighbouring princes by acts of kindness and courtesy; he had extended the boundaries of his kingdom by getting possession of the city Cyrene, and was grown so great that he did not fear his enemies so much as he was feared by them.
VII. Cyrene was founded by Aristaeus, who, from being tongue-tied, was also called Battus. His father Grinus, king of |129 the isle of Thera, having gone to the oracle at Delphi, to implore the god to remove the ignominy of his son, who was grown up but could not speak, received an answer by which his son Battus was directed "to go to Africa, and found the city of Cyrene, where he would gain the use of his tongue." This response appearing but a jest, by reason of the paucity of inhabitants in the island of Thera, from which a colony was desired to go to build a city in a country of such vast extent as Africa, the matter was neglected. Some time after, the Therans, as being guilty of disobedience, were forced by a pestilence to comply with the god's directions. But the number of the colonists was so extremely small that they scarcely filled one ship. Arriving in Africa, they dislodged the inhabitants from a hill named Cyras, and took possession of it for themselves, on account both of the pleasantness of the situation and the abundance of springs in it. Here Battus, their leader, the strings of his tongue being loosed, began to speak; which circumstance, as one part of the god's promises was fulfilled, gave them encouragement to entertain the further hope of building a city. Pitching their camp, accordingly, they received information of an old tradition, that Cyrene, a maiden of extraordinary beauty, was carried off by Apollo from Pelion, a mountain in Thessaly, and brought to that very mountain on which they had seized a hill, where, becoming pregnant by the god, she brought forth four sons, Nomius, Aristaeus, Authocus, and Argaeus; and that a party being sent by her father Hypsaeus, king of Thessaly, to seek for the damsel, were so attracted by the charms of the place, that they settled there with her. Of her four sons, it was said that three, when they grew up, returned to Thessaly, and inherited their grandfather's kingdom; and that the fourth, Aristaeus, reigned over a great part of Arcadia, and taught mankind the management of bees and honey, and the art of making cheese, and was the first that observed the solstitial risings of Sirius.49 On hearing this account, Battus built the city in obedience |130 to the oracle, calling it Cyrene,50 from the name of the maiden.
VIII. Ptolemy, having increased his strength from the forces of this city, made preparations for war against the coming of Perdiccas. But the hatred which Perdiccas had incurred by his arrogance did him more injury than the power of the enemy; for his allies, detesting his overbearingness, went over in troops to Antipater. Neoptolemus, too, who had been left to support Eumenes, intended not only to desert himself, but also to betray the force of his party; when Eumenes, understanding his design, thought it a matter of necessity to engage the traitor in the field. Neoptolemus, being worsted, fled to Antipater and Polysperchon, and persuaded them to surprise Eumenes, by marching without intermission, while he was full of joy for his victory, and freed from apprehension by his own flight. But this project did not escape Eumenes; the plot was in consequence turned, upon the contrivers of it; and they who expected to attack him unguarded, were attacked themselves when they were on their march, and wearied with watching through the previous night. In this battle, Polysperchon was killed.51 Neoptolemus, too, engaging hand to hand with Eumenes, and maintaining a long struggle with him, in which both were wounded more than once, was at last overpowered and fell. Eumenes, therefore, being victorious in two successive battles, supported in some degree the spirits of his party, which had been cast down by the desertion of their allies. At last, however, Perdiccas being killed,52 Eumenes was declared an enemy by the army together with Pitho, Illyrius, and Alcetas, the brother of Perdiccas; and the conduct of the war against them was committed to Antigonus. |131
BOOK XIV.
Conduct of Eumenes in the war with Antigonus, I.----Being unsuccessful, he flees to the Argyraspides, II.----They, being defeated, resolve to deliver Eumenes to Antigonus, III.----Eumenes addresses the army; he and the Argyraspides fall into the power of Antigonus, IV.----Proceedings of Cassander and Olympias, V.----Death of Olympias, VI.
I. WHEN Eumenes found that Perdiccas was slain, that he himself was declared an enemy by the Macedonians, and that the conduct of the war against him was committed to Antigonus, he at once made known the state of affairs to his troops, lest report should either exaggerate matters, or alarm the minds of the men with the unexpected nature of the events; designing at the same time to learn how they were affected towards him, and to take his measures according to the feeling expressed by them as a body. He boldly gave notice, however, that "if any one of them felt dismayed at the news, he had full liberty to depart." By this declaration he so strongly attached them to his side, that they all immediately exhorted him to prosecute the war, and protested that "they would annul the decrees of the Macedonians with their swords." Having then led his army into Aetolia,53 he exacted contributions from the different cities, and plundered, like an enemy, such as refused to pay. Next he went to Sardis, to Cleopatra, the sister of Alexander the Great, that with her influence he might encourage his captains and chief officers, who would think that the royal authority was on that side on which the sister of Alexander stood. Such veneration was there for the greatness of Alexander, that the influence of hig sacred name was sought even by means of women.
When he returned to his camp, letters were found scattered through it, in which great rewards were offered to any that should bring the head of Eumenes to Antigonus. This coming to his knowledge, Eumenes, assembling his men, first offered them his congratulations that "none had been found |132 among them who preferred the expectation of a reward stained with blood to the obligation of his military oath." He then craftily added that these letters had been forged by himself to sound their feelings; but that his life was in the hands of them all; and that neither Antigonus nor any other general would be willing to conquer by such means as would afford the worst of examples against himself." By acting thus, he both preserved for the present the attachment of such as were wavering, and made it likely that if anything similar should happen in future, the soldiers would think that they were not tampered with by the enemy, but sounded by their own general. All of them in consequence zealously offered him their services for the guard of his person.
II. In the meantime Antigonus came up with his army, and having pitched his camp, offered battle on the following day. Nor did Eumenes delay to engage with him; but, being defeated, he fled to a fortress, where, when he saw that he must submit to the hazard of a siege, he dismissed the greater part of his army, lest he should either be delivered to the enemy by consent of the multitude, or the sufferings of the siege should be aggravated by too great a number. He then sent a deputation to Antipater, who was the only general that seemed a match for the power of Antigonus, to entreat his aid; and Antigonus, hearing that succour was despatched by him to Eumenes, gave up the siege. Eumenes was thus for a time, indeed, relieved from fear of death; but, as so great a portion of his army was sent away, he had no great hope of ultimate safety. After taking everything into consideration, therefore, he thought it best to apply to the Argyraspides of Alexander the Great, a body of men that had never yet been conquered, and radiant with the glory of so many victories. But the Argyraspides disdained all leaders in comparison with Alexander, and thought service under other generals dishonourable to the memory of so great a monarch. Eumenes had, therefore, to address them with flattery; he spoke to each of them in the language of a suppliant, calling them his "fellow-soldiers," his "patrons," or his "companions in the dangers and exploits of the east;" sometimes styling them "his refuge for protection, and his only security;" saying that "they were the only troops by whose valour the east had been subdued, the only troops that had gone beyond the achievements of |133 Bacchus and the monuments of Hercules; that by them Alexander had become great, by them had attained divine honours and immortal glory;" and he begged them "to receive him, not so much in the character of a general, as in that of a fellow-soldier, and to allow him to be one of their body." Being received on these terms, he gradually succeeded, first by giving them hints individually, and afterwards by gently correcting whatever was done amiss, in gaining the sole command. Nothing could be done in the camp without him; nothing managed without the aid of his judgment.
III. At length, when it was announced that Antigonus was approaching with his army, he obliged them to march into the field; where, slighting the orders of their general, they were defeated by the bravery of the enemy. In this battle they lost, with their wives and children, not only their glory from so many wars, but also the booty obtained in their long service. But Eumenes, who was the cause of their disaster,54 and had no other hope of safety remaining, encouraged them after their repulse, assuring them that "they had the superiority in courage, as five thousand of the enemy had been slain by them; and that if they persevered in the war, their enemies would gladly sue for peace;" adding, that "the losses, by which they estimated their defeat, were two thousand women, and a few children and slaves, which they might better recover by conquering, than by yielding the victory." The Argyraspides, on the other hand, declared that "they would neither attempt a retreat, after the loss of their property and wives, nor would they war against their own children,"55 and pursued him with reproaches "for having involved them, when they were returning home after so many years of completed service, and with the fruits of so many enterprises, and when on the point of being disbanded, in fresh efforts and vast struggles in the field; for having deluded them, when they were recalled, as it were, from their own hearths, and from the very threshold of their country, with vain promises; and for not allowing them, after having lost all the gains of their fortunate service, to support quietly under their defeat the burden of a poor and unhappy |134 old age." Immediately after, without the knowledge of their leaders,56 they sent deputies to Antigonus, requesting that "he would order what was theirs 57 to be restored to them." Antigonus promised that "he would restore what they asked, if they would deliver up Eumenes to him." Hearing of this reply, Eumenes, with a few others, attempted to flee, but being brought back, and finding his condition desperate, he requested, as a great crowd gathered around him, to be allowed to address the army for the last time.
IV. Being desired by them all to speak, and silence being made, and his chains loosed, he held out his hand, fettered as he was, and said, "Soldiers, ye behold the dress and equipments of your general, which it is not any one of the enemy that has put upon me; for that would be even a consolation to me; but it is you that have made me of a conqueror conquered, and of a general a prisoner. Four times 58 within the present year have you bound yourselves by oath to obey me; but on that point I shall say nothing, for reproaches do not become the unfortunate. One favour only I entreat, that, if the performance of Antigonus's promises depends on my life, you would allow me to die among yourselves; for to him it signifies nothing how or where I fall, and I shall be delivered from an ignominious end. If I obtain this request, I release you from the oath by which you have so often devoted yourselves to me. Or if you are ashamed to offer violence to me at my entreaty, give me a sword, and permit your general to do for you,59 without the obligation of an oath, that which you have taken an oath to do for your general." Not being able, however, to obtain his request, he changed his tone of entreaty to that of anger, and exclaimed, "May the gods, then, the avengers of perjury, look down in judgment upon you, ye accursed wretches, and bring upon you such deaths as you have brought upon your leaders. It was you, the same who now stand before me, that were lately sprinkled with the blood of |135 Perdiccas, and that planned a similar end for Antipater. You would even have killed Alexander himself, if it had been possible for him to fall by a mortal hand: 60 what was next to it,61 you harassed him with your mutinies. I, the last victim of your perfidy, now pronounce on you these curses and imprecations: may you live your whole lives in poverty, far from your country, in this camp where you are exiled; and may your own arms, by which you have killed more generals of your own than of your enemies, sink you in utter destruction." Then, full of indignation, he began to walk before his guards towards the camp of Antigonus. The army followed, surrendering their general, and being themselves made prisoners; and, leading up a triumph over themselves to the camp of their conqueror, resigned to him, together with their own persons, all their honour gained under king Alexander,62 and the palms and laurels of so long a warfare; and, that nothing might be wanting to the procession, the elephants and auxiliaries of the east 63 brought up the rear. This single victory was so far more glorious to Antigonus than so many other victories had been to Alexander, that whereas Alexander subdued the east, Antigonus defeated those by whom the east had been subdued. These conquerors of the world, then, Antigonus distributed among his army, restoring to them what he had taken in the victory; and directed that Eumenes, whom, from regard to their former friendship, he did not allow to come into his presence, should be committed to the care of a guard.
V. In the meantime Eurydice, the wife of king Aridaeus, when she learned that Polysperchon was returning from Greece into Macedonia, and that Olympias was sent for by him, being prompted by a womanish emulation, and taking advantage of her husband's weakness, whose duties she took upon herself, wrote in the king's name to Polysperchon, desiring him "to deliver up the army to Cassander, on whom the king had con ferred the government of the kingdom." She made a similar |136 communication to Antigonus, in a letter which she wrote to him in Asia. Cassander, attached to her by such a favour, managed everything according to the will of that ambitious woman. Marching into Greece, he made war upon several cities; by the calamities of which, as by a fire in the neighbourhood, the Spartans were alarmed, and, distrusting their power in arms, enclosed their city (which they had always defended, not with walls, but with their swords) with works of defence, in disregard both of the predictions of the oracles, and of the ancient glory of their forefathers. Strange, that they should have so far degenerated from their ancestors, that, when the valour of the citizens had been for many ages a wall to the city, the citizens could not now think themselves secure unless they had walls to shelter them. But during the course of these proceedings, the disturbed state of Macedonia obliged Cassander to return home from Greece; for Olympias, the mother of Alexander the Great, coming from Epirus to Macedonia, with Aeacides, king of the Molossians, attending her, and being forbidden to enter the country by Eurydice and king Aridaeus, the Macedonians being moved, either by respect for the memory of her husband, or the greatness of her son, or by the indignity with which she was treated, went over to Olympias, by whose order both Eurydice and the king were put to death, he having held the kingdom six years since the decease of Alexander.
VI. But neither did Olympias reign long; for having committed great slaughter among the nobility throughout the country, like a furious woman rather than a queen, she turned the favour with which she was regarded into hatred. Hearing, therefore, of the approach of Cassander, and distrusting the Macedonians, she retired, with her daughter-in-law Roxane, and her grandson Hercules, to the city of Pydna. Deidamia, the daughter of king Aeacides, and Thessalonice, her step-daughter, rendered illustrious by the name of Philip, who was her father, and many others, wives of the leading men, a retinue showy rather than serviceable, attended her on her journey. When the news of her retreat was brought to Cassander, he marched immediately, with the utmost expedition, to Pydna, and laid siege to the city. Olympias, distressed with famine and the sword, and the wearisomeness of a long siege, surrendered herself to the conqueror, stipulating only for life. But |137 Cassander, on summoning the people to an assembly, to inquire "what they would wish to be done with Olympias," induced the parents of those whom she had killed to put on mourning apparel, and expose her cruelties; when the Macedonians, exasperated by their statements, decreed, without regard to her former majesty, that she should be put to death; utterly unmindful that, by the labours of her son and her husband, they had not only lived in security among their neighbours, but had attained to vast power, and even to the conquest of the world. Olympias, seeing armed men advancing towards her, bent upon her destruction, went voluntarily to meet them, dressed in her regal apparel, and leaning on two of her maids. The executioners, on beholding her, struck with the recollection of her former royal dignity,64 and with the names of so many of their kings, that occurred to their memory in connexion with her, stood still, until others were sent by Cassander to despatch her; she, at the same time, not shrinking from the sword or the blow, or crying out like a woman, but submitting to death like the bravest of men, and suitably to the glory of her ancient race, so that you might have perceived the soul of Alexander in his dying mother. As she was expiring, too, she is said to have settled her hair,65 and to have covered her feet with her robe, that nothing unseemly might appear about her. After these events, Cassander married Thessalonice, the daughter of king Aridaeus, and sent the son of Alexander,66 with his mother to the citadel of Amphipolis, to be kept under guard. |138
BOOK XV.
War of Antigonas against his opponents; defeat of his son Demetrius, I.----Cruelty of Cassander towards the family of Alexander the Great; successes of Antigonus, II.----Acts of Lysimachus, III.----Account of Seleucus; of Sandrocottus; death of Antigonus, IV.
I. PERDICCAS and his brother, with Eumenes and Polysperchon, and other leaders of the opposite party, being killed, the contention among the successors of Alexander seemed to be at an end; when, on a sudden, a dispute arose among the conquerors themselves; for Ptolemy, Cassander, and Lysimachus, demanding that "the money taken amongst the spoil, and the provinces, should be divided," Antigonus said that "he would admit no partners in the advantages of a war of which he alone had undergone the perils." And that he might seem to engage in an honourable contest with his confederates, he gave out that "his object was to avenge the death of Olympias, who had been murdered by Cassander, and to release the son of Alexander, his king, with his mother, from their confinement at Amphipolis." On hearing this news, Ptolemy and Cassander, forming an alliance with Lysimachus and Seleucus, made vigorous preparations for war by land and sea. Ptolemy had possession of Egypt, with the greater part of Africa, Cyprus, and Phoenicia. Macedonia and Greece were subject to Cassander. Antigonus had taken possession of Asia and the eastern countries.
Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, was defeated in the first engagement by Ptolemy, at Gamala.67 In this action, the renown gained by Ptolemy for his moderation was greater than that which he obtained from the victory itself; for he let the friends of Demetrius depart, not only with their baggage, but with presents in addition; and he restored Demetrius himself all his private property, together with his family, making, at the same time, this honourable declaration, that "he had not engaged in the war for plunder, but for the maintenance of his own character, being indignant that when the leaders of the opposite faction were conquered, Antigonus claimed the fruits of their common victory for himself."
II. During these transactions, Cassander, returning from |139 Apollonia, fell in with the Antariatae,68 who, having abandoned their country on account of the vast number of frogs and mice that infested it, were seeking a settlement. Fearing that they might possess themselves of Macedonia, he made a compact with them, received them as allies, and assigned them lands at the extremity of the country. Afterwards, lest Hercules, the son of Alexander, who had nearly completed his fourteenth year, should be called to the throne on Macedonia through the influence of his father's name, he sent secret orders that he should be put to death, together with his mother Barsine, and that their bodies should be privately buried in the earth lest the murder should be betrayed by a regular funeral.69 As if, too, he had previously incurred but small guilt, first in the case of the king himself,70 and afterwards in that of his mother Olympias and her son, he cut off his other son, and his mother Roxane, with similar treachery; as though he could not obtain the throne of Macedonia, to which he aspired, otherwise than by crime.
Ptolemy meanwhile engaged a second time with Demetrius at sea; 71 and, having lost his fleet, and left the victory to the enemy, fled back to Egypt, whither Demetrius sent Leontiscus, the son of Ptolemy, his brother Menelaus, and his friends, with all their baggage, being induced to this act by like kindness previously shown 72 to himself; and that it might appear that they were stimulated, not by hatred, but by desire of glory and honour, they vied with one another, even amidst war itself, in kindnesses and services. So much more |140 honourably were wars then conducted than private friendships are now maintained! 73
Antigonus, being elated with this victory, gave orders that he himself, as well as his son Demetrius, should be styled king by the people. Ptolemy also, that he might not appear of less authority among his subjects, was called king by his army. Cassander and Lysimachus, too, when they heard of these proceedings, assumed regal dignity themselves. They all abstained, however, from taking the insignia of royalty, as long as any sons of their king survived. Such forbearance was there in them, that, though they had tbe power, they yet contentedly remained without the distinction of kings, while Alexander had a proper heir. But Ptolemy and Cassander, and the other leaders of the opposite faction, perceiving that they were individually weakened by Antigonus, while each regarded the war, not as the common concern of all, but as merely affecting himself, and all were unwilling to give assistance to one another, as if victory would be only for one, and not for all of them, appointed, after encouraging each other by letters, a time and place for an interview, and prepared for the contest with united strength. Cassander, being unable to join in it, because of a war near home, despatched Lysimachus to the support of his allies with a large force.
III. Lysimachus was of a noble family in Macedonia, but was exalted far above any nobility of birth by the proofs which he had given of personal merit, which was so great, that he excelled all those by whom the east was conquered, in greatness of mind, in philosophy, and in reputation for prowess. For when Alexander the Great, in his anger, had pretended that Callisthenes the philosopher, for his opposition to the Persian mode of doing obeisance, was concerned in a plot that had been formed against him, and, by cruelly mangling all his limbs, and cutting off his ears, nose, and lips, had rendered him a shocking and miserable spectacle, and had had him carried about, also, shut up in a cage with a dog, for a terror to others, Lysimachus, who was accustomed to listen to Callisthenes, and to receive precepts of virtue from him, took pity |141 on so great a man, undergoing punishment, not for any crime, but for freedom of speech,74 and furnished him with poison to relieve him from his misery. At this act Alexander was so displeased, that he ordered Lysimachus to be exposed to a fierce lion; but when the beast, furious at the sight of him, had made a spring towards him, Lysimachus plunged his hand, wrapped in his cloak, into the lion's mouth, and, seizing fast hold of his tongue, killed him. This exploit being related to the king, his wonder at it ended in pleasure, and he regarded Lysimachus with more affection than before, on account of his extraordinary bravery. Lysimachus, likewise, endured the ill-treatment of the king with magnanimity, as that of a parent. At last, when all recollection of this affair was effaced from the king's mind, Lysimachus was his only attendant in an excursion through vast heaps of sand, when he was in pursuit of some flying enemies, and had left his guards behind him in consequence of the swiftness of his horse. His brother Philip,75 having previously attempted to do him the same service, had expired in the king's arms. Alexander, however, as he alighted from his horse, happened to wound Lysimachus in the forehead with the point of his spear, so severely that the blood could not by any means be stopped, till the king, taking off his diadem, placed it on his head by way of closing the wound; an act which was the first omen of royal dignity to Lysimachus. And after the death of Alexander, when the provinces were divided among his successors, the most warlike nations were assigned to Lysimachus as the bravest of them all; so far, by general consent, had he the pre-eminence over the rest in military merit.
IV. Before the war with Antigonus was commenced by Ptolemy and his allies, Seleucus, on a sudden, leaving the Greater Asia,76 came forward as a fresh enemy to Antigonus. The merit of Seleucus was well known, and his birth had been attended with extraordinary circumstances. His mother Laodice, being married to Antiochus, a man of eminence among Philip's generals, seemed to herself, in a dream, to have conceived from a union with Apollo, and, after becoming |142 pregnant, to have received from him, as a reward for her compliance, a ring, on the stone of which was engraved an anchor, and which she was desired to give to the child that she should bring forth. A ring similarly engraved, which was found the next day in the bed, and the figure of an anchor, which was visible on the thigh of Seleucus when he was born, made this dream extremely remarkable. This ring Laodice gave to Seleucus, when he was going with Alexander to the Persian war, informing him, at the same time, of his paternity. After the death of Alexander, having secured dominion in the east, he built a city, where be established a memorial of his twofold origin; for he called the city Antioch from the name of his father Antiochus, and consecrated the plains near the city to Apollo. This mark of his paternity continued also among his descendants; for his sons and grandsons had an anchor on their thigh, as a natural proof of their extraction.; After the division of the Macedonian empire among the followers of Alexander, he carried on several wars in the east. He first took Babylon, and then, his strength being increased by this success, subdued the Bactrians. He next made an expedition into India, which, after the death of Alexander, had shaken, as it were, the yoke of servitude from its neck, and put his governors to death. The author of this liberation was Sandrocottus, who afterwards, however, turned their semblance of liberty into slavery; for, making himself king, he oppressed the people whom he had delivered from a foreign power, with a cruel tyranny. This man was of mean origin, but was stimulated to aspire to regal power by supernatural encouragement; for, having offended Alexander by his boldness of speech, and orders being given to kill him, he saved himself by swiftness of foot; and while he was lying asleep, after his fatigue, a lion of great size having come up to him, licked off with his tongue the sweat that was running from him, and after gently waking him, left him. Being first prompted by this prodigy to conceive hopes of royal dignity, he drew together a band of robbers, and solicited the Indians to support his new sovereignty. Some time after, as he was going to war with the generals of Alexander, a wild elephant of great bulk presented itself before him of its own accord, and, as if tamed down to gentleness,77 took him on its back, and |143 became his guide in the war, and conspicuous in fields of battle. Sandrocottus, having thus acquired a throne, was in possession of India, when Seleucus was laying the foundations of his future greatness; who, after making a league with him, and settling his affairs in the east, proceeded to join in the war against Antigonus. As soon as the forces, therefore, of all the confederates were united, a battle was fought,78 in which Antigonus was slain, and his son Demetrius put to flight.
But the allied generals, after thus terminating the war with the enemy, turned their arms again upon each other, and, as they could not agree about the spoil, were divided into two parties. Seleucus joined Demetrius, and Ptolemy Lysimachus. Cassander dying, Philip, his son, succeeded him. Thus new wars arose, as it were, from a fresh source, for Macedonia.
BOOK XVI.
Antipater, son of Cassander, puts his mother to death; Demetrius Poliorcetes becomes master of Macedonia, I.----Demetrius is driven from Macedonia; deaths of Antipater and Cassander, II.----War between Pyrrhus and Lysimachus; account of the city Heraclea, in Pontus, III.----Tyranny of Clearchus there, IV.----Death of Clearchus; subsequent condition of Heraclea, V.
I. AFTER the deaths, in rapid succession,79 of Cassander and Philip, queen Thessalonice, the wife of Cassander, was soon killed by her son Antipater, though she conjured him by the bosom of a mother to spare her life. The cause of this matricide was that, in the division of the kingdom between the brothers, she seemed to have favoured Alexander. This deed appeared the more atrocious to every one, as there was no proof of injustice on the part of the mother; although, indeed, in a case of matricide, no reason can be alleged sufficient to justify the crime. Alexander, in consequence, resolving to go to war |144 with his brother, to avenge his mother's death, solicited aid from Demetrius; and Demetrius, in hopes of seizing the throne of Macedonia, made no delay in complying with his request. Lysimachus, alarmed at his approach, persuaded Antipater, his son-in-law, rather to be reconciled to his brother than to allow his father's enemy to enter Macedonia. Demetrius, therefore, finding that à reconciliation was commenced between the brothers, removed Alexander by treachery, and, having seized on the throne of Macedonia, called an assembly of the army, to defend himself before them for the murder. He alleged that "his life had been first attempted by Alexander, and that he had not contrived treachery, but prevented it; and that he himself was the more rightful king of Macedonia, both from experience attendant on greater age, and from other con siderations; for that his father 80 had been a follower of king Philip, and of Alexander the Great, in the whole of their wars, and afterwards an attendant on the children of Alexander, and a leader in the punishment of the revolters. That Antipater, on the other hand, the grandfather of these young men, had always been more cruel as the governor of the kingdom than the kings themselves; and that Cassander, their father, had been the extirpator of the king's family, sparing neither women nor children, and not resting till he had cut off the whole of the royal house. That vengeance for these crimes, as he could not exact it from Cassander himself, had been inflicted on his children; and that accordingly Philip and Alexander, if the dead have any knowledge of human affairs, would not wish the murderers of them and their issue, but their avengers, to fill the throne of Macedonia." The people being pacified by these arguments, he was saluted king of Macedonia. Lysimachus, too, being pressed with a war with Doricetes, king of Thrace, and not wishing to have to fight with Demetrius at the same time, made peace with him, resigning into his hands the other half of Macedonia, which had fallen to the share of his son-in-law Antipater.
II. When Demetrius, therefore, supported by the whole strength of Macedonia, was preparing to invade Asia, Ptolemy, Seleucus, and Lysimachus, having experienced in the former contest how great the power of unanimity was, formed an alliance a second time, and having joined their forces, carried |145 the war against Demetrius, into Europe. With these leaders Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, united himself, as a friend and sharer in the war, hoping that Demetrius might lose Macedonia not less easily than he had obtained it. Nor were his expectations vain; for he himself, having corrupted Demetrius's army, and put him to flight, seized on the throne of Macedonia.
During the course of these transactions, Lysimachus put to death his son-in-law Antipater, who complained that he had been deprived of the throne of Macedonia by the treachery of his father-in-law, and put his daughter Eurydice, who had joined with him in his complaints, into prison; and thus the whole house of Cassander made atonement to Alexander the Great, whether for killing himself or destroying his offspring, partly by violent deaths, partly by other sufferings, and partly by shedding the blood of one another.
Demetrius, surrounded by so many armies, preferred, when he might have fallen honourably, to make an ignominious surrender to Seleucus. At the termination of the war died Ptolemy, after having attained great glory by his military exploits. Contrary to the custom among nations, he had resigned his kingdom, before his illness, to the youngest of his sons, and had stated his reasons for that proceeding to the people, who showed themselves no less indulgent in accepting the son for their king than the father had proved himself in delivering the kingdom to him. Among other instances of mutual affection between the father and the son, the following had procured the young man favour from the people, that the father, having publicly resigned the throne to him, had done duty as a private soldier among his guards, thinking it more honour to be the father of a king than to possess any kingdom whatsoever.
III. But the evil of discord, constantly arising among equals, had produced a war between Lysimachus and King Pyrrhus, who had just before been allies against Demetrius. Lysimachus, gaining the advantage, had expelled Pyrrhus, and made himself master of Macedonia. He then made war on Thrace, and afterwards on Heraclea, a city of which the origin and the subsequent fortunes were objects of wonder: for when the Baeotians were suffering from a pestilence, the oracle at Delphi had told them, that "they must plant a |146 colony in the country of Pontus, dedicated to Hercules. But as, through dread of a long and dangerous voyage, and all the people preferring death in their own country, the matter was neglected, the Phocians made war upon them; and after suffering from unsuccessful struggles with that people, they had recourse to the oracle a second time. The answer which they received was, that "what was a remedy for the pestilence would also be a remedy for the war." Raising therefore a body of colonists, and sailing to Pontus, they built the city Heraclea; and as they had been led to that settlement by the guidance of fate, they soon acquired great power. In process of time the city had many wars with its neighbours, and many dissensions among its own people. Among other noble acts that they performed, the following is one of the most remarkable. When the Athenians were at the height of power, and, after the overthrow of the Persians, had imposed a tax on Greece and Asia for the support of a fleet, and when all were promptly contributing to the maintenance of their safety, the Heracleans alone, from friendship for the kings of Persia, refused to pay. Lamachus was accordingly despatched by the Athenians with an army to exact from them what was withheld; but leaving his ships on the coast, and going to ravage the lands of the Heracleans, he lost his fleet, with the greater part of his army, by shipwreck, in a tempest that came on suddenly. As he was not able, therefore, to return by sea, from having lost his ships, and did not dare, with so small a body of men, to return by land through so many warlike nations, the Heracleans, thinking this a more honourable opportunity for kindness than for revenge, sent the invaders away with a supply of provisions and troops to protect them; deeming the devastation of their lands no loss, if they could but make those their friends who had formerly been their enemies.
IV. Among many other evils they endured also that of tyranny; for when, on the populace violently clamouring for an abolition of debts, and a division of the lands of the rich, the subject was long discussed in the senate, and no settlement of it was devised, they at last sought assistance against the commons, who were grown riotous by too long idleness, from Timotheus general of the Athenians, and afterwards from Epaminondas general of the Thebans. As, |147 both, however, refused their request, they had recourse to Clearchus, whom they themselves had exiled; such being the urgency of their distresses, that they recalled to the guardian ship of his country him whom they had forbidden to enter his country. But Clearchus, being rendered more desperate by his banishment, and regarding the dissension among the people as a means of securing to himself the government, first sought a secret interview with Mithridates,81 the enemy of his countrymen, and made a league with him on the understanding that when he was re-established in his country, he should, on betraying the city into his hands, be made lieutenant-governor of it. But the treachery which he had conceived against his countrymen, he afterwards turned against Mithridates himself; for on returning from banishment, to be as it were the arbiter of the disputes in the city, he, at the time appointed for delivering the town to Mithridates, made Mithridates himself prisoner, with a party of his friends, and released him from captivity only on the receipt of a large sum of money. And as, in this case, he suddenly changed himself from a friend into an enemy, so, in regard to his countrymen, he soon, from a supporter of the senate's cause, became a patron of the common people, and not only inflamed the populace against those who had conferred his power upon him, and by whom he had been recalled into his country and established in the citadel, but even exercised upon his benefactors the most atrocious inflictions of tyrannic cruelty. Summoning the people to an assembly, he declared that "he would no longer support the senate in their proceedings against the populace, but would even interpose his authority, if they persisted in their former severities; and that, if the people thought themselves able to check the tyranny of the senate, he would retire with his soldiers, and take no further part in their dissensions; but that, if they distrusted their ability to make resistance, he would not be wanting to aid them in taking revenge. They might therefore," he added, "determine among themselves; they might bid him withdraw, if they pleased, or might request him to stay as a sharer in the popular cause." The people, induced by these fair speeches, conferred on him the supreme authority, and, while they were incensed at the power of the senate, surrendered |148 themselves, with their wives and children, as slaves to the power of a single tyrant. Clearchus then apprehended sixty senators (the rest had taken flight), and threw them into prison. The people rejoiced that the senate was overthrown, and especially that it had fallen by means of a leader among the senators, and that, by a reverse of fortune, their support was turned to their destruction. Clearchus, by threatening all his prisoners with death, made the price offered for their ransom the higher; and, after receiving from them large sums of money, as if he would secretly withdraw them from the violence threatened by the people, despoiled those of their lives whom he had previously despoiled of their fortunes.
V. Learning, soon after, that war was prepared against him by those who had made their escape (several cities being moved by pity to espouse their cause), he gave freedom to their slaves; and that no affliction might be wanting to distress the most honourable families, he obliged their wives and daughters to marry their slaves, threatening death to such as refused, that he might thus render the slaves more attached to himself, and less reconcileable to their masters. But such marriages were more intolerable to the women than immediate death; and many, in consequence, killed themselves before the nuptial rites were celebrated, and many in the midst of them, first killing their new husbands, and delivering themselves from dishonourable sufferings by a spirit of noble virtue. A battle was then fought, in which the tyrant, being victorious, dragged such of the senators as he took prisoners before the faces of their countrymen in triumph. Returning into the city, he threw some into prison, stretched others on the rack, and put others to death; and not a place in the city was unvisited by the tyrant's cruelty. Arrogance was added to severity, insolence to inhumanity. From a course of continued good fortune, he sometimes forgot that he was a man, sometimes called himself the son of Jupiter. When he appeared in public, a golden eagle, as a token of his parentage, was carried before him; he wore a purple robe, buskins like kings in tragedies, and a crown of gold. His son he named Ceraunos,82 to mock the gods, not only with false statements, but with impious names. Two noble youths, Chion and Leonides, incensed that he should dare to commit such outrages, and desiring to |149 deliver their country, formed a conspiracy to put him to death. They were disciples of Plato the philosopher, and being desirous to exhibit to their country the virtue in which they were daily instructed by the precepts of their master, placed fifty of their relations, as if they were their attendants, in ambush; while they themselves, in the character of men who had a dispute to be settled, went into the citadel to the tyrant.83 Gaining admission, as being well known, the tyrant, while he was listening attentively to the one that spoke first, was killed by the other. But as their accomplices were too late in coming to their support, they were overpowered by the guards; and hence it happened that though the tyrant was killed, their country was not liberated. Satyrus, the brother of Clearchus, made himself tyrant in a similar way; and for many years, with various successive changes, the Heracleans continued under the yoke of tyrants.
BOOK XVII.
Fall of Lysimachia; Lysimachus kills his son; Seleucus declares war against him, I.----Death of Lysimachus; Seleucus killed by Ptolemy Ceraunus; Pyrrhus prepares to invade Italy, II.----History of Epirus, III.
I. ABOUT the same time there was an earthquake in the regions round the Hellespont and the Chersonese; 84 but the chief effect of it was, that the city of Lysimachia, founded two and twenty years before by king Lysimachus, was sunk in ruins; a prodigy which portended disasters to Lysimachus and his family, destruction to his kingdom, and calamity to the disturbed provinces. Nor was fulfilment wanting to these omens; for, in a short time after, conceiving towards his son Agathocles (whom he had appointed to succeed him on the throne, and through whose exertions he had managed several wars with success), a hatred unnatural in him not only as a father but |150 as a man, he took him off by poison, using as his agent in the affair his step-mother Arsinoë. This was the first commencement of his calamities, the prelude to approaching rain; for executions of several great men were added to the murder of his son, who were put to death for expressing concern at the young prince's fate; and, in consequence, both those about the court who escaped this cruelty, and those who were in command of the troops, began at once to desert to Seleucus, and incite him to make war upon Lysimachus; an enterprise to which he was already inclined from a desire to emulate his glory. This was the last contest between the fellow soldiers of Alexander; and the two combatants were reserved, as it were, for an example of the influence of fortune. Lysimachus was seventy-four years old; Seleucus seventy-seven. But at this age they both had the fire of youth, and an insatiable desire of power; for though they alone possessed the whole world,85 they yet thought themselves confined within narrow limits, and measured their course of life, not by their length of years, but by the extent to which they carried their dominion.
II. In this war, Lysimachus (who had previously lost, by various chances of fortune, fifteen children) died, with no small bravery, and crowned the ruin of his family. Seleucus, overjoyed at such a triumph, and what he thought greater than the triumph, that he alone survived of all Alexander's staff,86 the conqueror of conquerors, boasted that "this was not the work of man, but a favour from the gods," little thinking that he himself was shortly after to be an instance of human instability; for in the course of about seven months, he was treacherously surprised by Ptolemy,87 whose sister Lysimachus had married, and put to death, losing the kingdom of Macedonia, which he had taken from Lysimachus together with his life.
Ptolemy, being ambitious to please his subjects, both for the honour of the memory of the great Ptolemy his father, |151 and for the sake of palliating the revenge which he had taken on behalf of Lysimachus, resolved, in the first place, to conciliate the sons of Lysimachus, and sought a marriage with their mother Arsinoë, his sister,88 promising to adopt the young men, so that, when he should succeed to the throne of their father, they might not venture, through respect for their mother, or the influence of the name of father, to attempt anything against him. He solicited, too, by letter, the friendship of his brother the king of Egypt, professing that "he laid aside all feelings of resentment at being deprived of his father's kingdom, and that he would no longer ask that from a brother which he had more honourably obtained from his father's enemy." 89 He also in every way flattered Nicomedes,90 that as he was about to have a war with Antigonus, the son of Demetrius, and Antiochus the son of Seleucus, he might not come upon him as a third enemy. Nor was Pyrrhus of Epirus, neglected by him, a king who would be of great assistance to whichsoever side he attached himself, and who, while he desired to spoil them one by one, sought the favour of all. On going to assist the Tarentines, therefore, against the Romans, he desired of Antigonus the loan of vessels to transport his army into Italy; of Antiochus, who was better provided with wealth than with men, a sum of money; and of Ptolemy, some troops of Macedonian soldiers. Ptolemy, who had no excuse for holding back for want of forces, supplied him with five thousand infantry, four thousand cavalry, and fifty elephants, but for not more than two years' service. In return for this favour, Pyrrhus, after marrying the daughter of Ptolemy, appointed him guardian of his kingdom in his absence; lest, on carrying the flower of his army into Italy, he should leave his dominions a prey to his enemies.
III. But since I have come to speak of Epirus,91 a few |152 particulars should be premised concerning the rise of that kingdom. The first regal power in this country was that of the Molossi. Afterwards Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles, having been deprived of his father's dominions 92 during his absence in the Trojan war, settled in these parts; the inhabitants of which were first called Pyrrhidae, and afterwards Epirots. This Pyrrhus, going to the temple of Jupiter at Dodona to consult the oracle, seized there by force Lanassa, the granddaughter of Hercules, and by a marriage with her had eight children. Of his daughters he gave some in marriage to the neighbouring princes, and by means of these alliances acquired great power. He gave to Helenus,93 the son of King Priam, for his eminent services, the kingdom of the Chaonians, and Andromache the widow of Hector in marriage, after she had been his own wife, he having received her at the division of the Trojan spoil. Shortly after he was slain at Delphi, at the very altar of Apollo, by the treachery of Orestes the son of Agamemnon. His successor was his son Pielus. The throne afterwards passed in regular descent to Arrybas, over whom, as he was an orphan, and the only survivor of a noble family, guardians were publicly appointed, the concern of all being so much the greater to preserve and educate him. He was also sent to Athens for the sake of instruction; and, as he was more learned than his predecessors, so he became more popular with his subjects. He was the first, accordingly, that established laws, a senate, annual magistrates, and a regular form of government; and as a settlement was found for the people by Pyrrhus, so a more civilized way of life was introduced by Arrybas. A son of this king was Neoptolemus, the father of Olympias (mother of Alexander the great), and of Alexander, who occupied the throne of Epirus after him, and died in Italy in a war with the Bruttii. On the death of Alexander his brother Aeacides became king, who, by wearying his people with constant wars against the Macedonians, incurred |153 their dislike, and was in consequence driven into exile, leaving his little son Pyrrhus, about two years old, in the kingdom. The child, too, being sought for by the populace to be put to death, through their hatred to the father, was concealed and carried off into Illyricum, and delivered to Beroë, who was the wife of king Glaucias, and of the family of the Aeacidae, to be brought up. This king, moved either by pity for the boy's misfortunes, or by his infantine caresses, protected him for a long time against Cassander, king of Macedonia, (who demanded him with menaces of war,) having the kindness also to adopt him for his better security. The Epirots, being moved by these acts, and turning their hatred into pity* brought him back, when he was eleven years old, into the kingdom, appointing him guardians to keep the throne for him till he became of age. When he grew up he engaged in many wars, and, by a train of success, attained such eminence as a leader, that he was the only man who was thought capable of defending the Tarentines against the Romans.
BOOK XVIII.
War of Pyrrhus with, the Romans, I.----The Romans refuse aid from Carthage; make peace with Pyrrhus; send an embassy to Ptolemy Philadelphus; Cineas; Pyrrhus retires to Sicily, II.---- Account of Tyre; rise of Strato, III.----Dido leaves Tyre, IV.----Founds Carthage; its prosperity, V.----Iarbas; death of Dido; human sacrifices at Carthage, VI.----Disasters of the Carthaginians in Sardinia; mutiny of the army; Malchus; Carthalo, VII.
I. PYRRHUS, king of Epirus, therefore, being solicited by a second embassy from the Tarentines, to which were added the entreaties of the Samnites and Lucanians, who likewise needed assistance against the Romans, was induced to comply, not so much by the prayers of the suitors, as by the hope of making himself master of Italy, and promised to come to them with an army. When his thoughts, indeed, were once directed to that enterprise, the examples of his predecessors began to impel him violently towards it, in order that he might not appear inferior to his uncle Alexander, whom the Tarentines had had for a defender against the Bruttii, or to have less spirit than Alexander the Great, who had subdued the east in |154 so distant an expedition from his native country. Having left his son Ptolemy, therefore, who was but fifteen years old, as guardian of his kingdom, he landed his army in the harbour of Tarentum, taking with him his two younger sons, Alexander and Helenus, as a comfort to him in so long a voyage. The Roman consul, Valerius Laevinus, hearing of his arrival, and hastening to come to battle with him before the forces of his allies were assembled, led forth his army into the field. Nor did the king, although he was inferior in number of forces, hesitate to engage. But as the Romans were getting the advantage, the appearance of the elephants, previously unknown to them, made them at first stand amazed, and afterwards quit the field; and the strange monsters of the Macedonians 94 at once conquered the conquerors. The triumph of the enemy, however, was not bloodless; for Pyrrhus himself was severely wounded, and a great number of his soldiers killed; and he had more glory from his victory than pleasure. Many cities of Italy, moved by the result of this battle, surrendered to Pyrrhus; among others also Locri, betraying the Roman garrison, revolted to him. Of the prisoners, Pyrrhus sent back two hundred to Rome without ransom, that the Romans, after experiencing his valour, might experience also his generosity. Some days after, when the forces of his allies had come up, he fought a second battle with the Romans, of which the event was similar to that of the former.
II. In the meantime, Mago, general of the Carthaginians, being sent to the aid of the Romans with a hundred and twenty ships, went to the senate, saying that "the Carthaginians were much concerned that they should be distressed by war in Italy from a foreign prince; and that for this reason he had been despatched to assist them; that, as they were attacked by a foreign enemy, they might be supported by foreign aid." The thanks of the senate were given to the Carthaginians, and the succours sent back. But Mago, with the cunning of a Carthaginian, went privately, a few days after, to Pyrrhus, as if to be a peace-maker from the people of Carthage, but in reality to discover the king's views with regard to Sicily, to which island it was reported that he was |155 sent for; since the Carthaginians had the same reason 95 for sending assistance to the Romans, namely that Pyrrhus might be detained by a war with that people in Italy, and prevented from crossing over into Sicily. During the course of these transactions, Fabricius Luscinus, being commissioned by the senate of Rome, had made peace with Pyrrhus. To ratify the treaty, Cineas was sent to Rome by Pyrrhus with valuable presents, but found nobody's house open for their reception. To this instance of Roman incorruptibility, another, very similar, happened about the same time. Certain ambassadors, who were sent by the senate into Egypt, having refused some costly presents offered them by Ptolemy, and being invited to supper some days after, golden crowns were sent to them, which, from respect to the king, they accepted, but placed them the next day on the king's statues. Cineas, bringing word that "the treaty with the Romans was broken off by Appius Claudius," and being asked by Pyrrhus "what sort of city Rome was," replied that "it appeared to him a city of kings." Soon after, ambassadors from the Sicilians arrived, to offer Pyrrhus the dominion of the whole island, which was harassed by constant wars with the Carthaginians. Leaving his son Alexander, therefore, at Locri, and securing the cities of his allies with strong garrisons, Pyrrhus transported his army into Sicily.
III. Since I come to speak of the Carthaginians, a short account shall be given of their origin, tracing back, to some extent, the history of the Tyrians, whose misfortunes were much to be pitied. The nation of the Tyrians was founded by the Phaenicians, who, suffering from an earthquake, and abandoning their country, settled at first near the Syrian lake, 96 and afterwards on the coast near the sea, where they built a city, which, from the abundance of fish, they named Sidon, for so the Phaenicians call a fish in their language. Many years after, their city being stormed by the king of the |156 Ascalonians,97 sailing away to the place where Tyre stands, they built that city the year before the fall of Troy. Here, harassed for a long time, and in various ways, by attacks from the Persians, they resisted, indeed, successfully, but, as their strength was exhausted, they suffered the most cruel treatment from their slaves, who were then extraordinarily numerous. These traitors, having entered into a conspiracy, killed their masters and all the free people of the city, and thus, becoming masters of the place, took possession of the houses of their owners, assumed the government, appropriated wives to themselves, and begot, what they themselves were not, freemen. Out of so many thousands of slaves, there was one who was moved to compassion by the mild disposition of his aged master and the hard fortune of his little son, and looked upon them, not with savage fierceness, but with humanity, affection, and pity. He put them out of the way, therefore, as if they had been killed; and when the slaves came to deliberate about the condition of their government, and had resolved that a king should be elected from their own body, and that he should be preferred, as most acceptable to the gods, who should first see the rising sun, he mentioned the matter to Strato (for that was the name of his master), who was then in concealment. Being instructed by him, and proceeding with the rest, about the middle of the night, to a certain plain, he alone, when they were all looking towards the east, kept his eye directed towards the west. This at first seemed madness to the others, to look in the west for the rising sun; but when day began to advance, and the rising luminary to shine on the highest eminences of the city, he, while all the rest were watching to see the sun itself, was the first to point out to them the sunshine on the loftiest pinnacle of the town. This thought seemed above the wit of a slave; and when they asked him who had put it into his head, he confessed that it was his master. It was then seen how far the abilities of freemen surpass those of slaves, who, though they may be first in viciousness, are not first in wisdom. The old man and his son were therefore spared; and the slaves, thinking that they had been preserved by the interposition of some deity, made Strato king. After his death, the throne descended to his son, and |157 subsequently to his grandsons. This atrocity of these slaves was much noticed, and was a terrible example to the whole world. Alexander the Great, when he was prosecuting his wars, some time after, in the east, having taking the city, crucified, as an avenger of the general safety, and in memory, of the former massacre, all those who survived the siege; preserving from injury only the family of Strato, and restoring the throne 98 to his descendants; and sending to the island, at the same time, inhabitants that were free-born and guiltless, that, as the race of slaves was extirpated, an entirely new generation might be established in the city.
IV. The Tyrians, being thus settled under the auspices of Alexander, quickly grew powerful by frugality and industry.
Before the massacre of the masters by the slaves, when they abounded in wealth and population, they sent a portion of their youth into Africa, and founded Utica. Meanwhile their king died at Tyre, appointing his son Pygmalion and his daughter Elissa, a maiden of extraordinary beauty, his heirs. But the people gave the throne to Pygmalion, who was quite a boy. Elissa married Acerbas, 99 her uncle, who was priest of Hercules, a dignity next to that of the king. Acerbas had great but concealed riches, having laid up his gold, for fear of the king, not in his house, but in the earth; a fact of which, though people had no certain knowledge of it, report was not silent. Pygmalion, excited by the account, and forgetful of the laws of humanity, murdered his uncle, who was also his brother-in-law, without the least regard to natural affection. Elissa long entertained a hatred to her brother for his crime, but at last, dissembling her detestation, and assuming mild looks for the time, she secretly contrived a mode of flight, admitting into her confidence some of the leading men of the city, in whom she saw that there was a similar hatred of the king, and an equal desire to escape. She then addressed her brother in such a way as to deceive him; pretending that "she had a desire to remove to his house, in order that the home of her husband might no longer revive in her, when she was desirous to forget him, the oppressive recollection of her sorrows, and that the sad |158 remembrances of him might no more present themselves to her eyes." To these words of his sister, Pygmalion was no unwilling listener, thinking that with her the gold of Acerbas would come to him. But Elissa put the attendants, who were sent by the king to assist in her removal, on board some vessels in the early part of the evening, and sailing out into the deep, made them throw some loads of sand, put up in sacks, as if it was money, into the sea. Then, with tears and mournful ejaculations, she invoked Acerbas, entreating that "he would favourably receive his wealth which he had left behind him, and accept that as an offering to his shade, which he had found to be the cause of his death." Next she addressed the attendants, and said that "death had long been desired by her, but as for them, cruel torments and a direful end awaited them, for having disappointed the tyrant's avarice of those treasures, in the hopes of obtaining which he had committed fratricide." Having thus struck terror into them all, she took them with her as companions of her flight. Some bodies of senators, too, who were ready against that night, came to join her, and having offered a sacrifice to Hercules, whose priest Acerbas had been, proceeded to seek a settlement in exile.
V. Their first landing place was the isle of Cyprus, where the priest of Jupiter, with his wife and children, offered himself to Elissa, at the instigation of the gods, as her companion and the sharer of her fortunes, stipulating for the perpetual honour of the priesthood for himself and his descendants. The stipulation was received as a manifest omen of good fortune. It was a custom among the Cyprians to send their daughters, on stated days before their marriage, to the sea-shore, to prostitute themselves, and thus procure money for their marriage portions, and to pay, at the same time, offerings to Venus for the preservation of their chastity in time to come. Of these Elissa ordered about eighty to be seized and taken on board, that her men might have wives, and her city a population. During the course of these transactions, Pygmalion, having heard of his sister's flight, and preparing to pursue her with unfeeling hostility, was scarcely induced by the prayers of his mother and the menaces of the gods to remain quiet; the inspired augurs warning him that "he would not escape with impunity, if he interrupted the founding of a city that was to become the most prosperous in the |159 world." By this means some respite was given to the fugitives; and Elissa, arriving in a gulf of Africa, attached the inhabitants of the coast, who rejoiced at the arrival of foreigners, and the opportunity of bartering commodities with them, to her interest. Having then bargained for a piece of ground, as much as could be covered 100 with an ox-hide, where she might refresh her companions, wearied with their long voyage, until she could conveniently resume her progress, she directed the hide to be cut into the thinnest possible strips, and thus acquired a greater portion of ground than she had apparently demanded; whence the place had afterwards the name of Byrsa. The people of the neighbourhood subsequently gathering about her, bringing, in hopes of gain, many articles to the strangers for sale, and gradually fixing their abodes there, some resemblance of a city arose from the concourse. Ambassadors from the people of Utica, too, brought them presents as relatives, and exhorted them "to build a city where they had chanced to obtain a settlement." An inclination to detain the strangers was felt also by the Africans; and, accordingly, with the consent of all, Carthage was founded, an annual tribute being fixed for the ground which it was to occupy. At the commencement of digging the foundations an ox's head was found, which was an omen that the city would be wealthy, indeed, but laborious and always enslaved. It was therefore removed to another place, where the head of a horse was found, which, indicating that the people would be warlike and powerful, portended an auspicious site. In a short time, as the surrounding people came together at the report, the inhabitants became numerous, and the city itself extensive.
VI. When the power of the Carthaginians, from success in their proceedings, had risen to some height, Hiarbas, king of the Maxitani,101 desiring an interview with ten of the chief men of Carthage, demanded Elissa in marriage, denouncing war in case of a refusal. The deputies, fearing to report this message to the queen, acted towards her with Carthaginian artifice, |160 saying that "the king asked for some person to teach him and his Africans a more civilized way of life, but who could be found that would leave his relations and go to barbarians, and people that were living like wild beasts?" Being then reproached by the queen, "in case they refused a hard life for the benefit of their country, to which, should circumstances require, their life itself was due," they disclosed the king's message, saying that "she herself, if she wished her city to be secure, must do what she required of others." Being caught by this subtlety, she at last said (after calling for a long time with many tears and mournful lamentations on the name of her husband Acerbas), that "she would go whither the fate of her city called her." Taking three months for the accomplishment of her resolution, and having raised a funeral pile at the extremity of the city, she sacrificed many victims, as if she would appease the shade of her husband, and make her offerings to him before her marriage; and then, taking a sword, she ascended the pile, and, looking towards the people, said, that "she would go to her husband as they had desired her," and put an end to her life with the sword. As long as Carthage remained unconquered, she was worshipped as a goddess. This city was founded seventy-two years 102 before Rome; but while the bravery of its inhabitants made it famous in war, it was internally disturbed with various troubles, arising from civil differences. Being afflicted, among other calamities, with a pestilence, they adopted a cruel religious ceremony, an execrable abomination, as a remedy for it; for they immolated human beings as victims, and brought children (whose age excites pity even in enemies) to the altars, entreating favour of the gods by shedding the blood of those for whose life the gods are generally wont to be entreated.
VII. In consequence of the gods, therefore, being rendered |161 adverse by such atrocities, after they had long fought unsuccessfully in Sicily, and had transferred the war into Sardinia, they were defeated in a great battle with the loss of the greater part of their army; a disaster for which they sentenced their general Malchus,103 under whose conduct they had both conquered a part of Sicily and achieved great exploits against the Africans, to remain in exile with the portion of his army that survived. The soldiers, indignant at this sentence, sent deputies to Carthage, to beg, in the first place, permission for them to return, and pardon for their ill success in the field; and, in the second place, to announce that "what they could not obtain by entreaty, they would obtain by force of arms." The prayers and threats of the deputies being alike slighted, the troops, after some days, went on board ship, and came under arms to the city, when they called gods and men to witness that "they were not come to overthrow, but to recover their country; and that they would show their countrymen that it was not valour, but fortune, that had failed them in the preceding war." By stopping the supplies, and besieging the city, they reduced the Carthaginians to the greatest despair. At this time Cartalo, the son of Malchus the exiled general, returning by his father's camp from Tyre (whither he had been sent by the Carthaginians, to carry the tenth of the plunder of Sicily, which his father had taken, to Hercules), and being desired by his father to wait on him, replied that "he would discharge his religious duties to the public,104 before those of merely private obligation." His father, though he was indignant at his conduct, was nevertheless afraid to obstruct him in the performance of his religious offices. Some days after, Cartalo, having obtained leave of absence from the people, and returning to his father, presented himself before all the people, dressed in the purple and fillets of his sacerdotal dignity, when his father took him aside, and said, "Hast thou dared, most unnatural wretch, to appear before so many of thy miserable countrymen, thus arrayed in purple and gold, and to enter, with all the marks of peaceful prosperity about thee, and exulting as it were in triumph, into |162 this sad and mournful camp? Couldst thou display thyself nowhere else to thy fellow creatures? Was no place fitter for it than where the misery of thy father, and the distress of his unhappy banishment, were to be seen? I have to add, too, that when thou wast summoned a short time ago, thou proudly despisedst, I do not say thy father, but certainly the general of thy countrymen. And what else dost thou exhibit in that purple and those crowns, but the titles of my victories? Since thou, therefore, acknowledgest nothing in thy father but the name of an exile, I also will assume the character, not of a father, but of a general, and will make such an example of thee, that no one may hereafter dare to sport with the miseries and sorrows of a parent." He accordingly ordered him to be nailed, in all his finery, on a high cross within view of the city. A few days after he took Carthage, and assembling the people, complained of the injustice of his banishment, pleaded necessity as his excuse for making war upon them, and added that "being content with his victory, and the punishment of the authors of their country's misery,105 he granted a free pardon for his unjust banishment to all the rest." Having accordingly put ten senators to death, he left the city to the government of its laws. But being accused himself, shortly after, of aspiring to be king, he paid the penalty of his twofold cruelty to his son and his country. He was succeeded, as commander-in-chief, by Mago, by whose exertions the power of Carthage, the extent of its territories, and its military glory, was much increased. |163
BOOK XIX
Hasdrubal and Hamilcar, sons of Mago; Hasdrubal dies in Sardinia; war of the Carthaginians in Sicily, I.----The Carthaginians defeated in Sicily; Himilco succeeds Hamilcar; pestilence in the army, II. ----Return of Himilco to Carthage; his speech, and death, III.
I. MAGO, the general of the Carthaginians, after having been the first, by regulating their military discipline, to lay the foundations of the Punic power, and after establishing the strength of the state, not less by his skill in the art of war than by his personal prowess, died, leaving behind him two sons, Hasdrubal and Hamilcar, who, pursuing the honourable course of their father, were heirs to his greatness as well as to his name. Under their generalship war was made upon Sardinia; and a contest was also maintained against the Africans, who demanded tribute for many years for the ground on which the city stood. But as the cause of the Africans was the more just, their fortune was likewise superior, and the struggle with them was ended----not by exertions in the field----by the payment of a sum of money. In Sardinia Hasdrubal was severely wounded, and died there, leaving the command to his brother Hamilcar; and not only the mourning throughout his country, but the fact that he had held eleven dictatorships and enjoyed four triumphs,106 rendered his death an object of general notice. The courage of the enemy, too, was raised by it, as if the power of the Carthaginians had expired with their general. The people of Sicily, therefore, applying, in consequence of the perpetual depredations of the Carthaginians, to Leonidas, the brother of the king of Sparta, for aid, a grievous war broke out, which continued, with various success, for a long period.
During the course of these transactions, ambassadors came to Carthage from Darius king of Persia, bringing an edict, by which the Carthaginians were forbidden to offer human sacrifices, and to eat dog's flesh, and were commanded to burn the |164 bodies of the dead rather than bury them in the earth; 107 and requesting, at the same time, assistance against Greece, on which Darius was about to make war. 108 The Carthaginians declined giving him aid, on account of their continual wars with their neighbours, but, that they might not appear uncompliant in every thing, willingly submitted to the decree.
II. Hamilcar, meanwhile, was killed in battle in Sicily, leaving three sons, Himilco, Hanno, and Gisco. Hasdrubal also had the same number of sons, Hannibal, Hasdrubal, and Sappho. 109 By these the affairs of the Carthaginians were managed at this period. War was made upon the Moors, a contest was maintained with the Numidians, and the Africans were compelled to remit the tribute paid for the building of the city. At length, however, as so numerous a family of commanders was dangerous to the liberty of the state, since they themselves managed and decided every thing, a hundred judges were chosen out of the senate, who were to demand of the generals, when they returned from war, an account of their proceedings, in order that, under this control, they might exercise their command 110 in war with a regard to the judicature and laws at home. |165
In Sicily, Himilco succeeded as general in the room of Hamilcar, but, after fighting several successful battles, both by land and sea, and taking many towns, he suddenly lost his army by the influence of a pestilential constellation.111 When the news of this arrived at Carthage, the country was overwhelmed with grief, and all places rung with lamentations, as if the city had been taken by an enemy; private houses were closed, the temples of the gods were shut, all religious ceremonies were intermitted, and all private business suspended. They all then crowded to the harbour, and inquired of the few that came out of their ships, survivors of the calamity, respecting their relatives. But when, after wavering hope, dread attended with suspense, and uncertain apprehensions of bereavement, the loss of their relatives became known to the unhappy inquirers, the groans of mourners, and the cries and sorrowful lamentations of unhappy mothers, were heard along the whole shore.
III. In this state of things, the bereaved general came out of his ship, ungirt, and in a mean dress like that of a slave, at eight of whom the troops of mourners gathered into one body. He, lifting up his hands to heaven, sometimes bewailed his own lot, sometimes the misfortune of the state, and sometimes complained of "the gods, who had deprived him of such honours obtained in the field, and the glory of so many victories, who, after he had taken so many cities, and had defeated the enemy by land and sea, had destroyed his victorious army, not by war, but by a pestilence. Yet he brought," he said, "this important consolation to his countrymen, that though the enemy might rejoice at their ill-success, they could assume no glory from it, as they could neither say that those who had died were slain by them, nor that those who had returned had been put to flight. That the plunder which they had taken in their deserted camp was not what they could exhibit as the spoils of a conquered enemy, but what they had seized, as falling to them for want of owners, through the accidental deaths of its possessors. That, as far as the enemy was concerned, they had come off conquerors; as |166 to the pestilence, they were certainly conquered; but that, for himself, he took nothing more to heart than that he could not die among the brave, and was reserved, not to enjoy life, but to be the sport of calamity. However, as he had brought the wretched remains of his army to Carthage, he would follow his fellow soldiers, and prove to his country that he had not prolonged his life to that day because he was desirous to live, but that he might not desert by his death, and abandon to the army of the enemy, those whom the horrible disease had spared." When he had walked, with such lamentations, through the city, and had arrived at the entrance to his own house, he dismissed the crowd that followed him, as if it were the last time that he should speak to them, and then, locking his door and admitting no one, not even his sons, to his presence, he put an end to his life.
BOOK XX.
Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, makes an expedition to Magna Graecia; Greek origin of many people of Italy, I.---- Of Metapontum; Crotona; Locri, II.----War between Crotona and Locri, III. ---- Pythagoras at Crotona; his death, IV.----Dionysius attacks Crotona; embassy of the Gauls to him; settlements of the Gauls in Italy; Dionysius recalled to Sicily; his death, V.
I. DIONYSIUS, after expelling the Carthaginians from Sicily, and making himself master of the whole island, thinking that peace might be dangerous to his power, and idleness in so great an army fatal to it, transported his forces into Italy; with a wish, at the same time, that the strength of his soldiers might be invigorated by constant employment, and his dominions enlarged. His first contest was with the Greeks, who occupied the nearest parts of the coast on the Italian sea; and, having conquered them, he attacked their neighbours, looking upon all of Grecian origin who were inhabitants of Italy, as his enemies; and these settlers had then spread, not merely through a part of Italy, but through almost the whole of it. Many Italian cities, indeed, after so long a lapse of time, still exhibit some traces of Greek manners; for the Etrurians, who occupy the shore of the Tuscan sea, came from Lydia; and Troy, after it was taken and overthrown, sent thither the Veneti (whom we see on the coast of the Adriatic), under the |167 leadership of Antenor. Adria, too, which is near the Illyrian sea, and which gave name also to the Adriatic, is a Greek city; and Diomede, being driven by shipwreck, after the destruction of Troy, into those parts, built Arpi. Pisae, likewise, in Liguria, had Grecian founders; and Tarquinii, in Etruria, as well as Spina in Umbria, has its origin from the Thessalians; Perusia was founded by the Achaeans. Need I mention Caere?112 Or the people of Latium, who were settled by Aeneas? Are not the Falisci, are not Nola and Abella, colonies of the Chalcidians? What is all the country of Campania? What are the Bruttii 113 and Sabines? What are the Samnites?114 What are the Tarentines,115 whom we understand to have come from Lacedaemon, and to have been called Spurii? The city of Thurii they say that Philoctetes built; and his monument is seen there to this day, as well as the arrows of Hercules, on which the fate of Troy depended, laid up in the temple of Apollo.
II. The people of Metapontum, too, show in their temple of Minerva, the iron tools with which Epeus, by whom their city was founded, built the Trojan horse. Hence all that part of Italy was called Greater Greece.116 But soon after they were settled, the Metapontines, joining with the Sybarites and Crotonians, formed a design to drive the rest of the Greeks from Italy. Capturing, in the first place, the city Siris, they slew, as they were storming it, fifty young men that were embracing the statue of Minerva, and the priest of the goddess dressed in his robes, between the very altars, suffering, on this account, from pestilence and civil discord, the Crotonians, first of all, consulted the oracle at Delphi, and answer was made to them, that "there would be an end of their troubles, if they appeased the offended deity of Minerva, and the manes of the slain." After they had begun, accordingly, to make statues of proper size for the young men, and especially for Minerva, the Metapontines, learning what the oracle was, and thinking it expedient to anticipate them |168 in pacifying the manes of the goddess, erected to the young men smaller images of stone, and propitiated the goddess with offerings of bread.117 The plague was thus ended in both places, one people showing their zeal by their magnificence, and the other by their expedition. After they had recovered their health, the Crotonians were not long disposed to be quiet; and being indignant that, at the siege of Siris, assistance had been sent against them by the Locrians, they made war on that people. The Locrians, seized with alarm, had recourse to the Spartans, begging their assistance with humble entreaties. But the Spartans, disliking so distant an expedition, told them "to ask assistance from Castor and Pollux.'' This answer, from a city in alliance with them, the deputies did not despise, but going into the nearest temple, and offering sacrifice, they implored aid from those gods. The signs from the victims appearing favourable, and their request, as they supposed, being granted, they were no less rejoiced than if they were to carry the gods with them; and, spreading couches for them in the vessel, and setting out with happy omens, they brought their countrymen comfort though not assistance.
III. This affair becoming known, the Crotonians themselves also sent deputies to the oracle at Delphi, asking the way to victory and a prosperous termination of the war. The answer given was, that "the enemies must be conquered by vows, before they could be conquered by arms." They accordingly vowed the tenth of the spoil to Apollo, but the Locrians, getting information of this vow, and the god's answer, vowed a ninth part, keeping the matter however secret, that they might not be outdone in vows. When they came into the field, therefore, and a hundred and twenty thousand Crotonians stood in arms against them, the Locrians, contemplating the smallness of their own force (for they had only fifteen thousand men), and abandoning all hope of victory, devoted themselves to certain death; and such courage, arising out of despair, was felt by each, that they thought they would be as conquerors, if they did not fall without avenging themselves. But while they sought only to die with honour, they had the good fortune to gain the victory; nor was there any other |169 cause of their success but their desperation. While the Locrians were fighting, an eagle constantly attended on their army, and continued flying about them till they were conquerors. On the wings, also, were seen two young men fighting in armour different from that of the rest, of an extraordinary stature, on white horses and in scarlet cloaks; nor were they visible longer than the battle lasted. The incredible swiftness of the report of the battle made this wonderful appearance more remarkable; for on the same day on which it was fought in Italy, the victory was published at Corinth, Athens, and Lacedaemon.
IV. After this event the Crotonians ceased to exercise their valour, or to care for distinction in the field. They hated the arms which they had unsuccessfully taken up, and would have abandoned their former way of life for one of luxury, had not Pythagoras arisen among them. This philosopher was born at Samos, the son of Demaratus, a rich merchant, and after being greatly advanced in wisdom, went first to Egypt, and afterwards to Babylon, to learn the motions of the stars and study the origin of the universe, and acquired very great knowledge. Returning from thence, he went to Crete and Lacedaemon, to instruct himself in the laws of Minos and Lycurgus, which at that time were in high repute. Furnished with all these attainments, he came to Crotona, and, by his influence, recalled the people, when they were giving themselves up to luxury, to the observance of frugality. He used daily to recommend virtue, and to enumerate the ill effects of luxury, and the misfortunes of states that had been ruined by its pestilential influence; and he thus produced in the people such a love of temperance, that it was at length thought incredible that any of them should be extravagant. He frequently gave instruction to the women apart from the men, and to the children apart from their parents. He impressed on the female sex the observance of chastity, and submission to their husbands; on the rising generation, modesty and devotion to learning. Through his whole course of instruction he exhorted all to love temperance, as the mother of every virtue; and he produced such an effect upon them by the constancy of his lectures, that the women laid aside their vestments embroidered with gold, and other ornaments and distinctions, as instruments of luxury, and, bringing them |170 into the temple of Juno, consecrated them to the goddess, declaring that modesty, and not fine apparel, was the true adornment of their sex. How much he gained upon the yoking men, his victory over the stubborn minds of the women may serve to indicate. Three hundred of the young men, however, being united by an oath of fraternity, and living apart from the other citizens, drew the attention of the city upon them, as if they met for some secret conspiracy; and the people, when they were all collected in one building, proceeded to burn them in it. In the tumult about sixty lost their lives; the rest went into exile.
Pythagoras, after living twenty years at Crotona, removed to Metapontum, where he died; and such was the admiration of the people for his character, that they made a temple of his house, and worshipped him as a god.
V. Dionysius the tyrant, who, we have said, had transported an army from Sicily into Italy, and made war upon the Greeks there, proceeded, after taking Locri by storm, to attack the Crotonians, who, in consequence of their losses in the former war, were scarcely recovering their strength in a long peace. With their small force, however, they resisted the great army of Dionysius more valiantly than they had before, with so many thousands, resisted the smaller number of the Locrians. So much spirit has weakness in withstanding insolent power; and so much more sure, at times, is an unexpected than an expected victory. But as Dionysius was prosecuting the war, ambassadors from the Gauls, who had burned Rome some months before,118 came to him to desire an alliance and friendship with him; observing that "their country lay in the midst of his enemies, and could be of great service to him, either by supporting him in the field, or by annoying his enemies in the rear when they were engaged with him." The embassy was well received by Dionysius, who, having made an alliance with them, and being reinforced with assistance from Gaul, renewed the war as it were afresh.
The causes of the Gauls' coming into Italy, in quest of new settlements, were civil discords and perpetual contentions at home; and when, from impatience of those feuds, they had |171 sought refuge in Italy, they expelled the Tuscans from their country, and founded Milan,119 Como, Brescia, Verona, Bergamo, Trent, and Vicenza. The Tuscans, too, when they were driven from their old settlements, betook themselves, under a captain named Rhaetus, towards the Alps, where they founded the nation of Rhaetia, so named from their leader.
An invasion of Sicily by the Carthaginians obliged Dionysius to return thither; for that people, having recruited their army, had resumed the war, which they had broken off in consequence of the plague, with increased spirit. The leader in the expedition was Hanno the Carthaginian, whose enemy Juniatus, the most powerful of the Carthaginians at that time, having, from hatred to him, given friendly notice to Dionysius, in a letter written in Greek, of the approach of the army and the inactivity of its leader, was found, through the letter being intercepted, guilty of treason; and a decree of the senate was made, "that no Carthaginian should thenceforward study the Greek literature or language, so that no one might be able to speak with the enemy, or write to him, without an interpreter." Not long after, Dionysius, whom a little before neither Sicily nor Italy could hold, being reduced and weakened by continual wars, was at last killed by a conspiracy among his own subjects.
[Footnotes moved to the end and numbered]
1. * That is, Greece.
2. + So called from Lyncestis, a region bordering on Macedonia, the inhabitants of which are called Lugkh&stai by Thucydides. Concerning this Alexander, see Quint. Curt. vii. 1; Diod. Sic. xvii. 32, 80; Arrian, i. 25; Justin, xi. 7; xii. 14.---- Wetzel.
3. ++ Caranum fratrem, &c.] Only his half-brother; he was the son of Cleopatra, ix. 5, 7.
4. * See vii. 6.
5. + The Aeacidae were the descendants of Aeacus, the father of Peleus, and grandfather of Achilles, whose son Pyrrhus is said to have been the first of the kings of Epirus, from whom Olympias, Alexander's mother, was descended.---- Wetzel. She was the daughter of Neoptolemus, king of the Molossi. See vii. 6.
6. * Credulitatis.] Tauchnitz's edition has crudelitatis, by an error, apparently of the press.
7. + That is, Hercules and Bacchus.---- Wetzel.
8. ++ Quorum pretium non ex ementium, commodo, sed ex inimicorum odio extenditur.] "The greatness of the price asked for them," saya Berneccerus, "was in proportion to the eagerness with which they were bought by their enemies." If any one of the purchasers wished to get an old enemy into his power to torture him as a slave, he offered a high price for him.
9. * Among whom was Attalus. Compare ch. ii. init.----Wetzel.
10. * Tripudianti similis] The tripudium was a sort of dance in which the performers beat the earth with their feet in measured tread. Cicero, de Div. ii. 34, supposes the derivation to be from terra and pavire: terripavium, terripudium, tripudium. Cicero, indeed, is here speaking of the corn that fell from the beaks of the sacred chickens when they were feeding; and Turnebus and others accordingly suppose that his derivation is confined to that signification of the word, and that the dance is derived from ter and pes; agreeably to Horace's Gaudet invisam pepulisse fossor ter pede terram, Od. iii. 18, 15, and Ovid's Et viridem celeri ter pede pulsat humum, Fast. vi. 329. Compare Lucret. v. 1393. seqq.
11. + Under Alexander and Perdiccas against the Illyrians.---- Wetzel.
12. ++ Ordines duxit.] A phrase borrowed from the military affairs of the Romans, among whom ordines ducere meant "to be a centurion."
13. § Principia castrorum.] See note on Florus, iii. 10, Bohn's Classical Library.
14. * Campis Adrastiae.] Through which flows the river Granicus, from which the battle is generally named.
15. + He was, however, afterwards put to death. See xii. 14, init.
16. ++ Bubus conductis.] It is specified that they were hired, to denote his poverty.
17. * About fifty-seven miles and a half, the Greek stadium being equal to 606 feet 9 inches. See Dr. Smith's Classical Dict. sub voc.
18. * Cum infulis.] Denoting that they were suppliants.
19. * Tyro vetere.] Which had been besieged for thirteen years, and at last taken by Nebuchadnezzar, B.c. 590. The new city of Tyre had been built on an island.---- Wetzel.
20. + Not she herself, but her successors, extended their dominion over a great part of Africa.
21. ++ Or rather, after being besieged seven months, they were forced to surrender. See Diod. Sic. xvii. 40----47; Q. Curt. iv. 2----4. Compare also Justin, xviii. 3, sub fin.---- Wetzel.
22. § Isaac Vossius conjectures Syria, as Cilicia had been already taken
23. * Very similar to what is said by Agamemnon, ll. ii., of the comparative numbers of the Greeks and Trojans:
So small their numbers, that if wars were ceas'd,
And Greece triumphant held a gen'ral feast,
All rank'd by tens; whole decads, when they dine,
Must want a Trojan slave to pour the wine.----Pope.
24. * See note on vi. 11.
25. + The Parthians, revolting from the Syrians, founded a new empire, B.C. 255. See xli. 4.---- Wetzel.
26. * Luxuria destructa.] Graevius, not knowing what to make of destructa, conjectures restricted. Wetzel explains the words thus: "Lest, as the empire of the Persians was destroyed, the luxury of the Persians should seem also to be destroyed." I incline to think with Graevius that the word is corrupt.
27. * That is, with a kind of prostration. See Corn. Nep. Con. c. 3; Justin, vi. 2. Proskune/ein to_n basile/a prospi/ptontaj, Herod. vii. 136; see also i. 134. On the question about paying adoration to Alexander, see Arrian, iv. 11.
28. + Explosa.] Scheffer conjectures expulsa, which Lemaire approves.
29. ++ From a!rguroj, silver, and a)spi\j, a shield.
30. § Montes Daedalos.] Quintus Curtius, viii. 10, has Regio quae Daedala vocatur; but there is no allusion to the name in any other author.
31. * Cicatricibus exhausta.] Exhausta cannot surely have been Justin's word. Faber conjectures distincta.
32. + Bongarsius conjectures Acesinae, as taking their name from the neighbouring river.
33. ++ For Ambros et Sigambros, Fabricius, from Arrian, and Curtius, ix, 4, proposes Mallos et Oxydracas, which some editors have adopted.
34. * Crimen regis] Crimen, in this place, has not the ordinary signification of crime, but means simply opprobrium, a reproach, dishonour. ----Faber.
35. * In the original there is no grammatical construction. Either the text has been mutilated, or Justin commenced his sentence in one way, and proceeded with it in another.
36. * Intra trigesimum annum.] Yet he himself had passed his thirtieth year. However intra will not bear any other signification.
37. + Son of Barsine. See xi. 10; xiii. 2; xiv. 6.
38. ++ See ix. 8, init.; xiii. 2; xiv. 5.
39. § Daughter of Oxyartes, king of the Bactrians, Diod. Sic. xviii. 3. She afterwards gave birth to Alexander Aegus, Comp. Q. Curt. x. 3,13; Justin, xiii. 2, 6; xv. 2.
40. * Sub Aristotele doctore inclyto [omnium philosophorum]. The words in brackets, condemned by Faber, Scheffer, and Wetzel, I have omitted in the translation. They are unsatisfactory, both as regards sense and construction; for if we connect them with doctore, we make Justin say what was not true; and if with inclyto, we give that adjective a government to which it has no right.
41. * She survived the death of Darius, and killed herself on that of Alexander.
42. * The text stands thus in Wetzel's and Gronovius's editions: nec minus milites invicem se timebant. Vorstius and Scheffer advocate the other reading, quam invicem se, which, as giving much bettor sense, I have followed.
43. * Cleomenes had indeed authority in Africa and Europe, but it was only over the revenues; and it was not he that built Alexandria, but Dinocrates. Hence I conjecture that there is some deficiency in the text.----Scheffer. See Val. Max. i. 5; Q. Curt. iv. 8, 9; Plin. H. N. vii. 38.
44. * In mercatu Olympiaco.] "For at those games," says Pythagoras in Cicero, Tusc. Quaest. v. 3, "alii corporibus exercitatis gloriam et nobilitatem coronae petunt; alii emendi aut vendendi quaestu et lucro ducuntur,"---- Wetzel.
45. + We must read quo civitatem impelleret, with Freinshemius, Vorstius, and Lemaire.
46. * Pulso hoste.] The word pulso is inconsistent with what is said just above, that the enemy "marched away," concessit, of their own accord.
47. + Alexander of Epirus. See ix. 6.
48. * His posthumous son by Roxane, called Alexander Aegus. See xii, 15, xiii. 2.
49. * Solstitiales ortus sideris.] Aristaeus first observed the risings of Sirius or the dog-star, and taught the Ceans to watch them and sacrifice to it. This is the general account, and that Justin may agree with it, I think that we should read solstitialis ortus sideris. By solstitiale sidus, I think that Sirius is meant, because it rises soon after the solstice.----Salmasius.
50. * The word agnito, which Faber, Scheffer, and Lemaire unite in condemning, I have not translated.
51. + This is a mistake, for Justin, xiv. 5, speaks of him as being alive. Bongarsius and others have supposed that Justin wrote Cratertus instead of Polysperchon, but it seems to be otherwise, for Orosius iiii. 23, who follows Justin, has the same account of Polysperchon's death. That it was Craterus who was killed, and not Polysperchon, appears from Corn. Nep. Eum. c. 4. See also Plut. Eum. c. 9; Diod. Sic. xviii. 38.
52. ++ By his own cavalry, when he wanted to cross the Nile; Diod. Sic. xviii; 33-37.----Wetzel.
53. * So stands the name in Wetzel's text, and in most others, except that of Tauchnitz, which has Aeolia, the conjecture of Glareanus. But Isaac Vossius conjectures Aetulane, from a passage of Ptolemy, who gives that name to a part of Armenia Minor, lying to the north-east of Cappadocia. Vossius's suggestion is approved by Vorstius and Faber.
54. * Auctor cladis.] Inasmuch as he had impelled them to take the field ---- Wetzel.
55. + The Argyraspides were veterans, and some of them, doubtless, had sons in the army to which they were now opposed.
56. * Eumenes, and those who adhered to him; those few with whom he afterwards attempted to escape.
57. + Their wives, children, and money.
58. ++ Quater.] Three times, says Cornelius Nepos in his life of Eumenes.----Bongarsius. Perhaps we should here read qui ter.----Berneccerus.
59. § Namely, to die.
60. * This is quite at variance with Justin's account of Alexander's death.
61. + All the editions, I believe, have quod maximum erat; I follow the conjecture of Freinshemius (ad Flor. ii. 6, 8), quod proximuin erat.
62. ++ Omnia auspicia régis Alexandri.] Commoda praeliis felicibus, duce rege, parta.---- Wetzel.
63. § Auxilia Orientalia.] The Persian soldiers that had been in Alexander's army.
64. * Fortuna majestatis prioris.
65. + Wetzel's text has, Insuper expirans capillis et veste crura contexisse fertur. Some manuscripts, as Graevius and Scheffer state, have compsisse imsuper expirans capillos et veste crura, &c., which I have followed; for as Graevius and others ask, how could she cover her feet with her hair? Scheffer conjectures cooperuisse capillis os; Grsevius, papillas veste et crura contexisse: but both these attempts are inferior to the reading compsisse, &c.
66. ++ Alexander Aegus, with his mother Roxane.
67. * Near Gaza. Diod. Sic. xix. 84.---- Wetzel.
68. * Wetzel, in his text, has the old reading Abderitas, but expresses himself, in his notes, in favour of Freinshemius's conjecture, Antariatas, from Diodor. Sic. xx. 19, and Athen. viii. 2; which Graevius adopted. The Antariatae bordered on Dardania and Paeonia. See Strabo, lib. xix. The inhabitants of the island of Gyarus are also said by Pliny, H. N. viii. 43, to have been driven from their country by mice; also those of Troas, x. 85.
69. + Sepulturâ.] That is, by burning the bodies on a funeral pile.----Wetzel.
70. ++ See xii. 14.
71. § Cum Demetrio navali proelio iterato congreditur.] "There was," says Scheffer, "no previous battle by sea, as is apparent from Diod. Sic. lib. xix.; and the adverb iterato is, therefore, to be referred, not to proelio, but to congreditur. He had engaged with Demetrius previously by land; he now engages him a second time by sea."
72. || See c. 1, sub fin.
73. * A foolish observation. Did Justin or Trogus suppose that friendships were better observed in the days of Cassander and Demetrius than in his own?
74. * Libertatis.] Liberias pro libertate loquendi. Sic saepe et alii.----Vorstius.
75. + The brother of Lysimachus. See Q. Curt. viii. 2, 35.
76. ++ In opposition to Asia Minor.
77. * Veluti domita mansuetudine stands in Wetzel's text, and I believe in all others. Scheffer asks whether there is mansuetudo not domita. Dübner, the editor of a small edition with French notes (Par. 18mo. 1847), says that Cuper, de Elephantis, p. 47, proposes to read domitus ad mansuetudinem.
78. *At Ipsus in Phrygia.
79. + Philip died in the same year with Cassander, B.c. 297. Concern« tog Thesaalonice, see xiv. 6, and Diod. Sie. xxi. Fragm. 10.---- Wetzel.
80. * Antigonus.
81. * King of Pontus, father of the Great Mithridates.
82. * Kerauno&j, thunder.
83. * Ad tyrannum.] The words veluti ad regem, which follow tyrannum, and which Wetzel condemns as a gloss, are omitted from the translation. He also condemns the preceding veluti clientes; but for this I see no necessity.
84. + The Chersonesus Taurica; now the Crimea.
85. * Orbem terrarum duo soli tenerent.] A great exaggeration. Seleucus had Upper Asia and Syria; Lysimachus Thrace, Greece, Macedonia, and several provinces of Asia Minor. The dominions of Ptolemy Philadelphus were therefore much more extensive.---- Wetzel.
86. + De cohorte Alexandra.
87. ++ Ptolemy Ceraunus, the eldest son of Ptolemy Lagus, and brother of Ptolemy Philadelphus; xvi. 2. His mother's name was Eurydice; that of Philadelphus's mother Berenice, Pausan. i. 6, 8.---- Wetzel.
88. * The sister of Ptolemy. See the Index.
89. + Seleucus, the enemy of Ptolemy Lagus, xv. 4.
90. ++ Wetzel retains Eumeni in his text, though Gronovius had seen that the passage must be thus read: Omnique arte adulatur Nicomedi, ne cùm Antigono Demetrii, Antiocho Seleuci filiis bellum habituro, tertius sibi hostis accederet. This emendation is approved by Graevius, Vorstius, Scheffer, and Faber. The Antigonus here mentioned is Antigonus Gonnatas, and the Antiochus Antiochus Soter, the successor of Seleucus.
91. § He had, however, mentioned it before, as Wetzel observes, xvi. 2.
92. * Phthia in Thessaly.
93. + The words atque, ita, which precede Heleno in the text, are not expressed in the translation; for the giving of the kingdom and the wife to Helenus could hardly have been consequent on the marriages of Pyrrhus's daughters by Lanassa; or Andromache must have been very old when Helenus took her. On this subject, see Virg. Aen. iii. 294.
94. * As having been sent to Pyrrhus by Ptolemy Ceraunus, king of Macedonia, xvii. 2.
95. * Nam Romanis eadem causa mittendi auxilii Carthaginiensibus fuit, &c.] Berneccerus and Vorstius think that this passage requires correction. Scheffer supposes that some words are lost, as there is nothing to which eadem can be referred.
96. + Assyrium stagnum.] Assyrium for Syrium.----Glareanus. He means the lake of Gennesaret.----Bongarsius: with whom Berneccerus and Faber agree.
97. * Ascaloniorum.] Inhabitants of Ascalon, between Azotus and Gaza.
98. * It does not appear how they were deprived of it.
99. + Called by Virgil Sichaeus. Servius thinks that the real name was Sicharbas, which Faber would insert in Justin's text.
100. * Tegi posset.] Justin misapplies this word. A better account is given by Appian, de Bell. Pun. init: #Oson bu&rsa tau&rou perilabh| and Livy says, Quantum loci bovis tergo amplecti potuerint. Virgil also Aen. i. 372: Taurino quantum passent circumdare tergo.----Berneccerus Scheffer thinks that we should read cingi:
101. + Four old editions have Mauritania two manuscripts Mauri.----Wetzel
102. * There is a strange variety of opinions among authors as to the time when this city was founded. Some make it thirty years prior to the Trojan war, as Philistas in Eusebius, or fifty, as Appian, both of whom deny that Dido was the founder of it; some say that it was founded after Troy was taken, but before the building of Rome; but, do not agree as to the number of years. Vell. Paterculus, i. 6, makea it fifty-six years older than Rome; Livy, Epit. li., says that it stood seven hundred years, and was destroyed A.U.C. 607; a calculation which makes it ninety-three years older than Rome.----Lemaire, See also Bongarsius and Berneccerus.
103. * Wetzel has the name Maleus in his text, but favours Malchus, a conjecture of Is. Vossius, in his note.
104. + Publicae religionis officia.] The public payment of his vows for his safe return.---- Wetzel.
105. * Auctoribus miserorum civium is the reading of all the texts, but cannot be right. Faber conjectures auctoribus miseriarum civilium, which I have adopted. Vorstius proposed miseries civiitm; and Vossius observes that "doctissimus Peyraredus" read misertum civium, which Vossius himself approved, but which certainly cannot be adopted unless further changes are made in the context.
106. * He calls a Carthaginian office by a Roman name. Suffetes was the Punic word for their two chief magistrates. As for triumphal processions, the Africans, according to Servius, Aen. iv. 37, were the first people that had them, long before they were introduced at Rome.
107. * Mortuorumque corpora cremare potius quam, terra obruere, à rege jubebantur.] As the Persians did not burn, but bury, the bodies of the dead, thinking that fire was polluted by corpses, Freinshemius, on Curt. ii. 13, 15, would reject the words à rege jubebantur, and make the infinitives cremare and obruere depend on prohibebantur, which precedes; so that the sense may be, "they were forbidden to burn the dead rather than bury them in the earth;" that is, they were commanded to bury rather than burn them. Whoever thinks this construction harsh, may perhaps be better pleased with the correction of Gronovius, mortuorumque corpora cremare [prohibebantur] quae potius terra obruere à rege jubebantur.----Lemaire. But Gronovius's construction is not less harsh than that of Freinshemius. Kirchmann, de Fun. Rom. i. 2, would make cremare and obruere change places; an alteration which Berneccerus and Vorstius approve. But perhaps Justin or Trogus merely made a mistake.
108. + He was prevented by death. See ii. 10.
109. ++ A name that does not occur in any other author. It is perhaps corrupt. In one manuscript it was written Sapho. Should we read Psapho? This certainly is a Punic name. See the "Proverbs" of Apostolius and the "Apophthegms" of Arsenius.---- Vossius. Vossius's emendation is approved by Graevius, Scheffer, Faber, and Wetzel.
110. § Imperia agitarent.] I read agitarent with Bongarsius, Berneccerus, Vorstius, and Faber, not cogitarent, which is in the oldest editions The alteration, says Bongarsius, was made by G. Major.
111. * Pestilentus sideris.] The disease was thought to have been an infliction from heaven on the Carthaginians, because they had plundered the temples of Ceres and Proserpine. See Diod. Sic. xiv. 70-72.
112. * It is said by Strabo to have been settled by the Pelasgi.
113. + They are said to have sprung from the Lucanians, xxiii. 1, and on the coast of Lucania were many Greek towns.
114. ++ I know not why he intimates that either of these peoples were of Greek origin. Strabo regards the Sabines as autochthones of Italy.
115. § See iii. 4.
116. || Major Graecia, or more commonly Magna Graecia, Great Greece.
117. * Panificiis.] We might, with Ostertagius, read pannificiis (cloths or garments), which were more appropriate to Minerva ---- Wetzel.
118. * Ante menses.] As a number seems to be wanting, Scheffer would read ante menses sex, taking the last word from Florus, i. 13. Vossius would read ante mensem. But the longer period seems the more eligible.
119. * I have given the modern names. The ancient were Mediolanum, Comum, Brixia, Verona, Bergomum, Tridentum, Vicentia.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
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Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886). pp. 171-221. Books 21-30
Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886). pp. 171-221. Books 21-30
BOOK XXI.
Dionysius the younger becomes tyrant of Syracuse, I.----His cruelties; is expelled from Syracuse, and received at Locri, II.----His conduct there; is driven from the place, and regains the government at Syracuse, III.----Usurpation of Hanno at Carthage; his death, IV. ----Dionysius is again driven from Syracuse, and leads a mean life at Corinth, V.----The Carthaginians are alarmed at the conquests of Alexander the Great; the unjust execution of Hamilcar, VI.
I. WHEN Dionysius the tyrant was cut off in Sicily, the army elected in his room Dionysius the eldest of his sons, both in accordance with the law of nature, and because they thought the power would be more secure, if it continued in the hands of one son, than if it were divided among several. |172 Dionysius, at the commencement of his reign, was eager to remove the uncles of his brothers,1 as being his rivals in the government, and as having encouraged the young men to ask for a division of power. But concealing his inclinations for a while, he applied himself first to gain the favour of his subjects, as being likely to cause the atrocity, which he had resolved on committing, to be regarded with more indulgence, if he previously made himself popular. He therefore released three thousand prisoners from the gaols, remitted the people the taxes for three years, and sought the affection of all by whatever blandishments he could use. Then, proceeding to execute his determination, he put to death, not only the relatives of his brothers, but his brothers themselves; so that he left to those, to whom he owed a share of power, not even a share of life, and commenced cruelty upon his kindred before he exercised it upon strangers.
II. When his rivals were removed, he fell into indolence, and contracted, from excessive indulgence at table, great corpulence of body, and a disease in his eyes, so that he could not bear the sunshine, or dust, or even the brightness of ordinary daylight. Suspecting that, for these weaknesses, he was despised by his subjects, he proceeded to inflict cruelties upon them; not filling the gaols, like his father, with prisoners, but the whole city with dead bodies. Hence he became not more, contemptible than hateful to every one. The Syracusans, in consequence, resolving to rebel against him, he long hesitated whether he should lay down the government or oppose them in arms; but he was compelled by the soldiery, who hoped for plunder from sacking the city, to march into the field. Being defeated, and trying his fortune again with no better success, he sent deputies to the people of Syracuse, with promises that "he would resign the government, if they would send persons to him with whom he might settle terms of peace." Some of the principal citizens being |173 accordingly sent for that purpose, he put them in close confinement, and then, when all were off their guard, having no fear of hostilities, he despatched his army to devastate the city. A contest, in consequence, which was long doubtful, took place in the town itself, but the townsmen overpowering the soldiery by their numbers, Dionysius was obliged to retire, and fearing that he should be besieged in the citadel, fled away secretly, with all his king-like paraphernalia, to Italy. Being received, in his exile, by his allies the Locrians, he took possession of the citadel as if he were their rightful sovereign, and exercised his usual outrages upon them. He ordered the wives of the principal men to be seized and violated; he took away maidens on the point of marriage, polluted them, and then restored them to their betrothed husbands; and as for the wealthiest men, he either banished them or put them to death, and confiscated their property.
III. In process of time, when a pretext for plunder was wanting, he over-reached the whole city by an artful stratagem. The Locrians, being harassed in war by Leophron the tyrant of Rhegium, had vowed, if they were victorious, to prostitute their maidens on the festal day of Venus; and as, on neglecting to perform the vow, they were unsuccessful in another war with the Lucanians, Dionysius called them to an assembly, and advised them "to send their wives and daughters, as richly dressed as possible, to the temple of Venus; out of whom a hundred, chosen by lot, should fulfil the public vow, and, for religion's sake, offer themselves for prostitution during the space of a month, the men previously taking an oath not to touch any one of them; and, in order that this should be no detriment to the women who released the state from its vow, they should make a decree, that no other maiden should be married till these were provided with husbands." This proposal, by which regard was shown both to their superstitious observances and to the honour of their virgins, being received with approbation, the whole of the women, in most expensive dresses, assembled in the temple of Venus, when Dionysius, sending in his soldiers, took off their finery, and made the ornaments of the matrons a spoil for himself. The husbands of some of them too, who were of the richer class, he put to death; others he tortured to make them discover their husbands' wealth. After reigning in this manner for six years, |174 he was driven from Locri by a conspiracy of the people, and returned to Sicily; where, while all, after so long an interval of peace, were free from apprehension, he possessed himself of Syracuse by surprise.
IV. While this affair occurred in Sicily, Hanno, a leading man among the Carthaginians, in Africa, employed his power, which surpassed that of the government, to secure the sovereignty for himself, and endeavoured to establish himself as king by killing the senate. For the execution of this atrocity he fixed on the day of his daughter's marriage, in order that his nefarious plot might be the better concealed in the pomp of religious ceremonies. He accordingly prepared a banquet-for the common people in the public porticoes, and another for the senate in his own house, so that, by poisoning the cups, he might take off the senate privately and without witnesses, and then more easily seize the government, when none were left to prevent him.2 The plot being disclosed to the magistrates by his agents, his destructive intentions were frustrated, but not punished, lest the matter, if publicly known, should occasion more trouble, in the case of so powerful a man, than the mere design of it had caused. Satisfied, therefore, with putting a stop to it, they merely set bounds by a decree to the expenses of marriage entertainments, and ordered the decree to be obeyed, not by him alone, but universally, that nothing personal to him, but the general correction of an abuse, might seem to be intended. Prevented by this measure, he, for a second attempt, raised the slaves, and appointing another day for the massacre of the senate, but finding himself again betrayed, he threw himself, for fear of being brought to trial, into a strong fortress with a body of twenty thousand armed slaves. Here, while he was soliciting the Africans, and the king of the Moors, to join him, he was captured, and after being scourged, having his eyes put out, and his arms and legs broken, as if atonement was to be exacted from every limb, he was put to death in the sight of the people, and his body, mangled with stripes, was nailed to a cross. All his children and relations, too, though guiltless, were delivered to the executioner, that no member of so nefarious a family might survive either to imitate his villainy, or to revenge his death. |175
V. Dionysius, in the meantime, being re-established in Syracuse, and becoming every day more oppressive and cruel to the people, was assailed by a new band of conspirators Laying down the government, therefore, he delivered up the city and army to the Syracusans, and, being allowed to take his private property with him, went to live in exile at Corinth; where, looking on the lowest station as the safest, he humbled himself to the very meanest condition of life. He was not content with strolling about the streets, but would even stand drinking in them; he was not satisfied with being seen in taverns and impure houses, but would sit in them for whole days. He would dispute with the most abandoned fellows about the merest trifles, walk about in rags and dirt, and afford laughter to others more readily than he would laugh at them. He would stand in the shambles, devouring with his eyes what he was not able to purchase; he would wrangle with the dealers before the aediles, and do everything in such a manner 3 as to appear an object of contempt rather than of fear. At last he assumed the profession of a schoolmaster, and taught children in the open streets, either that he might continually be seen in public 4 by those who feared him, or might be more readily despised by those who did not fear him; for though he had still plenty of the vices peculiar to tyrants, yet his present conduct was an affectation of vices, 5 and not the effect of nature, and he adopted it rather from cunning than from having lost the self-respect becoming a sovereign, having experienced how odious the names of tyrants are, even when they are deprived of power. He strove, therefore, to diminish the odium incurred from his past by the contemptibleness of his present life, not looking to honourable but to safe practices. Yet amidst all these arts of dissimulation, he was accused of aspiring to the sovereignty, and was left at liberty only because he was despised.
VI. During these proceedings, the Carthaginians, alarmed at the rapid successes of Alexander the Great, and fearing that he might resolve to annex Africa to his Persian empire, |176 sent Hamilcar, surnamed Rhodanus, a man remarkable for wit and eloquence beyond others, to sound his intentions; for, indeed, the capture of Tyre, their own parent city, and the founding of Alexandria, as a rival to Carthage, on the confines of Africa and Egypt, as well as the good fortune of the king, whose ambition and success seemed to know no limit, raised their apprehensions to an extreme height. Hamilcar, obtaining access to the king through the favour of Parmenio, represented himself to Alexander as having been banished from his country, and as having fled to him for refuge, offering, at the same time, to serve as a soldier in the expedition against Carthage. Having thus ascertained his views, he sent a full account of them to his countrymen, inscribed on wooden tablets, with blank wax spread over the writing. The Carthaginians, however, when he returned home after the death of Alexander, put him to death, not only ungratefully but cruelly, on pretence that he had offered to sell their city to the king.
BOOK XXII.
Rise of Agathocles in Sicily, I.----Becomes master of Syracuse by the aid of Hamilcar, II.----His wars in Sicily, III.----The Carthaginians besiege Syracuse; Agathocles carries the war against them into Africa, IV.----His speech to his army, promising them the plunder of Carthage, V.----Superstition of the soldiers; Agathocles burns his ships, defeats the Carthaginians, and lays waste the country, VI. VII.----Returns to Sicily, and drives the Carthaginians from it; his farther proceedings, VIII.
I. AGATHOCLES,6 tyrant of Sicily, who attained greatness equal to that of the elder Dionysius, rose to royal dignity from the lowest and meanest origin. He was born in Sicily, his father being a potter, and spent a youth not more honourable than his birth; for, being remarkable for beauty and gracefulness of person, he supported himself a considerable time by submitting to the infamous lust of others. When he had |177 passed the years of puberty, ho transferred his services from men to women. Having thus become infamous with both sexes, he next changed his way of life for that of a robber. Some time after, having gone to Syracuse and been received as a citizen among the other inhabitants, he was long without credit, appearing to have as little of property to lose as he had of character to blacken. At last, enlisting in the army as a common soldier, he showed himself ready for every kind of audacity, his life being then not less distinguished by restlessness than it had previously been by infamy. He was noted for activity in the field, and for eloquence in making harangues. In a short time, accordingly, he became a centurion, and soon after a tribune. In his first campaign against the people of Aetna,7 he gave the Syracusans great proofs of what he could do; in the next, against the Campanians, he excited such hopes of himself throughout the army, that he was chosen to fill the place of the deceased general, Damascon, whose wife, after the death of her husband, he married, having previously had a criminal connection with her. And, not content that from being poor he was suddenly made rich, he engaged in piracy against his own country. He was saved from death by his companions, who, when apprehended and put to the torture, denied his guilt. Twice he attempted to make himself sovereign of Syracuse, and twice he was driven into exile.
II. By the Murgantines, with whom he took refuge in his banishment, he was first, from hatred to the Syracusans, made praetor, and afterwards general-in-chief. In the war which he conducted for them, he both took the city of the Leontines, and proceeded to besiege his native city, Syracuse; when Hamilcar, general of the Carthaginians, being entreated to aid it, laid aside his hatred as an enemy, and sent a body of troops thither. Thus, at one and the same time, Syracuse was both defended by an enemy with the love of a citizen, and attacked by a citizen with the hatred of an enemy. But Agathocles, seeing that the city was defended with more vigour than it was assailed, entreated Hamilcar, through his deputies, to undertake the settlement of a peace between him and the Syracusans, promising him particular services in return for the favour. Hamilcar, induced by such hopes, and by dread of |178 his power, made an alliance with him, on condition that whatever assistance he furnished Agathocles against the Syracusans, he himself should receive as much for the augmentation of his power at home. Not only peace, in consequence, was procured for Agathocles, but he was also appointed praetor at Syracuse; and he then swore to Hamilcar that he would be faithful to the Carthaginians, the [sacred] fires, at the same time, being set forth, and touched by him.8 Some time after, having received from Hamilcar five thousand African troops, he put to death the most powerful of the leading citizens; and then, as if intending to re-model the constitution, he ordered the people to be summoned to an assembly in the theatre, convoking the senate, in the meantime, in the Gymnasium, as though he designed to make some previous arrangements with them. His measures being thus taken, he sent his troops to surround the people, and caused the senate to be massacred, and, when he had finished the slaughter of them, cut off the richest and boldest of the commoners.
III. These things being done, he made choice of troops, and embodied a regular army; with which he suddenly attacked several of the neighbouring cities when they were under no apprehension of hostilities. He also disgracefully harassed, with the connivance of Hamilcar, certain allies of the Carthaginians, who, in consequence, sent complaints to Carthage, not so much against Agathocles as against Hamilcar, accusing "the former, indeed, as an oppressor and tyrant, but the latter as a traitor, by whom the possessions of their allies, under a settled compact, were betrayed to the bitterest of enemies; for as, at first, Syracuse (a city always hostile to the Carthaginians, and a competitor with Carthage for the |179 dominion of Sicily) was delivered to Agathocles as a bond of union with Hamilcar, so, at the present time, the cities of the allies of Carthage were given up to the same tyrant under pretence of making peace. They warned them, therefore, that these proceedings would shortly come home to themselves, and that they would feel what mischief they had brought,9 not more upon Sicily than upon Africa itself." At these complaints the senate was incensed against Hamilcar, but as he was in command of the army, they gave their votes concerning him secretly, and caused their several opinions, before they were openly read, to be put in an urn, and sealed up, until the other Hamilcar, the son of Gisco, should return from Sicily. But the death of Hamilcar prevented all effects from these subtle contrivances and suppressed judgments,10 and he, whom his fellow citizens had unjustly condemned unheard, was freed from danger of punishment by the kindness of destiny. The proceeding furnished Agathocles with a pretext for making war on the Carthaginians. His first engagement was with Hamilcar, the son of Gisco, by whom he was defeated, and retired to Syracuse to prepare himself for war with fresh vigour. But the result of his second encounter was the same as that of the first.
IV. The victorious Carthaginians, in consequence, having invested Syracuse with a close siege, Agathocles, perceiving that he was neither a match for them in the field, nor provided for enduring a blockade, and being deserted, moreover, by his allies, who were disgusted at his cruelties, resolved to transfer the war into Africa; a resolution formed with wonderful audacity, that he should make war on the city of a people for whom he was not a match in his own city; that he who could not defend his own country should invade that of others; and that one who had been conquered should brave his conquerors. Nor was the secrecy of his plan less striking than the contrivance of it. Stating merely to the people, that "he had found out a way to victory, and that they had only to prepare their minds to endure a short siege, or that, if any of them were dissatisfied with their present circumstances, he gave them full liberty to depart," he proceeded, after one thousand |180 six hundred had left him, to furnish the rest with provisions and money for the necessities of a blockade, taking away with him only fifty talents for present use, and intending to get further supplies rather from his enemies than his friends. He then obliged all the slaves that were of age for war, after receiving their freedom, to take the military oath, and put them and the greater part of the soldiers, on ship-board, supposing that, as the condition of both was made equal, there would be a mutual emulation in bravery between them.
V. In the seventh year of his reign, therefore, accompanied by his two grown-up sons, Archagathus and Heraclides, he directed his course towards Africa, not one of his men knowing whither he was sailing; but while they all supposed that they were going to Italy or Sardinia for plunder, he landed his army on the coast of Africa, and then for the first time made known his intentions to them all. He reminded them in what condition Syracuse was, "for which there was no other remedy but that they should inflict on the enemy the distresses that they themselves were suffering. Wars," he said, "were conducted in one way at home and in another abroad; at home, a people's only support was what the resources of their country supplied; but abroad, the enemy might be beaten by their own strength, while their allies fell off, and from hatred of their long tyranny, looked about for foreign aid. To this was added, that the cities and fortresses of Africa were not secured with walls, or situate on eminences, but lay in level plains without any fortifications, and might all be induced, by the fear of destruction, to join in the war against Carthage. A greater war, in consequence, would blaze forth against the Carthaginians from Africa itself than from Sicily, as the forces of the whole region would combine against a city greater in name than in power, and he himself would thus gain from the country the strength which he had not brought into it. Nor would victory be only in a small degree promoted by the sudden terror of the Carthaginians, who, astonished at such daring on the part of their enemies, would be in utter consternation. Besides, there would be the burning of country houses, the plundering of fortresses and towns that offered resistance, and siege laid to Carthage itself; from all which disasters they would learn that wars were practicable not only for them against others, but for |181 others against them. By these means the Carthaginians might not only be conquered, but Sicily might be delivered from them; for they would not continue to besiege Syracuse, when they were suffering from a siege of their own city. Nowhere else, therefore, could war be found more easy, or plunder more abundant, for, if Carthage were taken, all Africa and Sicily would be the prize of the victors. The glory, too, of so honourable an enterprise, would be so celebrated through all ages, that it could never be buried in oblivion; for it would be said that they were the only men in the world who had carried abroad against their enemies a war which they could not withstand at home; who, when defeated, had pursued their conquerors, and besieged the besiegers of their own city. They ought all accordingly, to prosecute, with equal courage and cheerfulness, an enterprise, than which none could offer them a more noble reward if they were victorious, or greater honour to their memory if they were conquered."
VI. By these exhortations the courage of the soldiers was excited; but the superstitious influence of an omen had spread some dismay among them; for the sun had been eclipsed 11 during their voyage. But with regard to this phenomenon Agathocles was at no less pains to satisfy them than he had been with regard to the war; alleging that, "if it had happened before they set out, he should have thought it a portent unfavourable to their departure, but since it had occurred after they had set sail, its signification was directed against those to whom they were going. Besides," he said, "the eclipses of the heavenly bodies always presaged a change in the present state of things, and it was therefore certain that an alteration was foretold in the flourishing condition of the Carthaginians and in their own adverse circumstances." Having thus pacified his soldiers, he ordered all the ships, with the consent of the army, to be set on fire, in order that, the means of flight being taken away, they might understand that they must either conquer or die.
While they were devastating the country wherever they went, and laying farm-houses and fortresses in ashes, Hanno advanced to meet them with thirty thousand Carthaginians. |182 When they came to a battle, two thousand of the Sicilians, and three thousand of the Carthaginians, with their general himself, were left on the field. By this victory the spirits of the Sicilians were elated, and those of the Carthaginians depressed. Agathocles, taking advantage of his success, stormed several towns and forts, took a vast quantity of plunder, and killed many thousands of the enemy. He then pitched his camp at the distance of five miles from Carthage, that they might view from the walls of the city the destruction of their most valuable possessions, the devastation of their lands, and the burning of their houses. At the same time a great rumour of the destruction of the Carthaginian army, and of the capture of their cities, was spread through all Africa, and astonishment fell upon every one, wondering how so sudden a war could have surprised so great an empire, especially from an enemy already conquered. This wonder was gradually changed into a contempt for the Carthaginians; and not long after, not only the populace of Africa, but the most eminent cities, out of fondness for change, revolted to Agathocles, and furnished the victorious army with corn and money.
VII. To these disasters of the Carthaginians, and as if to crown their evil fortune, was added the destruction of their army and its general in Sicily. For after the departure of Agathocles from the island, the Carthaginians, prosecuting the siege of Syracuse with less vigour, were reported to have been utterly cut off by Antander, the brother of Agathocles. The fortune of the Carthaginians, therefore, being similar at home and abroad, not only their tributary towns, but even princes that were in alliance with them, began to fall off, estimating the obligations of confederacy not by the standard of honour but by that of fortune. Among these was Opheltas, king of Cyrene, who, grasping, with extravagant hopes, at the dominion of all Africa, made an alliance with Agathocles through ambassadors, arranging that, when the Carthaginians were subdued, the government of Sicily should fall to Agathocles, and that of Africa to himself. But when he came, accordingly, with a numerous army, to take a share in the war, Agathocles, after throwing him off his guard by the affability of his address and the abjectness of his flattery, and after they had supped together several times, and he had been adopted |183 by Opheltas as a son, put him to death, and taking the command of his forces, defeated the Carthaginians, who were renewing the war with all their might, in a second great battle, but with much loss to both armies. At this result of the contest, such despair was felt by the Carthaginians, that, had not a mutiny occurred among the troops of Agathocles, Bomilcar, the Carthaginian general,12 would have gone over to him with his army. For this treachery he was nailed to a cross by the Carthaginians in the middle of the forum, that the place which had formerly been the distinguished scene of his honours might also bear testimony to his punishment. Bomilcar, however, bore the cruelty of his countrymen with such fortitude, that from his cross, as if he had been on a judgment-seat, he inveighed against the injustice of the Carthaginians, upbraiding them sometimes with "having cut off Hanno,13 on a false charge of aspiring to sovereignty;" sometimes with "having banished the innocent Gisco;"14 and. sometimes with "having secretly condemned his uncle Hamilcar,15 merely because he wished to make Agathocles their ally rather than their enemy." After uttering these charges with a loud voice, in a numerous assembly of the people, he expired.
VIII. Agathocles, meanwhile, having overcome all opposition in Africa, left the command of his army to his son Archagathus, and went back to Sicily, thinking that all he had done in Africa was as nothing, if Syracuse was still to be besieged; for after the death of Hamilcar, the son of Gisco, a fresh army had been sent thither by the Carthaginians. Immediately on his arrival, all the cities of Sicily, having previously heard of his achievements in Africa, unanimously submitted to him; and being thus enabled to drive the Carthaginians from Sicily, he made himself master of the whole island. Returning afterwards to Africa, he was received by his army in a state of mutiny; for the discharge of their arrears of pay had been deferred by the son till the arrival of his father. Summoning them, therefore, to a general |184 assembly, he proceeded to pacify them with soothing words, saying that "pay was not to be asked of him, but to be taken from the enemy; that they must gain a common victory, and common spoil; and that they must continue to support him for a short time, till what remained of the war was finished, as they were certain that the capture of Carthage would satisfy all their desires." The mutiny being thus allayed, he led the army, after an interval of some days, against the camp of the enemy, but commencing an engagement too rashly, lost the greater part of his force. Retreating to his camp, therefore, and finding the odium of his rash engagement affecting his character, and dreading, at the same time, a revival of the former murmurs at his failure in paying the arrears, he fled from his camp at midnight, attended only by his son Archagathus. When the soldiers heard of his departure, they were in no less consternation than if they had been captured by the enemy, exclaiming that "they had been twice deserted by their leader in the midst of the enemy's country, and that the care of their lives had been abandoned by him by whom not even their burial should have been neglected." As they were going to pursue Agathocles, they were met by some Numidians, and returned to the camp, but not without having seized and brought back Archagathus, who, through mistaking his way in the night, had been separated from his father. Agathocles, with the ships in which he had returned from Sicily, and the men that he had left to guard them, arrived safe at Syracuse; affording a signal instance of dishonourable conduct, a prince deserting his army, and a father abandoning his children.
In Africa, meanwhile, after the flight of Agathocles, his soldiers, making a capitulation with the enemy, and putting to death the sons of Agathocles, surrendered themselves to the Carthaginians. Archagathus, when he was going to be killed by Arcesilaus, a former friend of his father, asked him "what he thought Agathocles would do to the children of him by whom he was rendered childless?" Arcesilaus replied, that "he felt no concern, since he knew that his children would certainly survive those of Agathocles." Some time after, the Carthaginians sent new commanders into Sicily, to terminate what remained of the war there, and Agathocles made peace with them on equal terms. |185
BOOK XXIII.
Agathocles goes to war with the Bruttii in Italy; some account of that people, I.----Agathocles returns to Sicily, and dies; Sicily again occupied by the Carthaginians, II.----Acts of Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, in Sicily and Italy, III.----History and character of Hiero, IV.
I. AGATHOCLES, sovereign of Sicily, having concluded a peace with the Carthaginians, reduced, by force of arms, a part of the cities which, presuming upon their strength, had thrown off their allegiance to him. Then, as if he were confined within too narrow limits in an island (a part of the dominion of which, even when he first began to rise, he could scarcely have hoped to obtain), he proceeded, after the example of Dionysius,16 who had subdued many cities of Italy, to cross, over into that country. His first enemies there were the Bruttii, who, at that period, seem to have been the bravest and most powerful people of the country, and to have been extremely ready to attack their neighbours; for they had driven the inhabitants of many of the Greek cities from Italy, and had conquered in war the Lucanians their founders, and made peace with them on equal terms; such being the fierceness of their nature, that they had no respect even for those to whom they owed their origin.
The Lucanians were accustomed to breed up their children with the same kind of education as the Spartans; for, from their earliest boyhood, they were kept in the wilds among the shepherds, without any slaves to attend them, and even without clothes 17 to wear or to sleep upon, that, from their first years, they might be accustomed to hardiness and spare diet, having no intercourse with the city. Their food was what they took in hunting, and their drink milk or water. Thus were they prepared for the toils of war.
Fifty of these people, who, at first, used to plunder the lands of their neighbours, but who, as numbers flocked to join |186 them, increased in strength, and were tempted by hopes of greater booty, disturbed the whole of the neighbouring country; and Dionysius, the tyrant of Sicily, being wearied with complaints from his allies, had sent six hundred Africans to put a stop to their ravages. But the marauders, having seized a fort which the Africans had built, and which was betrayed into their hands by a woman named Bruttia, proceeded to build a city there for the shepherds, who, at the report of a new settlement, came in numbers to join them; and, from the name of the woman, they called themselves Bruttii.
Their first war was with the Lucanians, from whom tney sprung. Encouraged by a victory over them, and making peace on equal terms, they subdued the rest of their neighbours by force of arms, and acquired, in a short time, such extraordinary strength, that they were thought formidable even by princes. After some time, Alexander, king of Epirus,18 coming into Italy with a great army to the aid of the Greek cities, was cut off by them with all his force; and their natural fierceness, increased by this success, was for a long time terrible to all around them. At last Agathocles, being importuned to come over, set sail, with the hope of enlarging his dominions, from Sicily to Italy.
II. At the first news of his arrival, the Bruttii, alarmed at his name, sent ambassadors to solicit alliance and friendship with him. Agathocles, inviting them to an entertainment, that they might not see his army shipped over, and appointing the next day for giving them audience, went off immediately after the banquet in a vessel, and left them in the lurch. But what followed this deceit was unhappy for him; for the violence of a disease 19 which he contracted obliged him a few days after to return to Sicily. Being affected by the distemper through his whole body, and a pestilential humour spreading through all his nerves and joints, he was tormented, as it were, by an intestine war among all his members. As his life was despaired of, a contention arose between his son and grandson, each claiming the right of succession to his |187 power as if he were already dead; and the grandson, after killing the son, got possession of the supreme dignity. Agathocles, therefore, when the pain of his disease and his anxiety of mind were grown intolerable, the one being increased by the severity of the other, resolved on embarking his wife Texena, and two infant sons 20 that he had by her, with all his treasure, and servants, and regal furniture (in which no king at that time was richer), and sending her back to Egypt, from whence he had received her, fearing that they would find the usurper of his power their enemy. His wife, however, long entreated that she might not be separated from her sick husband, that the affliction of her departure might not be added to the atrocities of his grandson, and that she might not be made to appear as cruel in forsaking her husband as he in attacking his grandfather; saying that, "by marrying him, she not only engaged to share his good fortune, but all his fortune; nor would she unwillingly purchase, with the hazard of her own life, the privilege of receiving her husband's last breath, and of performing, with all the care of conjugal duty and affection, the last offices at his funeral, which, when she was gone, no one would take upon himself to discharge." The little children, at parting, embraced and clung to their father with doleful lamentations; while the wife, who was to see her husband no more, could not desist from kissing him. Nor were the tears of the old man less moving; the children wept for their dying father, the father for his banished children. They bewailed the forlorn condition of their parent, a sick old man; he lamented that his offspring, born to the prospect, of a throne, should be left in want. At the same time the whole palace resounded with the cries of those who were witnesses to so cruel a separation. The necessity for departure, however, at length put a stop to their weeping, and the death of the prince followed the leave-taking of his children.
During these occurrences, the Carthaginians, learning the state of affairs in Sicily, and thinking that an opportunity was afforded them of securing the whole island, crossed over to it with a great force, and reduced several cities.
III. At this time, too, Pyrrhus was engaged in a war with the Romans, and, being entreated by the Sicilians, as has been said, |188 to come to their assistance,21 and crossing, in consequence, over to Syracuse, and taking several cities, received the title of king of Sicily as well as of Epirus. Elated by this success, he destined for his son Helenus the kingdom of Sicily, as an inheritance from his grandfather (for he was the son of Agathocles's daughter), and to Alexander that of Italy. He then fought many successful battles with the Carthaginians; but, after a time, ambassadors came to him from his Italian allies, announcing that "they could no longer withstand the Romans, and that, unless he gave them assistance, they must submit." Alarmed at this danger from another quarter, and uncertain what to do, or whither first to direct his efforts, he took time, while he was in suspense between the two, for consideration. As the Carthaginians threatened him on one side, and the Romans on the other, it seemed hazardous not to transport a force into Italy, and more hazardous to withdraw troops from Sicily, lest the one should be lost by not receiving assistance, or the other by being deserted. In this conflict of perils, the safer determination seemed to be, to bring the struggle to an end, by exerting his utmost strength in Sicily, and then, after having subdued the Carthaginians, to carry his victorious army into Italy. He therefore fought a battle; but, though he had the advantage, yet, as he quitted Sicily, he seemed to flee as one defeated; and his allies, in consequence, revolted from him, and he lost his dominion in Sicily as speedily and easily as he had obtained it.
Experiencing no better success in Italy, he returned to Epirus. His fortune, indeed, good and bad, was wonderful for the examples which it gave of both. For as, at first, his good fortune, when his attempts succeeded even beyond his wishes, had procured him empire in Italy and Sicily, and so many victories over the Romans; so now his adverse fortune, overthrowing all that he had raised, as if to afford an illustration of human instability, added to his failure in Sicily the destruction of his fleet at sea, loss of honour in a battle with the Romans, and an ignominious retreat out of Italy.
IV. When Pyrrhus had withdrawn from Sicily, Hiero was made governor of it; and such was the prudence he displayed in his office, that, by the unanimous consent of all the cities, |189 he was first made general against the Carthaginians, and soon after king. The fortune of Hiero, in his infancy, had been as it were a presage of his future dignity. He was the son of Hierocles, a man of high rank, whose descent was traced from Gelo an ancient prince of Sicily. His extraction on the mother's side, however, was so mean as to be even dishonourable; for he was the child of a female slave, and was in consequence exposed by his father as a disgrace to his family. But, when he was thus left destitute of human aid, bees for several days fed him with honey, which was heaped round him as he lay. Hence his father, admonished by a communication from the soothsayers, who signified that sovereign power was foreboded to the infant, took him home again, and brought him up most carefully with the hope that he would attain the promised honour. As he was learning his lesson at school, too, among his equals in age, a wolf, that suddenly appeared in the midst of the boys, snatched from him his book. And when he was grown up, and commencing his first campaign, an eagle settled on his shield, and an owl upon his spear; a prodigy which indicated that he would be prudent in counsel, active in the field, and a king. He fought frequently, moreover, with persons that challenged him, and always gained the victory; and he was presented by king Pyrrhus with many military gifts. The handsomeness of his person was remarkable, and his bodily strength wonderful. He was affable in his address, just in his dealings, moderate in command; so that nothing kingly seemed wanting to him but a kingdom. |190
BOOK XXIV.
Disturbances in Greece; war between Sparta and the Aetolians; end of disputes between the pretenders to the throne of Macedonia, I.----Marriage of Ptolemy and Arsinoë, and its consequences, II. III.----Irruption of the Gauls into Macedonia; incaution of Ptolemy, IV.----Defeat and death of Ptolemy; rise of Sosthenes, V. ----The Gauls march to Delphi; description of Delphi, VI.----The Gauls halt in sight of Delphi, and are cut off by the Greeks. VII. VIII.
I. DURING the course of these proceedings in Sicily, the kings, Ptolemy Ceraunus 22 and Antigonus, quarrelling and going to war with one another in Greece, almost all the cities of that country, under the Spartans as leaders, encouraged as it were by the opportunity thus offered to entertain hopes of recovering their liberty, and sending to each other ambassadors by whom leagues might be formed to unite them, broke out into hostilities; and, that they might not seem to commence war with Antigonus, under whose dominion they were, they attacked his allies the Aetolians, making it a pretext for war with them, that they had taken possession of the Cirrhaean plain, which by the unanimous consent of Greece had been dedicated to Apollo. For their general in this war they selected Areus, who, drawing together an army, laid waste the towns and corn-fields lying in the plain, and burnt whatever he was unable to carry off. When the shepherds of the Aetolians beheld this destruction from their mountains, about five hundred of them assembling together, attacked the enemy as they were dispersed, and knew not what was the number of their assailants (for the sudden alarm, and the smoke of the fires, prevented them from ascertaining), and having killed about nine thousand 23 of the depredators, put the rest to flight. And when the Spartans afterwards renewed the war, many of the states refused them their support, thinking that they sought dominion for themselves, and not liberty for Greece.
In the meantime the war between the princes that contended |191 for the throne of Macedonia was concluded, for Ptolemy, having routed Antigonus and made himself master of the whole country, arranged a peace with Antiochus, and contracted an affinity with Pyrrhus by giving him his daughter in marriage.
II. Having thus freed himself from the fear of foreign enemies, he turned his impious and unprincipled mind to the perpetration of wickedness at home, and contrived a plot against his sister Arsinoe,24 to deprive her sons of life, and herself of the possession of the city of Cassandrea. His first stratagem was to pretend love to his sister, and to seek her hand in marriage, for he was unable to come at his sister's sons, whose throne he had usurped, otherwise than by counterfeiting affection for their mother. But the criminal intentions of Ptolemy were understood by his sister. As she expressed distrust of him, therefore, he assured her that "he wished to share the kingdom with her children, against whom he had not taken arms because he wished to wrest the kingdom from them, but that he might have it in his power to present them with a por.tion of it. She might therefore send a person to receive an oath from him, in whose presence he would bind himself, before the gods of their country, by whatever execrations she pleased." Arsinoë, not knowing what to do, was afraid that if she sent any one, she would be deceived by a false oath, and that, if she did not send, she would provoke her brother's fury and cruelty. Fearing, therefore, less for herself than her children, whom she thought she might protect by the marriage, she sent Dion, one of her friends, to him. Ptolemy, after conducting him into the most sacred temple of Jupiter, held in high veneration from of old among the Macedonians, took hold of the altar, and, touching the images and couches of the gods, vowed, with unheard-of and most solemn imprecations, that "he sought a marriage with his sister in true sincerity, and that he would give her the title of Queen, nor would, to her dishonour, have any other wife, or any other children than her sons." Arsinoë, being thus filled with hope, and relieved from apprehensions, held a conference with her brother in person, and as his looks and flattering glances promised no less sincerity than his oath, she agreed to marry |192 him, though her son Lysimachus 25 exclaimed that "there was treachery at the bottom."
III. The nuptials were celebrated with great magnificence and general rejoicings. Ptolemy, before the assembled army, placed a diadem on his sister's head, and saluted her with the title of Queen. Arsinoë, overjoyed at the name, as having regained what she had lost by the death of Lysimachus her former husband, invited Ptolemy to her city Cassandrea; to get possession of which city the plot was laid. Going thither before her husband, she appointed a festival in the city against his arrival, ordering the houses, temples, and all other places, to be magnificently decorated, altars and victims to be everywhere kept in readiness, and her sons, Lysimachus who was sixteen years old, and Philip three years younger, both remarkable for their comeliness, to go to meet him with crowns on their heads. Ptolemy, to conceal his treachery, caressing them with eagerness, and beyond the warmth of real affection, persisted for a long time in kissing them. But as soon as he arrived at the gate, he ordered the citadel to be seized, and the boys to be slain. They, fleeing to their mother, were slain upon her lap, as she was embracing them; while Arsinoë exclaimed, "What monstrous crime had she committed,26 either in marrying or since her marriage?" She several times offered herself to the assassins in the room of her children, and, embracing them, covered their bodies with her own, endeavouring to receive the wounds intended for them. At last, deprived even of the dead bodies of her sons, she was dragged out of the city, with her garments torn and her hair dishevelled, and with only two attendants, and went to live in exile in Samothracia; sorrowing the more, that she was not allowed to die with her children. But the crimes of Ptolemy were not unpunished; for soon after (the immortal gods inflicting vengeance on him for so many perjuries, and such cruel murders), he was driven from his throne and taken prisoner by the Gauls, and lost his life, as he had merited, by the sword.
IV. The Gauls, when the land that had produced them was unable, from their excessive increase of population, to contain them, sent out three hundred thousand men, as a sacred spring,27 |193 to seek new settlements. Of these adventurers part settled in Italy, and took and burnt the city of Rome; and part penetrated into the remotest parts of Illyricum under the direction of a flight of birds (for the Gauls are skilled in augury beyond other nations), making their way amidst great slaughter of the barbarous tribes, and fixed their abode in Pannonia. They were a savage, bold, and warlike nation, and were the first after Hercules (to whom that undertaking procured great admiration for his valour, and a belief in his immortality), to pass the unconquered heights of the Alps, and places uninhabitable from excess of cold. After having subdued the Pannonians, they carried on various wars with their neighbours for many years. Success encouraging them, they betook themselves, in separate bands, some to Greece, and some to Macedonia, laying waste all before them with the sword. Such indeed was the terror of the Gallic name, that even kings, before they were attacked, purchased peace from them with large sums of money. Ptolemy alone, the king of Macedonia, heard of the approach of the Gauls without alarm, and, hurried on by the madness that distracted him for his unnatural crimes, went out to meet them with a few undisciplined troops, as if wars could be despatched with äs little difficulty as murders. An embassy from the Dardanians, offering him twenty thousand armed men for his assistance, he spurned, adding insulting language, and saying that "the Macedonians were in a sad condition, if, after having subdued the whole east without assistance, they now required aid from the Dardanians to defend their country; and that he had for soldiers the sons of those who had served under Alexander the Great, and had been victorious throughout |194 the world." This answer being repeated to the Dardanian prince, he observed that "the famous kingdom of Macedonia would soon fall a sacrifice to the rashness of a raw youth."28
V. The Gauls, under the command of Belgius, sent deputies to Ptolemy to sound the disposition of the Macedonians, offering him peace if he liked to purchase it; but Ptolemy boasted to his courtiers that the Gauls sued for peace from fear of war. Nor was his manner less vaunting before the ambassadors than before his own adherents, saying that "he would grant peace only on condition that they would give their chiefs as hostages, and deliver up their arms; for he would put no trust in them until they were disarmed." The deputies bringing back this answer, the Gauls laughed, and exclaimed throughout their camp, that "he would soon see whether they had offered peace from regard for themselves or for him." Some days after a battle was fought, and the Macedonians were defeated and cut to pieces. Ptolemy, after receiving several wounds, was taken, and his head, cut off and stuck on a lance, was carried round the whole army to strike terror into the enemy. Flight saved a few of the Macedonians; the rest were either taken or slain.
When the news of this event was spread through all Macedonia, the gates of the city were shut, and all places filled with mourning. Sometimes they lamented their bereavement, from the loss of their children; sometimes they were seized with dread, lest their cities should be destroyed; and at other times they called on the names of their kings, Alexander and Philip, as deities, to protect them; saying that "under them they were not only secure, but conquerors of the world;" and begging that " they would guard their country, whose fame they had raised to heaven by the glory of their exploits, and give assistance to the afflicted, whom the insanity and rashness of Ptolemy had ruined." While all were thus in despair, Sosthenes, one of the Macedonian chiefs, thinking that nothing would be effected by prayers, assembled such as were of age for war, repulsed the Gauls in the midst of their exultation at their victory, and saved Macedonia from devastation. For these |195 great services, he, though of humble extraction, was chosen before many nobles that aspired to the throne of Macedonia. But though he was saluted as king by the army, he made the soldiers take an oath to him, not as king, but as general.
VI. In the meantime Brennus, under whose command a part of the Gauls had made an irruption into Greece, having heard of the success of their countrymen, who, under the leadership of Belgius, had defeated the Macedonians, and being indignant that so rich a booty, consisting of the spoils of the east, had been so lightly abandoned, assembled an army of a hundred and fifty thousand foot and fifteen thousand horse, and suddenly invaded Macedonia. As he was laying waste the fields and villages, Sosthenes met him with his army of Macedonians in full array, but being few in number, and in some consternation, they were easily overcome by the more numerous and powerful Gauls; and the defeated Macedonians retiring within the walls of their cities, the victorius Brennus, meeting with no opposition, ravaged the lands throughout the whole of Macedonia. Soon after, as if the spoils of mortals were too mean for him, he turned his thoughts to the temples of the immortal gods, saying, with a profane jest, that "the gods, being rich, ought to be liberal to men." He suddenly, therefore, directed his march towards Delphi, regarding plunder more than religion, and caring for gold more than for the wrath of the deities, "who," he said, "stood in no need of riches, as being accustomed rather to bestow them on mortals."
The temple of Apollo at Delphi is situate29 on Mount Parnassus, on a rock steep on all sides. A concourse of people, who, collecting from the parts around, through veneration 30 for the majesty of the god, settled on the rock, formed a city there. Thus, not walls, but precipices, not defences formed by the hand, but by nature, protect the temple and the city; so that it is utterly uncertain whether the strength of the |196 place, or the influence of the deity residing in it, attracts more admiration. The central part of the rock falls back in the shape of an amphitheatre; and, in consequence, if ever shouts are raised, or if the noise of trumpets is mingled with them, the sound, from the rocks echoing and re-echoing to one another, is heard many times repeated, and louder than it was made at first. This effect, on those who are ignorant of its cause, and are struck with wonder at it, produces a greater awe of the power of the god. In the winding of the rock, about half way up the hill; there is a small plain, and in it a deep fissure in the ground, which is open for giving oracles; for a cold exhalation, driven upwards by some force, as it were by a wind, produces in the minds of the priestesses a certain madness, and compels them, filled with the influence of the god, to give answers to such as consult them. Hence many rich presents of kings and nations are to be seen there, which, by their magnificence, testify the grateful feelings of those that have paid their vows, and their belief in the oracles given by the deity.
VII. Brennus, when he came within sight of the temple, deliberated for some time, whether he should at once make an attempt upon it, or should allow his soldiers, wearied with their march, a night to refresh themselves. Two of the captains, Emanus and Thessalorus, who had joined him for a share in the booty, advised that "no delay should be made,'' while the enemy were unprovided for defence, and the alarm at their coming still fresh; that in the interval of a night, the courage of the enemy would perhaps revive, and assistance come to them; and that the approaches, which were now open, might be blocked up." But the common soldiers, when, after a long endurance of scarcity, they found a country abounding with wine and other provisions, had dispersed themselves over the fields, rejoicing as much at the plenty as if they had gained a victory, and leaving their standards deserted, wandered about to seize on everything like conquerors. This conduct gave some respite to the Delphians. At the first report that the Gauls were approaching, the country people are said to have been prohibited by the oracle from carrying away their corn and wine from their houses. The salutariness of this prohibition was not understood, until, through this abundance of wine and other provisions being thrown in the way of the Gauls, as |197 a stop to their progress, reinforcements from their neighbours had time to collect. The Delphians, accordingly, supported by the strength of their allies, secured their city before the Gauls, who clung to the wine-skins, on which they had seized, could be recalled to their standards. Brennus had sixty-five thousand infantry, selected from his whole army; of the Delphians there were not more than four thousand; in utter contempt of whom, Brennus, to rouse the courage of his men, pointed to the vast quantity of spoil before them, declaring that the statues, and four-horse chariots, of which a great number were visible at a distance, were made of solid gold, and would prove greater prizes when they came to be weighed than they were in appearance.
VIII. The Gauls, animated by these assertions, and disordered, at the same time, with the wine which they had drunk the day before, rushed to battle without any fear of danger. The Delphians, on the other hand, placing more confidence in the god than in their own strength, resisted the enemy with contempt, and, from the top of the hill, repelled the Gauls as they climbed up, partly with pieces of rock, and partly with their weapons. Amidst this contest between the two, the priests of all the temples,31 as well as the priestesses themselves, with their hair loose, and with their decorations and fillets, rushed, trembling and frantic, into the front ranks of the combatants, exclaiming that "the god was come; that they had seen him leap down into his temple through the opening roof; that, while they were all humbly imploring aid of the deity, a youth of extraordinary beauty, far above that of mortals, and two armed virgins, coming from the neighbouring temples of Diana and Minerva, met them; that they had not only perceived them with their eyes, but had heard also the sound of a bow and the rattling of arms;" and they therefore conjured them with the strongest entreaties, "not to delay, when the gods were leading them on, to spread slaughter among the enemy, and to share the victory with the powers of heaven." Incited by these exhortations, they all rushed eagerly to the field of battle, where they themselves also soon perceived the presence of the divinity; for a part of the mountain, broken off by an earthquake, overwhelmed a |198 host of the Gauls, and some of the densest bodies of the enemy were scattered abroad, not without wounds, and fell to the earth. A tempest then followed, which destroyed, with hail and cold, those that were suffering from bodily injuries. The general Brennus himself, unable to endure the pain of his wounds, ended his life with his dagger. The other general,32 after punishing the advisers of the war,33 made off from Greece with all expedition, accompanied with ten thousand wounded men. But neither was fortune more favourable to those who fled; for in their terror, they passed no night under shelter, and no day without hardship and danger; and continual rains, snow congealed by the frost, famine, fatigue, and, what was the greatest evil, the constant want of sleep, consumed the wretched remains of the unfortunate army. The nations and people too, through whom they marched, pursued their stragglers, as if to spoil them. Hence it happened that, of so great an army, which a little before, presuming on its strength, contended even against the gods, not a man was left 34 to be a memorial of its destruction.
BOOK XXV.
The Gauls, who had been left behind by Brennus, proceed to attack Antigonus Gonnatas, I. ---- Massacre of the Gauls; their valour; Gallograecia, II. ---- Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, expels Antigonus from Macedonia, III. ---- Pyrrhus goes to war with the Spartans, IV. ---- Is killed at Argos; his character, V.
I. AFTER peace was made between the two kings, Antigonus and Antiochus, a new enemy suddenly started up against Antigonus as he was returning to Macedonia. The Gauls, who had been left behind by their general Brennus, when he marched into Greece, to defend the borders of their country, armed fifteen thousand foot and three thousand horse (that they alone might not seem idle), and having routed the forces of the Getae and Triballi, and preparing to invade Macedonia, sent ambassadors to Antigonus to offer him peace if he would pay |199 for it, and to play the part of spies, at the same time, in his camp. Antigonus, with royal munificence, invited them to a banquet, and entertained them with a sumptuous display of luxuries. But the Gauls were so struck with the vast quantity of gold and silver set before them, and so tempted with the richness of such a spoil, that they returned more inclined to war than they had come. The king had also ordered his elephants to be shown them, as monsters unknown to those barbarians, and his ships laden with stores to be displayed; little thinking that he was thus exciting the cupidity of those to seize his treasures, whom he sought to strike with terror by the ostentation of his strength. The ambassadors, returning to their countrymen, and exaggerating every thing excessively, set forth at once the wealth and unsuspiciousness of the king; saying that "his camp was filled with gold and silver, but secured neither by rampart nor trench, and that the Macedonians, as if they had sufficient protection in their wealth, neglected all military duties, apparently thinking that, as they had plenty of gold, they had no use for steel."
II. By this statement, the desires of a covetous people were sufficiently stimulated to take possession of such spoil. The example of Belgius, too, had its influence with them, who, a little before, had cut to pieces the army of the Macedonians and their king. Being all of one mind, therefore, they attacked the king's camp by night; but he, foreseeing the storm that threatened him, had given notice to his soldiers to remove all their baggage, and to conceal themselves noiselessly in a neighbouring wood; and the camp was only saved because it was deserted. The Gauls, when they found it destitute not only of defenders, but of sentinels, suspecting that there was not a flight, but some stratagem on the part of the enemy, were for some time afraid to enter the gates. At last, leaving the defences entire and untouched, and more like men come to explore than to plunder, they took possession of the camp; and then, carrying off what they found, they directed their course towards the coast. Here, as they were incautiously plundering the vessels, and fearing no attack, they were cut down by the sailors, and a part of the army that had fled thither with their wives and children; and such was the slaughter among them that the report of this victory procured Antigonus peace, not |200 only from the Gauls, but from his other barbarous neighbours.
The nation of the Gauls, however, was at that time so prolific, that they filled all Asia as with one swarm. The kings of the east then carried on no wars without a mercenary army of Gauls; nor, if they were driven from their thrones, did they seek protection with any other people than the Gauls. Such indeed was the terror of the Gallic name, and the unvaried good fortune of their arms, that princes thought they could neither maintain their power in security, nor recover it if lost, without the assistance of Gallic valour. Hence, being called by the king of Bithynia to his aid, and having gained him the victory over his enemies, they shared his kingdom with him, and called their part of it Gallograecia.
III. During these transactions in Asia, Pyrrhus, having been defeated by the Carthaginians in a sea-fight on the coast of Sicily, sent ambassadors to Antigonus king of Macedonia, to ask for a supply of troops, saying that, "unless he sent him some, he should be obliged to return to his kingdom, and to seek that enlargement of his dominions from him,35 which he had wished to gain from the Romans." The ambassadors bringing word that his request was refused, he pretended to be suddenly obliged to depart, but concealed his reasons for doing so. Meanwhile he directed his allies to prepare for war, and committed the citadel of Tarentum to the guardianship of his son Helenus and his friend Milo. Returning to Epirus, he immediately invaded Macedonia; Antigonus met him with an army, but was defeated in battle, and put to flight. Pyrrhus then allowed the Macedonians to surrender on terms; and as if, by the acquisition of Macedonia, he had made up for his loss of Sicily and Italy, he sent for his son and his friend, whom he had left at Tarentum. Antigonus, divesting himself at once of all the marks of royalty, repaired with a few horsemen, that attended him in his flight, to Thessalonica, there to watch what would follow on the loss of his throne, and to renew the war with a hired army of Gauls. But being utterly defeated, a second time, by Ptolemy the son of Pyrrhus, he fled |201 with only seven followers, and no longer indulged hopes of recovering his kingdom, but sought only hiding places for safety and solitary ways for flight.
IV. Pyrrhus, being raised to such a height of royal power, and not content with what had once been the object of his wishes, began to contemplate the subjugation of Greece and Asia. He had no greater delight in ruling than in warfare; nor was any power able to withstand him, wheresoever he directed his attack. But irresistible as he was deemed in conquering kingdoms, he also easily lost those which he subdued and acquired, so much better did he manage to gain dominion than to keep it.
Having led his army into the Peloponnesus,36 he was met by embassies from the Athenians, Achaeans, and Messenians; and all Greece, indeed, struck with admiration at his name, and at the glory of his achievements against the Romans and Carthaginians, was eagerly looking for his arrival. His first contest was with the Spartans, in which, being resisted with greater spirit by the women than by the men, he lost his son Ptolemy and the flower of his army; for, when he proceeded to attack the city, such a number of women assembled to defend their birth-place, that he retreated, overcome not more by bravery on their part than by shame on his own.
As for his son Ptolemy, he is said to have been so brave and enterprising that he took the city of Corcyra 37 with only sixty men. In a naval engagement, too, he is reported to have leaped from a boat, with seven men, into a fifty-oared galley, and to have taken and kept possession of it. At the attack on Sparta he rode into the very middle of the city, and was there slain in a crowd that gathered around him. When his body was carried to his father, he exclaimed, it is said, "that he had not been killed so soon as he had feared, or his own rashness deserved."
V. Pyrrhus, on being repulsed by the Spartans, marched to Argos, where, while he was endeavouring to capture Antigonus, |202 who was shut up in the city, and was fighting furiously among the thickest of the assailants, he was struck with a stone from the walls, and killed. His head was carried to Antigonus, who, using his victory with moderation, sent back his son Helenus, who surrendered to him with several Epirots, into his own country, and gave him the bones of his father, not having yet received the rites of burial, to carry home with him.
It is pretty generally stated by authors, that no king, either of that or the former age, was to be compared to Pyrrhus; and that there has seldom been seen, either among princes, or other illustrious men, a man of more upright life or of stricter justice; and that he had such knowledge of the military art, that though he fought against such great princes as Lysimachus, Demetrius, and Antigonus, he was never conquered. In his wars too with the Illyrians, Sicilians, Romans, and Carthaginians, he never came off inferior, but generally victorious; and he rendered his country, which was before but mean and obscure, renowned throughout the world by the fame of his exploits and the glory of his name.
BOOK XXVI.
The Peloponnesus given up to Antigonus; Aristotimus, tyrant of Elis, killed by Hellanicus, I.----Antigonus defeats the Gauls; Alexander, king of Epirus, drives him from Macedonia; Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, recovers it, and expels Alexander from Epirus, II. ----Alexander re-established on his throne; death of Magas, king of Cyrene; death of Demetrius, III.
I. AFTER the death of Pyrrhus, there were great warlike commotions, not only in Macedonia, but in Asia and Greece; for the Peloponnesians were betrayed into the power of Antigonus; and while partly concern, partly exultation, prevailed variously among the inhabitants, as any city had either expected aid from Pyrrhus or conceived apprehensions of him, they either entered into alliance with Antigonus, or, impelled by mutual animosity, plunged into hostilities with one another Amidst these tumults in the disturbed provinces, the sovereignty over the city of the Epeans 38 was usurped by an |203 eminent man named Aristotimus; and when many of the leading persons had been slain by him, and more driven into banishment, and the Aetolians sent ambassadors to ask him "to give up the wives and children of the exiles," he at first refused, but afterwards, as if relenting, he gave all the married women leave to go to their husbands, and fixed a day for their departure. They, as being about to spend their lives in banishment with their husbands, were going to carry all their most valuable property with them; but, when they assembled at one of the gates of the city, intending to go forth in a body, they were despoiled of all that they had, and confined in the public prison, the infants having been first killed in the arms of their mothers, and the young women carried off for violation. The people being all amazed at such cruel tyranny, Hellanicus, the chief of them, an old man and without children, and consequently having no fear either for life or offspring, assembled the most faithful of his friends in his house, and encouraged them to attempt the delivery of their country. But as they hesitated to remove a public evil at their own private risk, and demanded time for deliberation, Hellanicus, calling for his attendants, ordered the doors to be locked, and a message to be carried to the tyrant, requesting him "to send officers to seize a band of conspirators in Hellanicus's house;" and he told all of them, with reproaches, that "since he could not be the deliverer of his country, he would at least take revenge for the abandonment of its cause." Being thus placed between two perils, they chose the more honourable course, and conspired to kill the tyrant; and thus Aristotimus was cut off in the fifth month after he had usurped the government.
II. In the meantime Antigonus, being harassed with wars, of varied aspect, from the Spartans and King Ptolemy, and perceiving that a new enemy, an army from Gallograecia, was coming upon him, left a few troops as a semblance of a camp, to amuse his other assailants, and proceeded with all the rest of his force against the Gauls; who, becoming aware of his approach, as they were preparing for battle, sacrificed victims |204 to take presages for the event; and as, from the entrails, great slaughter and destruction of them all was portended, they were moved, not to fear, but to fury, and thinking that the anger of the gods might be appeased by the slaughter of their kindred, butchered their wives and children, commencing hostilities with the murder of their own people; for such rage had possessed their savage breasts, that they did not spare even that tender age which an enemy would have spared, but made deadly war on their own children and their children's mothers, in defence of whom wars are wont to be undertaken. As if, therefore, they had purchased life and victory by their barbarity, they rushed, stained as they were with the fresh blood of their relatives, into the field of battle, but with success no better than their auspices: for, as they were fighting, the furies, the avengers of murder, overwhelmed them sooner than the enemy, and the ghosts of the slain rising up before their eyes, they were all cut off with utter destruction. Such was the havoc among them, that the gods seemed to have conspired with men to annihilate an army of murderers.
In consequence of the result of this battle, Ptolemy and the Spartans, avoiding the victorious army of the enemy, retreated to safer ground; and Antigonus, when he heard of their departure, turned his arms against the Athenians, while the ardour of his men was yet fresh from their recent victory. But during the time that he was thus engaged, Alexander, king of Epirus, longing to avenge the death of his father Pyrrhus, laid waste the frontiers of Macedonia. Antigonus returned from Greece to give him battle, but being deserted by his men, who went over to the enemy, he lost both the throne of Macedonia and his army. His son Demetrius, however, though but a boy, collecting an army in the absence of his father, not only recovered Macedonia, which had been lost, but drove Alexander from the throne of Epirus, Such was the fickleness of the soldiers, or the mutability of fortune, that kings were seen one day in the character of sovereigns, and the next in that of exiles.
III. Alexander, after fleeing, on his expulsion, to the Acarnanians, was restored to his throne, with not less eagerness on the part of the Epirots than exertion on the part of his allies. About the same time died Magas,39 king of Cyrene, |205 who, before he fell sick, had betrothed his only daughter Berenice to his brother Ptolemy's son, in order to end all disputes with him. But after the death of the king, Arsinoë, the mother of the girl, resolving to break off a marriage which had been contracted against her will, sent for Demetrius, the brother of King Antigonus, from Macedonia, to marry the damsel, and occupy the throne of Cyrene. Nor did Demetrius delay to comply with her wishes. But having speedily arrived, by the aid of a favourable wind, at Cyrene, he began, from the very first, through presuming on his handsome person (with which he had already made too much impression on his mother-in-law40), to conduct himself haughtily and overbearingly both to the royal family and the army. He also transferred his desire to please from the daughter to the mother; a fact which was first suspected by the damsel, and at last drew odium upon him from the people and the army. The affections of all, therefore, being set on the son of Ptolemy, a conspiracy was formed against Demetrius, and assassins were sent to kill him, when he was gone to bed with his mother-in-law. Arsinoë, hearing the voice of her daughter, standing at the door, and desiring them "to spare her mother," covered her paramour a while with her own person. He was however slain, and Berenice, by his death, both took revenge for the licentiousness of her mother, without violation of her duty to her, and, in choosing a husband, followed the judgment of her father.
BOOK XXVII.
Seleucus II., king of Syria, puts to death Berenice, his mother-in-law; Ptolemy Euergetes invades Syria, but is recalled home, I.----Seleucus recovers himself, and makes war on Ptolemy unsuccessfully; he calls to his aid his brother Antiochus, surnamed Hierax, II.----Antiochus, defeated by Eumenes and Seleucus, takes to flight; deaths of Antiochus and Seleucus, III.
I. ON the death of Antiochus, king of Syria, his son Seleucus, succeeding in his stead, commenced his reign with murder in |206 his own family, his mother Laodice, who ought to have restrained him, encouraging him to it. He put to death his step-mother Berenice, the sister of Ptolemy, king of Egypt, together with his little brother, her son. By perpetrating this cruelty, he both incurred the stain of infamy, and involved himself in a war with Ptolemy. As for Berenice, when she heard that assassins were sent to despatch her, she shut herself up in Daphne; and it being reported throughout the cities of Asia, that she and her little son were besieged there, they all, commiserating her undeserved misfortunes from their recollection of the high character of her father and her ancestors, sent her assistance. Her brother Ptolemy, too, alarmed at the danger of his sister, left his kingdom, and hastened to her support with all his forces. But Berenice, before succour could arrive, was surprised by treachery, as she could not be taken by force, and killed. The deed was regarded by every one as an atrocity; and all the cities, in consequence, which had revolted (after having equipped a vast fleet), being suddenly alarmed at this instance of cruelty, and wishing to take revenge for her whom they had meant to defend, gave themselves up to Ptolemy, who, if he had not been recalled to Egypt by disturbances at home, would have made himself master of all Seleucus's dominions. Such hatred did an unnatural crime bring upon Seleucus; or so much good feeling did the death of a sister, dishonourably killed, excite in behalf of Ptolemy!
II. After the departure of Ptolemy, Seleucus, having prepared a great fleet against the cities that had revolted, lost it in a storm that suddenly arose, as if the gods themselves had taken vengeance on him for his murder; nor did fortune leave him anything, of all his mighty armament, except his body and life, and a few companions amid the wreck. It was indeed a lamentable occurrence, and yet such as Seleucus might have desired; for the cities, which from hatred to him had gone over to Ptolemy, being moved, by a sudden change in their feelings, to compassionate his loss at sea (as if, in the judgment of the gods, satisfaction had been made them), put themselves again under his government. Rejoiced at his misfortune, therefore, and enriched by his loss, he made war upon Ptolemy, as being now a match for him in strength; but as though he had been born only for a sport to fortune, |207 and had received the power of a king only to lose it, he was. defeated in a battle, and fled in trepidation to Antioch, not much better attended than after his shipwreck. From this place he despatched a letter to his brother Antiochus, in which he implored his aid, and offered him that part of Asia within Mount Taurus, as a recompense for his services. But Antiochus, though he was but fourteen years old, yet, being greedy of dominion beyond his years, caught at the opportunity, not with the kindly feeling with which it was offered, but, like a robber, desiring to take the whole kingdom from his brother, assumed, boy as he was, a manly and unprincipled audacity. Hence he was called Hierax,41 because, in taking away the possessions of others, he conducted himself, not like a man, but like a bird of prey.
Ptolemy Euergetes, in the meantime, learning that Antiochus was coming to the aid of Seleucus, and not wishing to have to contend with two enemies at once, made peace with Seleucus for ten years. But the peace that was granted Seleucus by his enemy, was broken by his own brother, who, having hired an army of Gauls, brought hostilities instead of succour, and showed himself, though he had been implored for aid, an enemy instead of a brother. In the battle that followed Antiochus was victor, indeed, through the prowess of the Gauls; but they, thinking that Seleucus had fallen on the field, began to turn their arms against Antiochus himself, in the: hope of ravaging Asia with greater freedom, if they destroyed the whole royal family. Antiochus, seeing their design, purchased peace from them, as from robbers, with a sum of money, and formed an alliance with his own mercenaries.
III. Meanwhile Eumenes, king of Bithynia, when the brothers were divided and exhausted by civil war, attacked both the victorious Antiochus and the Gauls, as if he intended to take possession of Asia while it was left without a master. Nor did he find any difficulty in overthrowing them, as they were weakened by their previous conflicts, and he himself was fresh and vigorous. At that period, indeed, every war was intended for the reduction of Asia; whoever was stronger than his neighbours was ready to seize on Asia for his prey. The brothers, Seleucus and Antiochus, went to war for the sovereignty of Asia; Ptolemy, king of Egypt, under pretext of |208 avenging his sister, was eager to secure Asia. On the one side Eumenes of Bithynia, on the other the Gauls (an army of mercenaries always ready to support the weaker), laid waste Asia, while no one, among so many robbers, was found to be its protector.
When Antiochus was overthrown, and Eumenes had possessed himself of the greater part of the country, the two brothers, though the prize for which they had fought was lost, could not even then come to an agreement, but, leaving their foreign enemies unmolested, continued the war for the destruction of each other. Antiochus, being again defeated, and exhausted with a flight of many days' continuance, arrived at last at the palace of Artamenes, his father-in-law, king of Cappadocia. Being kindly received by him at first, but learning, after some days, that treacherous designs were forming against him, he sought safety by again taking to flight. When he was thus a fugitive, and found nowhere a place of security, he betook himself to his enemy Ptolemy, whose faith he thought more to be trusted than that of his brother, whether he reflected on what he would have done to his brother, or what he had deserved from him. But Ptolemy, not more friendly to him when he came to surrender, than when he had been an open foe, ordered that he should be kept in the closest confinement. From hence however he escaped, eluding his keepers by the aid of a courtesan, with whom he had been familiar, and was slain in his flight by some robbers. Seleucus too, about the same time, lost his kingdom, and was killed by a fall from his horse. Thus these two brothers, as if brothers also in fate, both became exiles; and both, after losing their dominions, died a death merited by their crimes. |209
BOOK XXVIII.
Proceedings in Epirus; the Acarnanians request aid from the Romans against the Aetolians, I.----Reply of the Aetolians to the Roman ambassadors, II.----Extinction of the royal race in Epirus; death of Demetrius in Macedonia, and administration of Antigonus Doson, III.----War of Antigonus with Sparta; Cleomenes, king of Sparta, seeks refuge in Egypt, and is killed there; death of Antigonus, IV.
I. WHEN Olympias, daughter of Pyrrhus king of Epirus, had lost her husband Alexander, who was also her brother,42 she took upon herself the guardianship of her sons Pyrrhus and Ptolemy, whom she had by him, and the administration of the kingdom; and finding that the Aetolians wanted to take from her a part of Acarnania, which the father of the boys had received as a recompense for assisting them in war,43 she addressed herself to Demetrius king of Macedonia, and gave him her daughter Phthia in marriage (though he was already united to a sister of Antiochus king of Syria), that she might secure by right of relationship the assistance which she could not obtain from his compassion. A marriage was accordingly solemnized, by which Demetrius gained the love of a new wife, and the hatred of his former one; who, as if divorced, went off to her brother Antiochus, and excited him to make war upon her husband.
The Acarnanians also, fearing to trust for support to the Epirots, requested of the Romans assistance against the Italians, and prevailed on the senate to send ambassadors to order the Aetolians "to withdraw their garrisons from the cities of Acarnania, and allow those to be free, who alone, of all the people of Greece, had not contributed aid to the Greeks against the Trojans, the authors of the Roman race."
II. But the Aetolians listened to the embassy of the Bo-mans with haughtiness, upbraiding them with their fortune against the Carthaginians and Gauls, by whom they had been fearfully slaughtered in so many wars, and saying that "their gates, which the terror of the Punic war had closed,44 should |210 be opened to meet the Carthaginians, before their arms were brought into Greece." They then desired them to remember "who they were that threatened, and whom they threatened. That the Romans had not been able to defend their city against the Gauls; and, when it was taken, had recovered it,45 not by the sword, but with gold; but that when that people entered Greece, in considerably greater numbers, they themselves had utterly destroyed them, not only without the assistance of any foreign power, but without even calling into action the whole of their own force, and had made that a place for their graves which they had intended for the seat of their cities and empire; while Italy, on the other hand, when the Romans were still trembling at the recent burning of their city, was almost entirely occupied by the Gauls. That they should therefore have expelled the Gauls from Italy before they threatened the Aetolians, and have defended their own possessions before they sought those of others. And what sort of men were the Romans? mere shepherds, who occupied a territory wrested from its lawful owners by robbery; who, when they were unable to procure wives, from the baseness of their origin, seized them by open force; who, moreover, had founded their very city in fratricide, and sprinkled the foundation of their walls with the blood of their king's brother, But that the Aetolians had always been the chief people of Greece, and, as they surpassed others in dignity, excelled them also in bravery; that they were the only nation who had always despised the Macedonians, even when flourishing in possession of the empire of the world; who had felt no dread of king Philip, and who had spurned the edicts of Alexander the Great, after he had conquered the Persians and Indians, and when all trembled at his name. That they therefore advised the Romans to be content with their present fortune) and not provoke the arms by which they knew that the Gauls had been cut to pieces, and the Macedonians set at nought." |211 They thus dismissed the Roman embassy, and, that they might not seem to speak more boldly than they acted, laid waste the borders of Epirus and Acarnania.
III. Olympias 46 had now given up her dominions to her sons, and Ptolemy had succeeded in the room of his deceased brother Pyrrhus. Ptolemy, as he was marching to meet the enemy with his army in array, was seized with a fit of sickness, and died on his route. Olympias too, afflicted with her double bereavement in the death of her sons, and dragging on a suffering existence, did not long survive her offspring. The young princess Nereis, and her sister Laodamia, being then the only survivors of the royal family, Nereis married Gelo, the son of the king of Sicily;47 and Laodamia, fleeing for refuge to the altar of Diana, was killed in a tumult48 of the populace; a crime which the immortal gods punished by a series of disasters, and almost the total destruction of the people; for after suffering from barrenness and famine, and being harassed by civil discord, they were at length nearly cut off by foreign wars; and Milo, the assassin of Laodamia, becoming mad, and lacerating his flesh,49 sometimes with the sword, sometimes with stones, and at last with his teeth, died the twelfth day afterwards.
While these things were occurring in Epirus, king Demetrius in Macedonia died, leaving a son named Philip, quite a child; and Antigonus, being appointed his guardian, and marrying his mother, did his utmost 50 to get himself made king. But some time after, being besieged in the palace by an alarming insurrection of the Macedonians, he walked forth publicly unattended by his guards, and throwing his diadem and purple robe among the mob, bade them "give those to somebody else, who either knew not how to rule them,51 or |212 whom they knew how to obey; for that he had found regal authority enviable,52 not for its pleasures, but for its toils and dangers." He then mentioned his own services; "how he had punished the defection of their allies; how he had put down the Dardanians and Thessalians, when they were in exultation at the death of king Demetrius; how he had not only maintained the honour of the Macedonians, but added to it. Yet, if they were displeased at such services, he was ready to resign the government, and to return what they had conferred upon him; and they themselves might look out for a prince whom they could govern." The people, overcome with shame, bade him resume the regal authority; but he refused to do so till the leaders of the insurrection were delivered up to punishment.
IV. After this occurrence he made war upon the Spartans, who were the only people that, during the wars of Philip and Alexander, had set at nought the power of the Macedonians, and those arms which were dreaded by every other nation. Between these two most remarkable peoples war was prosecuted with the greatest vigour on both sides, the one fighting to support the old glory of the Macedonians, and the other, not only to secure their hitherto unviolated liberty, but even their lives. The Lacedaemonians being worsted, not only the men, but their wives and children, endured their adverse fortune with magnanimity. As no man had shrunk from exposing his life in the field, so no woman wept for her lost husband; the old men extolled the honourable deaths of their sons, and the sons rejoiced over their fathers that were slain in battle; and all who survived lamented their lot, in not having died for the liberty of their country. All received the wounded with open doors, dressed their wounds, and recruited them in their exhaustion. In this condition of affairs, there was no noise or hurry in the city, and every one lamented the public suffering more than his own private troubles. In the course of these proceedings, king Cleomenes returned, with his whole body wet, after the great slaughter that he had made among the enemy, with his own blood and that of his adversaries, and, entering the city, did not rest himself on |213 the ground, or call for meat or drink, or even relieve himself from the weight of his armour, but leaning against a wall, and finding that only four thousand men survived the battle, exhorted them "to reserve themselves for the better times that would come to their country." He then set out with his wife and children to Egypt to Ptolemy, by whom he was honourably received, and lived a long time in the highest esteem with that monarch. After the decease of Ptolemy, he was put to death, with all his family, by Ptolemy's son.
Antigonus, when the Spartans were thus reduced, pitying the distress of so famous a city, prohibited his soldiers from plundering it, and granted pardon to all who survived, observing that "he had engaged in war, not with the Spartans, but with Cleomenes, with whose flight all his resentment was terminated; nor would it be less glory to him, if Sparta should be recorded to have been saved by him by whom alone it had been taken; and that he accordingly spared the ground and buildings of the city, scarcely any inhabitants being left for him to spare." Not long afterwards Antigonus died, and left the throne to his ward Philip, who was then fourteen years old.
BOOK XXIX.
Changes in the kingdoms of Syria, Cappadocia, Egypt; Lycurgus at Sparta; Hannibal at Carthage; conduct of Philip, who attacks the Aetolians, I.----Philip, persuaded by Demetrius, king of Illyria, resolves to go to war with the Romans, and makes peace with the Aetolians, II.----His professed motives, III.----He commences hostilities, and is ignominiously compelled to make peace, IV.
I. ABOUT this time almost all the kingdoms of the world underwent alterations, in consequence of a succession of new princes. In Macedonia, Philip, on the death of Antigonus his guardian, who was also his father-in-law, assumed the government at the age of fourteen. In Asia, after Seleucus was killed,53 Antiochus, though still in his minority, was made king. In Cappadocia, the father of Ariarathes, yet a boy, had resigned the sovereignty to him. Of Egypt Ptolemy had made himself master, after putting to death his father and |214 mother; from which crime he had afterwards the surname of Philopator.54 As for the Spartans, they had elected Lycurgus in the room of Cleomenes. And that no changes might be wanting at that period, Hannibal, at a very early age, was appointed general of the Carthaginians, not for want of older men, but because of his hatred to the Romans, with which they knew that he had been imbued from his boyhood; the mischief that he did, however, was not so pernicious to the Romans as to Africa itself. In these youthful rulers, although they had no directors of maturer years, yet, as each was anxious to tread in the steps of his predecessors, great talent and ability appeared. Ptolemy was the only exception, who reckless as he had been in the attainment of power, was equally remiss in the administration of it. As to Philip, the Dardanians, and all the neighbouring people, who cherished. as it were, an immortal hatred to the kings of the Macedonians, were perpetually molesting him in contempt of his youth. He, on the other hand, after repulsing his enemies, was not content with having defended his own dominions, but manifested the greatest eagerness to make war upon the Aetolians.
II. While he was meditating this enterprise, Demetrius king of the Illyrians, who had lately been conquered by Aemilius Paulus, the Roman consul, applied to him with earnest entreaties for aid, and complaints of the injustice of the Romans, "who," he said, "not content within the limits of Italy, but grasping, with presumptuous hopes, at the empire of the whole world, made war upon all kings. Thus, aspiring to the dominion of Sicily, Sardinia, and Spain, and finally to that of all Africa, they had engaged in a war with the Carthaginians and Hannibal; and that hostilities had been directed against himself too, for no other reason than that he appeared to lie near Italy, as if it were unlawful for any king to be on the borders of their empire. And that Philip also himself must take warning by his case, since the nearer 55 and more valuable his kingdom, the more determined enemies would he find the Romans to be." In addition, he said, that "he would give up his kingdom, which the Romans had seized, to Philip himself |215 as he should be better pleased to see his ally, rather than his enemies, in possession of his dominions." With such representations as these, he prevailed upon Philip to lay aside his designs on the Aetolians, and to make war upon the Romans; Philip supposing that there would be the less difficulty in the undertaking, as he had heard that they had already been beaten by Hannibal at the lake Trasimenus. Not to be distracted, therefore, with more than one war at the same time, he concluded a peace with the Aetolians, not as if intending to carry war elsewhere, but as if he wished to promote the tranquillity of Greece, "which," he asserted, "had never been in greater danger, as the new empires of the Carthaginians and Romans were rising in the west, who forbore from attacking Greece and Asia only till they should decide their dispute for the sovereignty by the sword, when the superior power of the two would immediately invade the east.
III. "He contemplated therefore," he said, "that cloud of cruel and sanguinary war which was rising in Italy; he contemplated the storm roaring and thundering from the west, which, to whatever parts of the world the tempest of victory might carry it, would pollute everything with a vast shower of blood. That Greece had frequently felt great disturbances at one time from the wars of the Persians, at another from those of the Gauls, at another from those of the Macedonians, but that they would think all those to have been but trifling, if the force, which was now collecting in Italy, should once pour itself forth from that country. He saw what cruel and bloody conflicts those two powers were maintaining with each other, with all the strength of their forces, and all the abilities of their generals; and that such fury could not end with the destruction of one party only, without ruin to the neighbouring people. That the cruel resolutions of the conquerors, it was true, were less to be dreaded by Macedonia than by Greece; for Macedonia was both more remote, and better able to defend itself; but he knew that those who contended with such spirit would not be content with Greece as a limit to their conquests, and that he himself should have to fear a conflict with the party that should get the advantage." Concluding, on this pretext, the war with the Aetolians, and thinking of nothing else but the contest of the Carthaginians and Romans, he carefully weighed |216 the strength of each. But neither did the Romans, with the Carthaginians 56 and Hannibal on their necks, appear free from apprehension of Macedonia; indeed, both the ancient valour of the Macedonians, their glory in having conquered the east, and the character of Philip, who was fired with the ambition of rivalling Alexander, and whom they knew to be active and eager for the field, gave them sufficient cause for alarm.
IV. Philip, as soon as he heard that the Romans had been defeated by the Carthaginians in a second battle, openly declared himself their enemy, and began to build ships for transporting an army into Italy. He then sent a deputy to Hannibal with a letter, with the view of forming an alliance with him. This deputy was taken prisoner, and brought before the senate, but released unharmed; not from respect to the king, but that one who appeared still undetermined might not be rendered a decided enemy. But afterwards, when news was brought to the Romans that Philip was preparing to transport troops into Italy, they despatched the praetor Laevinus, with a well appointed fleet, to hinder him from crossing.
Laevinus, sailing over to Greece, prevailed on the Aetolians, by making them numerous promises, to take up arms against Philip, who, on his side, solicited the Achaeans to go to war with the Romans. Meanwhile the Dardanians began to ravage the country of Macedonia, and, carrying off twenty thousand prisoners, recalled Philip from his war with the Romans to defend his own territories. At the same time the praetor Laevinus, having made an alliance with king Attalus, proceeded to lay waste Greece; of which the several states, dismayed at such calamities, importuned Philip with embassies for succour; while the princes of the Illyrians, sticking close to his side, demanded, with constant solicitations, the performance of his promises to them. In addition, the plundered Macedonians called on him for vengeance. Beset by such and so many difficulties, he was in doubt to what he should first turn his attention; but he promised them all to send them assistance shortly; not that he was able to do what he promised, but in order to keep them, by feeding them with hopes, in the bond of alliance |217 with him. His first expedition, however, was against the Dardanians, who, watching for his absence, were ready to fall on Macedonia with a still heavier force. He made peace, too, with the Romans, who were well content to put off war with Macedonia for a time. He laid a plot, moreover, for the life of Philopoemen, strategus of the Achaeans, who, he understood, was soliciting some of his allies to join the Romans; but Philopoemen, having discovered and escaped the plot, induced the Achaeans, by the influence which he had with them, to abandon Philip's cause.
BOOK XXX.
War between Antiochus III. and Ptolemy Philopator; treaty of peace; licentiousness of Ptolemy, I.----His bad government; at his death his son is placed under the guardianship of the Romans, II.----Rupture between Philip and the Romans, III.----Philip is defeated by Flamininus, and makes peace on humiliating terms; the Aetolians stimulate Antiochus to make war on the Romans, IV.
I. WHILE Philip was intent on great exploits in Macedonia, the conduct of Ptolemy in Egypt was of an opposite character; for having got the throne by parricide, and added the murder of his brother to that of both his parents, he resigned himself, as if all had gone happily with him, to the attractions of luxury; and the whole court had followed the manners of their king. Not only his personal friends, and chief officers, but the whole of the army had laid aside military exercises, and grown corrupt and enervated in idleness.
Antiochus, king of Syria, when he heard of this state of things, and while the old animosity between the two kingdoms incited him, captured many cities belonging to Ptolemy by a sudden attack, and carried his arms into Egypt itself. Ptolemy was accordingly in consternation, and endeavoured to retard Antiochus, by sending embassies, until he could get troops in readiness. Having then hired a large army in Greece, he fought a battle with good success, and would have driven Antiochus from his throne, if he had supported his fortune with suitable spirit. But, content with recovering the cities that he had lost, and making peace, he eagerly seized the opportunity of sinking again into sloth, and, returning to |218 his former licentious habits, he put to death his wife Eurydice, who was also his sister, and gave himself up to the caresses of a mistress named Agathoclia; and thus, forgetful of all the greatness of his name and dignity, he passed his nights in wantonness, and his days in the pleasures of the table. As ministrations to his luxury, timbrels and tabors 57 were introduced; and the king, no longer a mere spectator, but a leader of the revels, produced music from stringed instruments himself. Such were at first the secret and latent pests of a tottering court.
II. Licentiousness subsequently increasing, the audacity of his mistress could no longer be confined within the walls of the palace; for the daily debaucheries of the king, which he shared with her brother Agathocles, a corrupt youth of captivating beauty, rendered her still more shameless. To all, this was added, too, the influence of their mother Oenanthe, who, by the charms of her two children, kept the monarch quite enthralled. Not content with enslaving the king, they made themselves rulers of the kingdom; they showed themselves in public places, received salutations, and were followed by a train of attendants. Agathocles, attaching himself closely to the king's side, assumed the administration of the state; women disposed of offices, governments, and commissions; nor had any one less power in the kingdom than the king himself. In the midst of this state of things the king died, leaving a son, five years old, by his sister Eurydice; but his death, while the women were seizing on the royal treasures, and endeavouring, by forming a confederacy with some desperate characters, to get the government into their own hands, was for a long time kept, secret. But the truth becoming known, Agathocles was killed by a rising of the people, and the women nailed on crosses to avenge the death of Eurydice.
After the king's decease, and when the infamy of the kingdom was expiated, as it were, by the punishment of the courtezans, the people of Alexandria sent ambassadors to the Romans, requesting them " to take on themselves the guardianship of the orphan, and to defend the kingdom of Egypt, |219 which, they said, Philip and Antiochus had already portioned out between them by a treaty made for the purpose."
III. This embassy was acceptable to the Romans, who were seeking a pretence for making war upon Philip, for having formed designs against them in the time of the Punic war. To this feeling was added the circumstance, that, since the Carthaginians and Hannibal were conquered, there was no one of whose arms they had a greater dread, considering what a commotion Pyrrhus, with but a small force, had excited in Italy, and what exploits the Macedonians had achieved in the east. Ambassadors were accordingly despatched to warn Philip and Antiochus "to make no attempt upon Egypt." Marcus Lepidus was also sent into Egypt, to govern the orphan's kingdom in the character of guardian. During the course of these proceedings, embassies from king Attalus, and from the Rhodians, arrived at Rome, to complain of injuries that they had suffered from Philip. These representations removed from the minds of the senate all hesitation about going to war with Macedonia; and forthwith, under pretence of taking the part of their allies, war was declared against Philip, and some legions, with one of the consuls, were sent off to Macedonia. Not long after, too, the whole of Greece, stimulated by confidence in the Romans, and the hope of recovering their ancient liberty, to rise against Philip, made war upon him; and thus, being assailed on every side, he was compelled to beg for peace. But when the terms of it were set forth by the Romans, both Attalus and the Rhodians, as well as the Achaeans and Aetolians, began to demand that the places belonging to them should be restored. Philip, on the other hand, allowed that "he might be induced to submit to the Romans, but that it was intolerable that the Greeks, who had been subdued by his ancestors Philip and Alexander, and brought under the yoke of the Macedonian empire, should dictate articles of peace to him, as if they were conquerors; and that they ought to give an account of their conduct in their state of slavery, before they sought to recover their liberty." At last, on his request, a truce was allowed for two months, that the peace, on which they could not come to terms in Macedonia, might be obtained from the senate at Rome.
IV. In the same year 58 a concussion of the earth happened |220 between the islands Thera 59 and Therasia, in the midst of the sea at an equal distance from either shore, where, to the astonishment of those that were sailing past, an island rose suddenly from the deep, the water being at the same time hot. In Asia too, on the same day, the same earthquake shattered Rhodes,60 and many other cities, with a terrible ruin; some it swallowed up entire. As all men were alarmed at this prodigy, the soothsayers predicted that "the rising power of the Romans would swallow up the ancient empire of the Greeks and Macedonians."
In the meantime, Philip, as his terms of peace were rejected by the senate, prevailed on the tyrant Nabis 61 to join him in prosecuting the war. Having then led out his army into the field, he began to encourage his men, while the enemy stood in array on the opposite side, by saying that "the Persians, Bactrians, and Indians, and all Asia to the utmost boundaries of the east, had been subdued by the Macedonians; and that this war was more bravely to be maintained than those which had preceded it, in proportion as liberty was more precious than empire." Flamininus, too, the Roman consul, animated his men to battle by representing what had lately been achieved by the Romans, observing that "Carthage and Sicily on one side, and Italy and Spain on the other, had been thoroughly reduced by Roman valour; and that Hannibal, |221 by whose expulsion from Italy they had become masters of Africa, a third part of the world, was not to be thought inferior to Alexander the Great. Nor were the Macedonians to be estimated by their ancient reputation, but by their present power; for that the Romans were not waging war with Alexander the Great, whom they had heard called invincible, or with his army, which had conquered all the east, but with Philip, a youth of immature years,62 who could scarcely defend the frontiers of his dominions against his neighbours, and with those Macedonians who were not long ago a prey to the Dardanians. That they might recount the achievements of their forefathers, but that he could relate those of his own soldiers; since Hannibal and the Carthaginians, and almost all the west, had not been conquered by any other army, but by those very troops which he had with him in the field." The soldiers on both sides, roused by these exhortations, rushed to the encounter, the one army exulting in their conquest of the east, the other in that of the west; the one carrying to the battle the ancient and fading glory of their ancestors, the other the flower of valour fresh from recent exertions. But the fortune of Rome was superior to that of the Macedonians; and Philip, exhausted by his efforts in war, and suing for peace from Flamininus, the consul, was allowed to retain indeed the name of king; but, being deprived of all the cities of Greece, as being parts of his dominion beyond the bounds of its ancient territory, he preserved only Macedonia. The Aetolians, however, were displeased, because Macedonia was not taken from the king at their suggestion, and given to themselves as a reward for their service in the war, and sent ambassadors to Antiochus, to induce him, by flattering his greatness, to engage in a war with the Romans, in the hope of securing the alliance of all Greece.
[Footnotes moved to end and numbered]
1. * Avunculos fratrum suorum.] Among these was Dion, who was not the uncle of Dionysius himself, but of his brothers; for Dionysius the elder had Hipparinus and Nysaeus by Aristomache, the sister of Dion, and Dionysius by another wife named Doris. See Corn. Nep. Vit. Dion. c. i.; Diod. Sic. xvi. 6; Plutarch. Dion. c. 3. Dion had wished to ask Dionysius the elder, when he was on his death-bed, to bequeath his sister's sons a share of the kingdom. Corn. Nep. Dion. c. 2.----Wetzel.
2. * Orbamque rempublicam----invadent.] Orbam, destitute of defenders or supporters.
3. * Omnia ita facere.] Wetzel injudiciously reads ista.
4. + He never thought that he made himself sufficiently contemptible, because he never thought himself sufficiently safe.----Scheffer.
5. ++ Simulatio vitiorum.] Referring to his general conduct, not to his assumption of the character of a schoolmaster.
6. * All that took place in Sicily from the year B.C. 342 to B.C. 316, is omitted by Justin. During that period Timoleon, whom Justin does not even name, expelled the Carthaginians from Sicily, and gave liberty to the whole island. See Plutarch, Cornelius Nepos, and Diodorus Siculus, lib. xvi.
7. * Adversus Aetnaeos.] Aetna was a town at the foot of Mount Aetna, not far from Catana.
8. * The text of Wetzel, with, the older editions, has expositis ignibus cereis tactisque, "ignes cerei" being interpreted "lighted waxen tapers." But it may be doubted whether those two words will fairly bear that sense. Many other editions have ignibus Cereris, a conjecture of Sebisius, which Berneccerus, Scheffer, and Faber approve, because Ceres was worshipped in Sicily, and because Juvenal, Sat. xiv., has Vendet perjuria summâ Exiguâ, Cereris tangens aramque pedemque. I am better pleased with a conjecture of Peyraredus, expositis ignibus sacris, tactisque, and have translated the passage accordingly. Nic. Heinsius would read Tunc Hamilcari aris rex positis insigni ceremonia, tactisque, &c.; Graevius, Tunc Hamilcari aris positis, et ignibus Cereiis, tactisque, &c., on the supposition that aris might have been absorbed. as it were, by the preceding Hamilcari.
9. * Namely, by sending out Hamilcar.
10. + Sententias inauditas.] Justin means the secret votes, of which he had just spoken, and which were sealed up in an urn.---- Vorstius.
11. * In the third year of the 117th olympiad, B.C. 309, on the 15th of August, at two in the afternoon, according to the calculations of astronomers.---- Wetzel.
12. * Bomilcar, rex Poenorum.] He was one of the suffetes. See the first note on xix. 1.
13. + See xxi. 4.
14. ++ Concerning his banishment nothing has been said before ---- Wetzel.
15. § See the nd and rd chapters of this book.
16. * See xx. 1.
17. + Sine veste.] J. G. Graevius thinks it possible that we ought to read unâ veste, in conformity with what Justin, iii. 3, says of the Spartans: Juvenibus non amplius unâ veste uti toto anno permisit. Or sine veste may, as Scheffer suggests, be taken for without any outer garment, as he was called nudus among the Romans who was clad only with the tunica.
18. * See xii. 1, 2; xviii. 1, 2.
19. + Occasioned by poison prepared for him and his son Agathocles by Maenon, who wished to secure for Archagathus (son of that Archagathus who was killed in Africa, xxii. 8) the succession to his grandfather's throne. See Diod. Sic. xxi. fragm. 19.---- Wetzel.
20. * Lest his grandson should put them to death.
21. * See xviii. 2.
22. * He had made himself king of Macedonia after the death of Lysimachus, xvii. 2; and hence Antiochus and Antigonus Gonnatas became his enemies, ib.
23. + A large number to be killed by five hundred. But the editions do not vary.
24. * The widow of Lysimachus; see xvii. 2, and. c. 3 of this book.
25. * Most other editions have Ptolemaeus.
26. + Sc. To deserve such punishment.
27. ++ Velut ver sacrum.] To vow a sacred spring was customary among the Italians; for when in great peril they used to vow that they would sacrifice whatever animals should be born in their country in the following spring. But as it seemed cruel to sacrifice children, they allowed them to grow up, and then threw a veil over them, and conducted them beyond the boundaries of the country. Festus, sub "ver sacrum;" see also sub "Mamertius." This custom was not confined to the Italians, but prevailed, says Dionys. Halicar. i. 5, "among many people, Greek and barbarian." It seems to have been not uncommon among the Romans; Liv. xxii. 9; xxxiv. 44. See also Plin. H. N. iii. 13. Ver sacrum,, it should be observed, is an emendation of Pithoeus (Adversar. i. 6) for peregrinatum, concerning the justice of which no editor has doubted, though Wetzel has thought proper to retain peregrinatum in his text.
28. * Immaturi juvenis.] Although Ptolemy was rash, he could not be called immaturus, for he was the eldest son of Ptolemy Lagides, who died at a great age, B.C. 283. Diod. Siculus, however, xii fragm 8. agrees in opinion with Justin respecting this king.---- Wetzel.
29. * Concerning the temple of Apollo at Delphi, see Pausan. x. 6; Diod. Sic. xvi. 26, the former of whom places this expedition of the Gauls into Greece in Olymp. 125, 2, or B.c. 278. See also the "Travels of Anacharsis," vol. iii.---- Wetzel.
30. + Ad affirmationem majestatis is in the text of Wetzel, but he observes that admiratione, the reading of Aldus, and ad admirationem, that of the Juntae, are "not less good." I have adopted the latter, which is sanctioned by Voratius and Scheffer.
31. * Universorum templorum.] Those of Apollo, Diana, and Minerva, as appears from what follows.
32. * Alter ex ducibus.] That is, the other of the two generals; we are not told his name.
33. + Punitis belli auctoribus.] Those who had persuaded and impelled the Gauls to this attack on Delphi. ---- Wetzel.
34. ++ This is contradicted by Justin himself, xxxii 6. ---- Dubner,
35. * De ipso.] He signified that if Antigonus did not send him succour he should be obliged to return home, and that he would then make war on Antigonus, with a view to that enlargement of his dominions which he had wished to make at the cost of the Romans.----Lemaire.
36. * Cherroneson.] The old reading was Cherroneso, which was considered as a dative, and is still retained in some modern editions. J. F. Gronovius altered it to Cherroneson, the preposition in being understood.
37. + The chief town of the island of Corcyra. See Pausanias in Att. c. ii. 6, where the attack on this island is mentioned.
38. * Epiorum urbs.] Called by the Greeks Epeioi, from Epeus, a king of Elis, contemporary with Pelops, Hom. Odyss. xiii. 275; xv. 297; so that the Epeans, in this passage, are only the Eleans under their old name.---- Wetzel. Bongarsius and Gronovius would read Eliorum, referring to Pausanias, Eliac. and Plutarch, de Virt. Mul. c. 24.
39. * Wetzel has Agas in his text, but says in his note that "we should rather read Magas, as the name is written by Polyaenus, Athenaeus, and Pausanias, i. 6, 8." Magas is also approved by Vossius, Vorstius, Faber, and almost all the other commentators.
40. * Arsinoë.
41. * 9Ie/rac, a hawk or falcon.
42. * Compare xviii. 1; xxvi. 2. His death is not mentioned before.
43. + In portionem belli.] He had become an ally to the Aetolians when they were carrying on some war.---- Wetzel.
44. ++ Quas clauserit metus Punici belli.] The author seems to have been thinking of the second Punic war, which Hannibal commenced, A.U.C. 534, and ended in 551. If so, he inadvertently makes the Acarnanians, before A.U.C. 522, speak of matters which did not take place till more than twelve years afterwards.---- Wetzel.
45. * The text, in all the editions, stands thus: Captamque non ferro defendisse, sed auro redemisse. As captam urbem defendere is nonsense, I have, in accordance with the judgment of Scheffer, omitted the word defendisse in the translation.
46. * See note at the commencement of this book.
47. + Hiero, who reigned from B.C. 263 to 214. Gelo died three years before his father. Liv. xxiii. 30.---- Wetzel.
48. ++ The cause of this disturbance does not appear.
49. § Visceribus.] "Viscera" signifies all that is under the skin. "Viscera sunt quicquid inter ossa et cutem est." Servius ad Virg. Aen., vii. 253; Lucret. i. 836.
50. || Laborabat.] And succeeded.
51. ¶ Qui aut imperare illis nesciat.] That is, whom they might rule (as he says at the end of his speech), if the reading be correct. But some of the old editions have sciat, which Vorstius adopted. Scheffer would read qui aut imperare illis, aut cui parere ipsi sciant "sciat" being understood after "imperare."
52. * That is if it were to be envied at all.
53. * Interfecto Seleuco.] See the end of book xxviii. This was Seleucus II, named Callinicus.
54. * Father-loving, ironically.
55. + Wetzel has promptius in his text, with most other editors, but in his note, prefers propius, which appears in some editions.
56. * All the editions have Sed nec Romani, tametsi Poeni et Hannibal in cervicibus erant, &c. But tametsi, as Wetzel notices, has no place here. Six of the old editions, he adds, have quibus instead of it.
57. * Tympana et crepundia.] It is impossible to ascertain exactly what musical instruments are meant by crepundia. Lemaire supposes them to be something like the Egyptian sistra, used in the ceremonies of Isis.
58. * No; for it was several years before that this commotion of the earth took place, namely, in the first year of the 139th Olympiad, as is apparent from Polybius, v. 88, and the Chronicon of Eusebius. But Pliny, H. N. ii. 87, says that Automata or Hiera, the island here signified, arose between Thera and Therasia in the second year of the 156th Olympiad; how this can be correct, I do not understand.----Is. Vossius. Vossius, however, is not quite right in his computation. Pliny says that Thera and Therasia sprung from the sea in the fourth year of the 135th Olympiad, and that Automata or Hiera arose one hundred and thirty years afterwards; this would be in the third year of the 167th Olympiad. Concerning the rise of this island from the deep, see Strabo, i. 3; Sen. Nat. Quaest. vi. 21; ii. 26; it is also noticed by Livy, xxxix. 56, and Amm. Marcell. xvii. 6. Other islands have since risen in these parts. See Virlet, Bull. de la Soc. Geol. de France, tom. iii.
59. * The largest of the Sporades in the Aegean Sea, now called Santorin. Therasia lies near it. Hiera is not exactly between the two islands, as Justin represents.
60. + Diodorus, xviii. 8, assigns this island to Europe. The epitome of the 78th book of Livy, however, gives it to Asia.----Berneccerus.
61. ++ Tyrant of Sparta. He began to reign B.C. 206.
62. * Puero immaturae aetatis.] Why does he call him puero, a youth, when, in the year B.C. 220, in which he succeeded Antigonus, he had completed his fourteenth year? See xxviii. 4. In this year, therefore, B.C. 198, he was in his thirty-sixth year.---- Wetzel. So that Philip had now attained a greater age than Alexander the Great lived to attain. Scheffer would strike out puero, asking whether there are also pueri maturae aetatis?
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Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886). pp. 222-271. Books 31-40
Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886). pp. 222-271. Books 31-40
BOOK XXXI.
Commencement of the war between Antiochus and the Romans; Flamininus is commissioned to act against Nabis, I.----Hannibal flees from Carthage, and takes refuge with Antiochus, II.----Nabis is conquered; conduct of the Achaean league; Hannibal's advice to Antiochus, III.----Antiochus incites the Carthaginians to go to war with the Romans; the Romans make Antiochus suspicious of Hannibal, IV.----Hannibal's further counsel to Antiochus, V.----Antiochus defeated, VI.----He rejects the conditions of peace offered him by the Romans, VII.----Is defeated again, and accepts them, VIII.
I. PTOLEMY PHILOPATOR, king of Egypt, being dead, and the youthful age of his son (who, left with the prospect of wielding the sceptre, was a prey even to his own domestics), being held in contempt, Antiochus, king of Syria, resolved to get possession of Egypt. As he attacked Phoenice, accordingly, and several cities, which, though situate in Syria, belonged of right to Egypt,1 the senate despatched ambassadors to him, to warn him "not to molest the dominions of an orphan, who had been recommended to their protection by the last prayers of his dying father." This embassy being disregarded, another arrived some time after, which, saying nothing on behalf of the orphan, ordered that "the cities, which had fallen to the Roman people by the right of war, should be restored to their former condition." On his refusal to comply with this mandate, war was declared against him, which he, after lightly undertaking it, prosecuted with ill success.
At the same time, the tyrant Nabis had taken possession of several cities 2 of Greece. The senate, in consequence, that the Roman forces might not be distracted by two wars at once, sent orders to Flamininus, that "he should, if he thought it expedient, deliver Greece from Nabis, as he had delivered Macedonia from Philip." 3 To this end, his term of command was prolonged. The name of Hannibal, indeed, rendered a war with Antiochus an object of dread; for Hannibal's enemies, by secret communications to the Romans, accused hint |223 of having entered into a league with Antiochus, saying that "he, who was accustomed to command, and to extravagant military licentiousness, was unable to live patiently under the control of laws; and that, from disgust at the quiet of the city, he was always looking about for occasions for war." These charges, though false, passed for true with such as were timid.
II. At length the senate, struck with alarm, sent Cnaeus Servilius, in the character of ambassador, into Africa, to watch, the proceedings of Hannibal, giving him secret instructions ''to compass his death, if he could, by the agency of his enemies, and deliver the Roman people from the terror of his hated name." But this circumstance did not long escape the knowledge of Hannibal, a man sagacious in foreseeing and guarding against dangers, and not less thoughtful of adversity, in prosperity than of prosperity in adversity. Having shown himself in public, therefore, during the whole day in the forum of Carthage, before the face of the chief personages and the Roman ambassador, he mounted his horse, on the approach of evening, and galloped off to a farm which he had in the suburbs, near the sea-coast, his attendants, who knew nothing of his intentions, being directed to wait for his return at the gate of the city. He had vessels, with rowers, concealed in an unfrequented inlet on the coast; and he had also a large sum of ready money at his farm, so that, when occasion should require, neither difficulty 4 nor want of resources might retard his escape. Selecting the most vigorous of his slaves, therefore, the number of whom a body of Italian prisoners augmented, he went on board a ship, and directed his course towards the dominions of Antiochus. The next day the city looked for their chief, who was then consul, 5 in the forum; and when intelligence was brought that he was, gone, they were all in as much trepidation as if the city had been taken, and foreboded that his flight would prove fatal to them; while the Roman ambassador, as if war was already |224 commenced on Italy by Hannibal, returned privately to Rome, carrying the alarming news with him.
III. In Greece, meanwhile, Flamininus, having formed an alliance with several cities, defeated Nabis the tyrant in two successive battles, and left him sadly humbled, with his resources apparently exhausted, in his own dominions. But after liberty was restored to Greece, the garrisons withdrawn from the cities, and the Romans returned to Italy, Nabis, as if tempted afresh by the deserted state of the country, possessed himself of several cities by sudden attacks; when the Achaeans, alarmed at his proceedings, and fearing that the evils in their neighbourhood might reach themselves, determined upon war against him, and appointed to the command in it their strategus Philopoemen, a man of extraordinary energy, and whose merit was so eminent in the contest, that he was thought equal, in public opinion, to the Roman general Flamininus.
Hannibal, arriving about the same time at the court of Antiochus, was received by him as a gift from the gods; and such ardour, in consequence of his coming, was added to the courage of the king, that he thought less of the mode of conducting the war, than of the prizes of victory. But Hannibal, to whom the spirit of Rome was well known, said that the Romans could not be subdued any where but in Italy. To accomplish their overthrow, he asked for himself a hundred ships, ten thousand foot, and a thousand cavalry, promising that "with this force he would revive in Italy no less a war than he had formerly carried on there, and would secure to the king, remaining quiet in Asia, either a triumph over the Romans, or equitable conditions of peace. To the Spaniards," he added, "who were burning with ardour for war, nothing was wanting but a leader; that Italy was better known to him now than in past times; and that Carthage would not rest in peace, but join him as an ally without delay."
IV. As this counsel pleased the king, one of the attendants of Hannibal was despatched to Carthage, to encourage the Carthaginians, already forward enough of themselves, to take up arms, acquainting them that "Hannibal would support them with an army," and saying that "nothing was wanting, on the side of the Carthaginians, but resolution, as Asia would supply both troops and money for the enterprise." When |225 this announcement arrived at Carthage, the messenger was seized by Hannibal's enemies, and being asked, when he was brought before the senate, "to whom he was sent," he replied, with Punic subtlety, that "he was sent to the whole senate, as this was not the concern of a few individuals only, but of the entire people." As they spent several days in deliberating, whether they should send him to Rome to clear them from guilt as a nation, he, in the meanwhile, went secretly on board his vessel, and returned to Hannibal. As soon as this was discovered, the Carthaginians sent intelligence of the matter to Rome by an ambassador. The Romans also sent ambassadors to Antiochus, who, under colour of delivering a message, were to watch the preparations of the king, and either to soften Hannibal's feelings towards the Romans, or, by frequent association with him, to render him suspected and unpopular with Antiochus. The ambassadors, accordingly, meeting with Antiochus at Ephesus, made their communication from the senate, and, while they waited for an answer, were every day constantly visiting Hannibal, and observing that, "he had withdrawn from his country under needless apprehension, as the Romans would with the greatest honour observe a peace which was made not so much with his government as with himself; and that they knew he had made war upon the Romans, less from hatred to them, than from love to his country (to which every honourable man owed life itself), since the reasons for going to war were public ones between the nations, and not private ones between the generals." They then extolled his exploits; and he, pleased with their conversation, talked frequently and readily with them, not being aware that by his familiarity with the Romans, he was incurring the dislike of the king; for Antiochus, supposing that by such frequent intercourse a good understanding had been effected between him and the Romans, communicated nothing to him as he had been used to do, and began to detest him, when he had excluded him from his councils, as an enemy and a traitor to him. This distrust ruined the mighty preparations for war, the skill of a leader being wanting to conduct it. The communication from the senate was, that. "Antiochus should confine himself within the limits of Asia, lest he should lay on them the necessity of invading that |226 country." Slighting this message, he resolved not to wait for war, but to commence it.
V. It is said, that after the king had frequently held councils concerning the war, from which Hannibal was excluded, he at length desired that he should be called in, not that he might act in any respect according to his advice, but that he might not appear entirely to disregard him; and that, when all the rest had been asked their opinions, he in conclusion inquired his. Hannibal, understanding what Antiochus's feelings were, observed that "he was aware he was asked to attend, not because the king wished for his advice, but to make up the full number of votes; yet, from his hatred towards the Romans, and regard for the king, with whom alone a secure retreat was left him in his exile, he would explain the method in which the war should be conducted." Then, requesting indulgence for the freedom with which he was going to speak, he said, that "he approved none of the present suggestions or proceedings; nor did he like Greece as a seat of the war, when Italy was a far more advantageous field for it; for the Romans could not be conquered but by their own arms, nor Italy subdued but by the resources of Italy; since that people differed from others, and their mode of warfare from that of other nations. In other wars, it was of the greatest importance to have been the first to take advantage of any ground or opportunity, to have ravaged the lands, or to have captured towns, but that, with the Romans, whether you took their cities, or defeated them, you would still have to struggle with the enemy even when vanquished and fallen. If any one should attack them in Italy, therefore, he might conquer them with their own strength,6 their own resources, their own arms, as he himself had done; but if any one left Italy to them, which was the fountain-head, as it were, of their power, he would act just as absurdly, as a man who should attempt, not to exhaust rivers at their sources, but to alter their channels or dry them up when great floods of water had collected in them. He had entertained this," he said, "as his private opinion, and had readily offered his advice to that effect; and that he repeated it now, in the presence of |227 his friends, that they might all understand the way to go to war with the Romans, who, though invincible abroad, might be reduced at home; for they might be deprived of their city sooner than of their empire, and of Italy sooner than of their provinces; since they had lost their city to the Gauls, and been almost crushed by him; nor was he ever defeated till he had quitted their country, but that, when he returned to Carthage, the fortune of the war was immediately changed with the seat of it."
VI. The king's courtiers were all opposed to this advice, not regarding the advantages of the plan, but fearing that Hannibal, if his counsel were approved, would gain the first place in the king's favour. As for Antiochus, he did not so much dislike the scheme as the proposer of it, in the apprehension that whatever glory resulted from its success would be given to Hannibal, and not to himself. All proceedings were therefore rendered ineffectual by the various flatteries of those who sought to please the king; nothing was conducted with judgment or reason. Antiochus himself, resigning himself to luxury during the winter, was every day engaged in celebrating some new marriage.7 Acilius the Roman consul, on the other hand, who had been appointed to command in this war, provided forces, arms, and every thing necessary for the contest, with the utmost activity: he animated the confederate cities, and drew to his interest such as were undecided. Nor was the result of the conflict at variance with the preparations of each party for it; for, in the first engagement, when the king saw his men giving ground, he did not support those who were in distress, but put himself at the head of those that fled, and left his rich camp a prey to the conquerors. But having reached Asia in his flight, while the Romans were busied about the spoil, he began to repent of having neglected Hannibal's counsel, and, taking that general again into his friendship, conducted every thing according to his directions. In the mean time intelligence was brought that Aemilius,8 the Roman general, was approaching with |228 eighty ships of war, having been despatched by the senate to carry on the war by sea. This news gave him hopes of retrieving his fortune; and accordingly he resolved to fight a battle by sea before any of the cities in alliance with him could revolt to the enemy, hoping that the defeat which he had suffered in Greece might be compensated by a new victory. The fleet was therefore entrusted to Hannibal, and a battle was fought; but neither were the Asiatic soldiers a match for the Romans, nor their vessels equal to the beaked ships of the enemy. The loss, however, was rendered less than if would otherwise have been, by the able management of the general. The report of the victory had not yet reached Rome,9 and therefore the city was in suspense about the consuls to be chosen.
VII. But to oppose Hannibal, what fitter leader could be appointed than the brother of Africanus, since it was the business of the Scipios to conquer the Carthaginians? Lucius Scipio was therefore made consul, and his brother Africanus appointed to be his lieutenant-general, to let Antiochus see that he had not more confidence in the conquered Hannibal than the Romans in the victorious Scipio. As the Scipios were transporting their army into Asia, news reached them that the war, both by land and sea, was almost at an end; as Antiochus had been defeated in a battle by land, and Hannibal in a battle by sea. As soon as they arrived, Antiochus sent ambassadors to them, desiring peace, and having with them, as an offering to Africanus individually, the son of that general, whom the king had captured as he was crossing in a small boat. But Africanus replied, "that private favours were distinct from public concerns; that the obligations of a father, and the claims of one's country, were things entirely different; claims which were to be preferred not only to children, but even to life itself. That he, however, thankfully accepted the kindness, and would make a return to the king's generosity at |229 his own individual expense; but as to what related to war and peace, nothing could be allowed to private favour, or cut off from the interests of his country." He had never, indeed, either treated about the ransom of his son, or allowed the senate to treat about it, but, as became his dignity, said that "he would recover his son by force of arms." The terms of peace were then specified to the ambassadors: "that the king should give up Asia to the Romans; that he should confine himself to his kingdom of Syria; that he should give up all his ships, with the prisoners and deserters, and repay the Romans all the expenses of the war." These terms being repeated to Antiochus, he said that "he was not yet so utterly reduced, as that he should suffer himself to be despoiled of his dominions; and that such proposals were provocations to war, not invitations to peace."
VIII. Preparations for a contest were in consequence made on both sides; and when the Romans, having entered Asia, had reached Troy, mutual gratulations took place between the Trojans and the Romans; the Trojans observing that "Aeneas, and the other leaders that accompanied him, had gone forth from them;" the Romans telling them that "they were their children;" and such joy was among them all as is wont to be between parents and children met after a long separation. The Trojans were delighted that their descendants, after having conquered the west and Africa, were now laying claim to Asia as their hereditary domain, remarking that "the ruin of Troy had been an event to be desired, since it was so happily to revive again." On the other hand, an insatiable longing to gaze on their ancient home, the birth-place of their ancestors, and the temples and images of the gods, had taken possession of the Romans.
As the Romans were coming from Troy, king Eumenes met them with some auxiliary troops; and soon after a battle was fought with Antiochus; in which one of the Roman legions, on the right wing, being beaten back, and fleeing to their camp with more disgrace than danger, Marcus Aemilius, a military tribune, who had been left to defend the camp, ordered his men to arm themselves, and advance without the rampart, and to threaten the fugitives with their swords drawn, saying that "they should be put to death unless they returned to the field, and should find their own camp more hostile to |230 them than that of the enemy." The legion, alarmed at such peril on both sides, returned to the battle, their fellow soldiers, who had stopped their flight, accompanying them, and, making great havoc among the enemy, were the first cause of the victory. Fifty thousand of the enemy were slain, and eleven thousand taken prisoners. Antiochus suing for peace, nothing was added to the former articles, Africanus observing that "the spirit of the Romans was never broken if they were defeated, and, if they were victorious, they were not rendered tyrannical by success." The cities that were taken they divided among their allies, deeming that glory was more desirable for the Romans 10 than dominions merely for pleasure; and that the honour of victory was worthy of being attached to the Roman name, but that the luxuries of wealth might be left to their adherents.
BOOK XXXII.
The Aetolians are deprived of their liberty by the Romans; war between the Messenians and Achaeans; death of Philopoemen; defeat of the Messenians, I.----Death of Antiochus; Philip oppresses Greece; the Romans pardon him for the sake of his son Demetrius; Demetrius killed through the artifices of his brother Perseus, II.----Death of Philip; Emigration of the Gauls; the Tectosages, Istrians, Dacians, III.----Prusias, assisted by Hannibal, defeats Eumenes; death of Hannibal, IV.
I. THE Aetolians, who had persuaded Antiochus to make war on the Romans, were left, after he was defeated, to oppose them by themselves, unequal in force, and unsupported by assistance. Being soon after, in consequence, subdued, they lost that liberty which they alone, among so many states of Greece, had preserved inviolate against the power of the Athenians and Spartans. This state of things was the more grievous to them, as it was later in befalling them; for they reflected on those times in which they had withstood the mighty power of the Persians by their own strength, and had |231 humbled, in the Delphic war, the violent spirit of the Gauls that was dreaded by Asia and Italy; and these glorious recollections increased their grief at the loss of their liberty.
During the course of these occurrences, a dispute at first, and afterwards a war, arose between the Messenians and Achaeans, to determine which of the two should rule the other. In this struggle Philopoemen, the famous general of the Achaeans, was taken prisoner, not from having been fearful of exposing his life in the field, but from having fallen from his horse in leaping a ditch, as he was rallying his men for the contest, and being overpowered by a host of enemies. The Messenians, whether from fear of his valour, or respect for his dignity, did not venture to kill him as he lay on the ground; but, as if they had ended the war by capturing him, they led him prisoner through their whole city as in triumph, while the people poured forth to meet him, as if it were their own general, and not that of the enemy, that was coming; nor would the Achaeans have more eagerly beheld him victorious than the enemy saw him under defeat. They ordered him accordingly to be led into the theatre, that every one might see him whose capture seemed incredible to every one. Being then conducted to prison, they gave him, from respect for his high character,11 poison to drink, which he received with pleasure, just as if he had been conqueror, first asking "whether Lycortas," a general of the Achaeans, whom he knew to be next to himself in the art of war, "had got off safe?" Hearing that he had escaped, he observed that "things were not utterly desperate with the Achaeans," and expired. The war being renewed shortly after, the Messenians were conquered, and made some atonement for putting Philopoemen to death.
II. In Syria, meanwhile, king Antiochus, being burdened, after he was conquered by the Romans, with a heavy tribute under his articles of peace, and being impelled by want of money or stimulated by avarice, brought up his army one night, and made an assault upon the temple of Jupiter in Elymais,12 hoping that he might more excusably commit |232 sacrilege under plea of wanting money to pay his tribute. But the affair becoming known, he was killed by a rising of the people who dwelt about the temple.13
At Rome, as many cities of Greece had sent thither, to complain of injuries received from Philip king of Macedonia, and as a dispute arose in the senate-house between Demetrius, Philip's son, whom his father had sent to justify him to the senate, and the deputies of the cities, the young prince, confounded at the number of accusations brought forward, suddenly became speechless; when the senate, moved at his modesty, which had been admired by every one when he was a hostage at Rome, suffered the controversy to terminate in his favour. Thus Demetrius, by his modesty, obtained pardon for his father, which was granted, not to the justice of his defence, but from respect for his bashfulness; and this was particularly signified in the decree of the senate, that it might be known that it was not so much the king that was acquitted, as the father that was excused for the sake of the son. The circumstance, however, procured Demetrius no thanks for his embassy at home, but rather odium and detraction; for envy drew upon him hatred from his brother Perseus, and with his father, the cause of the indulgence shown him, as soon as he knew it, become a source of dislike towards him, as he was indignant that the character of his son should have had more weight with the senate than his own authority as a father or his dignity as a king. Perseus, in consequence, observing his father's chagrin, laid before him, day after day, accusations against Demetrius in his absence, and rendered him first an object of hatred, and afterwards of suspicion, charging him at one time with friendship for the Romans, and at another with treachery to his father. At last he pretended that a plot was laid for his own life by Demetrius, and, to prove the charge, brought forward informers, suborned witnesses, and committed the very crime 14 of which he accused his brother. Impelling |233 his father, by these artifices, to put his son to death, he filled the whole palace with mourning.
III. After Demetrius was killed, and his rival removed. Perseus grew not only more careless in his behaviour towards his father, but even more insolent, conducting himself, not as heir to the crown, but as king. Philip, offended at his manner, became every day more concerned for the death of Demetrius, and began at length to suspect that he had been deceived by treachery, and put to the torture all the witnesses and informers. Having, by this means, come to the knowledge of the deception, he was not less afflicted at the dishonesty of Perseus than at the execution of the innocent Demetrius, whom he would have avenged, had he not been prevented by death; for shortly after he died of a disease contracted by mental anxiety, leaving great preparations for a war with the Romans, of which Perseus afterwards made use. He had induced the Scordiscan Gauls to join him, and would have had a desperate struggle with the Romans, had not death carried him off.
The Gauls, after their disastrous attack upon Delphi, in which they had felt the power of the divinity more than that of the enemy, and had lost their leader Brennus, had fled, like exiles, partly into Asia, and partly into Thrace, and then returned, by the same way by which they had come, into their own country. Of these, a certain number settled at the conflux of the Danube and Save, and took the name of Scordisci. The Tectosagi, on returning to their old settlements about Toulouse, were seized with a pestilential distemper, and did not recover from it, until, being warned by the admonitions of their soothsayers, they threw the gold and silver, which they had got in war and sacrilege, into the lake of Toulouse; all which treasure, a hundred and ten thousand pounds of silver, and fifteen hundred thousand pounds of gold, Caepio, the Roman consul, a long time after, carried away with him. But this sacrilegious act subsequently proved a cause of rain to Caepio and his army. The rising of the Cimbrian war, too, seemed to pursue the Romans as if to avenge the removal of that devoted treasure. Of these Tectosagi, no small number, attracted by the charms of plunder, repaired |234 to Illyricum, and, after spoiling the Istrians, settled in Pannonia.
The Istrians, it is reported, derive their origin from those Colchians who were sent by king Aeetes in pursuit of the Argonauts, that had carried off his daughter,15 who, after they had sailed from the Pontus Euxinus into the Ister, and had proceeded far up the channel of the river Save, pursuing the track of the Argonauts, conveyed their vessels upon their shoulders over the tops of the mountains, as far as the shores of the Adriatic sea, knowing that the Argonauts must have done the same before them, because of the size of their ship.16 These Colchians, not overtaking the Argonauts, who had sailed off, remained, whether from fear of their king or from weariness of so long a voyage, near Aquileia, and were called Istrians from the name of the river up which they sailed out of the sea.
The Dacians are descendants of the Getae. This people having fought unsuccessfully, under their king Oroles, against the Bastarnae, were compelled by his order, as a punishment for their cowardice, to put their heads, when they were going to sleep, in the place of their feet,17 and to perform those offices for their wives which used previously to be done for themselves. Nor were these regulations altered, until they had effaced, by new exertions in the field, the disgrace which they had incurred in the previous war.
IV. Perseus, having succeeded to the throne of his father Philip, applied to all these nations to join him in a war against the Romans. In the meanwhile a war broke out between king Prusias, to whom Hannibal had fled when peace was granted |235 Antiochus by the Romans, and Eumenes; a war which Prusias was the first to begin, having broken his treaty with Eumenes through confidence in Hannibal.
Hannibal, when the Romans, among other articles of peace, demanded from Antiochus that he should be surrendered to them, received notice of this demand from the king, and, taking to flight, went off to Crete. Here, when he had long led a quiet life, but found himself envied for his great wealth, he deposited some urns, filled with lead, in the temple of Diana, as if thus to secure his treasure. The city,18 in consequence, being no longer concerned about him, as they supposed that they had his wealth in pledge, he betook himself to Prusias, putting his gold into some statues which he carried with him, lest his riches, if seen, should endanger his life. Prusias being subsequently defeated in a battle by land, and transferring the war to the sea, Hannibal, by a new stratagem, was the cause of procuring him a victory; for he ordered serpents of every kind to be enclosed in earthen pots, and to be thrown, in the hottest of the engagement, into the enemy's ships. This seemed at first ridiculous to the Pontic soldiers,19 that the enemy should fight with earthen pots, as if they could not fight with the sword.20 But when the ships began to be filled with serpents, and they were thus involved in double peril, they yielded the victory to the enemy.
When the news of these transactions was brought to Rome, ambassadors were despatched by the senate to require the two kings to make peace, and demand the surrender of Hannibal. But Hannibal, learning their object, took poison, and frustrated their embassy by his death.
This year was rendered remarkable by the deaths of the three greatest generals then in the world, Hannibal, Philopoemen, and Scipio Africanus. Of these three it is certain that Hannibal, even at the time when Italy trembled at him, thundering in the war with Rome, and when, after his return to Carthage, he held the chief command there, never reclined |236 at his meals, or indulged himself with more than one pint 21 of wine at a time; and that he preserved such continence among so many female captives, that one would be disposed to deny that he was born in Africa. Such, too, was his prudence in command, that though he had to rule armies of different nations, he was never annoyed by any conspiracy among his troops, or betrayed by their want of faith, though his enemies had often attempted to expose him to both.
BOOK XXXIII.
War of the Romans with Perseus, I.----Perseus defeated and made prisoner; treatment of Macedonia and Aetolia by the Romans, II.
I. THE Romans carried on the Macedonian war with less disturbance to their country than the Punic war, but with more renown, as the Macedonians surpassed the Carthaginians in honour, and were animated, moreover, by their glory in having conquered the east, and supported also by the auxiliary forces of all the neighbouring princes.22 The Romans, accordingly, both raised a greater number of legions, and called for assistance from Masinissa, king of Numidia, and all the rest of their allies; while notice was also given to Eumenes, king of Bithynia, to aid them in the war with his whole force. Perseus, besides his Macedonian army, which had had the reputation of being invincible, had supplies for a ten years' war. collected by his father, in his treasures and magazines. Elevated by these resources, and forgetful of his father's fortune, he bade his soldiers think of the past glory of Alexander.
The first engagement was one of cavalry only; and Perseus, being victorious in it, attracted the favourable regard of all who had previously been in suspense. Yet he sent ambassadors to the consul to ask for peace, which the Romans had granted to his father even when conquered, offering to defray the expenses of the war, as if he had been defeated. But the |237 consul Sulpicius offered him terms not less harsh than he would have offered to a vanquished enemy. In the meantime, the Romans, under the dread of so formidable a war, created Aemilius Paulus consul, and conferred upon him, out of due course,23 the command in the Macedonian war.
Aemilius, when he had reached the camp, lost no time in coming to a battle. The night before it was fought, the moon was eclipsed; a phenomenon which all interpreted unfavourably for Perseus, and presaged that the downfall of the Macedonian empire was portended.
II. In this engagement, Marcus Cato, the son of Cato the orator, while he was fighting, with extraordinary bravery, among the thickest of the enemy, fell from his horse, and continued his efforts on foot. A number of the enemy gathered about him when he fell, with loud shouts, as if they would kill him as he lay on the ground, but he, recovering himself sooner than they expected, made great slaughter among them. The enemy flocking round him, however, to overpower him with their numbers, his sword, as he was aiming at a tall fellow among them, fell from his hand among a troop of his opponents; when he, to recover it, plunged in among the points of the enemy's weapons, protecting himself with his shield, while both armies were looking on, and, having regained his sword, though not without receiving many wounds, he got back safe to his friends, amidst a loud shout from the enemy. 24 The rest of the Romans, imitating his boldness, secured the victory. King Perseus fled, and arrived, with ten thousand talents, at Samothrace; and Cnaeus Octavius, being sent by the consul in pursuit of him, took him prisoner, with his two sons Alexander and Philip, and brought him to the consul.
Macedonia, from the time of Caranus, who was the first that reigned in it, to Perseus, had thirty kings; under whose government it continued for nine hundred and twenty-three years, but possessed supreme power for only a hundred and ninety-two.25 When it fell under the power of the Romans, it |238 was left free, magistrates being appointed in every city; and it received laws from Paulus Aemilius, which it still uses.
As to the Aetolians, the senators of every city in the country, whose fidelity had been suspected, were sent, together with their wives and children, to Rome; where, to prevent them from raising any disturbance in their country, they were long detained; and it was not without difficulty, and after the senate had been wearied with embassies from the cities for their release, that they were allowed to return to their own country.
BOOK XXXIV.
The Romans make war on the Achaeans, I.----Defeat of the Achaeans; Corinth demolished; affairs in Egypt; Ptolemy Philometor requests aid from Rome, II.----Embassy from the Romans to Antiochus Epiphanes; his death; he is succeeded by his brother Demetrius Soter, III.----Prusias, king of Bithynia, killed by his son Nicomedes, IV.
I. THE Carthaginians and Macedonians being subdued, and the power of the Aetolians weakened by the captivity of their leading men, the Achaeans were the only people of all Greece who seemed to the Romans, at that time, to be too powerful; not, indeed, from any extraordinary strength existing in any individual city, but because of a confederacy maintained among all the cities. For the Achaeans, though distributed through several towns, like so many different members, yet formed but one body and had but one government, and warded off danger from any single city by the united strength of all. To the Romans, therefore, as they were seeking a pretext for war, fortune opportunely presented the complaints of the Spartans, whose lands the Achaeans, in consequence of hatred subsisting |239 between the two people, had laid waste. Answer was accordingly made by the senate to the Spartans, that "they would send commissioners into Greece, to examine into the affairs of their allies, and to prevent further injury;" but secret directions were at the same time given the commissioners, that "they should dissolve the confederacy among the Achaeans, and make each city independent of the rest, that they might thus the more easily be reduced to obedience, while, if any cities were obstinate, they might be humbled by force." The commissioners, in consequence, having summoned the chief men of the cities to meet them at Corinth, read to them the decree of the senate, and signified what their intentions were; declaring it "expedient for all, that each city should have its own independent laws and government." When this communication was known throughout the city, the people being thrown as it were into a fury, massacred all the foreigners that were there, and would have laid violent hands on the Roman commissioners themselves, had they not fled away in haste as soon as they found a disturbance rising.
II. When the news of these occurrences reached Rome, the senate at once decreed war against the Achaeans, giving the conduct of it to the consul Mummius, who, conveying over his army with the utmost expedition, and actively providing himself with all necessaries, proceeded to offer the enemy battle. As for the Achaeans, as if they had undertaken a matter of no difficulty in going to war with the Romans, every thing was neglected and out of order amongst them. Thinking of plunder, too, and not of fighting, they brought vehicles to carry away the spoils of the enemy, and stationed their wives and children on the hills to view the engagement. But when the battle commenced, they were cut to pieces before the eyes of their kindred, and afforded them only a dismal spectacle and sad remembrances of grief. Their wives and children, also, were changed from spectators into prisoners, and became the prey of the enemy. The city of Corinth itself was razed to the ground, and the inhabitants sold for slaves, that, by such an example, a dread of insurrection might be thrown on other cities.
During these transactions, Antiochus, king of Syria, made war upon Ptolemy 26 king of Egypt, his elder sister's son, a |240 prince naturally inactive, and so weakened by daily luxurious indulgence, that he not only neglected the duties of his royal station, but even, through excessive gluttony, had lost all human feeling. Being expelled from his throne, he fled to Alexandria to his younger brother Ptolemy,27 and, having shared the kingdom with him, they jointly sent ambassadors to the Roman senate, imploring assistance, and the protection of their alliance; and their solicitations prevailed with the senate.
III. Accordingly Popilius was despatched, in the character of ambassador, to Antiochus, to desire him "to refrain from invading Egypt, or, if he had already entered it, to quit it without delay." Having found him in Egypt, and the king having offered to kiss him (for Antiochus, when he was a hostage 28 at Rome, had been friendly with Popilius among others), Popilius said that "private friendship must be set aside, when the commands of his country stood in the way," and having produced and delivered to him the decree of the senate, but observing that he hesitated, and referred the consideration of it to his friends, he drew a circle round him with a staff which he carried in his hand, so large that it also enclosed his friends, and desired him "to decide on the spot, and not to go out of that ring, till he had given an answer to the senate whether he would have peace or war with Rome." This firmness so daunted the king's spirit, that he replied that "he would obey the senate."
Antiochus, on returning to his kingdom, died, leaving a son quite a boy. Guardians being assigned him by the people, his uncle 29 Demetrius, who was a hostage at Rome, and who had heard of the death of his brother, went to the senate, and said that "he had come to Rome as a hostage while his brother was alive, but that now he was dead, he did not know |241 for whom he was a hostage. It was therefore reasonable," he added, "that he should be released to claim the throne, which, as he had conceded it to his elder brother by the law of nations, now of right belonged to himself, as he was superior to the orphan in age." But finding that he was not released by the senate (their private opinion being that the throne would be better in the hands of the young prince than in his), he left the city on pretence of going to hunt, and secretly took ship at Ostia,30 with such as attended him in his flight. On arriving in Syria, he was favourably received by the whole people, and the orphan being put to death, the throne was resigned to him by the guardians.
IV. About the same time, Prusias, king of Bithynia, conceived a resolution to kill his son Nicomedes, with a desire to benefit his younger children by a second marriage, whom he had sent to Rome. But the design was betrayed to the young prince by those who had undertaken the execution of it, and who exhorted him, since he had become an object of his father's cruelty, "to anticipate his schemes, and turn the villainy on the head of its contriver." Nor was it difficult to prevail upon him; and when, being sent for, he had come 31 into his father's dominions, he was immediately selected as king. Prusias, deprived of his throne by his son, and reduced to a private station, was forsaken even by his slaves. While he lived in retirement, he was killed by his son, with no less guilt than that with which he himself had ordered his son to be put to death.
BOOK XXXV.
Demetrius Soter, king of Syria, dethroned and killed by Alexander Bala, I.----His death avenged by his son Demetrius Nicator, II.
I. DEMETRIUS, having possessed himself of the throne of Syria, and thinking that peace might be dangerous in the unsettled state of his affairs, resolved to enlarge the borders |242 of his kingdom, and increase his power, by making war upon his neighbours. Accordingly, being incensed with Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, for having disdained to marry his sister, he kindly received his brother Orophernes, who had been unjustly deprived of the throne, and who came to him as a suppliant; and, rejoicing that a plausible pretext for war was afforded him, determined to reinstate him in his dominions. But Orophernes, with extreme ingratitude, having entered into a compact with the people of Antioch, at that time enraged against Antiochus, formed a plot to expel him from his throne by whom he was to have been restored to his own. The conspiracy being discovered, Demetrius spared indeed the life of Orophernes, that Ariarathes might not be freed from the dread of war on the part of his brother, but caused him to be apprehended, and kept a close prisoner at Seleucia. Nor were the people of Antioch so alarmed at this discovery as to desist from their rebellion. Being in consequence attacked by Demetrius, but receiving aid from Ptolemy king of Egypt, Attalus king of Asia,32 and Ariarathes of Cappadocia, they suborned one Bala, a young man of mean condition, to claim the throne of Syria, on pretence that it had been his father's, by force of arms; and that nothing might be wanting to render him insolent, the name of Alexander was given him, and he was reported to be the son of King Antiochus. And such was the detestation of Demetrius among all classes, that not only royal power, but also nobility of birth, was unanimously attributed to his rival. Alexander, in consequence, amidst this wonderful change of fortune, forgetful of his original meanness, and supported by the strength of almost all the east, made war upon Demetrius, and, having defeated him, deprived him at once of his throne and his life. Demetrius, however, did not want courage to resist him in the field; for he both routed the enemy in the first encounter, and, when the kings renewed the contest, he killed several thousands in the struggle. But at last he fell, with his spirit still unsubdued, and fighting most valiantly, among the thickest of the enemy.
II. At the commencement of the war, Demetrius had entrusted two of his sons to a friend of his at Cnidus, with a |243 large quantity of treasure, that they might be removed from the perils of the war, and might be preserved, if fortune should so order it, to avenge their father's death. The elder of the two, Demetrius, who had passed the age of boyhood, hearing of the luxurious life of Alexander (whom his unexpected grandeur, and the fascination of enjoyments to which he was a stranger, held captive as it were in his palace, idling away his days among troops of concubines), fell upon him, with the assistance of some Cretans, when he was quite at his ease, and free from all apprehension of danger. The people of Antioch, too, to atone for their injuries to the father by new services, devoted themselves to him; and his father's soldiers, fired with love for the young prince, and preferring the obligation of their former oath to the haughty rule of the new king, ranged themselves on the side of Demetrius; and thus Alexander, cast down with no less violent a freak of fortune than that with which he had been raised, was defeated and killed in the first battle, paying the penalty of his conduct both to Demetrius whom he had slain, and to Antiochus, from whom he had pretended to derive his birth.
BOOK XXXVI.
Demetrius Nicator made prisoner by the Parthians; rise and fall of Trypho; Antiochus Sidetes subdues the Jews, I.----Origin of the Jews; their departure from Egypt, II.----Account of Palestine; conquerors of the Jews, III.----Character of Attalus of Pergamus; he bequeaths his kingdom to the Romans, who possess themselves of it in spite of Aristonicus, IV.
I. DEMETRIUS, having gained possession of his father's throne, and being spoiled by his good fortune, fell, from the effects of the vices of youth, into habits of indolence, and incurred as much contempt for his slothfulness, as his father had incurred hatred for his pride. As the cities, in consequence, began every where to revolt from his government, he resolved. in order to wipe off the stain of effeminacy from his character, to make war upon the Parthians. The people of the east beheld his approach with pleasure, both on account of the cruelty of Arsacides,33 king of the Parthians, and because |244 having been accustomed to the old government of the Macedonians, they viewed the pride of the new race with indignation. Being assisted, accordingly, by auxiliary troops from the Persians, Elymaeans, and Bactrians, he routed the Persians in several pitched battles. At length, however, being deceived by a pretended offer of peace, he was made prisoner, and being led from city to city,34 was shown as a spectacle to the people that had revolted, in mockery of the favour that they had shown him. Being afterwards sent into Hyrcania, he was treated kindly, and suitably to the dignity of his former condition.
During the course of these proceedings, Trypho, in Syria, who had exerted his efforts to be made by the people guardian to Antiochus, the step-son of Demetrius, killed his ward, and seized upon the Syrian throne. When he had enjoyed it for some time, and the liking of the people for his new government began at length to wear off, he was defeated in a battle by Antiochus, the brother of Demetrius, who was then quite a boy, and who had been educated in Asia; and the throne of Syria again returned to the family of Demetrius.
Antiochus, remembering that his father had been hated for his pride, and his brother despised for his indolence, was anxious not to fall into the same vices, and having married Cleopatra, his brother's wife, proceeded to make war, with the utmost vigour, on the provinces that had revolted through the badness 35 of his brother's government, and, after subduing them, re-united them to his dominions. He also reduced the Jews, who, during the Macedonian rule under his father Demetrius, had recovered their liberty by force of arms; and whose strength was such, that they would submit to no Macedonian king after him, but, electing rulers from their own people, harassed Syria with fierce wars.
II. The origin of the Jews 36 was from Damascus, a most |245 famous city of Syria, whence also the Assyrian kings and queen Semiramis 37 sprung. The name of the city was given it from King Damascus, in honour of whom the Syrians consecrated the sepulchre of his wife Arathis as a temple, and regard her as a goddess worthy of the most sacred worship After Damascus, Azelus, and then Adores, Abraham, and Israhel were their kings. But a prosperous family of ten sons made Israhel more famous than any of his ancestors. Having divided, his kingdom, in consequence, into ten governments, he committed them to his sons, and called the whole people Jews from Judas, who died soon after the division, and ordered his memory to be held in veneration by them all, as his portion was shared among them. The youngest of the brothers was Joseph, whom the others, fearing his extraordinary abilities, secretly made prisoner, and sold to some foreign merchants. Being carried by them into Egypt, and having there, by his great powers of mind, made himself master of the arts of magic, he found in a short time great favour with the king; for he was eminently skilled in prodigies, and was the first to establish the science of interpreting dreams; and nothing, indeed, of divine or human law seems to have been unknown to him; so that he foretold a dearth in the land some years before it happened, and all Egypt would have perished by famine, had not the king, by his advice, ordered the corn to be laid up for several years; such being the proofs of his knowledge, that his admonitions seemed to proceed, not from a mortal, but a god. His son was Moses, whom, besides the inheritance of his father's knowledge, the comeliness of his person also recommended. But the Egyptians, being troubled with scabies and leprosy, and moved by some oracular prediction, expelled him, with those who had the disease, out of Egypt, that the distemper might not spread among a greater number. Becoming leader, accordingly, of the exiles, he carried off by stealth the sacred utensils of the Egyptians, who, endeavouring to recover them by force of arms, were obliged by tempests to return home; and Moses, having reached Damascus, the birth-place of his forefathers, took possession of mount Sinai, on his arrival at which, after having |246 suffered, together with his followers, from a seven days' fast in the deserts of Arabia, he consecrated every seventh day (according to the present custom of the nation) for a fast-day, and to be perpetually called a sabbath, because that day had ended at once their hunger and their wanderings. And as they remembered that they had been driven from Egypt for fear of spreading infection, they took care, in order that they might not become odious, from the same cause, to the inhabitants of the country, to have no communication with strangers; a rule which, from having been adopted on that particular occasion, gradually became a custom and part of their religion. After the death of Moses, his son Aruas38 was made priest for celebrating the rites which they brought from Egypt, and soon after created king; and ever afterwards it was a custom among the Jews to have the same chiefs both for kings and priests; and, by uniting religion with the administration of justice, it is almost incredible how powerful they became.
III. The wealth of the nation was augmented by the duties on balm,39 which is produced only in that country; for there is a valley, encircled with an unbroken ridge of hills, as it were a wall, in the form of a camp, the space enclosed being about two hundred acres, and called by the name of Hierichus; 40 in which valley there is a wood, remarkable both for its fertility and pleasantness, and chequered with groves of palm and balm-trees. The balm-trees resemble pitch-trees in shape, except that they are not so tall, and are dressed after the manner of vines; and at a certain season of the year they exude the balm. But the place is not less admired for the |247 gentle warmth of the sun in it, than for its fertility; for though the sun in that climate is the hottest in the world, there is constantly in this valley a certain natural subdued tepidity in the air.41
In this country also is the lake Asphaltites, which, from its magnitude and the stillness of its waters is called the Dead Sea; for it is neither agitated by the winds, because the bituminous matter, with which all its water is clogged, resists even hurricanes; nor does it admit of navigation, for all inanimate substances sink to the bottom; and it will support no wood, except such as is smeared with alum. The first 42 that conquered the Jews was Xerxes, king of Persia. Subsequently they fell, with the Persians themselves, under the power of Alexander the Great; and they were then long subject to the kings of Syria, under its Macedonian dynasty. On revolting from Demetrius, and soliciting the favour of the Romans,43 they were the first of all the eastern people that regained their liberty, the Romans readily affecting to bestow what it was not in their power to give.
IV. During the same period, in which the government of Syria was passing from hand to hand among its new sovereigns, King Attalus in Asia polluted a most flourishing kingdom, which he inherited from his uncle Eumenes, by murders of his friends and executions of his relatives, pretending sometimes that his old mother, and sometimes his wife Berenice, had been destroyed by their wicked contrivances. After this |248 atrocious outburst of rage, he assumed a mean dress, let his beard and hair grow like those of persons under legal prosecution, never went abroad or showed himself to the people, held no feasts in his palace, and behaved in no respect, indeed, like a man in his senses; so that he seemed to be paying penalty for his crimes to the manes of those whom he had murdered. Abandoning the government of his kingdom, too, he employed himself in digging and sowing in his garden, mixing noxious herbs with harmless ones, and sending them all indiscriminately, moistened with poisonous juices, as special presents to his friends. From this employment he turned to that of working in brass, and amused himself with modelling in wax, and casting and hammering out brazen figures. He then proceeded to make a monument for his mother, but while he was busy about the work, he contracted a disorder from the heat of the sun, and died on the seventh day afterwards. By his will the Roman people was appointed his heir.44
There was however a son of Eumenes, named Aristonicus, not born in wedlock, but of an Ephesian mistress, the daughter of a player on the harp; and this young man, after the death of Attalus, laid claim to the throne of Asia as having been his father's. When he had fought several successful battles against the provinces, which, from fear of the Romans, refused to submit to him, and seemed to be established as king. Asia was assigned by the senate to the command of Licinius Crassus, who, being more eager to plunder the treasures of Attalus than to distinguish himself in the field, and fighting a battle, at the end of the year, with his army in disorder, was defeated, and paid the penalty for his blind avarice by the loss of his life. The consul Perperna being sent in his place, reduced Aristonicus, who was defeated in the first engagement, under his power, and carried off the treasures of Attalus, bequeathed to the Roman people, on ship-board to Rome. Marcus Aquilius, Perperna's successor, envying his good fortune, hastened, with the utmost expedition, to snatch Aristonicus from Perperna's hands, as if he ought rather to grace his own triumph. But the death of Perperna put an end to the rivalry between the consuls. |249 Asia, thus becoming a province of the Romans, brought to Rome its vices together with its wealth.
BOOK XXXVII.
The people of Marseilles entreat the Romans in behalf of Phocaea; affairs in Asia, Cappadocia, and Pontus, I.----Of Mithridates, II.----His conquests, III.----His invasion of Paphlagonia; his rupture with the Romans, IV.
I. AFTER Aristonicus was taken prisoner, the people of Marseilles sent ambassadors to Rome to intercede for the Phocaeans their friends, whose city and even name the senate had ordered to be destroyed, because, both at that time, and previously in the war against Antiochus, they had taken up arms against the Roman people. The embassy obtained from the senate a pardon for them. Rewards were then bestowed on the princes who had given aid against Aristonicus; to Mithridates 45 of Pontus was allotted Greater Phrygia; to the sons of Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, who had fallen in that war, were assigned Lycaonia and Cilicia; and the Roman people were more faithful to the sons of their ally, than their mother was to her children, since by the one the kingdom of the young princes was increased, by the other they were deprived of life. For Laodice, out of six children, all boys, whom she had by king Ariarathes (fearing that, when some of them were grown up, she would not long enjoy the administration of the kingdom), killed five by poison; but the care of their relatives, rescued from the barbarous hands of their mother one infant, who, after the death of Laodice (for the people killed her for her cruelty), became sole king.
Mithridates also, being cut off by sudden death, left a son, who was likewise named Mithridates, and whose greatness was afterwards such that he surpassed all kings,46 not only of his own but of preceding ages, in glory, and carried on war against the Romans, with various success, for forty-six years, during which, though the most eminent generals, Sulla, Lucullus, and others, and at last, Cnaeus Pompey, overcame him, yet it was |250 only so that he rose greater and more glorious to renew the contest, and was rendered even more formidable by his defeats And he died at last, not from being overpowered by his enemies,47 but by a voluntary death, full of years and on the throne of his ancestors, and leaving his son his heir.
II. The future greatness of this prince even signs from heaven had foretold; for in the year in which he was born, as well as in that in which he began to reign, a comet blazed forth with such splendour, for seventy successive days on each occasion, that the whole sky seemed to be on fire. It covered a fourth part of the firmament 48 with its train, and obscured the light of the sun with its effulgence; and in rising and setting it took up the space of four hours.49 During his boyhood his life was attempted by plots on the part of his guardians, who, mounting him on a restive horse, forced him to ride and hurl the javelin; but when these attempts failed, as his management of the horse was superior to his years, they tried to cut him off by poison. He, however, being on his guard against such treachery, frequently took antidotes, and so fortified himself,50 by exquisite preventives, against their malice, that when he was an old man, and wished to die by poison, he was unable. But dreading lest his enemies should effect that by the sword which they could not accomplish by drugs, he pretended a fancy for hunting, in the indulgence of which he never went under a roof, for seven years, either in the city or the country, but rambled through the forests, and passed his nights in various places among the mountains, none knowing where he was. He accustomed himself to escape from the wild beasts, or pursue them, by speed of foot, and by this means, while he avoided |251 the plots laid for him, he inured himself to endure all manner of bodily exertion.
III. When he assumed the government of the kingdom, he turned his thoughts, not so much to the regulation of his dominions, as to the enlargement of them. He in consequence subdued, with extraordinary success, the Scythians, who had previously been invincible, who had cut off Zopyrion, the general of Alexander the Great, with an army of thirty thousand men, who had massacred Cyrus, king of the Persians, with two hundred thousand, and who had routed Philip, king of Macedonia. Having thus increased his forces, he made himself master of Pontus,51 and afterwards of Cappadocia. Fixing his thoughts on the conquest of Asia,52 he went privately, with some of his friends, out of his kingdom, and travelled through the whole of it without the knowledge of any one, making himself acquainted with the situations of the towns and the nature of the country. He next went into Bithynia, and, as if he were already master of Asia, took note of whatever might aid him in attempting the conquest of it. He then returned into his country, when they had begun to suppose that he was dead, and found an infant son born to him, of whom his wife Laodice, who was also his sister, had been delivered in his absence. But amidst the congratulations that he received on his arrival, and on the birth of his, son, he was in danger of being poisoned; for his sister and wife Laodice, believing him dead, had yielded herself to the embraces of his friends, and, as if she could conceal the crime, of which she had been guilty, by a greater, prepared poison for him on his return. Mithridates, however, having notice of her intention from a female servant, avenged the plot upon the heads of its contrivers.
IV. When winter came on, he did not spend his time in feasts, but in the field, not in idleness, but in exercise, not among companions in licentiousness, but contending among his equals in age, either in riding, running, or trials of strength. He inured his army also, by daily exercise, to endure fatigue equally with himself; and thus, while he was himself |252 unconquerable, he rendered his army unconquerable likewise. Entering then into an alliance with Nicomedes, he invaded Paphlagonia, and divided it, after it was conquered, among his allies. But when information reached the senate that it was in possession of the two kings, they sent ambassadors to both, desiring that "the country should be restored to its former condition." Mithridates, thinking himself now a match for the power of the Romans, haughtily replied, that "the kingdom had belonged to his father by inheritance, and that he wondered that a dispute, which had never been raised against his father, should be raised against himself;" and, not at all alarmed by threats, he seized also on Galatia. As for Nicomedes, he replied that "as he could not maintain that he had any right to the country, he would restore it to its legitimate sovereign;" and, altering his son's name to Pylaemenes, the common name of the Paphlagonian kings, he assigned it to him; and thus, as if he had restored the throne to the royal line, he continued to occupy the country on this frivolous pretext. The ambassadors, when they found themselves thus set at nought, returned to Rome.
BOOK XXXVIII.
Mithridates takes possession of Cappadocia, I.----Disputes between him and Nicomedes; the senate take from them Cappadocia and Paphlagonia, II.----Mithridates forms an alliance with Tigranes; invades Asia, and defeats the Romans and Nicomedes, III.----Speech of Mithridates to his army, IV. V. VI. VII.----Cruelties and excesses of Ptolemy Physcon; he is expelled from Egypt by his subjects, VIII.----Demetrius Nicator, king of Syria, made prisoner by the Parthians, IX.----Antiochus Sidetes, brother of Demetrius, falls in war against the Parthians; Demetrius regains his throne, X.
II. MITHRIDATES having commenced his cruelties by killing his wife, resolved also on removing the sons of his other sister Laodice, (whose husband Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, he had treacherously cut off by the agency of a certain Gordius,53) thinking that nothing was gained by the death of the father, if the young princes should possess themselves of his throne, with a desire of which he himself was strongly inflamed. As |253 he was meditating on this scheme, Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, proceeded to occupy Cappadocia, while it. was left defenceless by the death of its sovereign; and Mithridates, on receiving intelligence of his movements, sent assistance to his sister, on pretence of affection for her, to enable her to drive Nicomedes out of Cappadocia. But Laodice had already made a compact to marry Nicomedes; and Mithridates, being indignant at this arrangement, expelled the garrisons of Nicomedes from Cappadocia, and restored the throne to his sister's son; an act of the highest merit, had no treachery followed it. But some months after, he pretended that he wished to restore Gordius, whom he had used as his agent in the assassination of Ariarathes, to his country; hoping that, if the young man opposed his recal, he should have a pretext for war, or, that if he consented to it, the son might be taken off by the same instrument by which he had procured the death of the father. When the young Ariarthes understood his intention, he expressed great indignation that the murderer of his father should be recalled from banishment, especially by his uncle, and assembled a great army. Mithridates, after bringing into the field eighty thousand foot, ten thousand horse, and six hundred chariots armed with scythes, (while Ariarathes, by the aid of the neighbouring princes, had no less a force), fearing the uncertain event of a battle, turned his thoughts to treachery, and, inviting the young prince to a conference, and having, at the same time, a weapon concealed in his lower garments, he said to the searcher, who was sent by Ariarathes, after the manner of princes on such occasions, to examine his person, and who was feeling very carefully about his groin, that "he had better take care, lest he should find another sort of weapon than he was seeking." Having thus covered his treachery with a joke, he killed his nephew, (after drawing him aside from his friends as if to confer with him secretly), in the sight of both armies, and bestowed the kingdom of Cappadocia on his own son, a child eight years old, giving him the name of Ariarathes, and appointing Gordius his guardian.
II. The Cappadocians, however, being harassed by the cruelty and licentiousness of their rulers, revolted from Mithridates, and sent for the brother of their king, who was also called Ariarathes, from Asia where he was being educated. |254 Upon this prince Mithridates again made war, defeated him, and drove him from Cappadocia; and not long after the young man died of a disease brought on by anxiety. After his death, Nicomedes, fearing lest Mithridates, from having added Cappadocia to his dominions, should also seize upon Bithynia which was near it, instructed a youth, of extraordinary beauty, to apply for the throne of Bithynia from the senate, as having been his father's, pretending that Ariarathes had not had two sons only, but a third. He sent his wife Laodice, also, to Rome, to testify that her husband had three children born to him. Mithridates, when he heard of this contrivance, despatched Gordius, with equal effrontery, to Rome, to assure the senate that "the young prince, to whom he had assigned the throne of Cappadocia, was the son of that Ariarathes who had fallen in the war against Aristonicus when giving assistance to the Romans." But the senate, perceiving the ambitious designs of the two kings, who were seizing the dominions of others on false pretences, took away Cappadocia from Mithridates, and, to console him, Paphlagonia from Nicomedes; and that it might not prove an offence to the kings, that any thing should be taken from them and given to others, both people were offered their liberty. But the Cappadocians declined the favour, saying that ''their nation could not subsist without a king." Ariobarzanes was in consequence appointed their king by the senate.
III. The king of Armenia, at this time, was Tigranes, who had long before been committed as a hostage to the Parthians, but had subsequently been sent back to take possession of his father's throne. This prince Mithridates was extremely desirous to engage as an ally in the war, which he had long meditated, against the Romans. By the agency of Gordius, accordingly, he prevailed upon him to make war, having not the least thought of offending the Romans by the act, on Ariobarzanes, a prince of inactive disposition; and, that no deceit might seem to be intended, gave him his daughter Cleopatra in marriage. On the first approach of Tigranes, Ariobarzanes packed up his baggage and went off to Rome. Thus, through the instrumentality of Tigranes, Cappadocia was destined to fall again under the power of Mithridates. Nicomedes, too, dying at the same time, his son, who was also named Nicomedes, was driven from his dominions by |255 Mithridates, and, having gone as a suppliant to Rome, it was decreed by the senate that "both the kings should be restored to their thrones;" and Aquilius and Manlius Maltinus 54 were commissioned to see the decree executed. On being informed of this proceeding, Mithridates formed an alliance with Tigranes, with a resolution at once to go to war with the Romans; and they agreed that the cities and territory that should be taken from the enemy should be the share of Mithridates, and that the prisoners, and all booty that could be carried off, should belong to Tigranes. In the next place, well understanding what a war he was provoking, he sent ambassadors to the Cimbri, the Gallograecians,55 the Sarmatians, and the Bastarnians, to request aid; for all the time that he had been meditating war with the Romans, he had been gaining over all these nations by acts of kindness and liberality. He sent also for an army from Scythia, and armed the whole eastern world against the Romans. Accordingly, without much difficulty, he defeated Aquilius and Maltinus, who had an army wholly composed of Asiatic troops, and having put them to flight, as well as Nicomedes, he was received with great joy by the various cities, in which he found a great quantity of gold and silver, and vast warlike stores, laid up by the care of former princes. Taking possession of these, he remitted the cities all sorts of debts, public and private, and granted them an immunity from tribute 56 for five years.
He then assembled his troops, and animated them, by various exhortations, to pursue the war with the Romans, or in Asia. His speech, on this occasion, I have thought of such importance that I insert a copy of it in this brief work. Trogus Pompeius has given it in the oblique form, as he finds fault with Livy and Sallust for having exceeded the proper |256 limits of history, by inserting direct 57 speeches in their works only to display their own eloquence.
IV. "It were to be wished," he said, "that it were still in his power to deliberate whether he should choose peace or war with the Romans; but that resistance should be offered against aggressors, not even those doubted who were without hope of victory; for all men draw the sword against robbers, if not to save their lives, at least to take revenge. But since it was not now a question, when they had come to hostilities (not merely in intention but in the field of battle), they must consider in what manner, and with what hopes, they could continue the contest which they had commenced. That he felt certain of victory, if they had but courage; and that the Romans might be conquered, was known, not more to himself than to his soldiers, who had routed both Aquilius in Bithynia and Maltinus in Cappadocia. And if examples from other nations would weigh more with them than their own experience, he had heard that the Romans had been overthrown in three battles by Pyrrhus, when he had with him not more than five thousand Macedonians; he had heard that Hannibal continued victorious in Italy for sixteen years, and that it was not the strength of the Romans, but the violence of his own countrymen's envy and jealousy, that prevented him from taking the city of Rome itself; he had heard that the people of Transalpine Gaul had invaded Italy, and founded many great cities in it, and that the same Gauls had possessed themselves of a larger territory there than in Asia, though Asia was considered by no means a warlike country; he had been informed that Rome was not only taken but conquered by the Gauls, the top of one hill only being left in possession of the inhabitants, and that the enemy was not made to retire by the sword, but by gold. But that the power of the Gauls, which had always so much alarmed the Romans, he himself numbered among his own forces; for that these Gauls, who inhabited Asia, differed only in situation from the Gauls who had settled themselves in Italy; that they had the same extraction, courage, and mode of fighting; and that, as to sagacity, the Asiatic Gauls must have more than the others, inasmuch as they had pursued a longer and more difficult |257 march through Illyricum and Thrace, having traversed those territories with almost more labour than it had cost them to acquire those in which they settled. That he had heard that Italy itself, since the time that Rome was built, had never been fairly brought under subjection to her, but that constantly, year after year, some of its people persisted in contending for liberty, and others for a share in the government;58 and that, by many states of Italy, armies of the Romans had been out off by the sword, and by others, with a new species of insult, sent under the yoke? 59 But that, not to dwell on past instances, all Italy, at the present time, was in arms in the Marsian war, demanding, not liberty, but a participation in the government and the rights of citizenship. Nor was the city more grievously harassed by war from its neighbours in Italy, than by intestine broils among its leading men; and that a civil war, indeed, was much more dangerous to it than an Italian one. At the same time, too, the Cimbri from Germany, many thousands of wild and savage people, had rushed upon Italy like a tempest; and that in wars with such enemies, though the Romans might be able to resist them singly, yet by them all they must be overpowered; so that he thought they would even be too much occupied to make head against his attack.
V. "That they ought therefore to take advantage of the present circumstances, and seize the opportunity of increasing their power, lest, if they remained inactive while the Romans were occupied, they should hereafter find greater difficulty in contending with them, when they were quiet and unmolested. For it was not a question whether they should take up arms or not, but whether they should do so at a time favourable to themselves or to their enemies. That war, indeed, had been commenced against him by the Romans, when they took from him, in his minority, the Greater Phrygia, a country which they had granted to his father as a recompence for the succours which he had afforded them in the war against Aristonicus, and which Seleucus Callinicus had given to his great-grandfather Mithridates, as a dowry with his daughter. When |258 they required him to quit Paphlagonia, too, was not that a renewal of hostility, a possession which had fallen to his father, not by conquest or force of arms, but by adoption in a will,60 and as an inheritance on the death of its own sovereigns? That, under the severity of such decrees, he had not been able to soften them by compliance, or to prevent them from assuming harsher measures towards him every day. For in what particular had he not submitted to their requisition? Had not Phrygia and Paphlagonia been given up? Had not his son been removed from Cappadocia, which he had gained, as a conqueror, by the common law of nations? Yet his conquest had been forced from him by those who had nothing themselves but what they had got in war. Was not Christos,61 king of Bithynia, on whom the senate had decreed that war should be made, killed by him for their gratification? Yet that whatever Gordius or Tigranes did, was imputed to him; that liberty was readily granted by the senate to Cappadocia (liberty of which they deprived other nations), on purpose to affront him; and that when the people of Cappadocia, instead of the liberty offered them, begged to have Gordius for their king, they did not obtain their request merely because Gordius was his friend. That Nicomedes had made war upon him by their direction; that when he was going to avenge himself, he was obstructed by them; and that their pretence for making war on him at present would be, that he had not given, up his dominions to Nicomedes, the son of a public dancer, to be ravaged with impunity.
VI. "That it was not the offences of kings, but their power and majesty, for which they attacked them; and that they had not acted thus against himself alone, but against all other princes at all times. That they had treated his grandfather Pharnaces in the same manner, who, by the arbitration of his relatives, was made successor to Eumenes king of Pergamus; that Eumenes himself, again, in whose fleet they had for the first time been transported into Asia, and by whose |259 army, rather than their own, they had subdued both Antiochus the Great and the Gauls in Asia, and soon after king Perses in Macedonia, had been treated by them as an enemy, and had been forbidden to come into Italy, though they made war, which they thought it would be disgraceful to make upon himself, upon his son Aristonicus.62 No king's services were thought more important by them than those of Masinissa, king of Numidia; to him it was ascribed that Hannibal was conquered; to him, that Syphax was made prisoner; to him. that Carthage was destroyed; he was ranked with the two Africani, as a third saviour of the city; yet a war had lately been carried on with his grandson in Africa, so implacably, that they would not save the vanquished prince, for the sake of his grandfather's memory, from being cast into gaol, and led in triumph as a public spectacle. That they had made it a law to themselves to hate all kings, because they themselves had had such kings at whose names they might well blush, being either shepherds of the Aborigines, or soothsayers of the Sabines, or exiles from the Corinthians, or servants and slaves of the Tuscans, or, what was the most honourable name amongst them, the proud; and as their founders, according to their report, were suckled by the teats of a wolf, so the whole race had the disposition of wolves, being insatiable of blood and tyranny, and eager and hungry after riches.63
VII. "But as for himself, if he were compared with them as to respectability of descent, he was of more honourable origin than that mixed mass of settlers, counting his ancestors, on his father's side, from Cyrus and Darius, the founders of the Persian empire, and those on his mother's side from Alexander the Great and Seleucus Nicator, who established the Macedonian empire; or, if their people were compared with his own, he was at the head of nations, 64 which were not merely a match for the power of Rome, but had withstood even that of Macedonia. That none of the people under his command had ever endured a foreign yoke, or obeyed any rulers but their own native princes; for whether they looked on Cappadocia or Paphlagonia, Pontus or Bithynia, or the |260 Greater and Lesser Armenia, they would find that neither Alexander, who subdued all Asia,65 nor any of his successors or posterity, had meddled with any one of those nations. That as to Scythia, only two kings before him, Darius and Philip, had ventured, not indeed to reduce it, but merely to enter it, and had with difficulty secured a retreat from it; yet that from that country he had procured a great part of his force to oppose the Romans. That he had entered on the Pontic wars 66 with much more timidity and diffidence, as he was then young and inexperienced. That the Scythians, in addition to their arms and courage, were defended by deserts and cold, by which was shown the great labour and danger of making war there, while, amidst such hardships, there was not even hope of spoil from a wandering enemy, destitute, not only of money, but of settled habitations. But that he was now entering upon a different sort of war; for there was no climate more temperate than that of Asia, nor any country more fertile or more attractive from the number of its cities; and that they would spend a great part of their time, not as in military service, but as at a festival, in a war of which it was hard to say whether it would be more easy or more gainful, as they themselves might feel assured, if they had but heard of the late riches of the kingdom of Attalus, or the ancient opulence of Lydia and Ionia, which they were not going to acquire by conquest, but to take possession of; while Asia so eagerly expected him,67 that it even invited him in words, so much had the rapacity, of the proconsuls, the sales of the tax-gatherers, and the disgraceful mode of conducting law-suits, possessed the people with a hatred of the Romans. That they had only to follow him bravely, and learn what so great an army might do under his conduct, whom they had seen seizing Cappadocia, after killing its king, not with the aid of any troops, but by his own personal effort, and who alone, of all mankind, had subdued all Pontus and Scythia, which no one before him could safely penetrate or approach. As to his justice and generosity, he was willing to take the soldiers themselves, who had |261 experienced them, as witnesses to what they were; and he had those proofs to bring of the latter, that he alone, of all kings, possessed not only his father's dominions, but foreign kingdoms, acquired by inheritance through his liberality, namely, Colchis, Paphlagonia, and the Bosporus."
VIII. Having thus encouraged his troops, he entered upon the war with the Romans,68 twenty-three years after his accession to the throne.
In Egypt, meanwhile, on the death of Ptolemy, 69 the throne, with the queen Cleopatra his sister in marriage, was offered by an embassy to the Ptolemy 70 who was reigning at Cyrene. Ptolemy, rejoiced at having recovered his brother's throne without a struggle (for which he knew that his brother's son was intended, both by his mother Cleopatra and the inclination of the nobles), but being incensed at all that had opposed his interests, ordered, as soon as he entered Alexandria, the partisans of the young prince to be put to death. He also killed the youth himself on the day of his nuptials (when he took his mother to wife), amidst the splendour of feasts, the ceremonies of religion, and in the very embraces of his parent, and thus went to the couch of his sister stained with the blood of her child. Nor was he afterwards more merciful to those of his subjects who had invited him to the throne, for license to use the sword being given to the foreign soldiers, all places daily ran with blood. He divorced his sister, too, offering violence to her daughter, a young maiden, and then taking her in marriage. The people, terrified at these proceedings, fled to other countries, and became exiles from their native soil through fear of death. Ptolemy, in consequence, being left alone with his soldiers in so large a city, and finding himself a king, not of men, but of empty houses, invited, by a proclamation, foreigners to become residents in it. While people were flocking thither, he went out to meet some Roman commissioners, Scipio Africanus, Spurius Mummius, and Lucius Metellus, who had come to inspect the dominions of their allies. But he appeared as ridiculous to the Romans as |262 he was cruel to his own subjects; for he was disagreeable in countenance, short in stature, and, from his obesity, more like a beast than a man. This deformity the extraordinary thinness of his apparel, which was even transparent, made more remarkable, just as if that was affectedly obtruded on the sight which by a modest man would have been most carefully concealed. After the departure of the commissioners, (of whom Africanus, as he surveyed the city, was an object of interest to the Alexandrians), finding that he had become hateful even to the foreigners whom he had invited, he withdrew secretly, for fear of plots against his life, into voluntary exile, accompanied by a son that he had by his sister, and by his wife, her mother's rival, and, having collected an army of mercenaries, made war at once upon his sister and his country. He next sent for his eldest son from Cyrene, and put him to death, when the people began to pull down his statues and images, and he, imagining that this was done to please his sister, killed the son that he had by her, and contrived to have the body, divided into portions and arranged in a chest, presented to the mother at a feast on his birth-day. This deed occasioned grief and sorrow, not only to the queen, but also to the whole city, and threw such a gloom over a banquet intended to be most joyous, that the whole palace was suddenly filled with mourning. The attention of the nobility, in consequence, being turned from feasting to a funeral, they exhibited the mangled limbs to the people, and let them see, by the murder of his son, what they were to expect from their king.
IX. Cleopatra, when the mourning for the loss of her son was over, finding herself pressed by war on the part of her brother, sent ambassadors to request aid from Demetrius king of Syria, a prince whose changes of fortune had been numerous and remarkable. After making war, as has been said above,71 upon the Parthians, and gaining the victory in several battles, he was suddenly surprised by an ambuscade, and, having lost his army, was taken prisoner. Arsacides,72 king of the Parthians, having sent him into Hyrcania, not only paid him, with royal magnanimity, the respect due to a prince, but gave him his daughter also in marriage, and promised to recover for him the throne of Syria, which Trypho had usurped in his absence. After the death of this king, Demetrius, despairing of being |263 allowed to return, being unable to endure captivity, and weary of a private, though splendid, life, secretly planned a mode of escaping to his own country. His counsellor and companion in the scheme was his friend Callimander, who, after Demetrius was taken prisoner, had come in a Parthian dress from Syria, with some guides that he had hired, through the deserts of Arabia to Babylon. But Phraates, who had succeeded Arsacides, brought him back, for he was overtaken in his flight by the speed of a party of horse sent after him by a shorter road. When he was brought to the king, not only pardon, but a testimony of esteem for his fidelity, was given to Callimander, but as for Demetrius, he sent him back, after having severely reproached him, into Hyrcania to his wife, and directed that he should be kept in stricter confinement than before. Some time after, when children that were born to him had caused him to be more trusted,73 he again attempted flight, with the same friend as his attendant, but was overtaken, with equal ill-fortune, near the borders of his dominions, and being again brought to the king, was ordered out of his sight, as a person whom he could not endure to see. But being then also spared, for the sake of his wife and children, he was remanded into Hyrcania, the country of his punishment, and presented with golden dice, as a reproach for his childish levity. But it was not compassion, or respect for ties of blood, that was the cause of this extraordinary clemency 74 of the Parthians toward Demetrius; the reason was, that they had some designs on the kingdom of Syria, and intended to make use of Demetrius against his brother Antiochus, as circumstances, the course of time, or the fortune of war, might require.
X. Antiochus, having heard of their designs, and thinking it proper to be first in the field, led forth an army, which he had inured to service by many wars 75 with his neighbours, against the Parthians. But his preparations for luxury were not less than those for war, for three hundred thousand 76 camp |264 followers, of whom the greater number were cooks, bakers, and stage-players, attended on eighty thousand armed men. Of silver and gold, it is certain, there was such an abundance that the common soldiers fastened their buskins with gold, and trod upon the metal for the love of which nations contend with the sword. Their cooking instruments, too, were ot silver, as if they were going to a banquet, not to a field of battle. Many kings of the east met Antiochus on his march, offering him themselves and their kingdoms, and expressing the greatest detestation of Parthian pride. Nor was there any delay in coming to an engagement. Antiochus, being victorious in three battles, and having got possession of Babylon, began to be thought a great man. All the neighbouring people, in consequence, joining him, nothing was left to the Parthians but their own country. It was then that Phraates sent Demetrius into Syria, with a body of Parthians, to seize the throne, so that Antiochus might be recalled from Parthia to secure his own dominions. In the meantime, since he could not overthrow Antiochus by open force, he made attempts upon him everywhere by stratagem. On account of the number of his forces, Antiochus had distributed his army, in winter quarters, through several cities; and this dispersion was the cause of his ruin; for the cities, finding themselves harassed by having to furnish supplies, and by the depredations of the soldiers, revolted to the Parthians, and, on an appointed day, conspired to fall upon the army divided among them, so that the several divisions might not be able to assist each other. News of the attack being brought to Antiochus, he hastened with that body of troops which he had in winter-quarters with him, to succour the others that lay nearest. On his way he was met by the king of the Parthians, with whom he himself fought more bravely than his troops; but at last, as the enemy had the superiority in valour, he was deserted, through fear on the part of his men, and killed. Phraates had funeral rites performed for him as a king, and married the daughter of Demetrius, whom Antiochus had brought with him, and of whom he had become enamoured. He then began to regret having sent away Demetrius, and hastily despatched some troops of horse to fetch him back; but they found that prince, who had been in fear of pursuit, already seated on his throne, and, after doing all they could to no purpose, returned to their king. |265
BOOK XXXIX.
Demetrius dethroned by a pretender named Zabinas; his death; state of his family, I.----Zabinas killed by Antiochus Grypus; a new pretender, Antiochus of Cyzicus, II.----Death of Ptolemy Physcon; state of Egypt and Syria; Antiochus of Cyzicus dethrones his brother Grypus, III.---- Cleopatra drives Ptolemy Lathyrus from Egypt, and places on the throne Ptolemy Alexander, by whom she is killed, IV.-----Ptolemy Alexander driven from Egypt; Lathyrus recalled; Ptolemy Apion, king of Cyrene, bequeaths his dominions to the Romans; desolation of Egypt and Syria, V.
I. AFTER Antiochus and his army were cut off in Persia, his brother Demetrius, being delivered from confinement 77 among the Parthians, and restored to his throne, resolved, while all Syria was mourning for the loss of the army, to make war upon Egypt, (just as if his and his brother's wars with the Parthians, in which one was taken prisoner and the other killed, had had a fortunate termination), Cleopatra his mother-in-law promising him the kingdom of Egypt, as a recompence for the assistance that he should afford her against her brother. But, as is often the case, while he was grasping at what belonged to others, he lost his own by a rebellion in Syria; for the people of Antioch, in the first place, under the leadership of Trypho, and from detestation of the pride of their king (which, from his intercourse with the unfeeling Parthians, had become intolerable), and afterwards the Apamenians 78 and other people, following their example, revolted from Demetrius in his absence Ptolemy, king of Egypt, too, who was threatened with a war by him, having learned that his sister Cleopatra had put much of the wealth of Egypt on ship-board, and fled into Syria to her daughter and son-in-law Demetrius, sent an Egyptian youth, 79 the son of a merchant named Protarchus, to claim the throne of Syria by force of arms, having forged a story, that he had been admitted into the family of King Antiochus by |266 adoption, and the Syrians, at the same time, refusing no man for their king, if they might but be freed from the insolence of Demetrius. The name of Alexander was given to the youth, and great succours were sent him from Egypt. Meanwhile the body of Antiochus, who had been killed by the king of the Parthians, arrived in Syria, being sent back in a silver coffin for burial, and was received with great respect by the different cities, as well as by the new king, Alexander, in order to secure credit to the fiction. This show of affection procured him extraordinary regard from the people, every one supposing his tears not counterfeit but real. Demetrius, being defeated by Alexander, and overwhelmed by misfortunes surrounding him on every side, was at last forsaken even by his wife and children. Being left, accordingly, with only a few slaves, and setting sail for Tyre, to shelter himself in the sanctuary of a temple there, he was killed, as he was leaving the ship, by order of the governor of the city. One of his sons, Seleucus, for having assumed the diadem without his mother's consent, was put to death by her; the other, who, from the size of his nose was named Grypus,80 was made king by his mother, so far at least that the regal name should belong to him, while all the power of sovereignty was to remain with herself.
II. But Alexander, having secured the throne of Syria, and being puffed up with success, began, with insolent haughtiness, to show disrespect even to Ptolemy himself, by whom he had been artfully advanced to royal dignity. Ptolemy, in consequence, effecting a reconciliation with his sister, prepared, with his utmost efforts, to overthrow that power, which, from hatred to Demetrius, he had procured for Alexander by supplying him with troops. He therefore sent a large force to the aid of Grypus, and his daughter Tryphaena to marry him, that he might induce the people to support his nephew, not only by sharing in the war with him, but by contracting with him this affinity. Nor were his endeavours without effect; for when the people saw Grypus upheld by the strength of Egypt, they began by degrees to fall away from Alexander. A battle then took place between the kings, in which Alexander was defeated, and fled to Antioch, Here, |267 being without money, and pay being wanted for his soldiers, he ordered a statue of Victory of solid gold, which was in the temple of Jupiter, to be removed, palliating the sacrilege with jests, and saying that "Victory was lent him by Jupiter." Some days after, having ordered a golden statue of Jupiter himself, of great weight, to be taken away secretly, and being caught in the sacrilegious act, he was forced to flee by a rising of the people, and being overtaken by a violent storm, and deserted by his men, he fell into the hands of robbers, and being brought before Grypus, was put to death.
Grypus, having thus recovered his father's throne, and being freed from foreign perils, found his life endangered by a plot of his own mother; who, after betraying, from desire of power, her husband Demetrius, and putting to death her other son, was discontented at her dignity being eclipsed by the victory of Grypus, and presented him with a cup of poison as he was returning home from taking exercise. But Grypus, having received notice of her treacherous intention, desired her (as if to show as much respect for his mother as she showed for him) to drink herself first, and, when she refused, pressed her earnestly, and at last, producing his informant, charged her with the fact, telling her, "that the only way left to clear herself from guilt, was, that she should drink what she had offered to her son." The queen, being thus disconcerted, and her wickedness turned upon herself, was killed with the poison which she had prepared for another. Grypus, accordingly, having securely established his throne, had peace himself, and secured it for his people, for eight years. At the end of that time a rival for the throne arose, named Cyzicenus, a brother of his own by the same mother, and son of his uncle Antiochus. Grypus having tried to take him off by poison, provoked him the sooner to contend for the throne with him by force of arms.
III. During these unnatural contentions in the kingdom of Syria, Ptolemy,81 king of Egypt, died, leaving the kingdom of Egypt to his wife, and one of her two sons, whichsoever she herself should choose; as if the condition of Egypt would be more quiet than that of Syria had been, when the mother, by electing one of her sons, would make the other her enemy. Though she was more inclined to fix on the younger of her |268 sons, the people obliged her to nominate the elder, from whom, however, before she gave him the throne, she took away his wife, compelling him to divorce his sister Cleopatra, whom he very much loved, and requiring him to marry his younger sister Selene; a determination as to her daughters not at all becoming a mother, as she took a husband from one, and gave him to the other. But Cleopatra being not so much divorced by her husband, as torn from her husband by her mother, married Cyzicenus in Syria, and that she might not bring him the mere name of a wife, carried over to him, as a dowry, the army of Grypus, which she had induced to desert. Cyzicenus, thinking himself thus a match for the power of his brother, gave him battle, but was defeated and put to flight, and sought refuge in Antioch. Grypus then proceeded to besiege Antioch, in which Cleopatra, the wife of Cyzicenus, was; and, when he had taken it, Tryphaena, the wife of Grypus, desired that nothing should be searched for before his sister Cleopatra, not that she might relieve her in her captivity, but that she might not escape the sufferings of captivity; since she had invaded the kingdom chiefly from envy towards her, and by marrying the enemy of her sister had made herself her enemy.82 She also charged her with bringing a foreign army to decide the disputes between the brothers, and with having married out of Egypt, when she was divorced from her brother, contrary to the will of her mother. Grypus, on the other hand, besought her, that "he might not be driven to commit so heinous a crime;" saying, that "by none of his forefathers, in the course of so many civil and foreign wars, had cruelties after victory been inflicted upon women, whom their sex itself protected from the perils of war and from ill-treatment on the part of the conquerors; and that in her Case, besides the common practice of people at war, there was added the closest tie of blood, for she was the full sister of her who would treat her so cruelly, his own cousin, and aunt to their children." In addition to these obligations of relationship, he mentioned also the superstitious regard paid to the temple in which she had taken refuge, observing that "the gods were so much the more religiously to be revered by him, as he had been the better enabled to conquer by their |269 favour and protection; and that neither by killing her would he diminish the strength of Cyzicenus, nor increase it by restoring her to him." But the more Grypus held back, the more was Tryphaena excited with a womanish pertinacity, fancying that her husband's observations proceeded not from pity but from love. Summoning some soldiers herself, therefore, she despatched a party to kill her sister. They, going into the temple, and not being able to drag her away, cut off her hands while she was embracing the statue of the goddess. Soon after Cleopatra expired, uttering imprecations on her unnatural murderers, and commending the avenging of her fate to the outraged deities. And not long after, another battle being fought, Cyzicenus, being victorious, took Tryphaena, the wife of Grypus, who had just before killed her sister, prisoner, and by putting her to death made atonement to the manes of his wife.
IV. In Egypt, Cleopatra, being dissatisfied at having her son Ptolemy to share her throne, excited the people against him, and taking from him his wife Selene (the more ignominiously, as he had now two children by her), obliged him to go into exile, sending, at the same time, for her younger son Alexander, and making him king in his brother's room. Nor was she content with driving her son from the throne, but pursued him with her arms while he was living in exile in Cyprus. After forcing him from thence, she put to death the general of her troops, because he had let him escape from his hands alive; though Ptolemy, indeed, had left the island from being ashamed to maintain a war against his mother, and not as being inferior to her in forces.
Alexander, alarmed at such cruelty on the part of his mother, deserted her also himself, preferring a life of quiet and security to royal dignity surrounded with danger: while Cleopatra, fearing lest her elder son Ptolemy should be assisted by Cyzicenus to re-establish himself in Egypt, sent powerful succours to Grypus, and with them Selene, Ptolemy's wife, to marry the enemy of her former husband. To her son Alexander she sent messengers to recall him to his country; but while, by secret treachery, she was plotting his destruction, she was anticipated by him and put to death, perishing, not by the course of nature, but by the hand of her son, and having, indeed, well deserved so infamous an end, since she |270 had driven her mother 83 from the bed of her father, had made her two daughters 84 widows by alternate marriages with their brothers, had made war upon one of her sons after sending him into exile, 85 and plotted against the life of the other 86 after depriving him of his throne.
V. Neither did so unnatural a murder, on the part of Alexander, go unpunished; for as soon as it was known that the mother had been killed by the wickedness of her son, he was driven, by an insurrection of the people, into banishment, and the crown was restored to Ptolemy, who was recalled, because he had refused to make war against his mother, and to take from his brother by force of arms what he himself had previously possessed. During the course of these proceedings, his natural brother, 87 to whom his father had left the kingdom of Cyrene by will, died, appointing the Roman people his heir; for the fortune of Rome, not content with the limits of Italy, had now begun to extend itself to the kingdoms of the east. Thus that part of Africa became a province of the Roman empire; and soon afterwards Crete and Cilicia, being subdued in the war against the pirates, were likewise made provinces. In consequence, the kingdoms of Syria and Egypt, which had been accustomed to aggrandize themselves by wars with their neighbours, being now confined by the vicinity of the Romans, and deprived of all opportunity of extending their frontiers, employed their strength to the injury of one another, so that, being exhausted by continual battles, they fell into contempt with their neighbours, and became a prey to the people of Arabia, a nation previously regarded as unwarlike. Their king Erotimus, relying on his seven hundred sons, whom he had had by his concubines, and dividing his forces, infested at one time Egypt, and another Syria, and procured a great name for the Arabians, by exhausting the strength of their neighbours. |271
BOOK XL.
The Syrians choose Tigranes, king of Armenia, to be their king, I.----A great earthquake in Syria; Syria made a Roman province, II.
I. AFTER the kings and kingdom of Syria had been exhausted by unintermitting wars, occasioned by the mutual animosities of brothers, and by sons succeeding to the quarrels of their fathers, the people began to look for relief from foreign parts, and to think of choosing a king from among the sovereigns of other nations. Some therefore advised that they should take Mithridates of Pontus, others Ptolemy of Egypt, but it being considered that Mithridates was engaged in war with the Romans, and that Ptolemy had always been an enemy to Syria, the thoughts of all were directed to Tigranes king of Armenia, who, in addition to the strength of his own kingdom, was supported by an alliance with Parthia, and by a matrimonial connection with Mithridates. Tigranes, accordingly, being invited to the throne of Syria, enjoyed a most tranquil reign over it for eighteen years, without having occasion to go to war either to attack others or to defend himself.
II. But Syria, though unmolested by enemies, was laid waste by an earthquake, in which a hundred and seventy thousand people, and several cities, were destroyed; a portent which the soothsayers declared "to presage a change in things."
After Tigranes was conquered by Lucullus, Antiochus, the son of Cyzicenus, was made king of Syria by his authority. But what Lucullus gave, Pompey soon after took away; telling him, when he made application for the crown, that "he would not give Syria, even if willing to accept him, and much less if unwilling, a king, who for eighteen years, during which Tigranes had governed Syria, had lain hid in a corner of Cilicia, and now, when Tigranes was conquered by the Romans, asked for the reward of other men's labours. Accordingly, as he had not taken the throne from Tigranes while he held it, so he would not give Antiochus what he himself had yielded to Tigranes, and what he would not know how to defend, lest he should again expose Syria to the depredations of the Jews and Arabians." He in consequence reduced Syria to the condition of a province, and the whole east, through the dissensions of kings of the same blood, fell by degrees under the power of the Romans.
[Footnotes moved to end and numbered]
1. * Phoenicen, caeterasque Syriae quidem, &c.] By Phoenice is meant the country of Phoenicia; by the other cities, cities in Coelesyria, which bordered on Phoenicia.
2. + Multas civitates.] Argos only is specified in the accounts of Nabis. See Plutarch, Lives of Flamininus and Philopoemen; Liv. xxxii. 40.
3. ++. see xxx. 4.
4. * All the texts have facultas. Graevius and Vorstius think that we should read difficultas. Scheffer is of opinion that facultas may stand, in the sense of want of opportunity, but this does not suit well with the inopia which follows.
5. + Consulem.] He was one of the suffetes, the two chief magistrates of Carthage. See Corn. Nep, Life of Hannibal, c. 7.
6. * Suis opibus.] That is, with the strength and resources of the country.
7. * Novis quotidie nuptiis deditus erat.] An exaggeration. He had, however, married his daughter Cleopatra to Ptolemy Epiphanes, Liv. xxxv. 13; he gave another daughter to Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, and was going to give a third to Eumenes, king of Pergamus, but he refused her. See Diod. Sic. xxix. 3.---- Wetzel.
8. + Lucius Aemilius Regillus, praetor, B.C. 191 (Liv. xxxvii. 26, 30; xxxvi, 45); the battle was fought between Myconnesus and the promontory of Corycus, and Aemilius triumphed for the victory in the following year; but Antiochus appointed Polyxenides, not Hannibal, to command against him. See Liv. xxxvii. 26; Florus, ii. 8.----Wetzel. Livy mentions Polyxenides only; Florus both Polyxenides and Hannibal.
9. * Justin seems here to have abridged his author too much.
10. * Wetzel's text has Romani; but Romanis, the conjecture of Graevius, is much more to the purpose.
11. * Verecundiâ magnitudinis ejus.] They did not make him die the death of a slave or malefactor, but allowed him a mode of dying suitable to his rank.
12. + Elymaei Jovis ] Or rather Belus, who had a temple in Elymais full of gold, silver, and valuable offerings, as is said by Diod. Sic. xxix. fragm. 15. A different account of this king's death is given in Aurel. Vict. liv. 5, and 1 Maccab. c. vi.-----Wetzel.
13. * Concursu insularium.] A temple, as a building standing by itself, might be called insula; the people who dwelt in and about it insulares. Insularium is a conjecture of Isaac Vossius; the previous reading was incolarum.
14. + He accused his brother of intending to be a fratricide; he himself became a fratricide by causing his father to put his brother to death.
15. * Argonautas raptoresque filiae.] Four of the old editions have raptoremque, i. e. Jason----Wetzel.
16. + Propter magnitudinem navis.] Bongarsius thinks that navis is to be understood in the sense of navigationis; but this is absurd. We must simply understand that the river Save would not admit a ship of that size, and that they were consequently obliged to take it on their shoulders and carry it to the shores of the Adriatic. The story is well known.---- Vossius. As to the carrying of the Argo on the shoulders of her crew, see Apoll. Rhod. iv. 1383, seqq. Scheffer would read navigationis instead of navis.
17. ++ Similar military punishments, rather ignominious than painful, are noticed in Diod. Sic. xii. 16; Plutarch. Ages. c. 51; Liv. xxvii. 15 Tacit. xiii. 36; Suet. Aug. c. 24; Val Max. xi. 7, 9, and 15; Frontin. iv. 1; Plato, Legg. ix. sub init.----Berneccerus.
18. * Civitate.] That is, the city of Gortyn in which he resided. See Corn. Nep. Life of Hannibal.
19. + Ponticis.] Rather Pergamenis, says Wetzel, Eumenes being king of Pergamus.
20. ++ Qui ferro nequeant is the reading of all the editions, but it should surely be quasi ferro nequeant.
21. * Sextario ] The sextarius was nearly a pint, being the sixth part of the congius, which was equal to 5.9471 pints.
22. + Omnium regum.] A hyperbolical expression, such as our author often uses. Previously, xxxii. 3, he mentions only the Gauls as auxiliaries of Perseus; Livy, xlii 29, adds Cotys, king of the Odrysae. ---- Wetzel.
23. * Extra ordinem.] He had his province by lot in the usual way; Macedonia fell to him, and Italy to his colleague Crassus.----Durand. See Livy, xliv. 17.
24. + Hostium.] Seven of the old editions have omnium, which Scheffer prefers, as it was a shout of congratulation, proceeding from the Romans, not from the enemy.---- Wetzel.
25. ++ Sed rerum non nisi centum nonaginta duobus annis potita.] Macedonia attained its height when Alexander conquered Darius, B.C. 329, in which year Justin, x. 3, considers that the Persian empire terminated, and the Macedonian began. Between that year and the defeat of Perseus elapsed only 160 years, and if we would wish to make up our author's number of 192, we must take in thirty-two from the previous period, going back to B.C. 361, when Philip was a hostage at Thebes. Hence the reading of Bongarsius's codices, 152, seems preferable; or, to take a round number, 150, the reading of three other copies; and this is the number given by Livy, xlv. 9.---- Wetzel.
26. * Ptolemy Philometor, who reigned from B.C. 180 to 145 (see Diod. Sic. xxx. 15), being the son and successor of Ptolemy Epiphanes, who married the daughter of Antiochus the Great, sister to the Antiochus mentioned in the text.---- Wetzel.
27. * Ptolemy Physcon, who became master of Cyrene and Libya in the year B.C. 157, Diod. Sic. xxxi. 26. He succeeded his brother at his death, B.C. 135, and reigned twenty-seven years.---- Wetzel.
28. + He had been sent to Rome as a hostage by his father Antiochus the Great, and afterwards by his brother Seleucus IV.---- Wetzel.
29. ++ He was not his uncle but his cousin, being the son of Seleucus IV., the brother of Antiochus Epiphanes.----Bongarsius.
30. * Ostia or Hostia at the mouth of the Tiber.
31. + From the expression "he had come," venerat, it appears that he had previously fled out of the kingdom, though Justin does not mention his flight.
32. * Rege Asiae.] King of Pergamus, where he reigned twenty years, B.C. 157 to 137.---- Wetzel.
33. * He that Justin calls Arsacides was the sixth of the Arsacidae, or Mithridates I., who reigned from B.C. 173 to 136.----Wetzel. Arsacidae was the common name of the descendants of Arsaces, the founder of the Parthian power.
34. * Per ora civitatum.
35. + Vitio.] Some editions have initio.
36. ++ The confused account which our author, as well as Tacitus, v. 2,----14, gives concerning the Jews, and the false statements contained in it, must be corrected from the books of the Old Testament and from Josephus.----Wetzel.
37. * Wetzel's text has ex regina Semiramide, but I have thought proper to follow the reading of the Juntine edition, et reginae Semiramidi, which is found in two manuscripts, and which Wetzel himself prefers.
38. * A corruption of Aaron.
39. + Opobalsami.] In Gen. xxxvii. 25; xliii. 11, we find that Canaan produced balm; it is now found only in Arabia Petraea. "The balm-tree (balsami arbor) grew," says Origen, "in Judaea, only within a space of about twenty acres, but after the Romans became masters of the country it was propagated over extensive hills. Its stem is similar to that of the vine, and its leaves to those of rue, but whiter and always remaining on the tree." The word balsamum properly signifies the tree, and opobalsamum (that is, o)po_j tou~ balsa&mou, as o)popa&nac is o)po_j tou~ pa&nakoj, juice of all-heal, Diosc. iii. 48) the juice; xylobalsamum means the wood of the tree. Justin, however, contrary to the practice of other writers, uses opobalsamum for the tree, and balsamum for the juice.----Lemaire.
40. ++ That is, Jericho, which is the reading of the Cologne edition.----Wetzel.
41. * Tepidi aëris naturalis quaedam et perpetua apricitas inest.] Such is the reading of Gronovius and Wetzel, who interpret apricitas to signify a moderate warmth or tepidity. Some of the older editions have opacitas, which Tauchnitz and Dübner have adopted. "Salmasius, on Solinus, p. 990, says that not every place exposed to the sun is properly called apricus, but one which lies open to a gentle and moderate influence of his beams. Hence aprici colles, Virg Ecl. ix. 49, are hills turned towards the rising sun, which, not being excessively hot, is well suited for ripening grapes."----Berneccerus.
42. + Primum Xerxes----domuit.] This is an error. The kingdom of Israel was overthrown by Shalmaneser, B.C. 722, and that of Judah by Nebuchadnezzar, B.C. 588. The return from captivity, under Cyrus, was B.C. 536. The Jews continued subject to the Persians till the time of Alexander, after whom they were under the rule, sometimes of the Ptolemies, and sometimes of the Seleucidae, till B.C. 167.----Dübner.
43. ++ Amicitiâ Romanorum petitâ.] Judas Maccabaeus, B.C. 166, formed an alliance with the Romans; Joseph. Ant. xii. 10.
44. * See Liv. Epit. lviii.; Vell. Pat. ii. 4; August. Civ. D. xiii. 2 Orosius, v. 8; Florus, ii. 20; Sallust's Hist. Fragm. lib. iv.; Bohn's Cl. Library, p. 242.
45. * Mithridates surnamed Euergetes, father of Mithridates the Great.
46. + Justin, or Trogus, seems to prefer him to Alexander the Great.
47. * Non vi hostili.] Some copies have victus after hostili; Wetzel omits it.
48. + Quartam cœli partem.] That is, forty-five degrees. There was a similar comet, B.C. 372, which Aristotle, Meteor. i. 6, calls a great comet, and which spread its tail over a third part of the sky, i.e. over sixty degrees. Diod. Siculus also, xv. 50, says that its light was like that of the moon.---- Wetzel.
49. ++ Quum oriretur occumberetque, quatuor horarum spatium consumebat.] That is, after it touched the horizon, at its rising or setting, four hours elapsed before it wholly appeared or disappeared.
50. § Se----stagnavit.] Gronovius and Graevius would read stannavit; but stagnare is used by Vegetius in the sense of securing or fortifying, and Justin has the passive stagnor, xxxvi. 3.
51. * Pontum occupavit.] How Pontus, of which, he was already master? ----Wetzel. But from the words bella Pontica, in xxxviii. 7, it may be conjectured that he had to fight before he secured his throne.
52. + Asia Minor.
53. * He had been banished; see below.
54. * The commentators are divided respecting these names. Bongarsius and Vorstius, from Appian, and Livy, Epit. lxxvii. think that the first name should be Manius Aquilius. The Juntine edition has Aquilius Manlius et Manius Attilius; Becharius and Major read Aquilius Mallius et Maltinus. But conjecture is useless; the same names are repeated, without any praenomina, in c. 4 of this book. The name Malthinus occurs in Horace.
55. + See xxv. 2.
56. ++ Vacationem.] That this is the sense of vacatio, though tributorum is not expressed, is generally agreed. For instances of similar immunity, Berneccerus refers to Tacit. Ann. ii. 56, and Liv. xlv. 18.
57. * Justin has given two examples of direct speeches, xiv 4; xviii. 7. ---- Wetzel.
58. * Wetzel has pro jure imperii in his text, but seems to prefer, in his note on the passage, J. F. Gronovius's reading, pro vice imperii, which is found in some MSS.
59. + By the Samnites; Liv. ix. 5; Vell. Pat. i. 14.
60. * All the editions have adoptione testamenti, et regum domesticorum interitu. Scheffer asks, "What is adoptione testamenti? Perhaps," he adds, "adoption made per testamentum. But no one has explained this form of adoption; and if it were explained, whence does it appear that any adoption was made in this case per testamentum?" He concludes by proposing to read adoptione, testamento, &c.
61. + This Christos is nowhere else mentioned.
62. * See xxxvi. 4.
63. + Divitiarumque avidos ac jejunos.] A confusion of man and wolf.
64. ++ Earum se gentium esse.] Faber observes that regem is wanting in the text, and must be supplied.
65. * That is, all Greater Asia; all the eastern part of Asia.
66. + Bella Pontica.] See xxxvii. 3.
67. ++ Tantumque se avida expectet Asia, &c.] Faber reads tamque se, &c., but even then, as Vorstius observes, the words do not suit the oratio obliqua, which requires avidam expectare Asiam, &c.
68. * Romana bella.] Of which Justin gives no regular account. He touches on the subject, xxxvii. 1, and xxviii. 3; but what he relates of Aquilius and Maltinus in the latter passage occurred twenty-three years after Mithridates commenced the war.
69. + Philometor. See xxxiv. 2.
70. ++ Physcon. See xxxiv. 2.
71. * xxxvi. 1.
72. + See note on xxxvi. 1.
73. * Because Phraates thought that such a tie was likely to attach Demetrius to Hyrcania.----Lemaire.
74. + Wetzel's text, and, I believe, all others, have mitem clementiam, but as mitem is a useless epithet, I have followed Scheffer's conjecture, miram clementiam.
75. ++ See xxxvi. 1.
76. § Trecenta millia.] Triginta millia, which appears in the Ven. Ald. and Col. editions, is a more probable number.---- Wetzel.
77. * Obsidione.] Obsidio for captivitas.---- Vorstius. An odd word. But the sense is evident. See xxxvi. 1; xxxviii. 10.
78. + Apamene was a district of Syria, in which stood the city of Apamia.
79. ++ Ptolemy spread a report that this youth, to whom he gave the name of Alexander, and who is called Zebennas by Josephus, xiii. 17, and Zabinas by Diod. Sic. xxxiv. fragm. 20, 22, was the son of the Antiochus killed by the Parthians, xxxviii. 8, or rather of Alexander Bala. See xxxv. 1, 2.---- Wetzel.
80. * Propter nasi magnitudinem cognomen Grypo fuit.] But the adjective gpupo&j, as Faber observes, means hooked, aquiline; and he therefore proposes to read propter nasi altitudinem, &c.
81. * Ptolemy Physcon. See xxxviii. 8.
82. * Cleopatra, by marrying Cyzicenus the enemy of Tryphaena, became herself Tryphaena's enemy.
83. * Her mother Cleopatra. See xxxviii. 8, supra med.
84. + Cleopatra and Selene. See c. 3, init. and the beginning of this chapter.
85. ++ As is told in this chapter.
86. § As is told in this chapter.
87. || Apion, the son of Ptolemy Philometor, or, as Justin will have it, of Physcon.----Wetzel.
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Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886). pp. 271-296. Books 41-44
Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886). pp. 271-296. Books 41-44
BOOK XLI.
Origin and growth of the power of the Parthians, I.----Their manners, mode of fighting, and religion, II., III.----Their history to the death of Alexander the Great, IV.----Nature of their country; reign of Arsaces; his successors, V.----State of the Bactrians under Eucratides; victories of the Parthians, VI.
I. THE Parthians, in whose hands the empire of the east now is, having divided the world, as it were, with the Romans, were originally exiles from Scythia. This is apparent from their very name; for in the Scythian language exiles are called Parthi. During the time of the Assyrians and Medes, they were the most obscure of all the people of the east. Subsequently, too, when the empire of the east was transferred from the Medes to the Persians, they were but as a herd without a name, and fell under the power of the stronger. At last they became subject to the Macedonians, when they conquered the east; so that it must seem wonderful to every one, that they should have reached such a height of good fortune as to rule over those nations under whose sway they had been merely slaves. Being assailed by the Romans, also, in three wars, under the conduct of the greatest generals, and at the most flourishing period of the republic, they alone, of all nations, were not only a match for them, but came off victorious; though it may have been a greater glory to them, indeed, to have been able to rise amidst the Assyrian, Median, and Persian empires, so celebrated of old, and the most powerful dominion of Bactria, peopled with a thousand cities, than to have been victorious in war against a people that came from a distance; especially when they were continually harassed by severe wars with the Scythians and other neighbouring nations, and pressed with various other formidable contests.
The Parthians, being forced to quit Scythia by discord at home, gradually settled in the deserts betwixt Hyrcania, the Dahae, the Arei, the Sparni 1 and Marsiani. They then advanced their borders, though their neighbours, who at first made no opposition, at length endeavoured to prevent them, |273 to such an extent, that they not only got possession of the vast level plains, but also of steep hills, and heights of the mountains; and hence it is that an excess of heat or cold prevails in most parts of the Parthian territories; since the snow is troublesome on the higher grounds, and the heat in the plains.
II. The government of the nation, after their revolt from the Macedonian power, was in the hands of kings. Next to the royal authority is the order of the people,2 from which they take generals in war and magistrates in peace. Their language is something between those of the Scythians and Medes, being a compound of both. Their dress was formerly of a fashion peculiar to themselves; afterwards, when their power had increased, it was like that of the Medes, light and full flowing. The fashion of their arms is that of their own country and of Scythia.3 They have an army, not like other nations, of free men, but chiefly consisting of slaves, the numbers of whom daily increase, the power of manumission being allowed to none, and all their offspring, in consequence, being born slaves. These bondmen they bring up as carefully as their own children, and teach them, with great pains, the arts of riding and shooting with the bow. As any one is eminent in wealth, so he furnishes the king with a proportionate number of horsemen for war. Indeed when fifty thousand cavalry encountered Antony, as he was making war upon Parthia, only four hundred of them were free men.
Of engaging with the enemy in close fight, and of taking cities by siege, they know nothing. They fight on horseback, either galloping forward or turning their backs. Often, too, they counterfeit flight, that they may throw their pursuers off their guard against being wounded by their arrows. The signal for battle among them is given, not by trumpet, but by drum. Nor are they able to fight long: but they would be irresistible, if their vigour and perseverance were equal to the fury of their onset. In general they retire before the enemy in the very heat of the engagement, and, soon after their |274 retreat, return to the battle afresh; so that, when you feel most certain that you have conquered them, you have still to meet the greatest danger from them. Their armour, and that of their horses, is formed of plates, lapping over one another like the feathers of a bird, and covers both man and horse entirely.4 Of gold and silver, except for adorning their arms, they make no use.
III. Each man has several wives, for the sake of gratifying desire with different objects. They punish no crime more severely than adultery, and accordingly they not only exclude their women from entertainments, but forbid them the very sight of men. They eat no flesh but that which they take in hunting. They ride on horseback on all occasions; on horses they go to war, and to feasts; on horses they discharge public and private duties; on horses they go abroad, meet together, traffic, and converse. Indeed the difference between slaves and freemen is, that slaves go on foot, but freemen only on horseback. Their general mode of sepulture is dilaniation by birds or dogs; the bare bones they at last bury in the ground.5 In their superstitions and worship of the gods, the principal veneration is paid to rivers. The disposition of the people is proud, quarrelsome, faithless, and insolent; for a certain roughness of behaviour they think becoming to men, and gentleness only to women. They are always restless, and ready for any commotion, at home or abroad; taciturn by nature; more ready to act than speak, and consequently shrouding both their successes and miscarriages in silence. They obey their princes, not from humility, but from fear. They are libidinous, but frugal in diet. To their word or promise they have no regard, except as far as suits their interest.
IV. After the death of Alexander the Great, when the kingdoms of the east were divided among his successors, the government of Parthia was committed to Stasanor, a foreign |275 ally, because none of the Macedonians would deign to accept it. Subsequently, when the Macedonians were divided into parties by civil discord, the Parthians, with the other people of Upper Asia, followed Eumenes, and, when he was defeated, went over to Antigonus. After his death they were under the rule of Seleucus Nicator, and then under Antiochus and his successors, from whose great-grandson Seleucus they first revolted, in the first Punic war, when Lucius Manlius Vulso and Marcus Attilius Regulus were consuls. For their revolt, the dispute between the two brothers, Seleucus and Antiochus, procured them impunity; for while they sought to wrest the throne from one another, they neglected to pursue the revolters.
At the same period, also, Theodotus, governor of the thousand cities of Bactria, revolted, and assumed the title of king; and all the other people of the east, influenced by his example, fell away from the Macedonians. One Arsaces, a man of uncertain origin, but of undisputed bravery, happened to arise at this time; and he, who was accustomed to live by plunder and depredations, hearing a report that Seleucus was overcome by the Gauls in Asia, and being consequently freed from dread of that prince, invaded Parthia with a band of marauders, overthrew Andragoras his lieutenant, and, after putting him to death, took upon himself the government of the country. Not long after, too, he made himself master of Hyrcania, and thus, invested with authority over two nations, raised a large army, through fear of Seleucus and Theodotus, king of the Bactrians. But being soon relieved of his fears by the death of Theodotus, he made peace and an alliance with his son, who was also named Theodotus; and not long after, engaging with king Seleucus, who came to take vengeance on the revolters, he obtained a victory; and the Parthians observe the day on which it was gained with great solemnity, as the date of the commencement of their liberty.
V. Seleucus being then recalled into Asia by new disturbances, and respite being thus given to Arsaces, he settled the Parthian government, levied soldiers, built fortresses, and strengthened his towns. He founded a city also, called Dara, in Mount Zapaortenon, of which the situation is such, that no place can be more secure or more pleasant; for it is so encircled with steep rocks, that the strength of its position needs no defenders; and such is the fertility of the adjacent |276 soil, that it is stored with its own produce. Such too is the plenty of springs and wood, that it is amply supplied with streams of water, and abounds with all the pleasures of the chace. Thus Arsaces, having at once acquired and established a kingdom, and having become no less memorable among the Parthians than Cyrus among the Persians, Alexander among the Macedonians, or Romulus among the Romans, died at a mature old age; and the Parthians paid this honour to his memory, that they called all their kings thenceforward by the name of Arsaces. His son and successor on the throne, whose name was also Arsaces, fought with the greatest bravery against Antiochus, the son of Seleucus, who was at the head of a hundred thousand foot and twenty thousand horse, and was at last taken into alliance with him. The third king of the Parthians was Priapatius; but he was also called Arsaces, for, as has just been observed, they distinguished all their kings by that name, as the Romans use the titles of Caesar and Augustus. He, after reigning fifteen years, died, leaving two sons, Mithridates and Phraates, of whom the elder, Phraates, being, according to the custom of the nation, heir to the crown, subdued the Mardi, a strong people, by force of arms, and died not long after, leaving several sons, whom he set aside, and left the throne, in preference, to his brother Mithridates, a man of extraordinary ability, thinking that more was due to the name of king than to that of father, and that he ought to consult the interests of his country rather than those of his children.
VI. Almost at the same time that Mithridates ascended the throne among the Parthians, Eucratides began to reign among the Bactrians; both of them being great men. But the fortune of the Parthians, being the more successful, raised them, under this prince, to the highest degree of power; while the Bactrians, harassed with various wars, lost not only their dominions, but their liberty; for having suffered from contentions with the Sogdians, the Drangians, and the Indians, they were at last overcome, as if exhausted, by the weaker 6 Parthians. Eucratides, however, carried on several wars with great spirit, and though much reduced by his losses in them, |277 yet, when he was besieged by Demetrius king of the Indians, with a garrison of only three hundred soldiers, he repulsed, by continual sallies, a force of sixty thousand enemies.7 Having accordingly escaped, after a five months' siege, he reduced India under his power. But as he was returning from the country, he was killed on his march by his son, with whom he had shared his throne, and who was so far from concealing the murder, that, as if he had killed an enemy, and not his father, he drove his chariot through his blood, and ordered his body to be cast out unburied.
During the course of these proceedings among the Bactrians, a war arose between the Parthians and Medes, and after fortune on each side had been some time fluctuating, victory at length fell to the Parthians; when Mithridates, enforced with this addition to his power, appointed Bacasis over Media, while he himself marched into Hyrcania. On his return from thence, he went to war with the king of the Elymaeans, and having conquered him, added this nation also to his dominions, and extended the Parthian empire, by reducing many other tribes under his yoke, from Mount Caucasus to the river Euphrates. Being then taken ill, he died in an honourable old age, and not inferior in merit to his great-grandfather Arsaces.
BOOK XLII.
Phraates, king of the Parthians, is killed by the Greeks in his army, I.----The Parthians make war on Armenia; early history of Armenia, II.----Jason; Armenius; source of the Tigris, III.----Continuation of the history of Parthia; reign of Orodes, IV.----Phraates; Tiridates; relics of the armies of Crassus and Antony given up to Augustus, V.
I. AFTER the death of Mithridates, king of the Parthians, Phraates his son was made king, who, having proceeded to make war upon Syria, in revenge for the attempts of Antiochus on the Parthian dominions, was recalled, by hostilities on the part of the Scythians, to defend his own country. For the Scythians, having been induced, by the offer of pay, to assist the Parthians against, Antiochus king of Syria, and not having |278 arrived till the war was ended, were disappointed of the expected remuneration, and reproached with having brought their aid too late; and when, in discontent at having made so long a march in vain, they demanded that "either some recompence for their trouble, or another enemy to attack, should be assigned them," being offended at the haughty reply which they received, they began to ravage the country of the Parthians. Phraates, in consequence, marching against them, left a certain Himerus, who had gained his favours in the bloom of youth, to take care of his kingdom. But Himerus, unmindful both of his past life, and of the duty with which he was entrusted, miserably harassed the people of Babylon, and many other cities, with tyrannical cruelties. Phraates himself, meanwhile, took with him to the war a body of Greeks, who had been made prisoners in the war against Antiochus, and whom he had treated with great pride and severity, not reflecting that captivity had not lessened their hostile feelings, and that the indignity of the outrages which they had suffered must have exasperated them. As soon therefore as they saw the Persians giving ground, they went over to the enemy, and executed that revenge for their captivity, which they had long desired, by a sanguinary destruction of the Parthian army and of king Phraates himself.
II. In his stead Artabanus, his uncle, was made king. The Scythians, content with their victory, and with having laid waste Parthia, returned home. Artabanus, making war upon the Thogarii, received a wound in the arm, of which he immediately died. He was succeeded by his son Mithridates, to whom his achievements procured the surname of Great; for, being fired with a desire to emulate the merit of his ancestors, he was enabled by the vast powers of his mind to surpass their renown. He carried on many wars, with great bravery, against his neighbours, and added many provinces to the Parthian kingdom. He fought successfully, too, several times, against the Scythians, and avenged the injuries received from them by his forefathers. At last he turned his arms against Ortoadistes,8 king of Armenia.
But since we here make a transition to Armenia, we must look a little farther back into its origin; for it is not right that so great a kingdom should be passed in silence, since its territory, |279 next to that of Parthia, is of greater extent than any other kingdom. Armenia, from Cappadocia to the Caspian Sea, stretches over a space of eleven hundred miles, and is seven hundred miles in breadth. It was founded by Armenius, the companion of Jason of Thessaly, whom King Pelias, wishing to procure his death from dread of his extraordinary ability, which was dangerous to his throne, despatched on a prescribed expedition to Colchis, to bring home the fleece of the ram so celebrated throughout the world; hoping that the man would lose his life, either in the perils of so long a voyage, or in war with barbarians so remote. But Jason, having spread abroad the report of so glorious an enterprise, at which the chief of the youth from almost all the world 9 came flocking to him, collected a band of heroes, who were called Argonauts. Having brought his troop back safe, and being again driven from Thesssaly by the sons of Pelias, he set out on a second voyage for Colchis, accompanied by a numerous train of followers (who, at the fame of his valour, came daily from all parts to join him), by his wife Medea, whom, having previously divorced her, he had now received again from compassion for her exile, and by his step-son Medus, whom she had by Aegeus king of the Athenians; and he re-established his father-in-law Aeetes 10 who had been driven from his throne.
III. He then carried on great wars with the neighbouring nations; and of the cities which he took, he added part to the kingdom of his father-in-law, to make amends for the injury that he had done him in his former expedition, in which he had carried off his daughter Medea and put to death his son Aegialeus, 11 and part he assigned to the people that he had brought with him; and he is said to have been the first of mankind, after Hercules and Bacchus (whom tradition declares to have been kings of the east), that subdued that quarter of the world. Over some of these nations he appointed Recas and Amphistratus, the charioteers of Castor and Pollux, to be their rulers. With the Albanians he formed an alliance, a people who are said to have followed Hercules out of Italy, from the Alban |280 mount, when, after having killed Geryon, he was driving his herds through Italy, and who, remembering their Italian descent, saluted the soldiers of Pompey in the Mithridatic war as their brothers. Hence almost the whole east appointed divine honours, and erected temples, to Jason, as their founder; temples which Parmenio, one of the generals of Alexander the Great, caused many years after to be pulled down, that no name might be more venerated in the east than that of Alexander After the death of Jason, Medus, emulous of his virtues, built a city named Medea in honour of his mother, and established the kingdom of the Medes after his own name, under whose dominion the empire of the east afterwards fell. On the Albanians border the Amazons, whose queen Thalestris, as many authors relate, sought the couch of Alexander. Armenius, too, who was himself a Thessalian, and one of the captains of Jason, having re-assembled a body of men, who, after the death of Jason were wandering about, founded Armenia, from the mountains of which the river Tigris issues, at first with a very small stream, out after running some distance, is lost in the earth, and then, flowing five and twenty miles underground,12 rises up a great river in the province of Sophene; and thus it is received into the marshes of the Euphrates.
IV. Mithridates king of the Parthians, after his war with Armenia, was banished from his kingdom for his cruelty by the Parthian seriate. His brother Orodes, who took possession of the vacant throne, besieged Babylon, whither Mithridates had fled, for some time, and reduced the people, under the influence of famine, to surrender. Mithridates, from confidence in his relationship to Orodes, voluntarily put himself into his hands; but Orodes, contemplating him rather as an enemy than a brother, ordered him to be put to death before his face. After this, he carried on a war with the Romans, and overthrew their general Crassus, together with his son and all the Roman army. His son Pacorus, who was sent to pursue what remained of the Roman forces, after achieving great actions in Syria, incurred some jealousy on the part of his father, and was recalled into Parthia; and during his absence the Parthian army left in Syria was cut off, with all its commanders, by |281 Cassius the quaestor of Crassus. Not long after these occurrences the civil war among the Romans, between Caesar and Pompey, broke out, in which the Parthians took the side of Pompey, both from the friendship that they had formed with him in the Mithridatic war, and because of the death of Crassus, whose son they understood to be of Caesar's party, and supposed that, if Caesar were victorious, he would avenge his father's fate. When Pompey's party was worsted, they sent assistance to Cassius and Brutus against Augustus and Antony; and, after the war was ended, they made an alliance with Labienus, and, under the leadership of Pacorus, again laid waste Syria and Asia, and assailed, with a vast force, the camp of Ventidius, who, like Cassius before him, had routed the Parthian army in the absence of Pacorus. Ventidius, pretending to be afraid, kept himself a long time in his camp, and suffered the Parthians to insult him. At last, however, when they were full of security and exultation, he sent out part of his legions upon them, and the Parthians, put to flight by their onset, went off in several directions; when Pacorus, supposing that his fugitive troops had drawn off all the Roman forces in pursuit of them, attacked Ventidius's camp, as if it had been left without defenders. Upon this, Ventidius, pouring forth the rest of his troops, put the whole force of the Parthians, with their king Pacorus, to the sword; nor did the Parthians, in any war, ever suffer a greater slaughter.
When the news of this discomfiture reached Parthia, Orodes, the father of Pacorus, who had just before heard that Syria had been ravaged, and Asia occupied by his Parthians, and was boasting of his son Pacorus as the conqueror of the Romans, was affected, on hearing of the death of his son and the destruction of his army, at first with grief, and afterwards with disorder of the intellect. For several days he neither spoke to any one, nor took food, nor uttered a sound, so that he seemed to have become dumb. Some time after, when his sorrow found vent in words, he did nothing but call upon Pacorus; Pacorus seemed to be seen and heard by him; Pacorus appeared to talk with him, and stand by him; though at other times he mourned and wept for him as lost. After long indulgence in grief, another cause of concern troubled the unhappy old man, as he had to determine which of his thirty sons he should choose for his successor in the room of Pacorus. His numerous concubines, from whom so large a progeny had sprung, were perpetually working |282 on the old man's feelings, each anxious for her own offspring, But the fate of Parthia, in which it is now, as it were, customary that the princes should be assassins of their kindred; ordained that the most cruel of them all, Phraates by name should be fixed upon for their king.
V. Phraates immediately proceeded to kill his father, as if he would not die, and put to death, also, all his thirty 13 brothers. But his murders did not end with his father's sons; for finding that the nobility began to detest him for his constant barbarities, he caused his own son, who was grown up, to be killed, that there might be no one to be nominated king. On this prince Antony made war, with sixteen effective legions, for having sent troops against him and Caesar; but being severely harassed in several engagements, he was forced to retreat from Parthia. Phraates, upon this success, becoming still more insolent, and being guilty of many fresh acts of cruelty, was driven into exile by his subjects. Having then, for a long time, wearied the neighbouring people, and at last the Scythians, with entreaties for aid, he was at last restored to his throne by a powerful Scythian force. During his absence, the Parthians had made one Tiridates king, who, when he heard of the approach of the Scythians, fled with a great body of his partisans to Caesar,14 who was then carrying on war in Spain,15 taking with him, as a hostage for Caesar, the youngest son of Phraates, whom, being but negligently guarded, he had secretly carried off. Phraates, on hearing of his flight, immediately sent ambassadors to Caesar, requesting that "his slave Tiridates, and his son, should be restored to him." Caesar, after listening to the embassy of Phraates, and deliberating on the application of Tiridates (for he also had asked to be restored to his throne, saying that "Parthia would be wholly in the power of the Romans, if he should hold the kingdom as a gift from them"), replied, that "he would neither give up Tiridates to the Parthians, nor give assistance to Tiridates against the Parthians." That it might not appear, however, that nothing had been obtained from Caesar by all |283 their applications, he sent back to Phraates his son without ransom, and ordered a handsome maintenance to be furnished to Tiridates, as long as he chose to continue among the Romans. Some time after, when Caesar had finished the Spanish war, and had proceeded to Syria to settle the affairs of the east, he caused some alarm to Phraates, who was afraid that he might contemplate an invasion of Parthia. Whatever prisoners, accordingly, remained of the army of Crassus or Antony throughout, Parthia, were collected together, and sent, with the military standards that had been taken, to Augustus. In addition to this, the sons and grandsons of Phraates were delivered to Augustus as hostages; and thus Caesar effected more by the power of his name, than any other general could have done by his arms.
BOOK XLIII.
Early age of Italy, I.----Birth and youth, of Romulus and Remus, II.----Foundation of Rome; of Marseilles, III.----History of Marseilles, IV.----Wars and successes of the Massilians; friendship between, them and the Romans; family of Trogus Pompeius, V.
I. HAVING narrated the history of the Parthians and other eastern nations, and of almost the whole world, Trogus returns home, as if after a long journey in foreign parts, to relate the rise of the city of Rome, thinking it would be the mark of an ungrateful citizen, if, after he had set forth the acts of other nations, he should be silent concerning his native country alone. He therefore briefly touches on the origin of the Roman empire, so as neither to exceed the bounds of the work that he had proposed, nor to pass unnoticed the origin of a city which is now the mistress of the world.
The first inhabitants of Italy were the Aborigines, whose king, Saturn, is said to have been a man of such extraordinary justice, that no one was a slave in his reign, or had any private property, but all things were common to all, and undivided, as one estate for the use of every one; in memory of which way of life, it has been ordered that at the Saturnalia slaves should everywhere sit down with their masters at the entertainments, the rank of all being made equal. Italy was accordingly |284 called, from the name of that king, Saturnia; and the hill on which he dwelt Saturnius, on which now stands the Capitol, as if Saturn had been dislodged from his seat by Jupiter. After him, third in descent, they say that Faunus was king, in whose time Evander came into Italy from Pallanteum, a city of Arcadia, accompanied with a small band of his countrymen, to whom Faunus kindly gave land, and the mountain which he afterwards called Palatium. At the foot of this mountain he built a temple to the Lycaean god, whom the Greeks call Pan, and the Romans Lupercus,16 the naked statue of the deity being covered with a goat-skin, in which dress the priests now run up and down during the Lupercalia at Rome. This Faunus had a wife named Fatua, who, being constantly filled with a spirit of divination, gave notice, in fits of frenzy as it were, of things to come; and hence, to this day, those who are accustomed to be thus inspired, are said fatuari.17 Of an illicit connection between a daughter of Faunus and Hercules, (who, having killed Geryon about that time, was driving his herds, the prize of his victory, through Italy), was born Latinus, in whose reign Aeneas came from Ilium 18 into Italy, after the destruction of Troy by the Greeks, and being immediately received with hostile demonstrations, led out his troops into the field, but being first invited to a conference, raised such admiration of himself in Latinus, that he was both admitted to a share of his throne, and became his son-in-law by a marriage with his daughter Lavinia. After this event, they had to carry on war in concert against Turnus, king of the Rutulians, because he had been disappointed of marrying Lavinia; and in the war both Turnus and Latinus were killed, Aeneas, in consequence, becoming by right of victory master of both nations, built a city which he called Lavinium, from the name of his wife. Some time afterwards, he went to war with Mezentius, king of the Etrurians, and being killed in it, Ascanius his son succeeded him, who, removing from |285 Lavinium, built Alba Longa, which for three hundred years was the metropolis of his kingdom.
II. At length, after many kings had reigned in this city, Numitor and Amulius became joint sovereigns. But Amulius, having deprived Numitor, who was the elder, of his share of the throne, condemned his daughter Rhea to perpetual virginity, that no male offspring of Numitor's family might arise to claim the crown, palliating the injury by an appearance of honour, so that she might not seem to have been compelled, but to have been chosen one of the vestal virgins. Being shut up, accordingly, in a grove sacred to Mars, she gave birth to two boys, whether the offspring of an illicit connexion with a mortal, or of the god Mars, is uncertain. This affair becoming known, Amulius, whose fears were increased by the birth of twins, ordered the children to be exposed, and threw his niece into prison, of which ill-treatment she died. Fortune, however, having a care for the raising of Rome, threw the children in the way of a she-wolf to be suckled, which, having lost her cubs, and longing to empty her overcharged teats, offered herself as a nurse to the infants. As she made frequent returns to the children, as if they had been her own offspring, Faustulus, a shepherd, observed her proceedings, and, withdrawing them from the beast, brought them up in a rude way of life among his cattle. That they were the sons of Mars, was believed, as on plain proof, either because they were born in the grove of Mars, or because they were nursed by a wolf, which is under the protection of Mars. The names of the boys were Remus and Romulus. As they grew up among the shepherds, daily contests in strength increased their vigour and agility. While they were frequently engaged, with great activity, in preventing robbers from seizing the cattle, it happened that Remus, having been taken by the robbers, was brought before the king,19 as if he had himself been guilty of that which he was endeavouring to prevent in others, and had been accustomed to make depredations on Numitor's flocks. He was consequently given up to Numitor for punishment. But Numitor, 20 who was touched with |286 compassion for the stripling's youth, was led to suspect that he might be one of his exposed grandchildren, and while the resemblance of his features to those of his daughter, and his age corresponding with the time of the exposure, kept him in suspense, Faustulus unexpectedly came in with Romulus, and the origin of the youths being ascertained from him, a conspiracy was formed, the young men taking up arms to revenge the death of their mother, and Numitor to recover the throne of which he had been deprived.
III. Amulius being killed, the throne was restored to Numitor, and the city of Rome was founded by the two young men. A senate was next appointed, consisting of a hundred old men who were called Fathers. Soon after, as the neighbouring people disdained to intermarry with shepherds, the Sabine virgins were seized by force; and the surrounding tribes being brought under their sway, the sovereignty of Italy, and afterwards that of the world, was acquired. In those times kings, instead of diadems, had spears, which the Greeks called sceptres; for the ancients, from the earliest period, worshipped spears as gods,21 and in memory of this superstition spears are still given to the statues of the gods.
In the time of King Tarquin, a company of Phocaeans from Asia, sailing up the Tiber, formed an alliance with the Romans, and proceeding from thence to the inmost part of the gulf of Gaul,22 built the city of Marseilles amidst the Ligurians and the savage Gallic tribes, and performed great exploits there, both in defending themselves against the fierce Gauls, and in attacking, of themselves, those by whom they had previously been molested.
The Phocaeans, compelled by the smallness and infertility of their territory, had applied themselves more to the sea than to the culture of the ground, supporting themselves by fishing, merchandise, and above all by piracy, which in those days was |287 thought an honourable occupation.23 Venturing accordingly to visit the remotest shores of the ocean, they came into the gulf of Gaul and to the mouth of the river Rhone; and, charmed with the pleasantness of the country, and relating, on their return home, what they had seen, they tempted others to go to the same parts. Of the fleet Simos and Protis were the captains, who applied to the king of the Segobrigii, named Nannus, in whose territory they were anxious to build a city, desiring his friendship. On that day, as it happened, the king was engaged in preparing for the nuptials of his daughter Gyptis, whom, after the custom of that people, he intended to give in marriage to a son-in-law to be chosen at the feast. The suitors having been all invited to the wedding, the Grecian strangers were also requested to join the festival. The maiden was then introduced, and being desired by her father to give water to him whom she chose for her husband, she overlooked all the rest, and turning to the Greeks, held out water to Protis, who, from the king's guest becoming his son-in-law, was presented by his father-in-law with the ground for building a city. Marseilles was accordingly built near the mouth of the river Rhone, in a retired bay, and as it were in a corner of the sea. The Ligurians, jealous of the growing greatness of the city, harassed the Greeks with continual war; but they, repelling their attacks, rose to such a degree of strength, that they conquered their enemies and planted several colonies in the lands which they captured.
IV. From the people of Marseilles, therefore, the Gauls learned a more civilized way of life, their former barbarity being laid aside or softened; and by them they were taught to cultivate their lands and to enclose their towns with walls. Then too, they grew accustomed to live according to laws, and not by violence; then they learned to prune the vine and plant the olive; and such a radiance was shed over both men and things, that it was not Greece which seemed to have immigrated into Gaul, but Gaul that seemed to have been transplanted into Greece.
After Nannus, king of the Segobrigii, from whom the ground for building the city had been received, was dead, and his son Comanus had succeeded to the throne, a certain |288 Ligurian told him that "Marseilles would one day be the ruin of the neighbouring people, and that he ought to suppress it in its rise, lest, when it grew stronger, it should overpower him.'' To this prediction he added the following fable: "A bitch once asked a shepherd, when she was big with young, for a place to bring forth her puppies; having obtained it, she requested again that she might be allowed to bring them up in the same place; and at last, when her young were grown up, and she could depend upon their support, she claimed possession of the place as her own. In like manner," he continued, "the people of Marseilles, who are now regarded as your tenants, will one day become masters of your territory." Moved by these persuasions, the king formed a plan to overthrow Marseilles; in pursuance of which, on the day appointed for the feast of Flora, he sent into the city several stout and able men. who were admitted as friends; an additional number he ordered to be conveyed concealed in wagons, covered over with baskets and boughs of trees; while he himself lay hid among the neighbouring hills, that after the gates had been opened in the night by the men before mentioned, he might come up in time to execute the plot, and might fall upon the city overcome with sleep and the fumes of wine. But a certain woman, a relative of the king, who had an intrigue with a Greek youth, revealed the plot to him, through compassion for his youth and beauty, during their intercourse, and bade him escape from the danger. He however reported the matter to the magistrates, and the treachery being thus made public, all the Ligurians were seized, those concealed being dragged from among their baskets; and when they were all put to death, a plot was formed to surprise the plotter, and seven thousand of the enemy, with the king himself, were slain. Since that time the Massilians, on festal days, have been accustomed to shut their gates, to keep watch, to place sentinels on the walls, to examine strangers, to take all kinds of precaution, and to guard the city as carefully in time of peace as if they were at war. Thus what was wisely instituted, is still observed, not from the necessity of circumstances, but from the habit of acting prudently.
V. Subsequently they had great wars with the Ligurians and Gauls, which increased the fame of their city, and rendered the valour of the Greeks, by their manifold victories, |289 renowned among their neighbours. The forces of the Carthaginians,24 too, in a war which rose between them about the capture of some fishing boats, they often routed, and granted them peace under defeat; with the Spaniards they made an alliance; with the Romans they faithfully observed the league concluded almost at the foundation of the city, and effectively supported their allies, in all their wars, with auxiliary troops. Such conduct both increased their confidence in their own strength, and secured them peace from their enemies. But after a time, when Marseilles was at the height of distinction, as well for the fame of its exploits as for the abundance of its wealth and its reputation for strength, the neighbouring people, on a sudden, conspired to destroy the very name of Marseilles, as they would have united to put out a fire that threatened them all. Catumandus, one of their petty princes, was unanimously chosen general, who, when he was besieging the enemy's city with a vast army of select troops, was frightened in his sleep by the vision of a stern-looking woman, who told him that she was a goddess, and of his own accord made peace with the Massilians. Having then asked permission to enter their city and pay adoration to their gods, and having gone into the temple of Minerva, and observed in the portico the statue of the goddess whom he had seen in his sleep, he suddenly exclaimed "that it was she who had frightened him in the night; that it was she who had ordered him to raise the siege;" then, congratulating the Massilians that they were under the care, as he perceived, of the immortal gods, and offering a neck-lace of gold to the goddess, he made a league with them for ever.
After peace was thus obtained, and security established, some deputies from Marseilles, as they were returning from Delphi, whither they had been sent to carry presents to Apollo, heard that the city of Rome had been taken and burned by the Gauls. This calamity, when the news of it was brought home to them, the Massilians lamented with a public mourning, and contributed gold and silver, both public and private, to make up the sum to be given to the Gauls, from whom they knew that peace was bought. For this service an exemption from taxes was decreed them, a place in |290 the theatre assigned them among the senators, and a league made with them upon equal terms.
At the end of this book Trogus relates that his ancestors had their origin from the Vocontii; that his grandfather, Trogus Pompeius, received the right of citizenship from Cnaeus Pompey in the Sertorian war; that his uncle led a troop of cavalry under the same Pompey in the war with Mithridates; and that his father served under Caius Caesar, and had the charge of his correspondence, of receiving embassies 25 and of his ring.26
BOOK XLIV.
Geographical description of Spain, I.----Manners and customs of the Spaniards; Viriatus, II.---- Of Lusitania and Gallaecia, III.----Habis; Geryon, IV.----The Carthaginians in Spain; the country reduced by Augustus into a Roman province, V.
I. SPAIN, as it forms the boundary of Europe, will also form the conclusion of the present work. This country the ancients first called Iberia, from the river Iberus, and afterwards Hispania, from some person named Hispanus. It lies between Africa and Gaul, and is bounded by the Ocean Strait 27 and the Pyrenees. It is less than either of these countries, but more fruitful than either; for it is neither scorched, like Africa, by a burning sun, nor disturbed, like Gaul,28 by incessant winds, but, being situate betwixt both, it is rendered, by moderate heat on the one hand, and genial and seasonable showers on the other, fertile in all kinds of fruits of the earth, |291 so that it supplies abundance of everything, not only for its own inhabitants, but for Italy and the city of Rome. From hence, indeed, comes not only great plenty of corn, but of wine, honey, and oil. Its iron is excellent, and its breed of horses swift. Not only is the produce of the surface to be admired, but the abundant riches of the metals hidden beneath it. There is great plenty, too, of flax and hemp, and certainly no country is more productive of vermilion. The courses of the rivers are not violent and rapid, so as to be hurtful, but gentle, watering the vineyards and the plains; they are also well stocked with fish from the estuaries of the sea, and most of them are rich in gold, which they carry down with their waters.29 It is joined to Gaul by one unbroken ridge of the Pyrenees; on every other side it is surrounded by sea. The shape of the country is almost square, except that it grows narrower towards the Pyrenees, the shores contracting in that quarter. The length of the Pyrenees is six hundred miles. The salubrity of the air is the same through the whole of Spain, for its atmosphere is infected with no unwholesome mists from fens. Besides, there are constant breezes from the sea on every side, by which, as they penetrate the whole country, the exhalations from the earth are dispersed, and the greatest health is secured to the inhabitants.
II. The bodies of the inhabitants are well adapted to endure privation and fatigue; their minds are inured to contempt of death. A strict and parsimonious abstinence prevails among them all. They prefer war to peace; and, if no foreign enemy offers himself, they seek one at home. Many have died under torture, to conceal what has been entrusted to them; so much stronger is their love of honour than of life. The patience of a slave, too, is greatly praised, who, having avenged his |292 master in the war with the Carthaginians, exulted with smiles in the midst of tortures, and defied, with serenity and cheerfulness, the utmost cruelty of his tormentors. The activity of the people is extraordinary; their minds restless. To many, their war-horses and arms are dearer than their blood. There is no sumptuous preparation among them for festival days; nor was it till after the second Punic war that they learned from the Romans to use warm baths.
During so long a course of years they have had no great general besides Viriatus,30 who maintained a struggle against the Romans for ten years with various success; so much more similar are their dispositions to those of wild beasts than of men; and this very leader they followed, not as having been chosen by the judgment of the people, but as being well qualified to take precautions against the enemy, and artful in avoiding danger. His temperance and moderation were such, that though he often defeated armies commanded by consuls, yet, after such achievements, he made no change in the fashion of his dress or arms, or in his diet, but adhered to the same way of life with which he commenced his military career; so that any one of the common soldiers seemed better off than the general himself.
III. In Lusitania, near the river Tagus, many authors have said that the mares conceive from the effect of the wind; but such stories have had their origin in the fecundity of the mares, and the vast number of herds of horses, which are so numerous, and of such swiftness, in Gallaecia and Lusitania, that they may be thought, not without reason, to have been the offspring of the wind. As for the Gallaecians, they claim for themselves a Greek origin; for they say that Teucer, after the end of the Trojan war, having incurred the hatred of his father on account of the death of his brother Ajax, and not being admitted into his kingdom, retired to Cyprus, where he built a city called Salamis, from the name of his native land; that, some time after, on hearing a report of his father's death, he returned again to his country, but, being hindered from landing by Eurysaces the son of Ajax, he sailed to the coast of Spain, and took possession of those parts where New Carthage now stands, and, passing from thence to Gallaecia, and |293 fixing his abode there, gave name to the nation. A part of the Gallaecians are called Amphilochi. The country produces abundance of brass and lead, as well as of vermilion,31 which has given name to a river near the part in which it is found. It is also very rich in gold, so that they sometimes turn up clods of gold 32 with the plough. In the territory of this people there is a sacred mountain, which it is thought impious to open with any tool of iron, but whenever the earth is rent with lightning, an occurrence common in these parts, it is allowable to pick up the gold that may be laid open, as a gift from the deity of the place. The women manage household affairs, and the culture of the ground; the men attend only to arms, and the pursuit of spoil. Their iron is of an extraordinary quality, but their water is more powerful than the iron itself; for the iron, by being tempered in it, becomes keener; nor is any weapon held in esteem among them which has not been dipped either in the Bilbilis or the Chalybs. 33 From the latter river those who dwell on its banks are called Chalybes, and are said to surpass the rest of the people in the manufacture of steel.
IV. The forests of the Tartesians, in which it is said that the Titans 34 waged war against the gods, the Cunetes 35 inhabited, whose most ancient king Gargoris, was the first to collect honey. This prince, having a grandson born to him, the offspring of an intrigue on the part of his daughter, tried various means, through shame for her unchastity, to have the child put to death; but he, being preserved by some good fortune, through all calamities, came at last to the throne, from a compassionate feeling for the many perils that he had undergone. First of all he ordered him to be exposed, that he might be starved, and, when he sent some days after to look for his body, he was found nursed by the milk of various wild beasts. When he was brought home, he caused him to be |294 thrown down in a narrow road, along which herds of cattle used to pass; being so cruel that he would rather have his grandchild trampled to pieces, than despatched by an easy death. As he was unhurt also in this case, and required no food, he threw him to hungry dogs, that had been exasperated by want of food for several days, and afterwards to swine, but as he was not only uninjured, but even fed with the teats of some of the swine, he ordered him at last to be cast into the sea. On this occasion, as if, by the manifest interposition of some deity, he had been carried, amidst the raging tide, and flux and reflux of the waters, not on the billows but in a vessel, he was put on shore by the subsiding ocean; and, not long after, a hind came up, and offered the child her teats. By constantly following this nurse, the boy acquired extraordinary swiftness of foot, and long ranged the mountains and woods among herds of deer, with fleetness not inferior to theirs. At last, being caught in a snare, he was presented to the king; and then, from the similitude of his features, and certain marks which had been burnt on his body in his infancy, he was recognized as his grandson. Afterwards, from admiration at his escapes from so many mischances and perils, he was appointed by his grandfather to succeed him on the throne. The name given him was Habis; and, as soon as he became king, he gave such proofs of greatness, that he seemed not to have been delivered in vain, through the power of the gods, from so many exposures to death. He united the barbarous people by laws; he was the first that taught them to break oxen for the plough, and to raise corn from tillage; and he obliged them, instead of food procured from the wilds, to adopt a better diet, perhaps through dislike of what he had eaten in his childhood. The adventures of this prince might seem fabulous, were not the founders of Rome said to have been suckled by a wolf, and Cyrus, king of the Persians, to have been brought up by a dog. By him the people were interdicted from servile duties, and the commonalty were divided among seven cities. After Habis was dead, the sovereignty was retained for many generations by his successors.
In another part of Spain, which consists of islands,36 the |295 supreme power was in the hands of Geryon. Here there is such abundance of food for cattle, that unless the feeding of the animals were occasionally interrupted, they would burst. Hence the herds of Geryon, which in those days were accounted the only species of wealth, were so renowned, that they tempted Hercules out of Asia by the greatness of such a prize. Geryon himself, too, they say, was not a man with three bodies, as is told in fables, but that there were three brothers living in such unanimity, that they seemed all actuated by one soul; and that they did not attack Hercules of their own accord, but, seeing their herds driven off, endeavoured to recover what they had lost by force of arms.
V. After the rule of kings was at an end, the Carthaginians were the first that made themselves masters of the country; for when the Gaditani, according to directions which they received in a dream, had removed the sacred things of Hercules from Tyre, whence also the Carthaginians had their origin, into Spain, and had built a city there, the neighbouring people of the country, being jealous of the rise of this new city, and in consequence attacking the Gaditani in war, the Carthaginians sent them succour as being their kindred. The expedition being successful, they both secured the Gaditani from injury, and added the greatest part of the province to their own dominions. Subsequently, too, the success of their first attempt encouraging them, they sent their general Hamilcar, with a large army, to take possession of the whole country, who, having performed great exploits, but pursuing his fortune too rashly, was drawn into an ambush and killed. In his stead was sent his son-in-law Hasdrubal, who was also killed by the slave of a certain Spaniard, to avenge the unjust death of his master. Hannibal, the son of Hamilcar, succeeded him, a greater general than either of them; for, surpassing the achievements of both, he subdued the whole of Spain, and then, making war upon the Romans, he harassed Italy for sixteen years with various calamities, during which the Romans, sending the Scipios into Spain, first drove the Carthaginians out of the province, and afterwards carried on terrible wars with the Spaniards themselves. Nor would the Spaniards submit to the yoke, even after their country was |296 over-run, until Caesar Augustus, having subdued the rest of the world, turned his victorious arms against them, and reduced this barbarous and savage people, brought by the influence of laws to a more civilized way of life, into the form of a province.
[Footnotes moved to end and numbered]
1. * Wetzel has Spartanos in his text, but observes in his note, that the right reading is unquestionably Sparnos, the Sparni being mentioned by Strabo in conjunction with the Dahae.
2. * Populorum.] This word is undoubtedly corrupt. J. F. Gronovius would alter it to optimatum. Procerum would perhaps be better.
3. + Patrius et Scythicus mos.] He seems to mean that their arms were partly of their own contrivance, and partly adopted from the Scythians.
4.
Credas simulacra moveri
Ferrea, cognatoque viros spirare metallo;
Par vestitus equis ----Claudian, In Ruf. ii. 35
5. + I think that this custom is erroneously attributed to the Parthians by Justin, being rather that of the Hyrcanians. Herodotus also, as I am aware, attributes it to the Persians i. 140.----Is. Vossius. See Cic. Tusc. i. 44, 45.
6. * Not weaker with respect to the particular time at which the Bactrians were exhausted by wars, but to other times, when the Bactrians had been their superiors in strength.----Scheffer.
7. * Very improbable.
8. * Or rather Artoadistes, as the name is written in six of the old editions. He is called Artavasdes by Strabo and Plutarch.---- Wetzel.
9. * A hyperbole; for there were none but Greeks.----Wetzel. Faber, for totius orbis, would read totius Graeciae.
10. + Aeetes is a conjecture of Faber for etiam, which is useless. There is no account of Jason's second voyage to Colchis in any other author.
11. ++ Whom most authors call Absyrtus.
12. * Similar instances of rivers entering the ground, and emerging at some distance, are noticed by Pliny, H. N. ii. 103; iii. 16; Strabo. lib. vi.; Q. Curtius, vi. 4, 6.----Berneccerus.
13. * Either he killed only twenty-nine, or there were thirty-one survivors of Pacorus.
14. + Augustus. Comp. c. 4.
15. ++ All the texts, except that of Dübners little edition, have in Hispaniam,, but the sense, as Faber observes and Wetzel admits, evidently requires in Hispaniâ.
16. * Lupercus, whose priests were called Luperci, was an ancient rural deity of Italy; in after times he was considered identical with Pan. See Dr. Smith's Dict. of Gr. and Rom. Ant.
17. + There is scarcely any other instance of the word in this sense. Its general signification is to be foolish or silly.
18. ++ By Ilium Justin seems to mean the region of which Troy was the capital, generally called Troas.
19. * He was first carried off by the robbers, and then taken prisoner by the king's officers among the robbers.
20. + Sed Numitor, &c ] The commentators have not observed that this sentence is corrupt; Numitor has no verb.
21. * Spears were never worshipped as gods, or certainly not by the Greeks; they were, indeed, an insigne of the gods, as being kings, a name by which they are frequently mentioned among the poets. But this observation of Justin is abrupt and out of place; nor is the case different with what follows, for what a leap is it from Romulus to the Phocaeans, who did not become friends to the Romans till two hundred years after his time!----Wetzel.
22. + Galliae sinus.] The gulf of Lyons.
23. * Gloriae habebatur.] See Thucyd. i. 5; Hom. Od. iii. 73.
24. * Thucyd. i. 13: "The Phocaeans, who founded Marseilles, conquered the Carthaginians in a sea-fight." See also Herod. i. 166.
25. * Legationum----curam.] To receive embassies, and introduce them to the emperor, was the duty, under the later emperors, sometimes of the magister officiorum, or master of ceremonies, sometimes of the magister epistolarum, or secretary, as the author of the Notitia utriusque Imperii has observed. Among the Persians this duty devolved upon a chiliarch or military officer, who was next in rank to the king, as appears from Corn. Nep. Vit. Conon., and Aelian. V. H. i. 21. In Egypt Josephus speaks of Nicanor having been appointed by Ptolemy to receive ambassadors, Antiq. xii. 2.----Berneccerus.
26. + Annuli.] The same office which Maecenas and Agrippa held under Augustus, and Mucianus under Vespasian, as appears from Dion. Cass. and his epitomiser. See Kirchmann de Annulis, c. 6.----Berneccerus.
27. ++ Oceani freto.] The Fretum Gaditanum, Strait of Gibraltar.
28. § Not all Gaul, but only the coasts of it.---- Wetzel.
29. * In paludibus.] Berneccerus, Vorstius, Graevius, and Faber, are unanimous in preferring in balucibus, which is a correction of Salmasius ad Solin. p. 277. Hispani quod minutum est (aurum), balucem vocant. Plin. H. N. xxxiii. 21. But Wetzel retains the old reading paludibus, and I cannot but think him right; for the preposition in seems to require that word rather than the other. It may be doubted, indeed, whether in balucibus vehunt can be regarded as Latin. For in balucibus substitute in minutis particulis: would Justin, or any other Latin author, have said amnes aurum in minutis particulis vehunt? I think not. In minutas particulas friatum, disruptum, discerptum would be more likely forms of expression.
30. * See Flor. ii. 17; Vell. Pat. ii. 1, 90; Aurel. Vict. 71; Did. Sic. xxxiii. fragm. 3, 11, 22.
31. * Minio ] Hence the name of the river Minho.
32. + Glebas aureas.] Pliny makes the same statement, H. N. xxxiii. 21.
33. ++ Isaac Vossius in his notes to Catullus says that the Chalybs is a river between the Ana and the Tagus, which is called by Ptolemy and Martianus Kali/pouj or Ka&lipoj. I think him right.----Graevius.
34. § Tradition places the Titans in Thessaly, not in Spain.---- Wetzel.
35. || They dwelt about Cape Cuneus, now C. St. Vincent, in Portugal. The word is a correction of Isaac Vossius's, for the old reading Curetes, who were a people of Crete.
36. * Quae ex insulis constat] Wetzel thinks that Justin supposed Geryon to have lived in the Balearic isles. How then did Hercules drive off his herds? The whole story of Geryon is in a great degree fabulous, and Justin was wrong in imagining that any part of Spain consisted of islands.
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Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886/2003). Prologi.
Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886/2003). Prologi.
THE BOOK OF THE PHILIPPIC HISTORIES
AND THE ORIGIN OF THE WHOLE WORLD
AND GEOGRAPHY OF THE WHOLE EARTH
PROLOGUS1 OF BOOK I.
These things are contained in the first volume.2 The imperium3 of the Assyrians from King Ninus down to Sardanapallus: after whom it was transferred by Arbaces to the Medes, down to their last king, Astyages. He was driven from the throne by his grandson, Cyrus, and the Persians assumed power. Cyrus attacked King Croesus of Lydia, whom he defeated and captured. At this point there is a digression on the geography of the Aeolic and Ionian cities and on the origins of the Lydians, and in Italy of the Etruscans. After Cyrus, his son Cambyses conquered Egypt. Here are recalled the origins of the Egyptian cities. After Cambyses died, Darius killed the Magi, acquired the throne of Persia and, after capturing Babylon, embarked on his Scythian wars.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK II.
These things are contained in the second volume. The geography of Scythia and Pontus, and the origins of Scythia up to the war, in which Darius was driven out: who after this flight made war on Greece, through Datis and Tissaphernes [as his generals], which the Athenians alone resisted. Here are recalled the origins of Athens and [an account of] its kings down to the tyranny of Pisistratus, after the extinction of which they defeated the Persians at Marathon. After the death of Darius his son Xerxes brought war into Greece:4 and the origins of the Thessalians are recalled: after the expulsion of Xerxes from Greece, the war was carried into Asia by the Athenians, [where it continued] until the death of Xerxes.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK III.
These things are contained in the third volume. After Xerxes' death, his son Artaxerxes' vengeance on his father's murderer, Artabanus, and his war with the man responsible for the seccession of Egypt; and in the first place his general Achaemenes was defeated, and then Egypt was recaptured by Bagabaxus. Then how the Greeks after making peace with the king waged wars among themselves. There are recalled the origins of the Peloponnesians: how they were occupied by the descendants of Hercules, a Dorian people. Next the Argolian and Messanian wars and the alliance between the tyrants of Sicyon and Corinth. The war of Crisa and how the Athenians fought first with the Boeotians and then with the Peloponnesians.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK IV.
Sicilian affairs are contained in the fourth volume, from the ultimate origin down to the destruction at Syracuse of the Athenian fleet.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK V.
These things are contained in the fifth volume. The war between the Athenians and the Spartans, which is called Deceleican, up to the capture of Athens. How the 30 tyrants were driven from Athens. The war which the Spartans waged in Asia with Artaxerxes because of the assistance they gave to Cyrus. Here is recalled in a digression the war fought by Cyrus and the Greeks who fought under him with his brother.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK VI.
These things are contained in the sixth volume. The war waged in Asia by the Spartans, led by Dercylides and Agesilaus, against the Persian prefects, down to the naval battle at Cnidus: after their defeat the Athenians regained their imperium. Then the Corinthian and Boeotian Wars, in which the Spartans lost their empire when they were defeated at Leuctra and Mantinea. Then, in Thessaly, the establishment of the hegemony of Jason of Pherae, and of Alexander of Pherae after him, and its extinction. Then the social war against the Athenians by the people of Chios, Rhodes and Byzantium. Here there is a transition to Macedonian history.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK VII.
In the seventh volume are contained [an account of] the origins of Macedonia and its kings, from Caranus, the founder of the race, down to Philip the Great: and of the exploits of Philip himself to the capture of the city of Mothone. The origins of the Illyrians and the Paeonians is also added in a digression.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK VIII.
In the eight volume are contained the exploits of Philip the Great after the capture of the city of Mothone, from the start of the Phocian War, which they called the Sacred War, down to its end: and inserted here is the war which Philip fought with the cities of Chalcidice, of which he destroyed the most famous, Olynthos. Then the Illyrian kings are defeated by him, and Thrace and Thessaly are subjugated, and Alexander made king at Epirus after deposing Arybbas, and his vain attack on Perinthos.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK IX.
These things are contained in the ninth volume. How Philip was repulsed from Perinthos. The origins of Byzantium, the siege of which Philip was forced to abandon after being repulsed in order to attack Scythia. Then the affairs of Scythiaare recalled, from the period at which the earlier account had stopped, down to the war which Philip fought with Atheas, king of Scythia. Returning from there he [Philip] waged war in Greece and conquered at Chaeronea. He was preparing for hostilities against Persia and had sent ahead a fleet with his generals aboard, when he was assassinated by Pausanias (who cornered him at his daughter's wedding5) before he could commence the Persian hostilities. Persian affairs are then recalled from Darius Nothus, who was succeeded by his son, Artaxerxes, nicknamed Mnemon. The latter, after defeating his brother, Cyrus, and routing the Spartan fleet at Cnidos through Conon, waged war with Evagoras, king of Cyprus: and [the author] goes over the origins of Cyprus.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK X.
Persian affairs are contained in the tenth volume. How Artaxerxes Memnon made peace with the Cypriot king, Evagoras, and made preparations for his war with Egypt in the city of Acre; himself defeated amongst the Cadusi, but went on to punish his officials who were in revolt in Asia, firstly Dotames, prefect6 of Paphlagonia. The origin of the Paphlagonians is recalled, followed by Artaxerxes' punishment of the satrap of the Hellespont, Ariobarzanes, and then, in Syria, of the satrap of Armenia, Orontes. After vanquishing all these, Artaxerxes died, to be succeeded by his son, Ochus. He then having put the nobles to death, captured Sidon. He made war on Egypt three times. After Ochus' death, Arses was king, then Darius, who clashed with Alexander, king ofMacedon.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XI.
In the eleventh volume are contained the exploits of Alexander the Great down to the death of Darius King of the Persians, and as a digression the origins and kings of Caria.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XII.
In the twelfth volume are contained the Bactrian and Indian wars of Alexander the Great down to the time of his death, with digressions on the activities of his prefect Antipater in Greece, and those of Archidamus, king of the Spartans, and Alexander the Molossian in Italy, where both were destroyed with their armies. Additional information is given on the origins in Italy of the Apulians, the Lucanians, the Samnites, and the Sabines, and on how Zopyrion perished with his army in Pontus.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XIII.
These things are contained in the thirteenth volume. How on Alexander's death his nobles in the camp distributed among themselves the governorships of the provinces; how the veterans, chosen by him [Alexander] to stay in colonies left them and tried to return to Greece, only to be wiped out by Pithon. The Lamian war which Antipater fought in Greece. The war in which Perdiccas killed King Ariarathes and was killed [himself]. The war in which Eumenes killed Neoptolemus and Crateros. [To which is] added a digression on the origins and kings of the Quirenae.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XIV.
These things are contained in the fourteenth volume. The war waged between Antigonus and Eumenes; the latter expelled from Cappadocia by Antigonus, and of Arridaeus and Clitos from Lesser Phrygia, after they were defeated in a naval battle in the Hellespont. Again the renewal of the war by Eumenes using the Argyraspids, who was killed after being defeated by Antigonus. Then how, in Macedonia, Cassander, after defeating Polyperchon and recovering Munychia from the defector, Nicanor, besieged Alexander's mother, Olympias, at Pydna and put her to death.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XV.
These things are contained in the fifteenth volume. How Demetrius, son of Antigonus, was defeated at Gaza by Ptolemy. How in Macedonia, Cassander killed one son of King Alexander and how Polyperchon killed the other. How Demetrius defeated Ptolemy with his fleet off Cyprus but was nevertheless forced to raise the seige of Rhodes. The origin of the Rhodians is recalled in a digression. Leaving Rhodes, Demetrius liberated Greece from Cassander. Then his father, Antigonus, waged war with Lysimachus and Seleucus. The affairs of Seleucus are recalled, and of the Indian king, Sandrocottus. How Antigonus died after being defeated in battle and the remnants of his imperium were gathered up by his son. Then the exploits of the Spartan Cleonymus in Corcyra, Illyricum and in Italy: and his loss of Corcyra. King Cassander dies.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XVI.
These things are contained in the sixteenth volume. How, on the death of Cassander, disagreements arose amongst his sons and Demetrius, called to the support of one of them, killed him and assumed the throne of Macedonia, from which he was soon ejected by Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, after which he transferred the [theatre of] war to Asia, and died after being captured by Seleucus.How Ptolemy died having named his son Philadelphus as his successor. How Lysimachus, captured in Pontus and released by Dromichaetes, once more seized control of the city-states in Asia formerly in the power of Demetrius, and of Heraclea in Pontus. Then the origins of Bithynia and Heraclea are recalled, and of the tyrants of Heraclea, Clearchus, Satyrus and Dionysius, whose sons Lysimachus put to death and seized the city.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XVII.
These things are contained in the seventeenth volume. How Lysimachus had his son Agathocles killed by his stepmother, Arsinoe, fought a war with King Seleucus, in which he was defeated and perished: the contest was the last between the comrades of Alexander. How Seleucus, having lost his troops with Diodorus in Cappadocia, was killed by Ptolemy, the brother of Lysimachus' wife, Arsinoe, and of how Ptolemy, surnamed Ceraunus, was made king in his place by the army and seized Macedonia. Ceraunus negotiated an end to the wars with Antiochus and Pyrrhus, giving support to Pyrrhus so that he could go to the defence of Tarentum against the Romans. Next are recalled the origins of the kings of Epirus down to Pyrrhus, and of Pyrrhus' own exploits before he went to Italy.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XVIII.
In the eighteenth volume are contained the exploits of Pyrrhus of Epirus against the Romans in Italy, and after that war his expedition to Sicily against the Carthaginians. Then a digression on the origins of the Phoenicians, Sidon and Velia, and the exploits of Carthage.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XIX.
In the nineteenth volume are contained the exploits of the Carthaginians in Africa, thanks to Sabellus Anno, and in Sicily, when they captured Selinus, Acragas, Camerina and Gela. In this war Dionysius the Syracusan seized control of Sicily. The war which the Carthaginians fought against him under Himilco, who in besieging Syracuse lost his army and fleet.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XX.
In the twentieth volume are contained the exploits of the father of Dionysius of Sicily. How he drove off the Carthaginians and made war in Italy. Then are recalled the origins of the Veneti, Greeks and Gauls who live in Italy. The career of Dionysius is followed up to the time of his death, and the exploits of Anno the Great in Africa are recounted.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXI.
These things are contained in the twenty-first volume. How, in Sicily, Dionysius the son managed the imperium lost by his father. Driven out by Dion, Dionysius waged war with the Sicilians until he lost his children and his brothers, and then retired to Corinth. How Sicily was freed from war with Carthage by Timoleon. After the latter's death, there was a second revolt and Sosistratus called in the Carthaginians, who then blockaded Syracuse. In this war Agathocles came to power.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXII.
These things are contained in the twenty-second volume. The exploits of Agathocles. How he gained power thanks to the Carthaginians, and afterwards waged war against them, first in Sicily; then, defeated by them, he crossed to Africa, seized the country and killed Ophellas, king of Cyrene. He returned to Sicily once more and took control of the whole island, but went back to Africa and there lost his troops, after which he fled, alone, to Sicily. There, at war again, he both made peace with the Carthaginians and also subjugated the Sicilians who had revolted from him.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXIII.
These things are contained in the twenty-third volume. How Agathocles after conquering Sicily made war in Italy against the Bruttii. The origins of the Bruttii are recalled. After crushing all his foes, the king lost his life in a conspiracy hatched by his son, whom he had disinherited, and his grandson. Then war broke out between Agathocles' foreign troops and the native Sicilians, which caused Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, to come to Sicily. The wars which Pyrrhus waged there with the Carthaginians and the Mamertini. Returning to Sicily from Italy, Pyrrhus was defeated in battle by the Romans and he returned to Epirus.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXIV.
These things are contained in the twenty-fourth volume. The war fought in Asia between Antigonus Gonatas and Antiochus, son of Seleucus. The war waged in Macedonia by Ptolemy Ceraunus against Monunius the Illyrian and Ptolemy son of Lysimachus; and how Ptolemy stripped his sister Arsinoe of her rule over the cities of Macedonia and of how he himself lost his life in a clash with Belgius, leader of the Gauls. Then the origins of the Gauls are recalled, who occupied Illyricum; and how they invaded Greece under the leadership of Brennus and wre defeated and destroyed at Delphi.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXV.
These things are contained in the twenty-fifth volume. How Antigonus destroyed the Gauls, then the war which he fought with Apollodorus, the tyrant of Cassandrea. How the Gauls entered Asia and waged war with King Antiochus and Bithynia: where they occupied regions of Tylenus. How, on his return from Italy, Pyrrhus deprived Antigonus of the throne of Macedonia, blockaded Lacedaemon and died at Argos, and how his son Alexander went to war in Illyria with King Mitylus.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXVI.
These things are contained in the twenty-sixth volume. [A catalogue of] the Greek cities in which Antigonus Gonatas established his leadership. How he destroyed the mutinous Gauls at Megara, and killed the Lacedaemonian king, Areus, at Corinth, then his war with Alexander, son of his brother Craterus. How Aratus the leader of Achaea seized Sicyon, Corinth and Megara. How in Syria King Antiochus, surnamed Soter, died after killing one of his sons and naming the other one, Antiochus, king. How in Asia the son of King Ptotemy with his ally Timarchus rebelled against his father. How Antigonus' brother Demetrius died after assuming the rule of Cyrene. How, on the death of King Antiochus, his son Seleucus Callinicus accepted the kingdom.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXVII.
These things are contained in the twenty-seventh volume. Seleucus' war in Syria against Ptolemy Trypho: likewise in Asia against his own brother, Antiochus Hierax, a war in which he was defeated by the Gauls at Ancyra; after they [the Gauls] were defeated at Pergamum by Attalus, they killed Zielas of Bithynia. How Ptolemy captured Adaeus for the second time and had him put to death, and Antigonus defeated Sophron in a naval battle at Andros. How Antiochus, put to flight in Mesopotamia by Callinicus, escaped the clutches of Ariamenes, who was plotting against him, and subsequently escaped from the guards of Trypho; he was killed by the Gauls and his brother Seleucus also died, and Apaturius killed the eldest of Seleucus' sons.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXVIII.
These things are contained in the twenty-eighth volume. How the people of Epirus killed Laodamia after the death of Alexander, king of Epirus. And a digression on the commotion amongst the Basterni. How King Demetrius of Macedon fled from the Dardani. On his [Demetrius'] death, Antigonus undertook the guardianship of his son, Philip, who [Antigonus] reduced Thessaly and Caria in Asia, helped the Achaeans against the Spartan king, Cleomenes, and captured Sparta. After losing his throne, the Spartan Cleomenes sought refuge in Alexandria and died there. In an excursus the Illyrian War which the Romans fought with Teuta is discussed.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXIX.
These things are contained in the twenty-ninth volume. The exploits of King Philip against the Dardani and the Aetolians, then the origins of Crete are recalled. After forming an alliance with this island, Philip clashed with the Illyrians, the Dardani and, once more, with the Aetolians, the latter receiving assistance from the Romans. When the war was finished, Philip attacked Attalus.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXX.
These things are contained in the thirtieth volume. How, on the death of Ptolemy Tryphon, his son Philopator defeated King Antiochus at Raphia, and how Philopator himself died from his desperate love for Agathoclea, leaving a son who was still a minor, against whom Antiochus conspired with Philip, king of Macedon. Then actions of Philip in Asia after he make war on Attalus, returning from where he fought with the Roman generals, Sulpicius and Flamininus, by whom he was defeated; [then] peace. Then there is a transition to the affairs of Antiochus who, after ascending the throne, pursued the rebels Molon into Media and Achaeus into Asia, whom [Achaeus] he besieged in Sardis, and having pacified upper Asia as far as Bactria, he entered into Roman wars.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXXI.
These things are contained in the thirty-first volume. The war which Titus Flamininus and Philopoemen, the leader of the Aetolians, fought with the Lacedaemonian Nabis. Likewise the war fought against Antiochus in Achaea under the consul Acilius and in Asia under Scipio, and Hannibal's eventual flight to the king from Carthage. The war with the Aetolians prosecuted by the same Acilius who had driven Antiochus from Greece.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXXII.
These things are contained in the thirty-second volume. The defection of the Spartans and the Messenians from the Achaeans, during which Philopoemen lost his life. The war in Asia against the Gauls, conducted by the Romans under the leadership of Manlius. The animus of King Philip towards the Romans because of the cities taken from him, which led to his putting to death one of his sons, Demetrius, and his incitement of the Basternae, who attempted to cross into Italy. Then a digression is given on Illyrian affairs: how the Gauls who had occupied Illyricum returned once more to Gaul, and on the origins of Pannonia and the progress made by the Dacians because of King Burobustes. The war fought in Asia by King Eumenes against the Gaul, Ortiagontes, against Pharnaces of Pontus and against Prusias, during which the Carthaginian Hannibal gave aid to Prusias. The exploits of Hannibal after the defeat of Antiochus, and his [Hannibal's] death. On the death of Seleucus, son of Antiochus the Great, his brother Antiochus succeeded to the throne.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXXIII.
These things are contained in the thirty-third volume. How the Romans made war against the king of Macedon, Perseus, son of Philip; on whose capture Epirus was destroyed. The collapse of the unity of the Achaean city-states when antagonism arose between the Achaeans and the Spartans. Further war waged in Macedonia by the Romans against the false Philip.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXXIV.
These things are contained in the thirty-fourth volume. The Achaean War, which the Romans waged under the leadership of Metellus and Mummius and in which Corinth was destroyed. The war of King Eumenes with the Gallograeci and, in Pisidia, with the Selegenses. The exploits of King Antiochus of Syria and King Ptolemy Epiphanes of Egypt. Ptolemy died leaving two sons, Philometor and Euergetes. First they waged war against Antiochus, which [war] was finished by the Romans, and then between themselves. The elder brother was driven out but restored by the Romans, who divided the kingdom between the two. After the death of Antiochus king of Syria, Demetrius, surnamed Soter, who had been a hostage at Rome, fled secretly and seized Syria and made war with Timarchus, king of the Medes, and Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia. Then the origins of Cappadocia are recalled. How Ariarathes and Orophernes quarrelled over the throne. How, on the death of Eumenes, king of Asia, Attalus replaced him and went to war with the Selegenses and King Prusias.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXXV.
These things are contained in the thirty-fifth volume. The pirate-war beteween the Cretans and Rhodians: the rebellion of the people of Cnidus against the Ceramenses. How Alexander, as if the son of Antiochus Epiphanes, was set up against Demetrius Soter, in which war Demetrius was defeated and killed. Then how his elder son, Demetrius, with the help of Ptolemy Philometor (who died in the campaign), defeated Alexander, who had become hated because of his stupidity. How wars then broke out between Demetrius and Diodotus Trypho, and Demetrius being driven from the kingdom of Syria by Trypho. Then he [the author] recalls the commotion in Upper Asia caused by Araetheus and the Parthian Arsaces.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXXVI.
These things are contained in the thirty-sixth volume. How Trypho, after driving Demetrius from Syria and the capture [of Demetrius] by the Parthians, made war with his brother Antiochus, surnamed Sidetes. How Antiochus killed Hyrcanus and subjugated the Jews. Then in a digression the origins of the Jews are recalled. How Attalus, king of Asia, subjugated the Thracian Caeni and left as successor to his imperium Attalus Philometor. Finally, on the death of King Philometor, his brother Aristonicus seized the throne of Asia and fought a war with the Romans in which he was taken prisoner.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXXVII.
These things are contained in the thirty-seventh volume. After the origins of the Pontic kings have been recalled, there is an account of the succession of power in Pontus down to its last king, Mithridates Eupator, and then of how, on assuming the throne, Mithridates subdued Pontus and Paphlagonia before entering his wars with Rome. There is a digression on the origins and the exploits of the kings of the Bosphorus and Colchis.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXXVIII.
These things are contained in the thirty-eighth volume. How Mithridates Eupator's seized Cappadocia, after he killed Arathes, and of Bithynia, after he defeated Nicomedes and Maltinus. How, on the death of Ptolemy Philometor, his brother Physcon assumed the throne of Egypt, the rebellions of the people and then waged war with his sister, Cleopatra, and with Demetrius, king of Syria. Then it is recalled as a digression how Demetrius was captured by the Parthians and how his brother, after defeating Trypho in Syria, made war on the Parthians, only to be destroyed along with his army.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XXXIX.
These things are contained in the thirty-ninth volume. How, when Antiochus Sidetes was killed by the Parthians, his brother Demetrius was released and subsequently recovered the throne of Syria, losing his life when Alexander Zabinaeus was bribed to make war on him: his [Demetrius'] son Antiochus Grypos defeated Zabinaeus and seized the throne: then he fought a war in Syria and Cilicia with his brother Antiochus Cyzicenus. How, on the death of King Ptolemy Physcon, his son Ptolemy Lathyros assumed the throne but was driven from Alexandria to Cyprus by his mother, and how he was later attacked by the same in Syria, after she had replaced him on the throne with his brother, Alexander, until eventually the mother was killed by Alexander and he [Ptolemy] recovered the throne of Egypt. Next comes the history of the reign of Alexander's son, who followed Lamyrus, and his expulsion and replacement by Ptolemy Nothus. How the Jews and Arabs infested Syria with overland bandits, the Cilicians' instigation of a pirate-war at sea, a war which the Romans fought in Cilicia under Marcus Antonius. How Heracleus seized power in Syria after the death of the king.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XL.
These things are contained in the fortieth volume. How, on the death of King Grypos, Cyzicenus lost his life in armed conflict with his [Grypos'] sons, these were then wiped out by Eusebes, the son of Cyzicenus: and how the Armenian Tigranes, with the return of civil war and the extinction of the royal house of the Antiochi, seized Syria, who was soon afterwards defeated and deprived of it by the Romans. How at Alexandria, after the death of Ptolemy Lathyrus, he was replaced on his death by his sons: one was given Cyprus, which the Romans took from him following the proposal of P. Clodius; the other fled to Rome when his arrest was called for during an uprising in Alexandria, and he later regained his imperium thanks to the war fought by Gabinius. On his death his son succeeded who, quarreling with his sister, Cleopatra, murdered Pompey the Great and also went to war with Caesar at Alexandria. How his sister, Cleopatra, succeeded him on the throne, how she embroiled M. Antonius [Antony] in a love affair with her and how, with the conclusion of the battle of Actium, she brought the reign of the Ptolemies to an end.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XLI.
In the forty-first volume are contained Parthian and Bactrian affairs. How the government was setup in Parthia by King Arsaces. Then his successors Artabanus and Tigranes, surnamed the Divine, by whom Media and Mesopotamia were subjugated. And the geography of Arabia is given as a digression. In Bactrian affairs, however, how the government was set up by King Diodotus: then, during his reign, the occupation of Bactra and Sogdiana by the Scythian tribes, the Saraucae and the Asiani. Some Indian affairs are added, the exploits of the Apollodotus and Menander, their Kings.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XLII.
In the forty-second volume are contained Parthian affairs. How the prefect of Parthia created by Phrates, Himerus, made war on the Meseni and of his brutal treatment of the people of Babylon and Seleucia: how Phrates was succeeded on the throne by King Mithridates surnamed The Great, who made war on the Armenians. Then the origins and geography of Armenia are recalled. How, after a succession of several different kings in Parthia, Orodes came to the throne, who destroyed Crassus and occupied Syria through his son Pacorus. He [Orodes] was succeeded by Phrates, who went to war both with Antony and with Tiridates. Scythian affairs are added to this. The Asian kings of the Tochari, and the demise of the Saraucae.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XLIII.
In the forty-third volume are contained the origins of the ancient Latins, the topography of the city of Rome and affairs down to Tarquinius Priscus. Then the origins of Liguria and the affairs of Massilia.
PROLOGUS OF BOOK XLIV.
In the forty-fourth volume are contained the affairs of Spain and Carthage.
This translation has been made from Otto Seel's text, and J.C.Yardley's excellent and very readable translation consulted (and deferred to). This translation is made more literal, and hence somewhat less readable than Yardley. Words in square brackets make the sentence more like English.
J.C.Yardley, Justin: Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus. American Philological Association classical resources series 3. Scholars Press, Atlanta (1994). ISBN: 1-55540-950-4
Otto Seel, M. Iuniani Iustini Epitoma Historiarum Philippicarum Pompei Trogi. Stuttgart (1972). ISBN 3-519-01470-X.
1. I have not tried to translate 'prologus' -- summary would be a good choice. It is not a table of contents in the modern sense, as books at this period (ca. 20AD) had the book as the smallest unit of composition. Chapters, in the modern sense, do not seem to occur until the th century AD.
2. Lit. 'volumen' -- a roll.
3. I saw no point in translating 'imperium' as 'rule' or 'empire', just for the sake of it.
4. Y. omits the sentence up to this point, for some reason.
5. Y.'s very attractive rendering of 'occupatis angustiis'.
6. 'Praefectus': rendered 'satrap' by Y.
This text was translated by Roger Pearse, 2003. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: justinus_09_table.htm
Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886). pp. 297-304. Chronological table
Justin, Epitome of Pompeius Trogus (1886). pp. 297-304. Chronological table
CHRONOLOGY OF JUSTIN'S HISTORY.
In the following table, the dates given by Wetzel, who has bestowed much pains on Justin's Chronology, have been chiefly adopted. For the birth of Christ we take the usual date, A.M. 4004.
The history of Justin reaches from the time of Ninus, the most ancient king of Assyria, to Augustus's recovery of the Roman standards from the Parthians, that is, from B.c. 2196 to B.C. 20.
SECT. I.----THE EMPIRE OF THE ASSYRIANS.
NOTE.----According to Justin, i. 1, Sesostris, king of Egypt, and Tanaus, king of Syria, were long anterior to Ninus; indeed, what he says of Sesostris, ii. 3, makes him 1500 years older than Ninus; but this account, as Tanaquil Faber observes, rests on no authority.
B.C. The Assyrians rule over the eastern part of Asia for 1300 years, i. 2, that is, from B.C. 2196 to about 875.
2196----2144. Ninus reigns 52 years, i. 1.
Zoroaster, king of the Bactrians, conquered and put to death, i. 1.
2144----2102. Semiramis reigns 42 years, i. 2.
2102----2064. Ninyas, son of Ninus, reigns 38 years, i. 2.
1996. Abraham born.
1836. Jacob, or Israel, xxxvi. 2.
1745. Joseph, son of Jacob, xxxvi. 2.
1578----1528. Cecrops king of Athens, ii. 6.
1571. Moses born, xxxvi. 2.
1528----1519. Cranaus king of Athens, ii. 6.
1519----1509. Amphictyon king of Athens, ii. 6.
1491. Exodus of the Israelites from Egypt, xxxvi. 2.
1451. The Israelites, under Joshua, enter Palestine, xxxvi. 2.
1419----1369. Erechtheus king of Athens, ii. 6.
Triptolemus commences the sowing of corn, ii. 6
1364. Janus and Saturn reign in Latium, xliii. 1.
1334. Picus, son and successor of Janus, xliii. 1.
1304. Faunus, son and successor of Picus, xliii. 1.
1304----1256. Aegeus king of Athens, ii. 6.
1283. The Argonauts, xlii. 2.
Orpheus invents mysteries, in which he initiates Midas, king of Phrygia, xi. 7.
1256----1226. Theseus king of Athens, ii. 6.
1254. Hercules and Theseus make war on the Amazons, ii. 4.
1244. Latinus, grandson of Faunus, xliii. 1.
Cocalus king of Sicily, iv. 2. |298
1205. Tyre built, xviii. 3.
1194 ---- 1184. The Trojan war, ii. 4, 6; vii. 1.
Diomede, driven from his country, sails to Italy, xii. 2; builds Arpi, xx. 1.
Pyrrhus, son of Achilles, settles in Epirus, xvii. 3.
Philoctetes goes into Italy, xx. 1.
Antenor settles the Veneti in Italy, xx, 1.
Aeneas becomes king of the Latins, xx. 1; xliii. 1.
Teucer settles in Gallaecia, xliv. 3.
1182. Demophoon king of Athens, ii. 6.
1174. Ascanius succeeds Aeneas, and reigns 38 years, xliii. 1.
1172. Utica founded by the Tyrians, xviii. 4.
1144. Alba Longa founded by Ascanius, xliii. 1, in the thirtieth year of his reign.
1070. Death of Codrus, the last king of Athens, ii. 6.
Archons continued at Athens for 314 years, that is, from B.C. 1070----756.
885. Dido founds Carthage, xviii. 4; xii. 10.
883. Lycurgus, legislator of Sparta, iii. 2.
875. Death of Sardanapalus, the last king of the Assyrians, i. 3.
SECT. II.----THE EMPIRE OF THE MEDES.
The Medes rule over Eastern Asia for 350 years, i. 6, that is, from B.C. 875----525, or rather 550, q.v. infra.
818. Caranus, an Argive, settles at Edessa, in Macedonia, vii. 1.
806----764. Amulius reigns at Alba Longa for 42 years, xliii. 2.
782. Romulus and Remus born, xliii. 2.
764. Battus founds Cyrene, xiii. 7.
764----753. Numitor king of Alba Longa, xliii. 3.
756. Decennial Archons at Athens till B.c. 686; ii. 7.
753. Rome built, xliii. 3.
753----716. Romulus reigns, xxxviii. 6; xlii. 3.
742----722. First war of the Spartans with the Messenians, iii 4.
723----675. Perdiccas king of Macedonia, vii. 2.
716----678. Gyges king of Lydia, i. 7.
715----672, Numa Pompilius second king of Rome, xxxviii. 6.
703. Phalantus founds Tarentum, iii. 4.
686. Annual Archons at Athens.
684----667. Second war of the Spartans with the Messenians, iii. 5.
675----643. Argaeus king of Macedonia, vii. 2.
643----608. Philip king of Macedonia, vii. 2.
616----578. Tarquinius Priscus king of Rome, xxxviii. 6; xliii. 4.
608----566. Aeropus king of Macedonia, vii. 2.
599. Marseilles founded by the Phocaeans, xliii. 3.
592. Solon gives laws at Athens, ii. 7.
587----562. Astyages, the last king of the Medes, i. 4, 6.
578----534. Servius Tullius king of Rome, xxxviii. 6.
571. Cyrus born and exposed, i. 1.
561, Cyrus acknowledged by his grandfather, i. 5.
558----526. Pisistratus, tyrant of Athens, ii. 8. |299
557----538. Croesus king of Lydia, i. 7.
550. Cyrus dethrones Astyages, aad becomes king of the Medes, i 6.
SECT. III.----THE EMPIRE OF THE PERSIANS.
The Persians rule over Asia from B.c. 550----330.
538. Cyrus takes Croesus prisoner, i. 7.
534----509. Tarquinius Superbus, seventh and last king of Rome, xxxviii. 6. In his reign Pythagoras flourishes, xx. 4.
530. Cyrus takes Babylon, i. 7.
528. Cyrus killed by the Massagetae, i. 8. Cambyses succeeds him, i. 9.
526. Pisistratus dies, and is succeeded by his son Hipparchus, ii. 9
521. Cambyses perishes, i. 9. Pseudo-Smerdis reigns 7 months, i. 9. Darius, son of Hystaspes, succeeds, i. 10.
512. Darius makes war on the Scythians, i. 10. Hipparchus killed, ii. 9.
511. Darius makes himself master of Macedonia, ii. 5; vii. 3.
508. Hippias expelled from Athens, ii. 9.
507----478. Amyntas reigns in Macedonia, vii. 2.
489. Battle of Marathon.
485----472. Reign of Xerxes, ii. 10.
484----478. Gelo, tyrant of Syracuse, xxiii. 4.
479. Battle of Thermopylae, ii. 11; of Salamis, ii. 12. Hamilcar killed in Sicily, xix. 2.
478. Battles of Plataeae and Mycale, ii. 14.
478----467. Hiero, tyrant of Sicily, xxiii. 4.
478----435. Alexander, successor of Amyntas, reigns in Macedonia, vii. 4.
477. City and harbour of Athens repaired, ii. 15.
475. Pausanians and Aristides lay waste the territories of Persia, ii. 15.
474. Anaxilaus, tyrant of Sicily, iv. 2
472----424. Artaxerxes Longinianus, iii. 1.
469. Cimon puts to flight the Persian fleet, ii. 15.
468. Third war of the Spartans with the Messenians, iii. 6.
462. The Athenians send aid to Inarus, king of Egypt, iii. 6.
456. The Spartans league with the Thebans against the Athenians, iii. 6. A war ensues, protracted for eleven years.
438. Sophocles joined in command with Pericles, iii. 6.
430----403. The Peloponuesian war, iii. 7.
425. Expedition of the Athenians to Sicily in aid of the Leontines, iv. 3; iii. 7.
423. Darius Nothus becomes king of Persia, v, i.
421. A peace for 50 years made between the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, which is kept only for 6 years and 10 months, iii. 7.
414----412. The fatal expedition of the Athenians to Sicily, iv. 4.
413. Alcibiades exiled, v. 1.
412. -------------goes to Sparta, v. 1.
410. -------------flees from Sparta to the Persians, v. 2. |300
410----407. Alcibiades, being recalled by the army, conducts the war with great success, v. 3, 4.
409, The Spartans and Persians conquered by the Athenians at Sestos, v. 4. The Carthaginians enter Sicily, v. 4.
407. Alcibiades again in exile; Conon succeeds him in command, v. 5, 6.
405. Victory of Lysander at Aegospotamos, in December, v. 6. Conon flees to Cyprus, iii. 6. Himilco and his army perish by a pestilence in Sicily, xix. 2.
405----367. Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, xx. 1.
404. Athens taken by Lysander, v. 8.
404----365. Artaxerxes Mnemon, v. 8; xi. 1.
403. End of the Peloponnesian war, v. 8. The thirty tyrants at Athens, v. 8. Death of Alcibiades, ib.
402. Thrasybulus delivers Athens from the tyrants, v. 9.
404----399. Expedition of Cyrus the Younger against Artaxerxes. retreat of the ten thousand, v. 11.
398. The Lacedaemonians send Dercyllidas to Asia, vi. 1.
395----393. Agesilaus at war with the Persians in Asia, vi. 2.
393. Lysander killed at Haliartus, vi. 4. Victory of Conon over Pisander at Cnidus, in August, vi. 3. Agesilaus returns from Asia and defeats the Boeotians at
Coronea, vi. 4.
392. Conon rebuilds the walls of Athens, vi. 5.
390----379. Amyntas II. king of Macedonia, vii. 4.
386. The peace of Antalcidas, vi. 6.
Rome taken and burnt by the Gauls, vi. 6.
385. War between the Lacedaemonians and Arcadians, vi. 6.
381. The Lacedaemonians seize the Cadmea at Thebes, vi. 6.
370. The battle of Leuctra, vi. 6.
369, 368. Alexander II. king of Macedonia, vii. 4, 5. Philip a hostage at Thebes, vii. 5.
338. Epaminondas besieges Sparta, vi. 7.
367. Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, dies, xx. 5.
367----342. Dionysius the younger, xxi. 1.
365----339. Artaxerxes Ochus, x. 3.
364----359. Perdiccas III. king of Macedonia, vii. 5.
363. Clearchus, tyrant of Heraclea, xvi. 4.
362. Battle of Mantinea; death of Epaminondas, vi. 7.
359. Philip escapes from Thebes and possesses himself of the throne, vii. 5.
358----335. Reign of Philip, vii. 5.
355. Alexander born. Dionysius expelled from Sicily, xxi. 2.
354----345. The Sacred War, viii. 1.
345. Dionysius returns from Italy to Syracuse, xxi. 3.
342. ------------ again driven from Sicily, and retires to Corinth, xxi. 5. |301
341. Alexander, brother of Olympias, becomes king of Epirus, viii. 6. 337. Philip defeats the Athenians at Chaeronea, ix. 3.
336.-------calls a council of the Greeks at Corinth, ix. i
335. -------killed; Alexander succeeds him, ix. 6, 8.
Darius Codomaunus becomes king of Persia, x. 3.
333. Alexander defeats the Persians at the Granicus, xi. 6.
332.----------------------------------------- at Issus, xi. 9.
331.-------------takes Tyre, xi. 10.
330.-------------founds Alexandria, xi. 11.
-------------defeats the Persians at Arbela, xi. 14.
Death of Alexander, king of Epirus, xii. 2.
329.----------Darius, and end of the Persian empire, x. 3; xi. 14,
SECT. IV.----THE EMPIRE OF THE MACEDONIANS.
Agis king of Sparta falls in battle against Antipater, xii. 1.
327. Alexander subdues the people about Mount Caucasus, xii. 5.
326. -------------invades India; conquers Porus, xii. 8.
324. -------------returns to Babylon, xii. 13.
323.-------------dies at Babylon, xii. 13, aged 33.
322. Alexander's empire divided among his generals, xiii. 4; war of the Greeks against Antipater, xiii. 5.
321. Neoptolemus, Perdiccas, and Craterus killed, xiii. 8.
319. The Romans sent under the yoke by the Samnites, xviii. 4.
318. Antipater dies, xiv. 5.
316. Aridaeus and Eurydice killed by Olympias, xiv. 5. Agathocles, tyrant of Syracuse, xxii. 1.
315. Eumenes taken prisoner by Antigonus and put to death, xiv. 4. Olympias killed by Cassander, xiv. 6.
309. Agathocles makes war upon the Carthaginians in Africa, xxii. 4.
306. The generals of Alexander assume the title of kings, xv. 2.
300. Antigonus falls in battle at Ipsus, xv. 4. Agathocles makes war on the Bruttii, xxiii. 1.
293. Demetrius becomes king of Macedonia, xvi. 1 Death of Agathocles, xxiii. 2.
292. Death of Demetrius, xvi. 2.
283----246. Ptolemy Philadelphus king of Egypt, xvi. 2.
281. Death of Lysimachus, xvii. 2.
280. Pyrrhus defeats the Romans, xviii. 1; xxxviii. 4. Seleucus killed by Ptolemy Ceraunus, xvii. 2.
280----260. Antiochus Soter king of Syria, xvii. 2.
278. Ptolemy Ceraunus killed by the Gauls under Belgius, xxiv. 3. Brennus, with most of his army, perishes at Delphi, xxiv. 6.
275. The Gauls settle in Gallo-graecia, xxv. 2.
269. Pyrrhus killed at Argos, xxv. 5.
264. First Punic war begins, xii. 4; continues 23 years.
260----245. Antiochus, surnamed Deus, reigns over Syria, xxvii. 1.
255, The Parthians revolt from the Syrians, xii. 4. |302
254. Theodotus, prefect of the Bactrians, revolts from the Syrians, xli. 4.
253----216. Teridates, second king of the Parthians, xli. 5.
246----220. Ptolemy Euergetes, successor of Ptolemy Philadelphus, xxvii. 1.
245----224. Seleucus II successor of Antiochus Deus, xxvii. 1.
242. Theodotus II. succeeds his father in Bactria, xli. 4.
241----231. Demetrius II. king of Macedonia, successor of Antigonus Gonnatas, xxvi. 2.
237----228. Hamilcar in Spain, xliv. 5.
231----220. Antigonus II. king of Macedonia, successor of Demetrius xxviii. 3.
228----220. Hasdrubal, successor to Hamilcar, in Spain, xliv. 5.
225----222. Seleucus III., xxvii. 3.
222----186. Antiochus the Great, xxix. 1.
221. Cleomenes, king of Sparta, defeated by Antigonus, flees into Egypt, xxviii. 4.
220----177. Philip king of Macedonia, successor to Antigonus II., xxviii. 4.
220----203. Ptolemy Philopator successor to Euergetes, xxix. 1.
220. Hannibal succeeds Hasdrubal in Spain, xxix. 1; xliv. 1.
219. Lycurgus king of Sparta, xxix. 1.
218----203. Hannibal in Italy, xxxviii. 4; xliv. 5.
217. -----------defeats Flaminius, xxix. 2.
216. Philip of Macedonia sends ambassadors to Hannibal, xxix. 4.
216----208. Artabanus, successor of Teridates, in Parthia, xli. 5.
215. Laevinus goes into Greece, xxix. 4.
214. Hieronymus, grandson of Hiero, succeeds him.
207. Priapatius, successor of Artabanus, in Parthia, xli. 5.
205. Philip makes peace with the Romans, xxix. 4.
203. Scipio defeats Hannibal at Zama, xxxviii. 6.
203----180. Ptolemy Epiphanes successor of Philopator, xxx. 2; xxxi, 1,
202. End of the second Punic war, xxxiv. 1.
199. The Achaeans revolt from Philip to the Romans, xxix. 4.
198. Philip defeated by Flamininus at Cynoscephalae, xxx. 3.
197. Hannibal flees to Antiochus the Great, xxxi. 2.
193----173. Phraates, successor of Priapatius, in Parthia, xli. 5.
191. Scipio Asiaticus overcomes Antiochus, xxxviii. 6; xxxi. 8.
190. The Aetolians subdued by the Romans, xxxii. 1.
Hannibal with Prusias in Bithynia, xxxii. 4.
188. Manlius triumphs over the Gauls, xxxviii. 6.
186----175. Seleucus IV. successor to Antiochus the Great, xxxii. 2
184. Death of Philopoemen, xxxii. 1. Death of Hannibal, xxxii. 4. Death of Scipio Africanus, xxxii. 4.
182. Philip of Macedonia puts to death his son Demetrius, xxxii. 2.
180----145. Ptolemy Philometor successor of Epiphanea, xxxiv. 2.
180----144. Eucratidas king of the Bactrians. xli. 6.
177----169. Perseus successor of Philip in Macedonia, xxxii. 3.
175----163. Antiochus Epiphanes successor to Seleucus, xxxiv. 2.
173-----138. Mithridates successor of Phraates, xli. 5, 6. |303
169. Perseus, the last king of Macedonia, taken prisoner by the Romans, xxxiii. 2.
163----161. Antiochus Eupator successor of Epiphanes, xxxiv. 3.
161----140. Demetrius II. successor of Antiochus Eupator, xxxiv. 3.
149----148. Demetrius killed; the throne occupied by Alexander Bala, xxxv. 1.
148. Prusias, king of Bithynia, killed by his son, xxxiv. 4.
146. Carthage destroyed, xxxviii. 6; Corinth destroyed, xxxiv. 2.
146----140. Viriatus in Spain, xliv. 2.
145----125. Alexander Bala killed; Demetrius Nicator reigns, xxxv. 2.
145----118. Ptolemy Physcon successor of Philometor, xxxviii. 8.
138----129. Demetrius of Syria in captivity among the Parthians, xxxviii. 9, 10; xxxvi. 1.
137----132. Attalus III. last king of Pergamus, xxxvi. 4.
136----129. Antiochus VII. brother of Demetrius, xxxviii. 9.
136----127. Phraates successor of Mithridates, king of Parthia, xlii. 1.
129. Pergamus taken from Aristonicus, and made a Roman province, xxxvi. 4. Antiochus VII. killed by the Parthians; restoration of Demetrius, xxxvii. 10.
128----121. Alexander Zabinas pretended heir to the throne of Syria, xxxix 1.
127----123. Artabanus successor of Phraates, xlii. 2.
125. Death of Demetrius in Syria; Seleucus V. succeeds, xxxix. 1.
124----62. Mithridates the Great king of Pontus, xxxvii. 1.
124. Seleucus V. killed by his mother, xxxix. 1.
124----95. Antiochus VIII., surnamed Grypus, king of Syria, xxxix. 1.
123----86. Mithridates II king of Parthia. xlii. 2.
121. Alexander Zabinas killed by Antiochus VIII., xxxix. 2.
118. Antiochus VIII. kills his mother, xxxix. 2.
118----91. Ptolemy Lathyrus successor of Ptolemy Physcon, xxxix. 3.
110----84. Antiochus IX. (Cyzicenus) rival of Antiochus VIII., xxxix 2.
105. Jugurtha led in triumph by Marius. Caepio killed by the Cimbri, xxxii. 2.
104----101. The Cimbri and Teutones lay waste Helvetia, Spain, and Gaul, and are defeated by Marius, xxxviii. 4.
95, Cyrene bequeathed to the Romans, xxxix. 5.
90----88. The Marsic war, xxxviii. 4.
88. Mithridates defeats Aquilius, xxxviii. 3.
88----82. Civil war between Marius and Sulla, xxxviii. 4.
82. Tigranes, king of Armenia, chosen king of Syria, xl.
1 78----72. The war with Sertorius, xliii. 5.
67. Crete and Cilicia made Roman provinces, xxxix. 5.
Tigranes deprived of the throne of Syria by Lucullus xl. 2.
66---61. The war with Mithridates conducted by Pompey, xliii. 5.
62. Death of Mithridates, xxxvii. 1.
Syria made a Roman province by Pompey, xl. 2.
58----48. Julius Caesar proconsul of Gaul, xliii. 5.
53----36. Orodes king of Parthia, xlii. 2.
53. Crassus killed by the Parthians, xlii. 4. |304
49. Civil war between Caesar and Pompey, xlii 4.
48. Battle of Pharsalia, xlii. 4.
43. Brutus and Cassius at war with the Triumviri, xlii. 4.
38. Ventidius kills Pacorus, son of the king of Parthia, xlii. 4.
36. Phraates IV., successor of Orodes, king of Parthia, reigns 40 years, xlii. 4, 5.
35. Antony put to flight by the Parthians, xlii. 5.
30----26. Phraates driven from his throne by Tiridates, and restored by the Scythians, xlii. 5.
24. Augustus returns from Spain, which had been subdued three years before, xliv. 5.
20. The Parthians restore the Roman standards and prisoners. xlii 5.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: galen_preface_to_commentary_on_hippocrates.htm
Galen, Commentary on Hippocrates "On the workshop of a doctor" (2011), vol. 18, pp.629-632
Galen, Commentary on Hippocrates "On the workshop of a doctor" (2011), vol. 18, pp.629-632 *
Galen's Preface
[Translated by Andrew Eastbourne]
He entitled a medical [work], "Pertaining to the Surgery" (κατ' ἰητρεῖον).1 But it would have been better for it to be entitled, "On the Things Pertaining to the Surgery" (περὶ τῶν κατ' ἰητρεῖον), as some give the title for the [works] of Diocles, Philotimus, and Mantius. For while these men wrote on the same subject, in each book, in the greatest number [of copies] the title lacks the preposition (περί) and the article (τῶν)—they are entitled, simply, "Pertaining to the Surgery"—in a few [copies], however, [it is given] with the preposition and the article: "On the Things Pertaining to the Surgery." But whereas these men's books give quite copious theoretical instruction, Hippocrates' [book], after the catalogue of the things that are the components of surgery overall, gives a full explanation of bandaging, since the man considered it proper to practice this first. And indeed, the practice of this can be pursued most especially with pieces of wood sculpted into human form, or if [this is] not [possible], on the bodies of children at least.
This much the book itself required me to say, before my interpretations of individual points; now, however, I will go through what is not required by the book, but by those who, in copying 2 them, readily received the writings of the ancients in whatever [form] they themselves wished.3 For some eagerly attempted to find 300-year-old copies of even very old books,4 preserving some in papyrus scrolls, others on sheets of papyrus, others on parchment, like the [texts] that are with us in Pergamum.5
Therefore, I decided to examine all these things in the [commentaries of the] earliest interpreters, so that on the basis of the majority and the most trustworthy I might discover the authentic writings. And the result turned out to surpass my expectations. For I discovered that they nearly all agreed with each other—the treatises and the commentaries of the interpreters—such that I was struck with bewilderment at the audacity of those who have recently written commentaries or have made their own edition of all the books of Hippocrates, among whom are Dioscorides and his associates, and Artemidorus, called Capito, and his associates,6 who made many innovations in the ancient writings.
It seemed to me that the account of the commentaries would be [too] long, if I mentioned all the writings, and so I imagined that it was better to write [about] the older ones only, adding to them some few others—those that show but little alteration—and of these, primarily those which have been acknowledged by the earlier commentators on the book. There are four of them: two, who wrote commentaries on all the books of Hippocrates—Zeuxis and Heraclides; and then Bacchius and Asclepiades, [whose comments], not on all [the books of Hippocrates, are] hard to understand.7
And now, enough of these matters. By way of recovering the pleasure of a clearer exordium, I will speak briefly, as though I had not said anything already. Hippocrates' book, entitled "Pertaining to the Surgery," contains at the outset a preamble to the whole art [of medicine], as I shall demonstrate a little later, and for this reason some have reasonably considered it proper to read it first of all, promising lessons very similar to what some later gave in the works they entitled "Introductions." And next in sequence after the common preamble, he teaches (regarding what can be effected in the surgery) the most useful things for those who are beginning to learn the medical art. It will become plain to you that [all] this is the case as you apply your mind carefully to the explanations of the expressions themselves.
* From: Claudii Galeni Opera Omnia, tom. XVIII pars II, ed. D. Carolus Gottlob Kühn, Lipsiae (1830), p. 629-632. Title: ΤΟ ΙΠΠΟΚΡΑΤΟΥΣ ΚΑΤ̕ΙΗΤΡΕΙΟΝ ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΓΑΛΗΝΟΥ ΕΙΣ ΑΥΤΟ ΥΠΟΜΝΗΜΑ Α. The title of the Latin translation is: Hippocratis De Medici Officina liber et Galeni in eum Commentarius I; Galeni praefatio. [Note by R.P.]
1 "Surgery" here appears to refer to the physical set-up for a doctor's operations, not the practice of surgery to which the English term most frequently refers.
2 The Greek term, μεταγράφοντες, carries the implication that they changed them in the process of copying.
3 Here Birt, Das antike Buchwesen, p. 503, suggests emending the odd ἢ ("or" [?]) to οἳ, yielding the following meaning for the sentence: "...but by the copyists, who readily took..."
4 In the Greek, it is the copying rather than the composition that is explicitly described as "300-years old," since the participle γεγραμμένα—lit., "having been written"—is in the accusative case, whereas the books are in the genitive.
5 Kuhn's text (τὰδὲἐνδιαφόροιςφιλύραις, ὥσπερτὰπαρ' ἡμῖνἐνΠεργάμῳ: "others on various / excellent [sheets of paper made from] the under-bark of the lime tree, like the texts that are with us in Pergamum") is problematic. Although this under-bark is attested as being used for writing (Herodian 1.17.1; Cassius Dio 72.8.4), it has no connection with Pergamum. Birt, Das antike Buchwesen, p. 503, cites Cobet's emendation (ἐνδιφθέραις) with approval—I have adopted it here; Birt also mentions Marquardt's suggestion (ἐνδιφθερίναιςφιλύραις: "on [sheets of] parchment 'bark'").
6 The phrasing here—"Dioscorides and his associates" (Gk. οἱπερὶΔιοσκορίδην)—is frequently used in Greek as a circumlocution for the simple "Dioscorides."
7 Gk. δυσλόγιστα; this can mean, literally, "hard to calculate" or "bad at calculating" and hence, either obscurity or shoddy commentating is the point.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: herodian_00_intro.htm
Herodian of Antioch, History of the Roman Empire (1961) pp.1-10. Introduction
Herodian of Antioch, History of the Roman Empire (1961) pp.1-10. Introduction
[Dustjacket]
Price: $5.00
HERODIAN OF ANTIOCH'S
HISTORY OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE
Translated from the Greek by Edward C. Echols
Herodian's history is a lively contemporary record of a half century of scandal and intrigue, of corruption and progressive decay, in the empire. In eight books, it covers the years from 180 to 238, from the death of Marcus Aurelius to the accession of Gordian III.
Although Dio Cassius had already written the definitive history of his age, Herodian, a native of Syria, and a minor civil servant in Rome, undertook to write, from a somewhat limited personal experience, supplemented by reference to standard authorities, a moralizing account of the downward spiral of the empire. He recognizes, acutely for his time, that the death of Marcus Aurelius was the end of an era in Rome's history and he is chiefly concerned to show his readers the corruption that followed upon it.
In his literary style Herodian is very much the product of his age: rhetorical, pompous, repetitive, derivative. Yet, unlike other imperial biographists, he makes no observations on the sexual experiments of the emperors, but chooses to ignore them. Perhaps, as Mr. Echols suggests in his introduction, the explanation for this singular omission is that Herodian, himself a Syrian, is reluctant to reveal the more notorious activities of the Syrian emperors. He is a sincere moralizer with a thoroughly patriotic Roman outlook.
His account remains the best connected of any contemporary source and is a valuable example of later classical historiography. This is the first English translation from the Greek text since 1749.
An introduction discusses the few facts about Herodian's life that are known, assesses his place in Roman historiography, describes his method, philosophy, and style, and comments on Herodian scholarship to date.
EDWARD ECHOLS is the author of some fifty articles in the classical journals. His special interest is in translating from late Latin and Greek historical writings. He teaches Latin at The Phillips Exeter Academy in New Hampshire.
HERODIAN OF ANTIOCH'S
HISTORY OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE
FROM THE DEATH OF MARCUS AURELIUS TO THE ACCESSION OF GORDIAN III
TRANSLATED FROM THE GREEK BY
EDWARD C. ECHOLS
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS
BERKELEY & LOS ANGELES
MCMLXI
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS
BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES
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Book vignettes reproduced from wood engravings by F. W. Fairholt, F.S.A., in S. W. Stevenson, F.S.A., A Dictionary of Roman Coins (1889).
TO MY WIFE
MARY VIRGINIA HATHAWAY ECHOLS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I AM grateful to Dr. Linton C. Stevens, Professor of Romance Languages in the University of Alabama, for helpful criticism in regard to style and clarity. I have also to thank Professor Mason Hammond of Harvard University for his encouragement. And I wish to express my appreciation to Miss Genevieve Rogers, of the University of California Press, who assisted greatly in bringing the work to its final form.
The successful completion of this work owes much to the generous and sustained support of the University Research Committee of the University of Alabama. Grants-in-aid enabled me to give full time to the work of translation during two summers, and, even more important, made it possible for me to have access to a library with facilities adequate for the specialized requirements of this project.
For the shortcomings of the work I assume full responsibility.
EDWARD C. ECHOLS
LIST OF EMPERORS, 180-238
MARCUS AURELIUS 161-180
COMMODUS 180-193
PERTINAX 193
DIDIUS JULIANUS 193
SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS 193-211
CARACALLA 211-217
GETA 211-212
MACRINUS 217-218
ELAGABALUS 218-222
SEVERUS ALEXANDER 222-235
MAXIMINUS 238
GORDIAN I 238
GORDIAN II 238
BALBINUS 238
PUPIENUS MAXIMUS 238
GORDIAN III 238-244
INTRODUCTION
THE Roman historians inherited from the Greeks a long and distinguished historical tradition. It was Hecataeus of Miletus who, in the fifth century B.C., first turned rational attention to the skeletal contemporary sources of history—the traditional myths, uncritically accepted, and the local annalistic records, uncritically evaluated. By the beginning of the Hellenistic period, Greek historiography included every form of historical writing: the discursive, rambling accounts deriving from Herodotus; the objective, scientific, and highly literate histories in the manner of Thucydides; partisan histories designed as propaganda; and historical biographies. Men of action described their personal exploits, and histories written to entertain or shock foreshadowed historical fiction. By the end of the fourth century B.C., history was a legitimate and accepted field of literary inquiry.
The Greek writers of the third century B.C., however, failed to find at home a subject worthy of their talents. The growing importance of Rome tended to counteract the decline of Greek influence, and Timaeus of Sicily, in the third century, wrote at some length of his neighbor in Italy. For the next several centuries, great events tended to produce great historians, and virtually every phase of Rome's history was carefully studied and competently published.
The early Roman historians were Greeks. The intent of these writers was to interpret for the Greek-reading world the phenomenon of Rome's rise to a position of dominance in the Mediterranean world. Greatest of these pioneer Graeco-Roman historians was the soldier-statesman-author Polybius |2 (ca. 203-ca. 120 B.C.), who wrote a Universal History covering events from 220 to 144 B.C. He describes in admirable detail, and with an equally admirable grasp of the issues involved, Rome's familiar extern wars during this important formative period. A pragmatic historian, describing contemporary times, Polybius was a competent analyst and interpreter.
These pragmatic histories, describing in detail short periods of time, were soon replaced at Rome by the annalistic reconstruction of Rome's early history; the formulation of an annalistic tradition was necessitated by the growth of nationalism resulting from Rome's increasing importance in the Mediterranean world. Once the native Roman historiography was firmly established, it soon embraced all the extant historico-literary forms; by the Augustan Age, Latin historians were writing antiquarian history, contemporary history, military history, "literary" history, and the historical biography.
The Graeco-Roman historians continued to write after the field was dominated by the Latin historians. Before the last century of the Republic, the great Stoic philosopher-historian, Posidonius of Apamaea, wrote a continuation of Polybius' Universal History covering the period from 144 B.C. to the dictatorship of Sulla. Posidonius, who had visited Rome and had been the teacher of many distinguished Romans at Rhodes, profoundly affected the literary careers of such Roman historians as Livy, Sallust, Julius Caesar, Tacitus, and Plutarch. Indeed, Posidonius has been credited with paving the way for the glory of the Augustan Age by awaking Rome's historians to a realization of her past and future greatness.
The Greek writers of Roman history were still active in the early empire. Dionysius of Halicarnassus wrote a |3 rhetorical account of Rome's origins, and Flavius Josephus produced in Greek an all-inclusive history of the Jews, as well as an eyewitness account of the Flavian conquest of Palestine in a.d. 68-70.
The growing importance of the individual in the empire raised historical biography to a position of major importance. In the first century B.C., Cornelius Nepos wrote his De Viris Illustribus, a series of comparative biographies of Greeks and Romans. Plutarch (ca. A.D. 46-post 120) continued this literary form in a lengthy series of biographies comparing ancient and contemporary figures. Balancing these "antiquarian" biographies are the imperial biographies of Suetonius (A.D. 69-ca. 140), in which he described the empire in terms of its chief personalities, beginning with Julius Caesar.
Paralleling the increasing emphasis upon the place of the individual in history was the trend toward epitomes, eclectic and excerpted accounts concerned with long periods of time. Among the most successful of the annalistic epitomizers was the Bithynian, Dio Cassius, who, in the third century of the Christian era, wrote in Greek his history of Rome from 753 b.c. to a.d. 229. Dio's history is the major source of information for much of the post-Flavian period, when Rome's historical felicitas at last began to fail. The late historical summarizers, Aurelius Victor, Eutropius, Festus, Zosimus, and others, treat this period briefly in their epitomes.
The imperial biographers of the Historia Augusta, which seems to date from the late fourth century, provide information about the emperors from Hadrian through Numerianus in 284.
The third original source for the history of this period of the Roman empire is the Ab Excessu Divi Marci by Herodian of Syria, who wrote in Greek an account of the Roman empire from the death of Marcus Aurelius in 180 to the |4 accession of Gordian III in 238. Dio and Herodian provide the only extant contemporary histories of this important period of the empire.
Iam pridem Syrus in Tiberim defluxit Orontes.
----Juvenal Sat. III 62
When Juvenal was moved to this peevish observation in the second century of the Christian era, the influx of Syria and Syrians into Rome was a recognized and often-deplored fact. Not all second-century Syrians in Rome, however, could be identified with Juvenal's light entertainers. In the field of history, Posidonius of Apamaea made an important contribution in the first century b.c. In the field of government, the Syrian phase began about 186, when the commander of a legion in Syria married the daughter of a priest of Elagabalus in Emesa. When Septimius Severus became emperor in 193, Rome had a Syrian empress, Julia Domna. When Caracalla became emperor in 211, Rome had a half-Syrian emperor; when Elagabalus became emperor in 218, Rome had a Syrian emperor.
The key figure in Rome's Syrian dynasty was Julia Domna. A shrewd, highly capable woman, she had assumed imperial responsibility with her husband. When Caracalla became sole emperor, Julia was put in charge of imperial correspondence and state records. She soon gathered about her the most distinguished literary men of the day, many of whom held important political posts: the jurists Papinian and Ulpian, the biographer Diogenes Laertius, the sophist Philostratus, the historian Dio Cassius.
After Julia's death, she was replaced at court by her younger sister, Julia Maesa. Rich and wily, Maesa plotted the overthrow of Macrinus and placed upon the throne her grandson Elagabalus, the first Syrian emperor of Rome. The Syrian domination was continued by the thirteen-year reign |5 of Alexander Severus, with whom the dynasty came to an end in 235.
Thus, throughout most of the sixty-year period covered by Herodian's history, Rome was under some degree of Syrian domination. Herodian states that he had a career in the imperial civil service (1.2.5) which enabled him to write much of his history from personal experience and observation. Since his book ends with the year 238, it is hardly likely that he began his career before the accession of Septimius Severus. Marcus Aurelius had no reason to favor Syria, which had supported the unsuccessful pretender Avidius Cassius in 175. Commodus also seems to have taken relatively little interest in the country. But with the accession of Severus and Julia Domna, the time was favorable for an influx of Syrians into the civil service. Severus did not trust the native Romans, since he dismissed the Praetorian Guard and replaced it by veterans from his legions. The Syrian (?) Papinianus served as praetorian prefect under Severus. The imperial bias after 193 was definitely Eastern, and the literary language of the contemporary literary figures was Greek.
Herodian belonged to the educated class in a country where Aramaic was still the spoken language. An educated Syrian would obviously be of value in the records division of the imperial civil service. It may be suggested that Herodian, a trilingual Syrian (Latin sources were employed for the first four books of his history), joined the civil service after the defeat of Niger by Severus.
Herodian's early association with the Syrian dynasty at Rome would account for the amazing "Romanness" of his outlook. Herodian is so thoroughly patriotic and so Romanized that he can speak of his fellow non-Romans as barbarians, and can offer an analysis of his fellow Syrians that is thoroughly unflattering.
Assuming that he began his imperial service with |6 Septimius Severus and ended it under Alexander or soon thereafter, Herodian may have been a member of Julia Domna's Eastern-oriented literary coterie. He read Dio Cassius; he used his sources; it is entirely possible that he knew Dio Cassius. In view of Dio's advanced age in 229, Herodian probably survived his greater contemporary.
Dio had already produced the definitive "world" history of his age. If Herodian, after his long career in letters, had any serious historical intent, an epitome was obviously out of the question. I hazard the guess that the Ab Excessu Divi Marci is a true "memoir," but that Herodian had played so minor a role in the period he undertakes to describe from personal observation and experience that he was forced to supplement his limited knowledge by reference to the standard sources. His work therefore does not compete with that of Dio Cassius; instead, he offers a moralizing account of the downward spiral of the empire. We must credit Herodian with enough sense of history to recognize that the death of Marcus Aurelius signified the end of an era. Herodian's chief concern is with the corruption that accompanied the decline in Rome's world position. That he was not a professional historian is apparent. That he was literate, concerned with the recording of history, aware of the long tradition of Greek historiography but at the same time very much a product of his own age, is equally apparent. He is a rhetorician, pompous, repetitive, and derivative. His fabricated speeches in the Thucydidean mode, which were intended to enliven the narrative, generally have the opposite effect. His insight into causes and motivation is superficial and unconvincing; he obviously lacked the personal experience and broad background that are needed for passing judgment on men and events. Perhaps Polybius is right: only the man of action can write history. Herodian's biographical approach to this period of imperial history is not too successful; his |7 men on all levels are given a curious sameness of character that reminds us of Cornelius Nepos; with Nepos, the career of one Greek general is very much like that of any other Greek general.
Herodian has been criticized for his many sins of omission, among them his failure to note Caracalla's extension of citizenship throughout the empire. We can only suggest that this action of the emperor's was not nearly so impressive at the time as it now seems. Herodian's geography is vague and must be cited with extreme care. His indefinite and inexact data suggest again the narrow limits of his personal knowledge. His decision to ignore the sexual experiments of many of the emperors is odd in the extreme. These clinical observations were basic features of imperial biography beginning with Suetonius, and the general historians, including Dio Cassius, did not overlook them. Herodian was doubtless a sincere moralizer; a Syrian, he would be reluctant to reveal the more spectacular activities of the Syrian emperors.
As a historian, then, Herodian is an amateur; as a stylist he is typical third-century baroque. If he is no Polybius, no Livy, no Tacitus, it is only fair to point out that neither is any other third-century Roman historian. Herodian is a product of his age, and his work is an interesting and valuable specimen of later classical historiography from a period in which original sources are scarce.
The manuscript tradition is discussed in the preface of the Teubner edition (1883) by K. Mendelssohn, and summarized in the Teubner edition (1922) by K. Stavenhagen. They conclude that there are five codices, one from the eleventh century and four from the fifteenth century. A sixth codex, used by Aldus for the editio princeps in 1503, has been lost. Three of these fifteenth-century codices derive from one source; the other three, including the lost codex of Aldus, |8 are from a second source. These two sources derive in turn from a single source which goes back to the archtype. This archtype is also the source of the excerpts quoted by the seventh-century John of Antioch; these excerpts are outside the surviving manuscripts. I have seen none of these codices.
During the Renaissance, Herodian was studied with interest. At the request of Pope Innocent VIII, the Italian humanist Politian prepared, in 1487, and published both at Bologna and Rome, in 1493, so excellent a Latin version of Herodian that it was believed by many to be an original history in Latin. This translation was reprinted with the Greek text many times in the next two centuries.
The first translation into English, prepared from the Latin of Politian by Nicholas Smyth, was published in London perhaps in 1550. Another English translation, by J. Maxwell, appeared in London in 1629 and 1635. G. B. Stapylton produced a metrical version in English in 1652. The last translation into English is apparently that of J. Hart, London, 1749. The first translation into French seems to have been that of Jean Collin in 1541; Leon Halevy was responsible for the second French version of Herodian in 1824, republished in 1860. Adolph Stahr did a German translation in 1858.
Present-day scholarship has been concerned chiefly with Herodian's contributions to a knowledge of individual emperors. The most recent extensive work is the Princeton dissertation of Reynold Burrows, which considers Herodian and Septimius Severus. Twentieth-century classical and historical scholarship has neglected Herodian. This neglect reflects the general indifference of scholars to the period of the late Roman empire. Only a revival of interest in this significant era will lead to an adequate reappraisal of Herodian as a basic source for the eventful and important years treated in his history. |9
I have based my translation directly upon the Greek text edited by K. Stavenhagen for the Teubner Series (Leipzig, 1922), supplemented by the Latin version of Politian in the edition of 1532, and I had access also to the translations of Hart, Halevy, and Stahr. A variant of the old dictum frequently applies: "Four translators, four versions." I have elected to avoid a slavish adherence to the Greek idiom and style, and have essayed a version for readers without Greek. For readers of Greek I sincerely recommend the Stavenhagen text in the Teubner Series.
For place names I have chosen to employ the Latin versions: for example, Perennis for Perennius. On occasion I have substituted familiar modern place names for the classical forms: for example, Danube for Ister. The names by which the emperors are generally known have sometimes been substituted for those used by Herodian: for example, Elagabalus for Antoninus.
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
EDITIONS
Aldine. Venice, 1503.
Bekker, I. Leipzig, 1855.
La Roche, J. Vienna, 1863.
Mendelssohn, L. Leipzig, 1883.
Stavenhagen, K. Leipzig, 1922.
TRANSLATIONS
Latin: A. Politianus. Bologna and Rome, 1493.
English: J. Hart. London, 1749.
French: Jean Collin. L'Histoire de Herodien..., tournée de grecq en latin par Ange Politian et de latin en francays par Johan Collin. Paris, 1541; d ed., Lyons, 1546.
L. Halévy. Paris, 1824, 1860.
German: A. Stahr. Stuttgart, 1858.
BOOKS AND ARTICLES
Baaz, E. De Herodiani fontibus et auctoritate. Berlin, 1909.
Dändliker, C. "Die drei letzten Bücher Herodians," Untersuchungen zur römischen Kaiser geschichte. Leipzig, 1870. III, 203-320.
Fuchs, K. "Beiträge zur Kritik der ersten drei Bücher Herodians," Wiener Studien, XVII (1896), 222-252.
--------- "Beiträge zur Kritik Herodians (IV-VIII Buch)," Wiener Studien, XVIII (1897), 180-234.
Kettler, G. Nonnullae ad Herodianum rerum Romanarum scriptorem annotationes. Erlangen, 1882.
Kreutzer, J. De Herodiano rerum Romanarum scriptore, Bonn, 1881.
Pasoli, A. L'Uso di Erodiano nella vita Maximini. Milan, 1927.
Roos, A. G. "Herodian's Method of Composition," Journal of Roman Studies, V [part 2] (1915), 191-202.
Smits, J. C. P. De geschiedschrijver Herodianus en zijn bronnen. Leiden, 1913.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: herodian_01_book .htm
Herodian of Antioch, History of the Roman Empire (1961) pp.11-42. Book 1.
Herodian of Antioch, History of the Roman Empire (1961) pp.11-42. Book 1.
Chapter I
Chapter II
Chapter III
Chapter IV
Chapter V
Chapter VI
Chapter VII
Chapter VIII
Chapter IX
Chapter X
Chapter XI
Chapter XII
Chapter XIII
Chapter XIV
Chapter XV
Chapter XVI
Chapter XVII
BOOK ONE
MARCUS AURELIUS AND COMMODUS
CHAPTER I.
1. THE majority of writers who have devoted themselves to compiling histories and to reviving the memory of past events have had in mind the eternal glory of learning. They feared too that if they remained silent they might be numbered among the countless hordes of the obscure. Such writers are little concerned with truth in their narratives, however, but pay particular attention to phrasing and euphony, since they are confident that even if their writings have no basis in fact, they will still win a hearing, and the accuracy of their research will not be challenged.
2. Indeed, some writers, because they abhor tyrants and wish to flatter or honor rulers, countries, and individuals, have lent sparkle to trivial and unimportant events by the brilliance of their words rather than by the clear light of truth. 3. Unwilling to accept from others hearsay evidence and unsubstantiated information, I have collected, in my history, material that is still fresh in the minds of my intended readers; |12 nor do I think that knowledge of the many important events that occurred in a brief span of time will fail to bring pleasure to future readers. 4. If we were to compare this period with all the time that has elapsed since the Augustan Age, when the Roman Republic became an aristocracy, we would not find, in that span of almost two hundred years down to the time of Marcus Aurelius, imperial successions following so closely; the varied fortunes of war, both civil and foreign; the national uprisings and destructions of cities, both in the empire and in many barbarian lands. We would not find the earthquakes, the pollutions of the air, or the incredible careers of tyrants and emperors. 5. Some of these rulers retained their power for a long time; others more briefly. There were even some who, having attained the imperial power and enjoyed the imperial honors for no more than a single day, were immediately killed. Since, in a period of sixty years, the Roman imperial power was held by more emperors than would seem possible in so short a time, many strange and wonderful events took place. 6. The emperors who were advanced in years governed themselves and their subjects commendably, because of their greater practical experience, but the younger emperors lived recklessly and introduced many innovations. As might have been expected, the disparities in age and authority inevitably resulted in variations in imperial behavior. How each of these events occurred, I shall now relate in detail, in order of time and emperors.
CHAPTER II.
1. THE emperor Marcus Aurelius had a number of daughters but only two sons. One of them (his name was Verissimus) died very young; the surviving son, Commodus, his father reared with great care, summoning to Rome from all over the empire men renowned for learning in their own countries. 2. He paid these scholars large fees to live in Rome |13 and supervise his son's education. When his daughters came of age, he married them to the most distinguished of the senators, selecting his sons-in-law not from the aristocrats, with their excessive pride in their ancestry, nor from the wealthy, with their protective shield of riches; he preferred men who were modest in manner and moderate in their way of life, for he considered these virtues to be the only fit and enduring possessions of the soul.
3. He was concerned with all aspects of excellence, and in his love of ancient literature he was second to no man, Roman or Greek; this is evident from all his sayings and writings which have come down to us.1 4. To his subjects he revealed himself as a mild and moderate emperor; he gave audience to those who asked for it and forbade his bodyguard to drive off those who happened to meet him. Alone of the emperors, he gave proof of his learning not by mere words or knowledge of philosophical doctrines but by his blameless character and temperate way of life. His reign thus produced a very large number of intelligent men, for subjects like to imitate the example set by their ruler.
5. Many capable men have already recorded the courageous and moderate enterprises, marked by both political and military excellence, which he undertook against the barbarian nations to the North and in the East; but the events which, after the death of Marcus, I saw and heard in my lifetime— things of which I had personal experience in my imperial or civil service—these I have recorded.
CHAPTER III.
1. WHEN Marcus was an old man, exhausted not only by age but also by labors and cares, he suffered a serious illness while visiting the Pannonians.2 When the emperor |14 suspected that there was little hope of his recovery, and realized that his son would become emperor while still very young, he was afraid that the undisciplined youth, deprived of parental advice, might neglect his excellent studies and good habits and turn to drinking and debauchery (for the minds of the young, prone to pleasures, are turned very easily from the virtues of education) when he had absolute and unrestrained power. 2. This learned man was disturbed also by the memory of those who had become sole rulers in their youth. The Sicilian despot Dionysus, in his excessive licentiousness, had sought out new pleasures and paid the highest prices for them. The arrogance and violence of Alexander's successors against their subject peoples had brought disgrace upon his empire. 3. Ptolemy, too, contrary to the laws of the Macedonians and Greeks, went so far as to marry his own sister.3 Antigonus had imitated Dionysus in every way, even wearing a crown of ivy instead of the Macedonian hat or the diadem, and carrying the thyrsus instead of a scepter. 4. Marcus was even more distressed when he recalled events of recent date. Nero had capped his crimes by murdering his mother and had made himself ridiculous in the eyes of the people. The exploits of Domitian, as well, were marked by excessive savagery. 5. When he recalled such spectacles of despotism as these, he was apprehensive and anticipated evil events. Then, too, the Germans on the border gave him much cause for anxiety. He had not yet forced all these tribes to submit; some he had won to an alliance by persuasion; others he had conquered by force of arms. There were some who, although they had broken their pact with him, had returned to the alliance temporarily because of the fear occasioned by the presence of so great an emperor. He suspected |15 that, contemptuous of his son's youth, they would launch an assault upon him; for the barbarian is ever eager to revolt on any pretext.
CHAPTER IV.
1. TROUBLED by these thoughts, Marcus summoned his friends and kinsmen. Placing his son beside him and raising himself up a little on his couch, he began to speak to them as follows:
2. "That you are distressed to see me in this condition is hardly surprising. It is natural for men to pity the sufferings of their fellow men, and the misfortunes that occur before their very eyes arouse even greater compassion. I think, however, that an even stronger bond of affection exists between you and me; in return for the favors I have done you, I have a reasonable right to expect your reciprocal good will. 3. And now is the proper time for me to discover that not in vain have I showered honor and esteem upon you for so long, and for you to return the favor by showing that you are not unmindful of the benefits you have received from me. Here is my son, whom you yourselves have educated, approaching the prime of youth and, as it were, in need of pilots for the stormy seas ahead. I fear that he, tossed to and fro by his lack of knowledge of what he needs to know, may be dashed to pieces on the rocks of evil practices. 4. You, therefore, together take my place as his father, looking after him and giving him wise counsel. No amount of money is large enough to compensate for a tyrant's excesses, nor is the protection of his bodyguards enough to shield the ruler who does not possess the good will of his subjects. 5. The ruler who emplants in the hearts of his subjects not fear resulting from cruelty, but love occasioned by kindness, is most likely to complete his reign safely. For it is not those who submit from |16 necessity but those who are persuaded to obedience who continue to serve and to suffer without suspicion and without pretense of flattery. And they never rebel unless they are driven to it by violence and arrogance. 6. When a man holds absolute power, it is difficult for him to control his desires. But if you give my son proper advice in such matters and constantly remind him of what he has heard here, you will make him the best of emperors for yourselves and for all, and you will be paying the greatest tribute to my memory. Only in this way can you make my memory immortal."
7. At this point Marcus suffered a severe fainting spell and sank back on his couch, exhausted by weakness and worry. All who were present pitied him, and some cried out in their grief, unable to control themselves. After living another night and day, Marcus died,4 leaving to men of his own time a legacy of regret; to future ages, an eternal memorial of excellence. 8. When the news of his death was made public, the whole army in Pannonia and the common people as well were grief-stricken; indeed, no one in the Roman empire received the report without weeping. All cried out in a swelling chorus, calling him "Kind Father," "Noble Emperor," "Brave General," and "Wise, Moderate Ruler," and every man spoke the truth.
CHAPTER V.
1. DURING the next few days Commodus' advisers kept him busy with his father's funeral rites; then they thought it advisable to bring the youth into the camp to address the troops and, by distributing money to them—the usual practice of those who succeed to the throne—to win the support of the army. 2. Accordingly, all the soldiers were ordered to proceed to the assembly field to welcome them. After performing the imperial sacrifices, Commodus, |17 surrounded by the advisers appointed by his father (and there were many learned men among them), mounted the high platform erected for him in the middle of the camp and spoke as follows:
3. "I am fully persuaded that you share in my grief over what has occurred, and that you are no less distressed by it than I. At no time when my father was with me did I see fit to play the despot with you. He took greater delight, I am convinced, in calling me 'fellow soldier' than in calling me 'son,' for he considered the latter a title bestowed by Nature, the former, a partnership based on excellence. While I was still an infant he often brought me to you and placed me in your arms, a pledge of the trust he had in you. 4. And for that reason I have every hope that I shall enjoy your universal good will, since I am indebted to you old soldiers for rearing me, and I may properly call you young soldiers my fellow students in deeds of arms, for my father loved us all and taught us every good thing. 5. To follow him, Fortune has given the empire not to an adopted successor but to me. The prestige of those who reigned before me was increased by the empire, which they received as an additional honor, but I alone was born for you in the imperial palace. I never knew the touch of common cloth. The purple received me as I came forth into the world, and the sun shone down on me, man and emperor, at the same moment. 6. And if you consider the matter properly, you will honor me as an emperor born to you, not presented to you. Assuredly, my father has gone up to heaven, where he is already companion and counselor of the gods. But it is our task to devote ourselves to human affairs and to the administration of earthly matters. To set these affairs in order and make them secure is for you to undertake, if with resolute courage you would finish what is left of the war and carry forward to the northern seas 5 the boundaries of the Roman empire. 7. These exploits will |18 indeed bring you renown, and in this way you will pay fitting respect to the memory of our mutual father. You may be sure that he hears and sees what we do. And we may count ourselves fortunate to have such a man as a witness when we do what has to be done. Up to now, all that you have courageously accomplished is attributable to his wisdom and his generalship. But now, whatever zeal you display in further exploits under me, your new emperor, will gain for you a reputation for praiseworthy loyalty and bravery. By these dauntless exploits you will confer upon us added dignity. 8. Crushed at the beginning of a new imperial reign, the barbarian will not be so bold to act at the present, scorning our youth, and will be cautious and fearful in the future, mindful of what he has suffered."
After he had finished his speech, Commodus won the support of the army by a generous distribution of money and returned to the imperial quarters.
CHAPTER VI.
1. THEN, for a short time, the emperor did everything as the advisers appointed by his father suggested. They were with him every day, giving him wise counsel; they allowed him only as much leisure as they thought necessary for the sensible care of his body. But some of his court companions interfered and tried to corrupt the character of the naive emperor. All the sycophants at his table, men who gauge their pleasure by their bellies and something a little lower, kept reminding him of the gay life at Rome, describing the delightful spectacles and musical shows and cataloguing the abundance of luxuries available there. They complained about wasting their time on the banks of the Danube, pointing out that the region was not productive in summer and that the fog and cold were unending. 2. "Master," they said |19 again and again, "when will you stop drinking this icy liquid mud? In the meantime, others will be enjoying warm streams and cool streams, mists and fine air too, all of which only Italy possesses in abundance." By merely suggesting such delights to the youth, they whetted his appetite for a taste of pleasures. 3. And so he immediately summoned his advisers and informed them that he longed to see his native land. But, ashamed to admit the real reason for his sudden interest in returning, he pretended to be fearful that one of the wealthy aristocrats in Rome would seize the empire and, after raising an army and a rampart, take control of the empire, as if from an impregnable fortress. For the Roman populace was sufficiently large to supply numerous picked young men for such an army.
4. While the youth was alleging such specious excuses, the rest, sick at heart, kept their eyes fixed on the ground in dismay. But Pompeianus, the oldest of his advisers and a relation of the emperor by marriage (his wife was Commodus' oldest sister), said to him: "Child and master too, it is entirely reasonable for you to long to see your native land; we too are gripped by hunger to see those we left at home. 5. But more important and more urgent matters here put a curb on that yearning. For the rest of your life you will have the enjoyment of things at home; and for that matter, where the emperor is, Rome is. But to leave this war unfinished is both disgraceful and dangerous. That course would increase the barbarians' boldness; they will not believe that we long to return to our home, but will rather accuse us of a cowardly retreat. 6. After you have conquered all these barbarians and extended the boundaries of the empire to the northern seas, it will be glorious for you to return home to celebrate your triumph, leading as fettered captives barbarian kings and governors. The Romans who preceded you became famous and gained renown in this way. There is no reason to fear that |20 someone at home may seize control. The most distinguished senators are right here with you; the imperial troops are here to protect you; all the funds from the imperial depositories are here; and finally, the memory of your father has won for you the eternal loyalty and good will of your subjects."
7. Eager to improve the situation, Pompeianus, by his exhortations, restrained the youth for a short time. Commodus, shamed by his words and unable to make a suitable reply, dismissed the group, saying that he would consider personally and at greater length what he should do. 8. Then, yielding to his companions, he no longer consulted his advisers about anything. He sent off letters and, after assigning command of the Danube to men whom he considered capable, ordering them to block the barbarians' attacks, he announced his departure for Rome. Those left behind carried out their assignments; soon they subdued most of the barbarians by force of arms, and easily won the friendship of the rest by substantial bribes. 9. The barbarians are by nature fond of money; contemptuous of danger, they obtain the necessities of life either by pillaging and plundering or by selling peace at a huge price. Commodus was aware of this practice; since he had plenty of money, he bargained for release from care and gave them everything they demanded.
CHAPTER VII.
1. WHEN the emperor's decision was announced, the army was in turmoil; all the soldiers wanted to leave with him, so that they might stop wasting their time in the war and enjoy the pleasures at Rome. When the news was circulated and messengers arrived to report the approach of the emperor, the Roman people were overjoyed; they had the highest hopes for the reign of the young emperor, |21 believing that he would rule as his father had ruled. 2. Speeding with the vigor of youth, Commodus passed quickly through the cities between Pannonia and Rome. Received everywhere with imperial pomp, he appeared in person before the celebrating crowds, a pleasing sight to all. 3. As he drew near Rome, the entire senate and the people of the city cast aside all restraint. Bearing laurel branches and every kind of flower then in bloom, each man carrying as much as he could manage and eager to be first, they came out some distance from the city to welcome their young and nobly born emperor. 4. For they did indeed give him all their affection, since he was born and reared among them and was of imperial ancestry through three generations of distinguished Romans. His father's family tree included a number of distinguished senators; his mother, the empress Faustina, was the daughter of Antoninus Pius; she was the granddaughter of Hadrian on her mother's side and traced her ancestry to Trajan, her great-grandfather.
5. Such was Commodus' family background. At this time he was in the prime of youth, striking in appearance, with a well-developed body and a face that was handsome without being pretty. His commanding eyes flashed like lightning; his hair, naturally blond and curly, gleamed in the sunlight as if it were on fire; some thought that he sprinkled his hair with gold dust before appearing in public, while others saw in it something divine, saying that a heavenly light shone round his head. To add to his beauty, the first down was just beginning to appear on his cheeks. 6. This was the emperor upon whom the Romans feasted their eyes and welcomed with garlands and showers of blossoms. Entering the city,6 Commodus went immediately to the temple of Jupiter 7 and |22 the other shrines. After expressing his gratitude to the senate and to the soldiers on duty in Rome for their loyal protection, he entered the imperial palace.
CHAPTER VIII.
1. FOR several years the emperor deferred to the advisers appointed by his father, following their advice in everything. But when he assumed absolute control of the empire, he put in command of the Praetorian Guard an Italian, Perennis, who seemed to be a capable soldier. (Indeed, it was for this reason that Commodus made him praetorian prefect.) Perennis indulged the emperor's youthful appetites, permitting him to spend his time in drinking and debauchery, and relieved him of imperial cares and responsibilities.
2. Perennis assumed full personal charge of the empire, driven by his insatiable lust for money, his contempt for what he had, and his greedy longing for what was not yet his. To begin with, he launched an attack upon Commodus' advisers and upon all the wealthy and nobly born; by casting suspicion upon these men, Perennis aroused the fears of the emperor and provided the youth with reason and opportunity to destroy them and confiscate their property.
3. For the present, however, the memory of his father and his respect for his advisers held Commodus in check. But then a disastrous stroke of ill fortune completely altered his previously mild, moderate disposition. It happened this way. The oldest of the emperor's sisters was Lucilla. She had formerly been married to Lucius Verus Caesar,8 whom Marcus had made his associate in governing the empire; by marrying Lucilla to Lucius, Marcus had made her marriage |23 to his Caesar the strongest bond of mutual good will. But after Lucius died,9 Lucilla, who retained all the privileges of her imperial position, was married by her father to Pompeianus. 4. Commodus, too, allowed his sister to retain the imperial honors; she continued to occupy the imperial seat at the theaters, and the sacred fire was carried before her. But when Commodus married Crispina, custom demanded that the front seat at the theater be assigned to the empress. Lucilla found this difficult to endure, and felt that any honor paid to the empress was an insult to her; but since she was well aware that her husband Pompeianus was devoted to Commodus, she told him nothing about her plans to seize control of the empire. Instead, she tested the sentiments of a wealthy young nobleman, Quadratus, with whom she was rumored to be sleeping in secret. Complaining constantly about this matter of imperial precedence, she soon persuaded the young man to set in motion a plot which brought destruction upon himself and the entire senate. 5. Quadratus, in selecting confederates among the prominent senators, prevailed upon Quintianus, a bold and reckless young senator, to conceal a dagger beneath his robe and, watching for a suitable time and place, to stab Commodus; as for the rest, he assured Quintianus that he would set matters straight by bribes. 6. But the assassin, standing in the entrance to the amphitheater (it was dark there and he hoped to escape detection), drew his dagger and shouted at Commodus that he had been sent by the senate to kill him. Quintianus wasted time making his little speech and waving his dagger; as a result, he was seized by the emperor's bodyguards before he could strike, and died for his stupidity in revealing the plot prematurely. Thus found out beforehand, Quintianus brought about his own death, and Commodus was put on his guard by this forewarning. |24
7. This was the initial reason for the young emperor's hatred of the senate. He took Quintianus' words to heart and, ever mindful of what his attacker had said, now considered the entire senate his collective enemy. 8. This incident also gave Perennis sufficient excuse for taking action, for he was always advising the emperor to eliminate and destroy the prominent men. By confiscating their property, Perennis easily made himself the richest man of his time. After the attempt at assassination had been thoroughly investigated by the prefect, Commodus without mercy put to death his sister, all those actually involved in the plot, and any who were under the slightest suspicion as well.
CHAPTER IX.
1. AFTER he had removed the men whom Commodus had reason to fear, those who showed him good will for his father's sake, and those who were concerned for the emperor's safety, Perennis, now a powerful figure, began to plot for the empire. Commodus was persuaded to put the prefect's sons in command of the army of Illyricum, though they were still young men; the prefect himself amassed a huge sum of money for lavish gifts in order to incite the army to revolt. His sons quietly increased their forces, so that they might seize the empire after Perennis had disposed of Commodus.
2. This plot came to light in a curious fashion. The Romans celebrate a sacred festival in honor of Jupiter Capitolinus,10 and all the stage shows and athletic exhibitions are sent to take part in this festival in the capital. The emperor is both spectator and judge, together with the rest of the priests, who are summoned in rotation for this duty. 3. Upon his |25 arrival for the performance of the famous actors, Commodus took his seat in the imperial chair; an orderly crowd filled the theater, quietly occupying the assigned seats. Before any action took place on the stage, however, a man dressed as a philosopher11 (half-naked, carrying a staff in his hand and a leather bag on his shoulder) ran out and took his stand in the center of the stage. Silencing the audience with a sweep of his hand, he said: 4. "Commodus, this is no time to celebrate festivals and devote yourself to shows and entertainments. The sword of Perennis is at your throat. Unless you guard yourself from a danger not threatening but already upon you, you shall not escape death. Perennis himself is raising money and an army to oppose you, and his sons are winning over the army of Illyricum. Unless you act first, you shall die." 5. Whether he said this by divine inspiration, or whether, obscure and unknown before, he was making an effort to gain fame, or hoped to receive a generous reward from the emperor—whatever the reason, Commodus was thunderstruck. Everyone was suspicious of the man's words, and no one believed him. Perennis ordered the philosopher to be seized and burned for making insane and lying accusations. 6. Such was the penalty that the beggar paid for his ill-timed outspokenness. The emperor's intimate friends, however, who had long been secretly hostile to Perennis (for the prefect was harsh and unbearable in his insolence and arrogance), believed that the time had come and began to bring charges against him. As a result, Commodus escaped the plot, and Perennis and his sons perished miserably. 7. For not much later, some soldiers visited Perennis' son12 in secret and carried off coins bearing the prefect's portrait. And, without the knowledge of Perennis, the praetorian |26 prefect, they took the coins directly to Commodus and revealed to him the secret details of the plot. They were richly rewarded for their service. 8. While Perennis was still ignorant of these developments and anticipated nothing of the sort, the emperor sent for him at night and had him beheaded. And he dispatched men to Perennis' son by the fastest route, so that they might reach him before he knew what had happened. These men were to take a route shorter than the one by which news was regularly carried; in this way they would be able to come to the youth before he was aware of events at Rome. Commodus wrote the youth a friendly letter, telling him that he was recalling him to greater expectations, and ordering him to come to Rome. 9. Perennis' son knew nothing of the reception awaiting him and was unaware of his father's fate. When the messengers informed him that his father had given these same orders orally but, satisfied with the emperor's letter, had not written a separate note, the youth was convinced, although he was concerned about leaving the plot unfinished. Nevertheless, relying on his father's power as if that power still existed, he left Illyricum. 10. On the way to Italy the youth was killed by the emperor's men. Such was the fate of Perennis and his son. Thereafter Commodus regularly appointed two praetorian prefects, believing that it was safer not to place too much authority in the hands of one man; he hoped that this division of authority would discourage any desire to seize the imperial power.
CHAPTER X.
1. BUT before long another plot was organized against Commodus. It involved a former soldier named Maternus, who had committed many frightful crimes. He deserted from the army, persuading others to flee with him, and soon collected a huge mob of desperadoes. At first they |27 attacked and plundered villages and farms, but when Maternus had amassed a sizable sum of money, he gathered an even larger band of cutthroats by offering the prospect of generous booty and a fair share of the loot. As a result, his men no longer appeared to be brigands but rather enemy troops. 2. They now attacked the largest cities and released all the prisoners, no matter what the reasons for their imprisonment. By promising these men their freedom, he persuaded them to join his band in gratitude for favors received. The bandits roamed over all Gaul and Spain, attacking the largest cities; a few of these they burned, but the rest they abandoned after sacking them. 3. When he was informed of these developments, Commodus, in a towering rage, sent threatening dispatches to the governors of the provinces involved, charging them with negligence and ordering them to raise an army to oppose the bandits. When the brigands learned that an army was being raised against them, they left the regions which they had been ravaging and slipped unnoticed, a few at a time, into Italy, by a quick but difficult route. And now Maternus was plotting for the empire, for larger stakes indeed. Since everything he had attempted had succeeded beyond his fondest hopes, he concluded that if he were to undertake something really important it was bound to succeed; having committed himself to a hazard from which it was impossible to withdraw, he would, at least, not die obscure and unknown. 4. But when he reflected that he did not have an army sufficiently powerful to resist Commodus on equal terms and in open opposition (for it was thought that the majority of the Roman people were still well disposed toward Commodus, and he also had the support of the Praetorian Guard), Maternus hoped to balance this inequality of forces by guile and cunning. This is the way he undertook to accomplish it. 5. Every year, on a set day at the beginning of spring, the |28 Romans celebrate a festival in honor of the mother of the gods.13 All the valuable trappings of each deity, the imperial treasures, and marvelous objects of all kinds, both natural and man-made, are carried in procession before this goddess. Free license for every kind of revelry is granted, and each man assumes the disguise of his choice. No office is so important or so sacrosanct that permission is refused anyone to put on its distinctive uniform and join in the revelry, concealing his true identity; consequently, it is not easy to distinguish the true from the false. 6. This seemed to Maternus an ideal time to launch his plot undetected. By donning the uniform of a praetorian soldier and outfitting his companions in the same way, he hoped to mingle with the true praetorians and, after watching part of the parade, to attack Commodus and kill him while no one was on guard. 7. But the plan was betrayed when some of those who had accompanied him into the city revealed the plot. (Jealousy led them to disclose it, since they preferred to be ruled by the emperor rather than by a bandit chief.) Before he arrived at the scene of the festivities, Maternus was seized and beheaded, and his companions suffered the punishment they deserved. After sacrificing to the goddess and making thank offerings, Commodus completed the festivities and did honor to the goddess, rejoicing at his escape. The people continued to celebrate their emperor's deliverance after the festival came to an end.
CHAPTER XI.
1. As we have discovered by research, the Romans are devoted to this goddess for the following reason—a reason which it seems worth while to relate here, since it is |29 unknown to some of the Greeks. They say that this statue of the goddess fell from the sky;14 the exact material of the statue is not known, nor the identity of the artists who made it; in fact, it is not certain that the statue was the work of human hands. Long ago it fell from the sky in Phrygia (the name of the region where it fell is Pessinus, which received its name from the fall of the heavenly statue); the statue was discovered there. 2. As we learn from other sources, a battle is said to have taken place there between Ilus the Phrygian and Tantalus the Lydian. Some say it was a boundary dispute; others, that it was concerned with Ganymede's kidnapping.15 The battle continued for a long time on even terms, and a large number of men fell on both sides; this disaster gave the region its name. It was there, so the story goes, that Ganymede was spirited away and disappeared from mortals' view when his brother and lover tore him limb from limb. After the youth's body vanished, his sufferings made him immortal when Zeus spirited him away to heaven. The Phrygians of old staged their revels in Pessinus, on the banks of the river Gallus, from which the eunuch priests of Cybele derive their name. 3. When Roman affairs prospered, they say that an oracle prophesied that the empire would endure and soar to greater heights if the goddess were brought from Pessinus to Rome. The Romans therefore sent an embassy to Phrygia and asked for the statue; they easily got it by reminding the Phrygians of their kinship and by recalling to them that Aeneas the Phrygian was the ancestor of the Romans. The statue was carried aboard ship, but when the vessel arrived at the mouth of the Tiber (the Romans use this as their harbor) it came to a halt, stopped by divine power. 4. For a long time the Romans tried in every way to dislodge |30 the ship, which was held fast as if by a sand bar, but it refused to move until one of the Vestal Virgins, who was charged with breaking her oath of chastity, was led forward. The priestess, who was about to be put to death, begged the people to submit her case to the goddess from Pessinus. She unfastened the sash at her waist and attached it to the prow of the ship, praying that if she were still virgin and pure the ship would follow her. 5. The ship, secured to her sash, followed her readily. The Romans were struck with awe both by the manifestation of the goddess and by the piety of the maiden.16 Let this suffice as an inquiry into the history of the goddess from Pessinus, but it will prove a not unwelcome digression to those unfamiliar with Roman affairs. After escaping Maternus' plot, Commodus strengthened his personal bodyguard and seldom appeared in public. He spent most of his time at his suburban estate and at the imperial estates far from Rome, having given up his judicial and administrative duties.
CHAPTER XII.
1. ABOUT this time, plague struck all Italy. The suffering was especially severe in Rome, since the city, which received people from all over the world, was overcrowded. The city suffered great loss of both men and animals. 2. Then, on the advice of his physicians, Commodus left Rome for Laurentum.17 This region enjoyed the shade from extensive laurel groves (whence the area derives its name); it was cooler there and seemed to be a safe haven. The emperor is said to have counteracted the pollution in the air by the fragrant scent of the laurels and the refreshing shade of the trees. At the direction of their doctors, those who remained in Rome |31 filled their nostrils and ears with fragrant oils and used perfume and incense constantly, for some said that the sweet odor, entering first, filled up the sensory passages and kept out the poison in the air; or, if any poison should enter, it would be neutralized by the stronger odors. The plague, however, continued to rage unchecked for a long time, and many men died, as well as domestic animals of all kinds.
3. Famine gripped the city at the same time. Responsible for it was a Phrygian named Cleander, one of the slaves offered for sale by the public auctioneer for the benefit of the state. As a slave in the imperial household, Cleander grew up with Commodus and eventually was raised to a position of honor and authority: the command of the bodyguard, the stewardship of the imperial bedroom, and the control of the imperial armies were all entrusted to him. Because of his wealth and wantonness, Cleander coveted the empire. 4. He bought up most of the grain supply and put it in storage; he hoped in this way to get control of the people and the army by making a generous distribution of grain at the first sign of a food shortage, anticipating that he would win the support of the people when they were suffering from a scarcity of food. He also built a huge gymnasium and public bath and turned them over to the people. In this way he tried to curry favor with the mob. 5. The Romans, however, hated the man and blamed him for all their difficulties; they especially despised him for his greed. At first they attacked him bitterly when they thronged the theaters; later, however, they went in a body to Commodus, who was passing the time on his estate near the city, and there, raising a fearful din, they demanded Cleander for execution. 6. During this tumult on the grounds of his suburban estate, Commodus was loitering in the pleasant, secluded inner rooms, for Cleander had kept him in ignorance of what was happening. Suddenly, unlooked for by the assembled mob, the imperial cavalry appeared fully |32 armed and, at the order of the prefect, butchered those in their path. 7. The people were unable to withstand the assault, for they were unarmed men on foot fighting against armed men on horseback. And so they fell, not only because they were attacked by the cavalry and trampled by the horses, but also because they were overwhelmed by the sheer weight of their own numbers, and many died in the pile-ups. 8. The horsemen pursued the fugitives right to the gates of Rome and slaughtered them without mercy as they attempted to force their way into the city. When those who had remained in Rome heard what had happened, they blocked the doors of their houses and went up on the roofs to throw down stones and roof tiles on the cavalry, who now suffered what they had inflicted, for no one opposed them in formal battle; most of the people were hurling missiles at them from safe positions. Finally, unable to endure the onslaught any longer, the wounded horsemen turned and fled, leaving many dead behind. 9. In the steady hail of missiles, their horses stumbled and fell on the round stones, throwing their riders. After many had been killed on both sides, the infantry in the city, who despised the cavalry, came to the aid of the mob.
CHAPTER XIII.
1. EVEN though a civil war was raging, no one was willing to report to Commodus what was happening, for fear of Cleander. Finally the emperor's eldest sister (her name was Phadilla) rushed into the palace (as his sister, she had free and easy access to the emperor), and, loosing her hair, threw herself down and cried out in anguish: 2. "Here you are, emperor, taking your leisure, ignorant of what is happening, when you are actually in the gravest danger. And we, your own flesh and blood, are at this very moment threatened with murder. Already the Roman people and most of the army |33 are lost to you. What we would not think of enduring at the hands of barbarians, our own people are doing to us. And those people whom you have treated with special consideration, you now find to be your enemies. 3. Cleander has armed the people and the soldiers against you. Those who hate him because they hold differing opinions, the mob, and the entire imperial cavalry, who support him, are up in arms, killing each other and choking the city with blood. The fury of both factions will fall upon us unless you immediately hand over to them for execution this scoundrelly servant of yours, who already has been the cause of so much destruction for the people and who threatens to be the cause of so much destruction for us." 4. After she had made these statements, tearing her clothes in grief, others who were present (for they became bolder at the words of the emperor's sister) urged Commodus to take action. He was terrified by this pressing danger, which did not merely threaten but was already upon him. In his panic he sent for Cleander, who knew nothing of what had been reported to the emperor, but had his suspicions. When the prefect appeared, Commodus ordered him seized and beheaded, and, impaling his head on a long spear, sent it out to the mob, to whom it was a welcome and long-desired sight. 5. In this way he terminated the danger, and both sides stopped fighting: the soldiers, because they saw that the man for whom they had been fighting had been killed and also because they feared the wrath of the emperor (for they realized that he had been deceived and that Cleander had done everything without imperial approval); the people, because their desire for vengeance was satisfied by the arrest of the man responsible for the appalling crimes. 6. They put Cleander's children to death (for he had two sons), and killed all his known friends. They dragged their bodies through the streets, subjecting them to every indignity, and finally brought the mutilated corpses to the sewer and threw them |34 in. Such was the fate of Cleander and his associates; it was as if Nature had undertaken to demonstrate that a small and unexpected twist of fate can raise a man from the lowest depths to the greatest heights and then plunge the man so exalted down to the depths again.
7. Although he feared a popular uprising and a new attempt upon his life, Commodus nevertheless, at the urging of his advisers, entered the city. Received there with great enthusiasm, he went to the imperial palace, escorted by the people. After undergoing such risks, the emperor trusted no one; he killed now without warning, listening to all accusations without question and paying no heed to those worthy of a hearing. He no longer had any regard for the "good life"; night and day, without interruption, licentious pleasures of the flesh made him a slave, body and soul. 8. Men of intelligence and those who had even a smattering of learning were driven from the palace as conspirators, but the emperor gave enthralled attention to the filthy skits of comedians and actors. He took lessons in driving the chariot and trained to take part in the wild-animal fights; his flatterers praised these activities as proof of his manliness, but he indulged in them more often than befitted an intelligent emperor.
CHAPTER XIV.
1. IN THAT time of crisis a number of divine portents occurred. Stars remained visible during the day; other stars, extending to an enormous length, seemed to be hanging in the middle of the sky. Abnormal animals were born, strange in shape and deformed of limb. 2. But the worst portent of all, which aggravated the present crisis and disturbed those who employ auguries and omens to predict the future, was this. Although no massing of dark clouds and no thunderstorm preceded it, and only a slight earthquake occurred |35 beforehand, either as a result of a lightning bolt at night or a fire which broke out after the earthquake, the temple of Peace,18 the largest and most beautiful building in the city, was totally destroyed by fire. 3. It was the richest of all the temples, and, because it was a safe place, was adorned with offerings of gold and silver; every man deposited his possessions there. But this fire, in a single night, made paupers of many rich men. All Rome joined in mourning the public loss, and each man lamented his own personal loss.
4. After consuming the temple and the entire sacred precinct, the fire swept on to destroy a large part of the city, including its most beautiful buildings. When the temple of Vesta went up in flames, the image of Pallas Athena was exposed to public view—that statue which the Romans worship and keep hidden, the one brought from Troy, as the story goes.19 Now, for the first time since its journey from Troy to Italy, the statue was seen by men of our time. 5. For the Vestal Virgins snatched up the image and carried it along the Sacred Way to the imperial palace. Many other beautiful sections of the city were destroyed in this fire, which continued to burn for days, spreading in all directions. It was not finally extinguished until falling showers put an end to its raging. 6. For this reason the disaster was held to be of divine origin; in that critical period, men believed that the fire was started and stopped by the will and power of the gods. Some conjectured from these events that the destruction of the temple of Peace was a prophecy of war. And subsequent events, as we shall relate in the books to follow, confirmed this prophecy by actual events. |36
7. With so many disasters befalling the city in rapid succession, the Roman people no longer looked with favor upon Commodus; they attributed their misfortunes to his illegal murders and the other mistakes he had made in his lifetime. He no longer concealed his activities, nor did he have any desire to keep them secret. What they objected to his doing in private he now had the effrontery to do in public. He fell into a state of drunken madness. 8. First he discarded his family name and issued orders that he was to be called not Commodus, son of Marcus, but Hercules, son of Zeus. Abandoning the Roman and imperial mode of dress, he donned the lion skin, and carried the club of Hercules. He wore purple robes embroidered with gold, making himself an object of ridicule by combining in one set of garments the frailty of a woman and the might of a superman. 9. This was the way he looked in his public appearances. He assigned new names to the months of the year; abolishing the old ones, he called the months after his own list of names and titles, most of which actually referred to Hercules as the manliest of men.20 He erected statues of himself throughout the city, but opposite the senate house he set up a special statue representing the emperor as an archer poised to shoot, for he wished even his statues to inspire fear of him.
CHAPTER XV.
1. THE senate removed this statue of Commodus after his death and replaced it with a statue of Freedom. Now the emperor, casting aside all restraint, took part in the public shows, promising to kill with his own hands wild animals of all kinds and to fight in gladiatorial combat against the bravest of the youths. When this news became known, people hastened to Rome from all over Italy and from the |37 neighboring provinces to see what they had neither seen nor even heard of before. Special mention was made of the skill of his hands and the fact that he never missed when hurling javelins or shooting arrows. 2. His instructors were the most skillful of the Parthian bowmen and the most accurate of the Moroccan javelin men, but he surpassed them all in marksmanship. When the days for the show arrived, the amphitheater was completely filled. A terrace encircling the arena had been constructed for Commodus, enabling him to avoid risking his life by fighting the animals at close quarters; rather, by hurling his javelins down from a safe place, he offered a display of skill rather than of courage. 3. Deer, roebuck, and horned animals of all kinds, except bulls, he struck down, running with them in pursuit, anticipating their dashes, and killing them with deadly blows. Lions, leopards, and other animals of the nobler sort he killed from above, running around on his terrace. And on no occasion did anyone see a second javelin used, nor any wound except the death wound. 4. For at the very moment the animal started up, it received the blow on its forehead or in its heart, and it bore no other wound, nor did the javelin pierce any other part of its body: the beast was wounded and killed in the same instant. Animals were collected for him from all over the world. Then we saw in the flesh animals that we had previously marveled at in paintings. 5. From India and Ethiopia, from lands to the north and to the south, any animals hitherto unknown he displayed to the Romans and then dispatched them. On one occasion he shot arrows with crescent-shaped heads at Moroccan ostriches, birds that move with great speed, both because of their swiftness afoot and the sail-like nature of their wings. He cut off their heads at the very top of the neck; so, after their heads had been severed by the edge of the arrow, they continued to run around as if they had not been injured. 6. Once when a leopard, with a lightning dash, seized a |38 condemned criminal, he thwarted the leopard with his javelin as it was about to close its jaws; he killed the beast and rescued the man, the point of the javelin anticipating the points of the leopard's teeth. Again, when a hundred lions appeared in one group as if from beneath the earth, he killed the entire hundred with exactly one hundred javelins, and all the bodies lay stretched out in a straight line for some distance; they could thus be counted with no difficulty, and no one saw a single extra javelin.
7. As far as these activities are concerned, however, even if his conduct was hardly becoming for an emperor, he did win the approval of the mob for his courage and his marksmanship. But when he came into the amphitheater naked, took up arms, and fought as a gladiator, the people saw a disgraceful spectacle, a nobly born emperor of the Romans, whose fathers and forebears had won many victories, not taking the field against barbarians or opponents worthy of the Romans, but disgracing his high position by degrading and disgusting exhibitions. 8. In his gladiatorial combats, he defeated his opponents with ease, and he did no more than wound them, since they all submitted to him, but only because they knew he was the emperor, not because he was truly a gladiator. At last he became so demented that he was unwilling to live in the imperial palace, but wished to change his residence to the gladiatorial barracks. He gave orders that he was no longer to be called Hercules, but by the name of a famous gladiator then dead. 9. He removed the head of a huge Colossus 21 which the Romans worship and which bears the likeness of the Sun, replacing it with his own head, and inscribed on the base not the usual imperial and family titles; instead of "Germanicus" he wrote: "Conqueror of a Thousand Gladiators." |39
CHAPTER XVI.
1. BUT the time had finally come for Commodus to cease his mad antics and for the Roman empire to be rid of this tyrant. This occurred on the first day of the new year,22 when the Romans celebrate the festival which they trace back to the most ancient of the Italic native gods. They believe that Saturn, ousted from his realm by Jupiter, came down to earth and was the guest of Janus. Fearful of his son's power, he escaped when Janus hid him. 2. This episode gave the region of Latium its name, which is derived from the Greek word lathein, "to escape notice." For this reason the Italians continue to celebrate the Saturnalia down to the present time, to commemorate the sheltering of the god, and they observe at the beginning of the year the festival of the Italic god Janus. The statues of Janus have two faces because the year begins and ends with him. On the day of this festival the Romans go out of their way to greet each other and exchange gifts. 3. On this day, too, they dine together gaily on the delicacies of land and sea. This is also the day on which the consuls who give their names to the year first don the purple robes of office for their one-year term. When all were occupied in the celebration, Commodus had it in mind to appear not from the imperial palace, in the customary fashion, but from the gladiatorial barracks, clad in armor instead of in the splendid imperial purple, and accompanied by the rest of the gladiators.
4. He announced his intentions to Marcia, whom, of all his mistresses, he held in highest esteem; he kept nothing from this woman, as if she were his legal wife, even allowing her the imperial honors except for the sacred fire. When she learned of his plan, so unreasonable and unbecoming an |40 emperor, she threw herself at his feet, entreating him, with tears, not to bring disgrace upon the Roman empire and not to endanger his life by entrusting it to gladiators and desperate men. After much pleading, unable to persuade the emperor to abandon his plan, she left him, still weeping. Commodus then summoned Laetus, the praetorian prefect, and Eclectus, his bedroom steward, and ordered them to make arrangements for him to spend the night in the gladiatorial barracks, telling them that he would leave for the festival sacrifices from there, and show himself to the Romans under arms. And these men, too, pleaded with the emperor not to do anything unworthy of his imperial position.
CHAPTER XVII.
1. COMMODUS, enraged, dismissed them and retired to his bedroom for a nap (for this was his custom in the middle of the day). First he took a wax tablet—one made from a thin strip of basswood, which grows under the bark of the linden tree—and wrote down the names of those who were to be put to death that night. 2. Marcia's name was at the top of the list, followed by Laetus and Eclectus and a large number of the foremost senators. Commodus wanted all the elder statesmen and the advisers appointed for him by his father, those who still survived, to be put to death, for he was ashamed to have these revered men witness his disgraceful actions. He planned to confiscate the property of the wealthy and distribute it to the soldiers, so that they would protect him, and to the gladiators, so that they would entertain him.
3. After composing his list, Commodus placed the tablet on his couch, thinking that no one would come into his bedroom. But there was in the palace a very young little boy, one of those who went about bare of clothes but adorned with gold and costly gems. The Roman voluptuaries always took |41 delight in these lads. Commodus was very fond of this child and often slept with him; his name, Philocommodus, clearly indicates the emperor's affection for him. 4. Philocommodus was playing idly about the palace. After Commodus had gone out to his usual baths and drinking bouts, the lad wandered into the emperor's bedroom, as he usually did; picking up the tablet for a plaything, he left the bedroom. By a stroke of fate, he met Marcia. After hugging and kissing him (for she too was fond of the child), she took the tablet from him, afraid that in his heedless play he might accidentally erase something important. When she recognized the emperor's handwriting, she was eager to read the tablet. 5. Discovering that it was a death list and that she was scheduled to die first, followed by Laetus and Eclectus and many others marked for murder, she cried out in grief and then said to herself: "So, Commodus, this is my reward for my love and devotion, after I have put up with your arrogance and your madness for so many years. But, you drunken sot, you shall not outwit a woman deadly sober!" 6. She then summoned Eclectus; he was in the habit of visiting her anyway, since he was the bedroom steward, and it was rumored that she was sleeping with him. She handed him the tablet, saying: "See what a party we are to enjoy tonight!" Eclectus read it and was dumfounded (but he was an Egyptian, bold by nature and quick-tempered, a man of action). Sealing the tablet, he sent it off to Laetus by one of his trusted slaves. 7. After reading the tablet, Laetus hurried to Marcia as if to discuss the emperor's orders with her, especially about his proposed stay with the gladiators. And while they pretended to be arguing about this matter, they concluded that they must act first or suffer the consequences, agreeing that it was no time for indecision or delay. 8. They decided to poison Commodus, and Marcia assured them that she could administer a potion with the greatest ease. For it was her custom to mix the wine and give the |42 emperor his first cup, so that he might have a pleasant drink from the hand of his beloved. When Commodus returned from his bath, she poured the poison into the cup, mixed it with a pungent wine, and gave it to him to drink. Since it was his practice to take a cup of friendship after his many baths and jousts with animals, he drained it without noticing anything unusual. 9. Immediately he became drowsy and stupefied and fell asleep, believing that it was the natural result of his exertions. Eclectus and Marcia ordered all the rest to return to their homes, and made everything quiet for him. Commodus had acted like this on other occasions when overcome by wine. Since he bathed often and drank often, he had no set time for sleeping; in addition, he indulged in all kinds of pleasures, to which he was a willing slave at any hour. 10. For a short time he lay quiet, but, when the poison spread through his stomach and bowels, he became nauseated and began to vomit violently, either because his excessive eating and drinking were expelling the poison, or because he had taken beforehand an antidote for poison, as emperors regularly did before eating or drinking. 11. After much vomiting had occurred, the conspirators, afraid that Commodus would get rid of the poison, recover, and kill them, promised lavish rewards to a powerful young nobleman, Narcissus, if he would strangle the emperor. Narcissus rushed in where the emperor lay overcome by the poisoned wine, seized him by the throat, and finished him off. 12. Such was the fate Commodus suffered, after ruling for thirteen years from the date of his father's death. He was the most nobly born of all the emperors who preceded him and was the handsomest man of his time, both in beauty of features and in physical development. If it were fitting to discuss his manly qualities, he was inferior to no man in skill and in marksmanship, if only he had not disgraced these excellent traits by shameful practices.
[Footnotes moved to end]
1. 1 The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius, available in many editions and translations.
2. 2 Regularly "Paeonians" in the Greek authors.
3. 3 Berenice I was actually the stepsister of Ptolemy I (ca. 367-282 B.C.). She became his legal wife in accord with the customary Egyptian practice of marriage between brother and sister in the royal family.
4. 4 March 17, 180.
5. 5 I.e, to the North and Baltic seas.
6. 6 October, 180.
7. 7 The temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitoline Hill.
8. 8 By the late second century, the title Caesar conferred by the reigning emperor carried with it a claim to the succession. I have used "Caesar" regularly in preference to a less exact "heir."
9. 9 Married to Lucilla in 164, Verus died in 169.
10. 10The ludi Capitolini, oldest of the Roman festivals, celebrated on October 15. Plutarch Rom. 25.
11. 11 One of the ubiquitous Cynic beggar philosophers.
12. 12 The confusion concerning Perennis' sons is Herodian's: he had two sons, both of whom were presumably involved in the total plot, though Herodian follows the fate of only one.
13. 13The rites of the spring festival in honor of Cybele, goddess of fertility, began on March 15.
14. 14 These heaven-sent statues derive from the Palladium, a sacred image of Athena sent down by Zeus to the founders of Troy.
15. 15 Ovid Met. 10.155 ff.
16. 16Cf. Livy 29.10; Ovid Fasti 4.305 ff.; Seneca Frag. 80; Suetonius Tib. 2.
17. 17 A few miles south of Rome on the seacoast.
18. 18 This temple, in the Forum of Peace, was begun by Vespasian in 71 to commemorate the capture of Jerusalem.
19. 19 According to legend, the true Palladium was sent down from heaven by Zeus to Dardanus, founder of Troy, or to his descendant Ilus. Brought to Italy by Aeneas, also according to legend, it was placed in the temple of Vesta to protect the city of Rome.
20. 20 Cf. Dio 73-15.3. Also A. Lampridius Vita Commod. 11.8.
21. 21 Originally a colossal statue of Nero, for whose head Vespasian substituted a head of the Sun. Suetonius Vesp. 18.
22. 22 Actually the night of December 31, 192.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2007. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: herodian_02_book .htm
Herodian of Antioch, History of the Roman Empire (1961) pp.43-76. Book 2.
Herodian of Antioch, History of the Roman Empire (1961) pp.43-76. Book 2.
Chapter I
Chapter II
Chapter III
Chapter IV
Chapter V
Chapter VI
Chapter VII
Chapter VIII
Chapter IX
Chapter X
Chapter XI
Chapter XII
Chapter XIII
Chapter XIV
Chapter XV
BOOK TWO
PERTINAX, DIDIUS JULIANUS
CHAPTER I.
1. AFTER the conspirators had killed Commodus, as has been described in the first book of our history, they were anxious to keep the deed secret. And so, to prevent the praetorians on guard in the imperial palace from discovering what they had done, they wrapped the emperor's body in bed linen and tied it securely. They gave the bundle to two loyal slaves and sent it out of the palace as if it were no more than laundry, somewhat bulkier than usual. 2. The slaves carried their burden past the guards; some of them were asleep, overcome by wine, others still awake, but dozing off leaning on their spears. The praetorians made no attempt to discover the contents of the bundle carried from the emperor's bedroom, since it was not their concern to look into such things. After the emperor's body had been carried out through the palace gates undetected, it was placed in a wagon and taken to the outskirts of the city.
3. Then Laetus and Eclectus conferred with Marcia about |44 the best course to follow. They decided that an announcement should be made to the effect that the emperor had died suddenly of apoplexy. They were sure that this report would be accepted without question by those who heard it, since his endless and excessive orgies had prepared them for such an outcome. But before doing anything else, the conspirators thought it best to choose a sensible elder statesman as the successor to the throne, both to save themselves and to bring to all enjoyment of a respite from a tyrant so harsh and undisciplined. Discussing the matter among themselves, they found no man so well qualified for the post as a native-born Italian named Pertinax. 4. This Pertinax was famous for his accomplishments, both civil and military; he had won many victories over the Germans and the Eastern barbarians and was the only survivor of the revered advisers appointed for Commodus by his father. Commodus had not had him put to death—this most distinguished of Marcus' companions and generals—either out of respect for his noble qualities or indifference to him as a pauper. And yet his poverty had contributed in no small measure to the universal praise Pertinax enjoyed; for, despite responsibilities which far outweighed those of his colleagues, he was less wealthy than any of them.
5. That night, while all were sleeping, Laetus and Eclectus, accompanied by a few fellow conspirators, came to Pertinax. Standing at the locked gates of his house, they aroused the porter on guard there. When the man awoke and saw the soldiers standing before the gates with Laetus, whom he knew to be the praetorian prefect, he was alarmed and went inside to report to his master. 6. Pertinax directed his visitors to enter, remarking that the fate he had been expecting was at last about to overtake him. Yet even in this extremity, they say, he remained so serene that he did not get up, but received them lying in bed. Even though he believed that Laetus had come with Eclectus to kill him, he spoke to them calmly, |45 with no sign of pallor. 7. "For a long time now," he said, "I have been waiting for my life to end in this fashion, and I was surprised that Commodus was so slow to act against me, the sole survivor of the advisers his father appointed for him. Why do you delay? You will be carrying out your orders, and I will be relieved from degrading hope and constant fear." 8. To this Laetus replied: "Please stop saying things unworthy of you and your past conduct. Our visit does not concern your death but our safety and the safety of the Roman empire. The tyrant is dead, victim of a fate he richly deserved. What he planned to do to us, we have done to him. 9. We have come to place the empire in your hands, aware that you are not only the most distinguished senator, because of your moderate life, and have won reverence for your greatness and the dignity of your years, but you also enjoy the love and esteem of the people. All these reasons lead us to believe that what we are doing will please the people and save our own lives." 10. Pertinax said in reply: "Why do you mock an old man? Why do you judge me such a coward that you wish first to taunt and then to kill me?" At this point Eclectus spoke up: "If you do not believe what we say, read this tablet (you know Commodus' handwriting—you see it regularly). From this you will see the danger we have escaped, and you will know that there is no treachery but only truth in what we tell you." After he had read the tablet, Pertinax believed these old friends of his. Now fully understanding everything that had occurred, he placed himself at their disposal.
CHAPTER II.
1. THEY decided that as the first step Pertinax should go to the praetorian camp to learn the attitude of the soldiers of the guard. Laetus undertook to secure the support of the |46 praetorians, since they owed him, as their commanding officer, a measure of respect. 2. Accompanied by all those present, they set out for the praetorian camp. The night had almost passed, and the festival was about to begin; so everything had to be done before daybreak. A number of trusted men were sent out to spread the news that Commodus was dead and that Pertinax was on his way to the praetorian camp to take command of the empire. 3. When these events became known, the people milled about in a frenzy of joy, like men possessed, and everyone took delight in telling the news to his neighbors, especially if they happened to be men of wealth and position, for Commodus was particularly dangerous to such men. Rushing to the temples and altars, the people united in giving thanks to the gods, shouting all sorts of things: "The tyrant is dead!" "The gladiator is slain!" and other blasphemies more scurrilous. 4. All the insults which had hitherto been left unsaid through fear were now voiced openly, with freedom and safety restored. Most of the people ran swiftly to the praetorian camp, because they feared that the praetorians would be reluctant to accept Pertinax as emperor. 5. Indeed, they suspected that in the future these soldiers would show little moderation; they were conditioned to blind obedience to a tyrant and were masters in the use of violence. All the people therefore went out to the camp to force the praetorians to submit. They were in the camp when Laetus and Eclectus arrived, bringing Pertinax with them. Laetus then ordered the praetorians to assemble and addressed them as follows:
6. "Commodus, your emperor, is dead of apoplexy. In a case of this kind, the blame can be put on no one else. The emperor was responsible for his own death. He paid no attention when we urged him time and again to adopt a safer and saner course. You know the way he lived his life. Now he lies dead, choked by his own gluttony. The death he was destined for |47 has overtaken him at last. As you are aware, the cause of death is not one and the same for all men. The most diverse causes bring us to life's inevitable outcome. 7. In place of Commodus we bring to you, and the whole Roman people bring to you, a man respected for his years, temperate in his way of life, and renowned for his courageous exploits. You old soldiers have taken part in his military campaigns, and the rest of you always held him in high honor and esteem during his years of service as prefect of the city. 8. Now Fortune is giving you an emperor who is also a kindly father to you. His reign will please not only you praetorian soldiers on duty here in Rome but also the soldiers stationed on the banks of the far-off rivers and the borders of the Roman empire, men who are familiar with his exploits from their own recollections of them. No longer will we pacify the barbarians with money. They will obey us because they fear us, mindful of what they suffered at this man's hands when he campaigned against them."
9. After this speech of Laetus, the people restrained themselves no longer. While the praetorians were still hesitating, undecided, the people proclaimed Pertinax emperor, calling him father and shouting his praises to all. At this the soldiers, not because they were equally enthusiastic but because they were compelled by the great number of people present (they were surrounded by the mob and were themselves few in number and unarmed, as was customary during the festival), at last added their voices to the others and proclaimed Pertinax emperor. 10. After they had sworn the usual oaths in his name and had performed the sacrifices, all the people, together with the praetorians, took up laurel branches and escorted Pertinax to the imperial palace just before daylight. |48
CHAPTER III.
1. AFTER he was established in the imperial palace, to which he had been escorted by the praetorians and the people by night, as has been related above, Pertinax was beset by serious doubts; indeed, although in all matters he gave the appearance of being calm and courageous, in the present situation he was very apprehensive. The emperor was little concerned about his own safety (he had many times scorned much greater dangers), but he was worried about this abrupt change from the autocracy of Commodus and about the noble ancestry of certain of the senators. He suspected that these senators, after having been ruled by the most nobly born of all the emperors, would not be willing to let the reins of government fall into the hands of a man who came to the high office from humble and undistinguished antecedents. 2. Even if his life deserved admiration for its restraint, and even if his military exploits were famous, in nobility of birth he was much inferior to the aristocracy. When daylight came, he went to the senate house, but he did not allow the sacred fire to be carried before him nor did he permit any of the imperial tokens to be raised until he had determined how the senate felt about the situation. 3. But as soon as he appeared, all the senators with one voice shouted his praises, calling him emperor and Augustus. At first he declined the envy-provoking title of emperor and, pleading his advanced years, begged to be permitted to decline the honor, pointing out that there were many men of noble birth by whom the empire might more fittingly be ruled. At this, Glabrionus took him by the hand and led him forward, bidding him take his seat upon the imperial throne. 4. This Glabrionus was the most nobly born of all the Roman aristocrats (for he traced his ancestry to Aeneas, son of Venus and Anchises, and he had served two |49 terms as consul. "I myself," Glabrionus said, "whom you consider the most eligible of all, yield the throne to you, and I together with all the rest happily concur in awarding you the supreme power." Then, with all of them pleading with him and actually forcing him to accept the position, Pertinax mounted the imperial throne slowly and reluctantly and addressed the senate as follows:
5. "I am persuaded that your great readiness to do me honor, the extraordinary enthusiasm with which you acclaim me, and your selection of me as emperor in preference to those among you of such noble birth, has in it not the slightest intent to flatter, but is proof and pledge of your good will toward me. And this might make another ready and eager to accept without hesitation what has been entrusted to him, and he might reasonably entertain a hope of managing the empire with no difficulty among subjects so kindly disposed toward him. 6. But these favors which I am receiving at your hands, so great and so flattering, although I am aware of the honor they do me, cause me no little apprehension and inner conflict. For, when the initial favors are so great, it is always difficult to do equal favors in return. Now when anyone who receives small favors does greater favors in return, the fact that this is an easy matter is never taken into consideration; it is thought to be merely evidence of his gratitude. But when the initial favor is virtually unsurpassable, if the recipient does not return one equally large, the fact that this is a difficult matter is never taken into consideration; it is thought to be merely evidence of his ingratitude and lack of appreciation. 7. I see, therefore, that no ordinary task awaits me in proving myself worthy of such an honor as you have bestowed upon me. But the honor of the throne lies not in the throne itself, but in the acts which he who holds it must perform if he is not to disgrace his high office. The more men hate an unpleasant past, the more hopefully they look forward to a |50 pleasant future. Injuries are remembered forever (the memory of pain is difficult to erase), but benefits and the memory of benefits disappear when the enjoyment of them is gone.
8. Freedom is never so pleasant as slavery is unpleasant, and no one ever considers himself fortunate to possess what is his free from danger; he thinks that he is simply enjoying his own possessions. But the man who is deprived of his property never forgets the man responsible for his loss. And if any change takes place for the common good, no one thinks that he has derived from it any personal benefit, since, when the common good prospers, it is of little concern to the whole group as individuals. With respect to his own affairs, no one believes that anything is of value to him unless he happens to obtain something he personally desires. 9. But those who have grown accustomed to reveling in the extravagant excesses of a tyranny not only object to any change toward a more moderate and more economical way of life occasioned by a shortage of money, not terming it sensible economy or planned and judicious management, but they reject it as a mean and wretched way to live, oblivious to the fact that had it not been for the loot taken by pillage and plunder, they could never have enjoyed their luxurious way of life. On the other hand, to give to every man all things according to his worth and for logical reasons, without committing any injustices, and not to supply him with an abundance of money gained from illegal sources teaches prudent conservation of things supplied in quantity. 10. And so you, who are skilled in these matters, must cooperate with me and consider the management of the empire as a joint enterprise, and you must entertain high hopes of living under an aristocracy, not under a tyranny, and you must confirm this for all our subjects."
11. By this speech, Pertinax encouraged the senators and received the plaudits of them all. After awarding him every |51 honor and every token of respect, they escorted the new emperor to the temple of Jupiter and the rest of the shrines; when he had completed the sacrifices for his reign, he entered the imperial palace.
CHAPTER IV.
1. WHEN Pertinax' speech to the senate and his letters to the people were made public, all the Romans gave thanks, hoping that he would be for them not so much an emperor as a mild and pious ruler and father. He ordered the praetorians to curb their arrogant treatment of the people; he forbade them to carry axes or strike anyone they chanced to meet. He tried to manage everything with decency and discipline, and in his judicial duties he was mild and moderate. 2. By his consistent and deliberate imitation of Marcus' reign, he delighted the older people, and won the good will of the others without difficulty, released as they were from savage and oppressive tyranny to lead a well-ordered life, free from care. When the mildness of his rule became known everywhere, all nations subject to Roman rule or friendly to the Romans, and all the armies in the field as well, came to regard his reign as that of a god. 3. And indeed, the barbarians who were formerly restless and rebellious, mindful of his brilliant achievements in his previous campaigns, feared him and willingly submitted to him. They put their trust in his reputation for never purposely doing an injustice and always treating every man according to his deserts; improper conduct and savage violence were completely foreign to his nature. Embassies from all countries came to him, and everyone delighted in the rule of the Romans under Pertinax.
4. All, both publicly and privately, were pleased by the order and the moderation of his reign. But what pleased all the |52 rest only galled the soldiers of the imperial bodyguard stationed in Rome. Now forbidden to loot and act with insolence, the praetorians were directed to return to an orderly and disciplined way of life. Since they considered the mild and moderate rule of Pertinax an insult and disgrace to them, as well as a diminution of their unlimited power, they refused to tolerate his well-ordered reign any longer. 5. At the beginning, they had obeyed his orders reluctantly and mutinously. But after he had been emperor for less than two months, during which he had put into effect in a short time many moderate and practical measures, and his subjects were just beginning to entertain high hopes for the future, a wretched turn of fortune upset the situation and ruined everything, preventing a number of excellent projects useful to his subjects from being carried to completion.
6. To begin with, Pertinax assigned all the land in Italy and the rest of the provinces not under cultivation to anyone willing to care for it and farm it, to be his own private property; he gave to each man as much land as he wished and was able to manage, even if the land were imperial property. To these farmers he granted exemption from all taxes for ten years and freedom from government duties as well.1 7. He refused to allow his name to be stamped on imperial property, stating that these effects were not the emperor's personal property but the common and public possessions of the Roman empire. Finally, he removed the tolls previously levied during the tyranny as an easy method of raising revenue, the fees collected at the banks of rivers, the harbors of cities, and the crossroads, restoring to all these their ancient freedom.
8. It is obvious that he would have done even more to benefit his subjects, as his general policy makes plain, for he banished informers from the city and ordered them to be persecuted |53 elsewhere; he took precautions to prevent anyone from being threatened by informers or being embroiled in their false charges. Then the senate particularly, but all other men too, seemed to be living in a blessed state of security. 9. Pertinax was so modest and unassuming that he did not bring his own son, then a young man, into the imperial palace. The youth remained in his father's house and continued to attend his regular school and gymnasium; in his education, as in all his activities, he was an ordinary Roman citizen, and displayed none of the imperial pomp and arrogance.
CHAPTER V.
1. IN A WAY of life so prosperous and well ordered, only the praetorians complained of their lot. Longing for a return to the violence and looting of the preceding tyranny and to their extravagant and dissolute pursuits, they plotted to remove Pertinax on the ground that he was a burden and a nuisance to them, and to choose an emperor who would restore to them their unbridled and uncontrolled power. 2. And so, with no warning, the praetorians rushed headlong from their camp one day at noon, when they were off duty. Wild with unreasoning anger, they burst into the palace with spears raised and swords drawn. 3. The imperial attendants on duty in the palace were astounded at this unbelievable and unexpected assault. Since they were only a handful of unarmed men against a horde of armed soldiers, the attendants deserted their assigned posts and fled into the palace grounds or the nearby passageways. But a few who were devoted to Pertinax informed him of the attack and advised him to flee and put his hope of safety in the people. 4. The emperor, however, did not follow the advice of those who suggested this advantageous course of action in the present emergency; he considered this solution undignified and servile, unworthy |54 of an emperor and unworthy of his previous way of life and his achievements. He therefore declined to flee or to hide; preferring to face the issue squarely, he came out to talk to the praetorians, hoping to win them over and put an end to their insane anger. 5. And so he left the room and approached the praetorians, in an effort to discover the reason for their anger, and tried to persuade them not to act like madmen. Remaining cool and calm in this crisis and displaying the dignity of an emperor, he showed no evidence of fear or cowardice or servility.
6. "For me," he said, "to be murdered by you is neither important nor grievous to an old man who has received so many honors in the course of a long life. It is inevitable that every man must die someday. But for you who are supposed to be the emperor's guardians and defenders to be his murderers, and for you to stain your hands with the blood of an emperor and, what is worse, that of a fellow Roman, be sure that this is not only an act of pollution at the present but also represents a danger for you in the future. I know in my heart that I have wronged you in no way. 7. If you are still grieved at the death of Commodus, remember that it is hardly surprising that death caught up with him. He was mortal. But if you think his death was the result of treachery, the blame does not lie with me. For you know that I am free of all suspicion on that score, and I know no more about what happened then than you do. So, if you suspect anything, bring charges against someone else. 8. But even though Commodus is dead, you will not lack anything which can be supplied you fairly and deservedly, so long as it can be done without recourse to violence and confiscation of property."
So persuasive were his words that he had now convinced some of them; indeed, quite a few of them began to withdraw, respecting the age of their revered emperor. But while he was still talking, the bolder praetorians attacked and killed |55 him.2 9. After they had committed this savage crime, alarmed by what they had done and wishing to anticipate the fury of the people, who would, they knew, be enraged by the murder, the praetorians rushed back to the camp. Shutting all the gates and blocking the entrances, they placed sentries in the towers and remained inside the walls to defend themselves if the mob should attack the camp. Such was the fate of Pertinax, whose life and policies have been described above.
CHAPTER VI.
1. WHEN the assassination of the emperor was reported to the people, they ran about like madmen in their grief and rage. In the grip of unreasoning fury, the mob searched for the emperor's assassins, but were unable to find them and take their revenge. 2. The senators were particularly distressed by what had happened. They considered the loss of their benevolent father and revered protector a public disaster, and once more there arose the fear of a tyranny, the praetorians' special delight.
3. But after a day or two had passed, with every man fearing for his life, the people grew calm. Men of position went out to their estates which were farthest from the city, to avoid the danger of being present at the selection of the new emperor. 4. When the praetorians saw that the people were quiet and that no one dared to avenge the murder of the emperor, they remained isolated inside the camp. Then, bringing forward to the walls the men with the loudest voices, they made proclamation that the empire was for sale, promising to hand it over to the man who offered the highest price, and promising to conduct the purchaser safely to the imperial palace under the protection of their arms. 5. When they made this proclamation, the more august and respected senators, those |56 who were nobly born and still wealthy, the scattered survivors of Commodus' tyranny, did not go to the wall; they had no desire to use their wealth basely and shamefully to buy the empire. 6. But the praetorians' proposition was reported to a man named Julianus while he was giving a dinner in the late afternoon amid much drinking and carousing. This Julianus had already served a term as consul and was thought to be a very wealthy man; he was one of the Romans censured for an intemperate way of life. 7. Then his wife and daughter and a mob of parasites persuaded him to leave his dining couch and hurry to the wall of the camp to find out what was going on. All the way to the camp they urged him to seize the prostrate empire; he had plenty of money and could outbid anyone who opposed him. 8. And so, when they came to the wall, Julianus shouted up a promise to give the praetorians everything they wanted, assuring them that he had plenty of money, that his strongboxes were crammed with gold and silver. At the same moment the urban prefect Sulpicianus, a man of consular rank (he was the father of Pertinax' wife), came to bargain for the empire. 9. But the praetorians refused to accept this man, afraid of his kinship with Pertinax, and fearing too that this might be a trick to avenge the emperor's murder. Lowering a ladder, they brought Julianus up to the top of the wall, for they were unwilling to open the gates until they knew how much he would pay for the empire. 10. When he came up, Julianus promised to revive the memory of Commodus, to restore his honors, and to re-erect his statues which the senate had pulled down; he further promised to restore to the praetorians all the powers they had possessed under that emperor and to give each soldier more gold than he asked for or expected to receive. 11. Convinced by his promises and delighted with their expectations, the guard proclaimed Julianus emperor, and, in view of his |57 family and his ancestry, thought it appropriate that he assume the name of Commodus. Then, raising their standards, to which pictures of Julianus had been attached, they prepared to escort the emperor to the imperial palace. 12. After he had performed the usual imperial sacrifices in the camp, Julianus was led out under the protection of a contingent of the guard larger than normal. Because he had purchased the empire shamefully, disgracefully, and fraudulently, using force and opposing the wishes of the people, the new emperor rightly feared that the people would be hostile toward him. 13. Therefore, under full arms and armor, the praetorians formed a phalanx so that, if necessary, they could fight. They placed their chosen emperor in the center of the formation, holding their spears and shields over their heads to protect the procession from any shower of stones hurled down from the houses. In this fashion they succeeded in conducting Julianus to the palace, as none of the people dared oppose them. No one, however, shouted the congratulations usually heard when emperors were accompanied by a formal escort; on the contrary, the people stood at a distance, shouting curses and reviling Julianus bitterly for using his wealth to purchase the empire.
14. It was on this occasion that the character of the praetorians was corrupted for the first time; they acquired their insatiable and disgraceful lust for money and their contempt for the sanctity of the emperor. The fact that there was no one to take action against these men who had savagely murdered their emperor, and the fact that there was no one to prevent the shameful auction and sale of the Roman empire, were the original causes of the praetorians' disgraceful and mutinous revolt at this time and also for later revolts. Their lust for gold and their contempt for their emperors increased, as did assassinations also. |58
CHAPTER VII.
1. WHEN he entered into the office of emperor, Julianus immediately devoted himself to drinking and debauchery. He regarded his duties to the state as of no consequence and occupied his time in luxurious living and profligate practices. It was quickly discovered, however, that he had lied to the praetorians and deceived them, as he was unable to fulfill his promises. 2. The truth is that he did not have as much money in his personal possession as he had pretended to have, and no money was available in the public treasures; these had been completely exhausted by Commodus' extravagances and his lavish and endless disbursements. The praetorians, cheated of their expectations, were enraged by this insulting breach of faith; and the people, when they were aware of the praetorians' attitude, held Julianus in contempt. When the emperor appeared in public, they cursed him bitterly and taunted him for his continuous and disgraceful debauches. 3. At the Circus Maximus, where the crowds were largest, the audience shouted insults at Julianus and called Niger defender of the empire and protector of the sacred office of emperor, begging him to come to their rescue as soon as possible, for they were subjected to unbearable indignities.
4. This Niger had previously served a term as consul; at the time of the events mentioned above, he was governor of Syria, then the largest and most powerful of the Roman provinces. The entire Phoenician territory and all the land as far as the Euphrates River were under Niger's command. 5. The governor, then just past middle age, had won renown for his many brilliant exploits. He was reported to be a fair and capable man and was said to pattern his life after that of Pertinax; the Romans, consequently, had great confidence in Niger. They called for him in all the public assemblies and insulted |59 Julianus to his face by cheering the absent Niger and offering him the empire with loud shouts.
6. When the attitude of the Roman people and their actions were reported to him, Niger was naturally acquiescent and believed that affairs would turn out as he wished, with no difficulty. The fact that Julianus had been deserted by the praetorians because he failed to give them the money he had promised and the fact that he was despised by the people for the shameful way in which he had bought the empire encouraged Niger to be sanguine about his chances of becoming emperor. 7. As the first step, he summoned a few commanders and tribunes and prominent soldiers to his quarters; there he discussed the situation with them and won their support. He revealed in detail what he had heard from Rome, with the intent that, when this news was made public, it would become common knowledge to the soldiers and to the rest of the peoples of the East. 8. He hoped to win the support of all of them without difficulty when they understood that he was not attempting to seize the empire by plotting but rather that he was going to the assistance of the people at Rome, who were begging for him to come. All the Eastern peoples flocked to his support and implored him to take charge of affairs. 9. For the Syrian race is by nature unstable and sympathetic to any proposed change in the established order of things. In addition, the Syrians felt some affection for Niger because he ruled them mildly in all respects and staged a vast number of shows for them. They are by nature a people fond of spectacles, and the citizens of Antioch, a large and prosperous city, celebrate festivals virtually every day of the year in the city and in the surrounding area. 10. And so, by constantly staging shows, about which they are wildly enthusiastic, and by allowing them free license to celebrate the holidays and make merry, Niger won their esteem. |60
CHAPTER VIII.
1. AWARE of their high regard for him, Niger summoned the soldiers from all stations on an appointed day; after the people also had assembled, he mounted the platform erected for the purpose and addressed them as follows:
2. "The mildness of my disposition and my temperate approach in the important enterprises which I have undertaken are well known to you from of old. Never would I have come before you to discuss these matters if I were motivated solely by personal aims, by unreasonable hopes, or by the desire to realize even greater achievements. But the Romans are calling me and with unceasing cries beg me to extend to them the savior's hand and not allow an empire so illustrious, one made famous by our ancestors from the earliest times, to be brought to disgraceful ruin. 3. Just as it is rash and hasty to undertake such great projects without good cause and reason, so too is it cowardly and treasonable to hesitate when one is summoned and begged to take action. This has led me to come before you to find out what your attitude is and what you think should be done—in short, to use you as my advisers and associates in the present situation. If the issue should prosper, it will work to our mutual advantage. 4. No selfish and self-deluding hopes summon me. The Roman people call me, the Roman people, to whom the gods have given their empire and their mastery over all men. The empire too cries out to me, unsettled as it is and not yet firmly fixed in the hands of any one man. This being the situation, the safety of this course will be obvious, both from the attitude of those who are calling me and from the fact that there is no one to oppose me or stand in my way. 5. My informants in Rome say that the praetorians, who sold the empire to Julianus, are untrustworthy bodyguards because he did not pay them the |61 money he promised. Come now, reveal to me what your attitude is."
6. When he had finished speaking, the entire army and all the people there immediately hailed him as emperor and called him Augustus. They robed him in the imperial purple and provided the remaining tokens of imperial rank from whatever was available. They carried the sacred fire before their emperor and, after escorting him to the temples in Antioch, established him in his own residence, treating it no longer as a private home but as the imperial palace, for they decorated the exterior of the house with the imperial insignia.
7. Niger was exceedingly pleased by these developments, and believed that control of imperial affairs was firmly fixed in his hands by the attitude of the Roman people and by the enthusiasm of the Eastern peoples. When the situation became generally known, all the people on the continent of Asia lying opposite Europe came to him,3 and every man hastened to submit to him of his own free will; embassies from all those peoples were sent to Niger at Antioch as if he were the recognized Roman emperor. 8. The rulers and kings beyond the Tigris and Euphrates rivers sent congratulations and promised assistance if it should be needed. In return, Niger sent these rulers lavish gifts and thanked them for their support and their offers, but he assured them that he did not lack for allies. He told them that the empire was his beyond any doubt and that he intended to rule without bloodshed.
9. Elated by these hopes, Niger now grew negligent in attending to matters at hand. Spending his time in luxurious living, he reveled with the people of Antioch, devoting himself to shows and spectacles, and postponed his departure for |62 Rome when he should have hurried to the city at top speed. 10. It was imperative that he visit the cities in Illyricum at the earliest possible moment and win their support before someone else did. He did not, however, release in Illyricum any report of what had happened, hoping that the army there, when it learned of these developments, would be in agreement with the entreaties of the Roman people and the attitude of the Eastern armies.
CHAPTER IX.
1. WHILE Niger was dreaming these dreams and relying upon uncertain and unfounded hopes, what had occurred in Syria was reported to the Pannonians and the people in Illyricum, as well as to the entire military force in that area—that is, to the troops assigned to duty on the banks of the Danube and the Rhine to check barbarian incursions in those regions and defend the Roman empire. 2. The governor of all the Pannonians (for they were at that time under one command) was a Libyan named Severus, a born administrator and a man of tremendous energy. Accustomed to a rugged life, he was physically able to endure heavy labor; mentally, he was quick to understand and quick to act once he understood. 3. When he learned from reports that the Roman empire was dangling in the sky like a meteor for Niger and Julianus to seize, Severus, charging the former with negligence and the latter with cowardice, decided to intervene in these affairs. He had had dreams which led him to expect something like this, and his dreams were supported by oracular responses and all the signs that appear as prophecies of things to come. All these, whether they are true or false, are invariably believed when they foretell something which later actually occurs. 4. Severus himself recorded many portents in his autobiography, and had them inscribed on |63 his public statues also. But the last and most significant of his dreams, the one which made it clear to him that he would get all he hoped for, must not be omitted. 5. At the time Pertinax was reported to have assumed control of the empire, Severus, after making the sacrifices and swearing the oath of allegiance to the new emperor, went back to his house at dusk and fell asleep. He dreamed that he saw a large, noble stallion adorned with the imperial trappings carrying Pertinax down the middle of the Sacred Way at Rome. 6. But when the horse arrived at the entrance of the Forum, where, in the old days of the Republic, the popular assemblies had been held, in his dream the stallion unseated Pertinax and threw him to the ground. While Severus stood there motionless, the horse slipped under him, taking him up on his back, and bore him safely along. Then, halting in the middle of the Forum, the stallion raised Severus aloft, so that he was seen and cheered by all. And in our time a huge bronze statue depicting this dream still stood on that spot. 7. His resolve thus strengthened, with high hopes that he was being called to the throne by divine summons, Severus made trial of the attitude of the soldiers. As the first step, he met in his quarters with a few commanders and tribunes and prominent soldiers and discussed with them the Roman empire, how it lay completely helpless because there was no man of the nobility and no man with enough ability to take control of it. 8. He spoke with contempt of the praetorians at Rome as disloyal and false to their oath in spilling the blood of their emperor and fellow Roman, and told them that he had to go to Rome to avenge the murder of Pertinax, for he was aware that all the soldiers in Illyricum remembered the governorship of the man. 9. When Marcus was emperor, Pertinax had won with them many victories over the Germans; after he had been appointed general and governor of the province of Illyricum, he had displayed great courage in fighting the enemy. But |64 at the same time he revealed his benevolence and good will toward those he ruled by his moderation and his sensible exercise of authority. For these reasons they revered his memory and were enraged at those who had treated him so savagely. 10. Seizing this as his excuse, Severus without difficulty persuaded them to do what he wished; he pretended that he was not personally seeking the empire and did not desire power for himself, but rather that he wished to avenge the murder of so great an emperor as Pertinax. 11. Although the men of those regions have huge and powerful bodies and are skillful and murderous in battle, they are dull of wit and slow to realize that they are being deceived. Hence they believed Severus when he said that he was enraged and wished to avenge the murder of Pertinax; and, putting themselves in his hands, they made him emperor and turned the control of the empire over to him. 12. Since he now knew the attitude of the Pannonians, he reported these events to the neighboring provinces and to the rulers of all the northern nations under Roman control; he convinced them by lavish promises and the expectation of great rewards, and easily won their support. 13. He was surely the most accomplished of all men in pretending to pledge his good will, but he never kept his sworn word if it proved necessary for him to break it; he lied whenever it was advantageous to him, and his tongue said many things which his heart did not mean.
CHAPTER X.
1. SEVERUS sent letters to all the soldiers in Illyricum and to their officers and won their support. After assembling the troops from all stations, he assumed as his names both Severus and Pertinax, hoping that this would endear him not only to the people in Illyricum but also to the Romans because of their memories of that emperor. He then called |65 the soldiers together on the assembly ground and, mounting a platform erected for him, addressed them as follows:
2. "The faith and reverence which you have for the gods, by whom you swear, and the respect which you have for your emperors, whom you esteem, you have made abundantly clear by your rage at the acts of the praetorians in Rome, who are more suited for parades than for battles. And now, because you ask it, although I never before entertained such a hope (you know my loyalty to the emperors), it is my duty to undertake and successively resolve these matters which have your approval. 3. I must not allow the Roman empire to lie helpless, that empire which, to the end of Marcus' reign, was administered with reverence and appeared to be august and awesome. Under Commodus, however, the empire underwent a change, and yet, even if it did suffer somewhat at his hands because of his youth, all was forgiven him because of his noble birth and the memory of his father. And the truth is that there was more reason to pity than to despise him for his errors, in that we attributed most of what happened not to him personally but to the parasites who swarmed around him and to his advisers and accomplices in his irregular acts. 4. But when the empire came into the hands of that revered elder statesman Pertinax, the memory of whose courage and service to the state is still firmly fixed in our hearts, the praetorians not only did not protect their emperor, but went so far as to murder that illustrious man. And now some fellow has disgracefully purchased the empire and its vast expanse of land and sea; as you have heard, he is hated by the people and no longer trusted by the disillusioned praetorians. 5. Even if they loved him and intended to support him, you outnumber them and are superior in courage. You have trained under actual combat conditions in your continuous skirmishes with the barbarians, and you are accustomed to endure all kinds of labor. Ignoring heat and cold, you cross |66 frozen rivers on the ice; you do not drink water from wells, but water you have dug yourself. You have also trained by fighting with animals, and, all in all, you have won so distinguished a reputation for bravery that no one could stand against you. 6. Toil is the true test of the soldier, not easy living, and those luxury-loving sots would not face your battle cry, much less your battle line. But if any one of you is concerned about affairs in Syria, he may judge how feeble the effort is there and how slight the hope of success by the fact that these men have not dared to venture beyond their own borders and were not bold enough to plan for a journey to Rome. There they remain, content, believing that this temporary taste of living in luxury represents the total profit to them of this firmly established empire. 7. The truth is that the Syrians are suited only to games and childish banter. This is especially true of those who live in Antioch, who are reported to be highly enthusiastic supporters of Niger. But the rest of the provinces and cities have up to now found no one worthy of the imperial throne, and, because no man has appeared who will rule with courage and use sound administrative practices, it is evident that they are only pretending to support that fellow. 8. But if they should learn that the army of Illyricum has already made its choice, and if they should hear our name, which is not unknown or without honor among them, because of our term as governor of Syria, know well, I say, that they will not find fault with me for delay or cowardice, nor will they elect to stand and face your bravery and your battle prowess, for they are greatly inferior to you in size of body, in endurance of hardship, and in close-quarter combat.
9. Let us therefore occupy Rome before they do it; that city is the seat of the empire. By establishing our headquarters in Rome, we shall manage the rest easily, putting our trust in divine prophecies and our reliance in your strength and your arms." |67
After Severus had finished speaking, the soldiers shouted his praises, calling him Augustus and Pertinax, and displaying the utmost zeal and enthusiasm for him.
CHAPTER XI.
1. WITHOUT delay and waste of time, Severus ordered them to get ready only as much gear as each could conveniently carry, and announced his decision to depart for Rome. He distributed money to the troops and issued supplies for the journey. With prodigious effort, he sped on his way, stopping nowhere and allowing no time for rest except for the brief periods necessary to enable the soldiers to recover from the rigorous march. 2. He shared personally in their hardships, sleeping in an ordinary army tent and eating and drinking whatever was available to all; on no occasion did he make use of imperial luxuries or comforts. As a result, he enjoyed even greater popularity among the troops; respecting him not only for sharing their hardships but also for overcoming all difficulties, they carried out his orders with enthusiasm.
3. After crossing Pannonia, Severus came to the mountains of Italy; outstripping the news of his approach, he appeared in person to the people there before they had heard that he was emperor or that he was on his way to Rome. The cities of Italy regarded the approach of this formidable army with apprehension. The men of Italy, long unused to arms and war, were devoted to farming and peaceful pursuits. 4. As long as Roman affairs were governed by Republican principles and the senate selected the generals who took charge of military affairs, all the Italians were under arms, and controlled the lands and the seas, waging wars with Greeks and barbarians. There was no place on earth, no place under heaven, to which the Romans did not extend the borders of their |68 empire. 5. From the time when Augustus assumed control of the government, however, the princeps freed the Italians from the necessity of working and of bearing arms; establishing forts and camps for the defense of the empire, he stationed mercenaries in these to serve as a defensive bulwark on the frontiers. The empire was further protected by great barriers of rivers and mountains and impassable deserts. 6. When the people of Italy learned that Severus was approaching with a huge army, they were understandably dismayed by the unexpectedness of this development. Not daring to oppose him or try to stop him, they took up laurel branches and went out to meet him, welcoming him with open gates. Delaying only to secure good omens and say a few words to the people, Severus hurried on to Rome.
7. When these developments were reported to Julianus, he was in despair because of what he had heard about the size and the power of the army of Illyricum, because of his lack of faith in the Roman people, who hated him, and because of his lack of confidence in the praetorians, whom he had swindled. Still, he collected his own money and that of his friends, appropriated what was left in the public and temple treasuries, and undertook to distribute this sum among the praetorians in an effort to purchase their good will. 8. But in spite of the fact that they received large amounts of money, the praetorians were in no way grateful to the emperor; they felt that he was not giving them a bonus but only paying them what he owed them.
Although his friends advised him to lead out the army and seize the passes of the Alps, Julianus did nothing. The Alps are very tall mountains—there are none like them in our part of the world; they surround Italy like a wall and are her first line of defense. This is yet another piece of good fortune which Nature has provided the Italians, an impregnable barrier across their entire northern frontier, for the Alps |69 extend unbroken from the Tyrrhenian to the Adriatic Sea. 9. But Julianus, as I have said, did not dare to venture forth from Rome. He did, however, send a message to the praetorians, begging them to take up arms, practice their drills, and dig trenches to defend the city. In the city he made what preparations he could for the battle with Severus. All the elephants used by the Romans in parades were trained to carry men and towers on their backs. It was hoped that the elephants would terrify the troops from Illyricum and stampede the enemy cavalry when these huge beasts, which the horses had never seen before, appeared on the field. The whole city was training in arms and preparing for battle.
CHAPTER XII.
1. WHILE Julianus' troops were delaying and preparing for battle, word came that Severus was approaching. Dividing most of his army into small bands, Severus ordered them to slip into the city unnoticed. Spreading out along all the roads into Rome, many by day, but even more by night, entered the city unobserved, in civilian disguise, with their weapons concealed. 2. The enemy was thus already in the city while Julianus was hesitating, unaware of what was happening. When the people learned of these developments, they were in complete confusion; fearing the army of Severus, they pretended to support his cause, charging Julianus with cowardice and Niger with hesitation and sloth. But when they heard that Severus was in Rome, the people were thunderstruck. 3. Julianus, dumb and witless, did not know how to handle the situation. Ordering the senate to convene, he sent a letter to Severus in which he proposed peace and, proclaiming him emperor, made him his colleague in governing the empire. The senate voted its approval of these proposals; but when it was obvious that Julianus was terror-stricken and in |70 despair, all the senators immediately abandoned him for Severus. 4. After two or three days had passed, the senators, aware that Severus was in Rome, contemptuous of Julianus, entered the senate house at the order of the consuls, the officials who took charge at Rome when the affairs of the empire were in confusion. 5. After convening, the senate consulted about what should be done in the present emergency. Meanwhile, Julianus was still in the imperial palace bewailing the disaster that had befallen him and pleading to be allowed to resign as emperor and turn the entire power over to Severus. 6. When the senate learned that Julianus was cowering in fear and that the Praetorian Guard had deserted him in terror of Severus, that body voted to take the empire from Julianus and proclaim Severus sole emperor. They therefore sent to Severus an embassy made up of the chief officials and the most distinguished senators to hand over to him all the imperial honors. 7. A tribune was sent to kill Julianus, that cowardly and wretched old man who had in this way purchased with his own money his miserable death.
CHAPTER XIII.
1. DESERTED by all, Julianus was found weeping disgracefully and was killed. When he learned of the senate's action and the death of Julianus, Severus, encouraged to hope for greater success, used a trick to seize and hold prisoner the Praetorian Guard, the murderers of Pertinax. He quietly sent private letters to the tribunes and centurions, promising them rich rewards if they would persuade the praetorians in Rome to submit and obey the emperor's orders. 2. He also sent an open letter to the praetorian camp, directing the soldiers to leave their weapons behind in the camp and come forth unarmed, as was the custom when they escorted the emperor to the sacrifices or to the celebration of |71 a festival. He further ordered them to swear the oath of allegiance in his name and to present themselves with good expectations of continuing to serve as the emperor's bodyguard. 3. Trusting these orders and persuaded by their tribunes, the praetorians left their arms behind and appeared from the camp in holiday uniform, carrying laurel branches. Arriving at Severus' camp, they sent word that they were at the assembly ground where the emperor had ordered them to muster for a welcoming address. 4. The praetorians moved toward the emperor as he was mounting the speaking platform; then, at a given signal, they were all seized while cheering him in unison. Prior orders had been issued to Severus' soldiers to surround the praetorians, now their enemy, at the moment when they were standing with their eyes fixed in expectant attention upon the emperor; they were not, however, to wound or strike any member of the guard. Severus ordered his troops to hold the praetorians in a tight ring of steel, believing that they would not resist, since they were only a few unarmed men, fearful of wounds, confronted by an armed host. 5. When he had them netted like fish in his circle of weapons, like prisoners of war, the enraged emperor shouted in a loud voice:
"You see by what has happened that we are superior to you in intelligence, in size of army, and in number of supporters. Surely you were easily trapped, captured without a struggle. It is in my power to do with you what I wish when I wish. Helpless and prostrate, you lie before us now, victims of our might. 6. But if one looks for a punishment equal to the crimes you have committed, it is impossible to find a suitable one. You murdered your revered and benevolent old emperor, the man whom it was your sworn duty to protect. The empire of the Roman people, eternally respected, which our forefathers obtained by their valiant courage or inherited because of their noble birth, this empire you shamefully and |72 disgracefully sold for silver as if it were your personal property. 7. But you were unable to defend the man whom you yourselves had chosen as emperor. No, you betrayed him like the cowards you are. For these monstrous acts and crimes you deserve a thousand deaths, if one wished to do to you what you have earned. You see clearly what it is right you should suffer. But I will be merciful. I will not butcher you.
8. My hands shall not do what your hands did. But I say that it is in no way fit or proper for you to continue to serve as the emperor's bodyguard, you who have violated your oath and stained your hands with the blood of your emperor and fellow Roman, betraying the trust placed in you and the security offered by your protection. Still, compassion leads me to spare your lives and your persons. But I order the soldiers who have you surrounded to cashier you, to strip off any military uniform or equipment you are wearing, and drive you off naked. 9. And I order you to get yourselves as far from the city of Rome as is humanly possible, and I promise you and I swear it on solemn oath and I proclaim it publicly that if any one of you is found within a hundred miles of Rome, he shall pay for it with his head."
10. After he had issued these orders, the soldiers from Illyricum rushed forward and stripped from the praetorians their short ceremonial swords inlaid with gold and silver; next, they ripped off belts, uniforms, and any military insignia they were wearing, and sent them off naked. 11. The praetorians had to submit to this treatment, since they were betrayed and taken by a trick. Indeed, what else could they do—a few naked men against so many fully armed soldiers? They left then, lamenting their fate, and, although they accepted with gratitude the safe-conduct granted them, they bitterly regretted that they had left the camp without arms and had been trapped in this humiliating and high-handed fashion.
12. The circumstances of the situation led Severus to use another stratagem. Fearing that, after they had been cashiered from |73 the service, the praetorians might rush back to the camp and snatch up their arms, the emperor sent ahead, by other streets and ways, men picked for their demonstrated courage; these men were to reach the camp ahead of the praetorians, seize the arms there, and shut out the guards if they came to the camp.
Such was the punishment suffered by the murderers of Pertinax.
CHAPTER XIV.
1. THEN Severus entered Rome with all the rest of his army under arms: his presence in the city brought fear and panic to the Romans because of his achievements, so daring and favored by fortune. The people and the senate, carrying laurel branches, received him, the foremost of men and emperors, who had accomplished great deeds without bloodshed or difficulty. 2. Everything about the man was extraordinary, but especially outstanding were his shrewd judgment, his endurance of toils, and his spirit of bold optimism in everything he did. Then, after the people had welcomed him with cheers and the senate had saluted him at the city gates, Severus went into the temple of Jupiter and offered sacrifices; after sacrificing in the rest of the shrines in accord with imperial practice, he entered the palace. 3. On the following day he went to the senate and addressed all the senators in a speech that was very mild in tone and full of promises of good things for the future. Greeting them collectively and individually, he told them that he had come to avenge the murder of Pertinax and assured them that his reign would mark the reintroduction of senatorial rule. No man would be put to death or have his property confiscated without a trial; he would not tolerate informers; he would bring unlimited prosperity to his subjects; he intended to imitate Marcus' reign in every way; and he would assume not only |74 the name but also the manner and approach of Pertinax. 4. By this speech he won a good opinion for himself among most of the senators, and they believed his promises. But some of the older senators knew the true character of the man, and said privately that he was indeed a man of great cunning, who knew how to manage things shrewdly; they further said that he was very skillful at deceit and at feigning anything and everything; and, moreover, he always did what was of benefit and profit to his own interests. The truth of these observations was later demonstrated by what the man actually did.
5. After spending a short time in Rome, during which he made generous gifts to the people, staged shows, and rewarded his soldiers lavishly, he chose for service in the imperial bodyguard, to replace the praetorians he had dismissed, the best-qualified soldiers from his army. He then set out for the East. 6. Since Niger was still delaying and wasting time in luxurious living in Antioch, Severus wished to surprise him before he was prepared. He therefore ordered his soldiers to be ready to march, and collected recruits everywhere, calling up the young men from the cities of Italy and enrolling them in the army. All the units of the army he had left behind in Illyricum were directed to march into Thrace and join him there. 7. He fitted out a naval unit; manning with heavily armed troops all the triremes in Italy, he sent these off too. He got ready a large and powerful force with incredible speed, aware that he would need a large army to operate against Niger and the entire continent lying opposite Europe.
CHAPTER XV.
1. SEVERUS made preparations for the war with great care. A thorough and cautious man, he had his doubts about the army in Britain, which was large and very |75 powerful, manned by excellent soldiers. Britain was then under the command of Albinus, a man of the senatorial order who had been reared in luxury on money inherited from his ancestors. 2. Severus, wishing to gain the friendship of this man, deceived him by a trick; he feared that Albinus, having strong stimuli to encourage him to seize the throne, and made bold by his ancestry and wealth, a powerful army, and his popularity among the Romans, might seize the empire and occupy Rome while Severus was busy with affairs in the East. 3. And so he deceived the man by pretending to do him honor. Albinus, conceited and somewhat naive in his judgment, really believed the many things which Severus swore on oath in his letters. Severus appointed him Caesar, to anticipate his hope and desire for a share of the imperial power. 4. He wrote Albinus the friendliest of letters, deceitful, of course, in which he begged the man to devote his attention to the welfare of the empire. He wrote him that the situation required a man of the nobility in the prime of life; he himself was old and afflicted with gout, and his sons were still very young. Believing Severus, Albinus gratefully accepted the honor, delighted to be getting what he wanted without fighting and without risk. 5. After making these same proposals to the senate, to increase their faith in him, Severus ordered coins to be struck bearing his likeness, and he increased the favor he had won by erecting statues of himself and assuming the rest of the imperial honors. When he had, by his cunning, arranged matters securely with respect to Albinus and consequently had nothing to fear from Britain, the emperor, accompanied by the entire army of Illyricum, set out against Niger, convinced that he had arranged to his own advantage everything affecting his reign.
6. Where he halted on his march, what he said in each city, the portents that seemed to appear by divine foresight, the countries and conflicts, the number of men on each side who |76 fell in battle, all these have been recorded fully enough by numerous historians and poets who have made the life of Severus the subject of their entire work. But it is my intent to write a chronological account of the exploits of many emperors over a period of seventy years, exploits about which I have knowledge from personal experience. Therefore I shall record the most significant and distinguished of Severus' achievements in the order in which they occurred, not selecting the favorable ones in order to flatter him, as did the writers of his own day; but, on the other hand, I shall omit nothing worth telling or worth remembering.
[Footnotes moved to end]
1. 1The plague and the frontier wars during Marcus Aurelius' reign had seriously reduced the number of farmers in the empire.
2. 2 March 28, 193.
3. 3The Propontis marked a natural dividing line between West and East. Niger, after consolidating his gains in the East, failed to extend his control of the empire by appearing personally in the West.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: herodian_03_book .htm
Herodian of Antioch, History of the Roman Empire (1961) pp.77-107. Book 3.
Herodian of Antioch, History of the Roman Empire (1961) pp.77-107. Book 3.
Chapter I
Chapter II
Chapter III
Chapter IV
Chapter V
Chapter VI
Chapter VII
Chapter VIII
Chapter IX
Chapter X
Chapter XI
Chapter XII
Chapter XIII
Chapter XIV
Chapter XV
BOOK THREE
SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS
CHAPTER I.
1. THE death of Pertinax, the killing of Julianus, the entrance of Severus into Rome, and his expedition against Niger have all been described in the preceding book. When Niger learned that Severus had occupied Rome, had been proclaimed emperor by the senate, and was leading the entire army of Illyricum against him, supported by the rest of the infantry and a naval unit as well, he was greatly disturbed by these unexpected developments. He sent orders to the governors of the Eastern provinces to keep a close guard on all the passes and harbors. 2. He also sent word to the king of the Parthians, to the king of the Armenians, and to the king of the Atrenians, asking for aid. The Armenian king replied that he would not form an alliance with anyone, but was ready to defend his own lands if Severus should attack him now. The Parthian king, on the other hand, said that he would order his governors to collect troops—the customary practice whenever it was necessary to raise an army, as they have no standing army and do not hire mercenaries. 3. Barsemius, king of the Atrenians, sent a contingent of native |78 archers to aid Niger. 4. The rest of his army Niger collected from the troops stationed in those areas. Most of the citizens of Antioch, especially the young men, who, in their instability, were enthusiastic supporters of Niger, offered themselves for military service, acting more in haste than in wisdom. Niger ordered that the narrow passes and cliffs of the Taurus Mountains should be defended by strong walls and fortifications, believing that an impassable mountain range would be a powerful protection for the highways of the East. The Taurus Mountains, which lie between Cappadocia and Cilicia, mark the dividing line between the East and the West. 5. Niger also sent an army to occupy Byzantium in Thrace, at that time a large and prosperous city rich in men and money. Located at the narrowest part of the Propontic Gulf, Byzantium grew immensely wealthy from its marine revenues, both tolls and fish; the city owned much fertile land, too, and realized a very handsome profit from all these sources. 6. Niger wished to have this city under his control because it was very strong, but especially because he hoped to be able to prevent any crossing from Europe and Asia by way of the Propontic Gulf. Byzantium was surrounded by a huge, strong wall of millstones cut to rectangular shape and fitted so skillfully that it was impossible to determine where the courses were joined; the entire wall appeared to be a single block of stone. 7. Even now the surviving ruins of this wall are enough to make the viewer marvel both at the technical skill of the original builders and the might of those who finally destroyed it.
Niger was thus acting, as he believed, with the greatest possible foresight to guarantee the utmost security.
CHAPTER II.
1. SEVERUS, in the meantime, pressed on with his army at top speed, halting for neither rest nor refreshment. Having learned that Byzantium, which he knew was defended |79 by the strongest of city walls, had been occupied by Niger, Severus ordered his army to march to Cyzicus. 2. The governor of Asia at that time was the general Aemilianus, to whom Niger had entrusted the military preparations in that province. When he learned that the army of Severus was approaching, Aemilianus marched toward Cyzicus at the head of his entire army, which included both the troops he had enrolled himself and those sent to him by Niger. When the two armies met, savage battles were fought in those regions; the army of Severus conquered, and the soldiers of Niger, put to flight, were routed and slaughtered. Thus the hopes of the East were shattered, while the hopes of the Illyrians soared.
3. There are those who say that Niger's cause, immediately betrayed by Aemilianus, was doomed from the start, and they cite two reasons for that general's action. Some say that the governor plotted against Niger because he was jealous and angry that his successor as governor of Syria was about to become his superior as emperor and tyrant. Others, however, say that he was forced to betray Niger by his own children, who urgently begged him to do so in order to insure their own safety; for Severus, finding Aemilianus' children at Rome, had seized them and was holding them under guard. Nor was he the first to make use of this extremely foresighted stratagem. 4. It was Commodus' practice to keep in custody the children of the governors of the provinces in order to have pledges of their loyalty and good will. Severus, familiar with this practice, when he was made emperor and Julianus was still alive, grew anxious about his children. Sending for them in secret, he had them brought to him from Rome to prevent their falling into the hands of someone else. 5. When he came to Rome, Severus gathered up the children of the governors and those who occupied positions of importance in the East and all Asia and held them in custody; these children he kept so that the governors might be led to |80 betray Niger in fear for the safety of their children, or, if they continued to favor his cause, envisaging the agony they would suffer if their children were killed, they might do something to protect them.
6. After the defeat at Cyzicus, the troops of Niger scattered far and wide; some fled into the mountains of Armenia, others into Galatia and Asia, hoping to reach the Taurus Mountains before the soldiers of Severus and take refuge behind the fortifications there. Meanwhile the army of Severus pressed on, passing through Cyzicus and advancing into neighboring Bithynia.
7. When the report of Severus' victory was made public, dissension immediately arose in the cities of all those provinces, not so much because of affection or good will toward the warring emperors but from mutual jealousy, envy, and hatred, together with indignation over the slaughter of their fellow citizens. 8. This is an ancient failing of the Greeks; the constant organizing of factions against each other and their eagerness to bring about the downfall of those who seem superior to them have ruined Greece. Their ancient quarrels and internal feuds had made them easy prey to the Macedonians and slaves to the Romans, and this curse of jealousy and envy has been handed down to the flourishing Greek cities of our own day. 9. Immediately after these events in Cyzicus, the Nicomedians in Bithynia announced their support of Severus; they sent envoys to him, welcomed his army, and promised to supply all his needs. The Niceans, on the other hand, because they hated the Nicomedians, welcomed the army of Niger, both the fugitives who came to them and the troops sent by Niger to defend Bithynia. 10. Then the soldiers on each side rushed forth from the two cities as if from regular army camps and crashed together; after a savage struggle, the supporters of Severus won a decisive victory. The adherents of Niger who survived the battle fled from |81 those regions and poured into the Taurus Mountains, where they blocked the passes and held the fortifications under guard. But Niger, leaving a force which he considered adequate for the defense of these barricades, hurried off to Antioch to collect troops and money.
CHAPTER III.
1. PASSING through Bithynia and Galatia, the army of Severus swept into Cappadocia; there it halted and put the defense works under siege. This was no small undertaking, however: the narrow rough road made an approach very difficult; and Niger's soldiers, fighting back bravely, stood upon the battlements and hurled stones down on the attackers. 2. Thus a few defenders easily held off a great number of attackers, for the narrow approach was protected on one side by a lofty mountain and on the other by a steep cliff which served as the channel of a waterfall formed by mountain streams. All these natural defenses had been utilized by Niger to block Severus' approach from any direction.
3. While these things were happening in Cappadocia, where mutual jealousy and enmity were general, the Laodiceans in Syria revolted from Niger because they hated the people of Antioch, and the people of Tyre in Phoenicia revolted because they hated the people of Berytus. When they learned that Niger was in headlong flight, the people of these two cities decided to risk stripping him of his honors and publicly proclaimed their support of Severus. 4. Niger learned of this action while he was in Antioch, and although up to this time he had been quite mild, he was now justifiably angered by their insolent defection and sent against them his Moroccan javelin men and some of the archers too, ordering them to kill everyone they met, loot the two cities, and burn them to the ground. 5. The Moroccans are the most brutal and |82 savage men in the world and are wholly indifferent to death or danger. Taking the Laodiceans by surprise, they destroyed the city and slaughtered the inhabitants. Then they hurried on to Tyre and, after much looting and killing, burned the whole city.
6. While these events were taking place in Syria and Niger was collecting an army, the troops of Severus pitched camp and besieged the fortifications in the Taurus Mountains. The soldiers were disheartened and discouraged, however; the defenses, protected by a mountain and a cliff, were strong and difficult to approach. 7. But when the army of Severus was about to abandon the siege and their opponents believed that their position was impregnable, rain suddenly fell in torrents during the night, and much snow along with it. (The winters are severe in Cappadocia and especially so in the Taurus Mountains.) A large and violent stream of water now poured down on the fortifications, which blocked the regular stream bed and checked the torrent; hence the current became deep and strong. Then Nature prevailed over man's handiwork, and the wall was unable to hold back the stream. The wall did briefly withstand the pressure of the water on its joints, but finally the foundations, which had been constructed hastily and without the usual care, were undermined by the torrent and the wall collapsed. The whole fortification was exposed, and the stream, leveling the area, breached the defense works. 8. When those on guard at the barricade saw what had happened, they feared that they would be surrounded and trapped by the rushing flood; abandoning their posts, they fled, since there was no longer anything to keep the enemy out. Delighted by this turn of events, the troops of Severus rejoiced, believing that they were under the guidance of divine providence; when they saw the guards fleeing in all directions they crossed the Taurus Mountains without difficulty or opposition and marched into Cilicia. |83
CHAPTER IV.
1. WHEN he learned what had happened, Niger collected a huge army, but one unused to battle and toil, and marched out in haste. A large number of men, especially the youths of Antioch, presented themselves for service in the campaign, risking their lives for him. The enthusiasm of his army naturally encouraged Niger, but his soldiers were much inferior to the Illyrians in skill and courage. 2. Both armies marched out to a flat, sweeping plain near a bay called Issus; there a ridge of hills forms a natural theater on this plain, and a broad beach slopes down to the sea, as if Nature had constructed a stadium for a battle. 3. It was there, they say, that Darius fought his last and greatest battle with Alexander and was defeated and captured when the West defeated the East.1 Even today a memorial and a monument of the victory remain: a city on the ridge, called Alexandria, and a bronze statue from which the region gets its name.
4. The armies of Severus and Niger not only met at that historic spot but the outcome of the battle was the same. The armies pitched camp opposite each other toward evening, and spent a sleepless night, anxious and afraid. With each of the generals urging his men on, the armies advanced to the attack at sunrise, fighting with savage fury, as if this were destined to be the final and decisive battle and Fortune would there choose one of them as emperor. 5. After the battle had continued for a long time with terrible slaughter, and the rivers which flowed through the plain were pouring more blood than water into the sea, the rout of the forces of the East began. Driving Niger's battered troops before them, |84 the Illyrians forced some of the fugitives into the sea; pursuing the rest as they rushed to the ridges, they slaughtered the fugitives, as well as a large number of men from the nearby towns and farms who had gathered to watch the battle from a safe vantage point.
6. Mounting a good horse, Niger fled with a few companions to Antioch. There he found the survivors of the rout, weeping and wailing, mourning the loss of sons and brothers. Niger now fled from Antioch in despair. Discovered hiding in the outskirts of the city, he was beheaded by the pursuing horsemen [A.D. 194].
7. Such was the fate Niger suffered, and he paid the penalty he deserved for his negligence and indecision. In other respects, however, they say that he was in no way despicable either as emperor or as man. Having eliminated Niger, Severus now put to death without mercy all the man's friends, whether they had supported him by choice or by necessity. When he learned that some of Niger's soldiers had managed to escape across the Tigris River and that, fearing the emperor, they were joining forces with the barbarians there, he induced a few to return, by granting them full pardon, but the majority of the fugitives remained in that alien land.
8. Thereafter, the battle tactics of the barbarians in those regions were much more effective against the close-quarter fighting of the Romans. Formerly, the barbarians did not use swords and spears in battle; they fought only as mounted archers. And instead of wearing full body armor, they rode in light, loose-fitting uniforms. Their method of fighting was to flee on horseback and shoot their arrows behind them. 9. But since the Roman fugitives were all soldiers, and there were technicians among those who elected to settle permanently across the Tigris River, the barbarians learned from them both the use and the manufacture of arms. |85
CHAPTER V.
1. AFTER settling Eastern affairs in what he thought was the most advantageous way, Severus wished to take the field immediately against the Atrenian king and invade Parthia also, charging both of these kings with friendship for Niger. He put off these projects until later, however, wishing to seize the Roman empire first and make it secure for himself and his sons. 2. Even though Niger had been eliminated, Severus considered Albinus still a menace. He now heard that this man, delighted with the title of Caesar, was acting more and more like an emperor; he was informed also that a great many men, particularly the most distinguished senators, were writing public and private letters to the Caesar, trying to persuade him to come to Rome while Severus was absent and occupied elsewhere. The fact is that the aristocracy much preferred Albinus as emperor because he belonged to a noble family and was reputed to have a mild nature. 3. When he learned of these developments, Severus declined to initiate open hostility against Albinus and start a war with him since he lacked a reasonable excuse for such action. He thought it best to try to eliminate his Caesar by tricking him without warning. 4. He therefore sent his most trusted imperial messengers to Britain with secret orders to hand Albinus the dispatches openly if they were admitted to his presence. They were then to ask him to meet them privately to receive secret instructions; when Albinus agreed to this and his bodyguards were not present, the messengers were to attack him without warning and cut him down. 5. Severus provided them with deadly poisons so that, if the opportunity presented itself, they might persuade one of his cooks or cupbearers to administer a dose in secret. 6. Albinus' advisers, however, were suspicious of the emperor's messengers, |86 and warned him to be on his guard against this cunning schemer. Severus' actions against Niger's governors had seriously damaged his reputation; after forcing them through their children to betray Niger, as has been related above, and after making good use of their assistance, he put them to death with their children after he had got from them everything he wanted. His actions on this occasion clearly revealed Severus' despicable character. 7. The efforts of Severus now led Albinus to increase the size of his bodyguard. None of the emperor's men was admitted into the Caesar's presence until he had first been stripped and searched for concealed weapons. 8. Now when the messengers from Severus arrived, they handed over the dispatches to Albinus openly and asked him to retire with them to receive secret orders. But Albinus, suspicious, had the men seized, and, putting them to torture privately, discovered the entire plot; after killing the messengers, he prepared to resist his revealed enemy.
CHAPTER VI.
1. WHEN he was informed of what had occurred, Severus took effective and energetic action; by nature quick to anger, he no longer concealed his hostility toward Albinus. Calling together the entire army, he spoke to them as follows:
"Let no one charge us with capricious inconsistency in our actions against Albinus, and let no one think that I am disloyal to this alleged friend or lacking in feeling toward him. 2. We gave this man everything, even a share of the established empire, a thing which a man would hardly do for his own brother. Indeed, I bestowed upon him that which you entrusted to me alone. Surely Albinus has shown little gratitude for the many benefits I have lavished upon him. 3. Now |87 he is collecting an army to take up arms against us, scornful of your valor and indifferent to his pledge of good faith to me, wishing in his insatiable greed to seize at the risk of disaster that which he has already received in part without war and without bloodshed, showing no respect for the gods by whom he has often sworn, and counting as worthless the labors you performed on our joint behalf with such courage and devotion to duty. 4. In what you accomplished, he also had a share, and he would have had an even greater share of the honor you gained for us both if he had only kept his word. For, just as it is unfair to initiate wrong actions, so also it is cowardly to make no defense against unjust treatment. Now when we took the field against Niger, we had reasons for our hostility, not entirely logical, perhaps, but inevitable. We did not hate him because he had seized the empire after it was already ours, but rather each one of us, motivated by an equal desire for glory, sought the empire for himself alone, when it was still in dispute and lay prostrate before all. 5. But Albinus has violated his pledges and broken his oaths, and although he received from me that which a man normally gives only to his son, he has chosen to be hostile rather than friendly and belligerent instead of peaceful. And just as we were generous to him previously and showered fame and honor upon him, so let us now punish him with our arms for his treachery and cowardice. 6. His army, small and island-bred, will not stand against your might. For you, who by your valor and readiness to act on your own behalf have been victorious in many battles and have gained control of the entire East, how can you fail to emerge victorious with the greatest of ease when you have so large a number of allies and when virtually the entire army is here. Whereas they, by contrast, are few in number and lack a brave and competent general to lead them. 7. Who does not know Albinus' effeminate nature? Who does not know that his way |88 of life has prepared him more for the chorus than for the battlefield? Let us therefore go forth against him with confidence, relying on our customary zeal and valor, with the gods as our allies, gods against whom he has acted impiously in breaking his oaths, and let us be mindful of the victories we have won, victories which that man ridicules."
8. When Severus had finished speaking, the entire army called Albinus enemy and shouted their approval of Severus, promising him their wholehearted support; as a result, he was inspired even more and encouraged to anticipate greater things. After making generous gifts to the soldiers, Severus publicly announced his expedition against Albinus. 9. He also sent troops to continue the siege of Byzantium, which was still under blockade because the soldiers of Niger had fled there. At a later date Byzantium was captured as a result of famine, and the entire city was razed. Stripped of its theaters and baths and, indeed, of all adornments, the city, now only a village, was given to the Perinthians to be subject to them; in the same way Antioch was given to the Laodiceans. Severus made available a huge sum of money for rebuilding the cities destroyed by Niger's soldiers. 10. The emperor himself set out on the march, scorning heat and cold alike, and gave the army no respite for holidays or rest. Often when he was journeying through very high and very cold mountains, the emperor strode along bareheaded through rain and snow, setting an example of courage and constancy for his soldiers, who endured hardships not only from fear and from training but also in imitation of their emperor. Severus sent a general ahead with a unit of soldiers to seize the passes of the Alps and guard the approaches to Italy. |89
CHAPTER VII.
1. WHEN it was reported that Severus was not merely threatening to come but would soon appear in person, Albinus was in a state of complete confusion amid the negligence and revelry. Crossing over to the mainland of Gaul opposite Britain, he established his headquarters there. He then sent messages to the governors of the provinces ordering them to provide food and money for his army. Some obeyed and sent supplies, to their own destruction, since they suffered for it later; those who did not obey him saved themselves, more by luck than good judgment. The outcome of the affair and the fortunes of war determined the wisdom of each decision. 2. When the army of Severus came to Gaul, a few minor skirmishes occurred here and there, but the final battle was fought near the large and prosperous city of Lugdunum [Lyon]. Albinus shut himself up in that city, remaining behind when he sent the army out to do battle. A major engagement developed, and for a long time each side's chances of victory were equal, for in courage and ruthlessness the soldiers from Britain were in no way inferior to the soldiers from Illyria. When these two magnificent armies were locked in combat, it was no easy matter to put either one to flight. 3. As some contemporary historians recorded— saying it not to curry favor but in the interests of accuracy —the division of the army stationed opposite the sector where Severus and his command were fighting proved far superior; the emperor slipped from his horse and fled, managing to escape by throwing off the imperial cloak. But while the soldiers from Britain were pursuing the Illyrians, chanting paeans of praise as if they were already victorious, they say that Laetus, one of Severus' generals, appeared with the troops under his command fresh and not yet committed in |90 the battle. 4. The historians accuse Laetus of watching the progress of the battle and deliberately waiting, holding his troops out of the fighting and appearing only after he was informed that Severus had been beaten. The aftermath of the affair substantiates the charge that Laetus coveted the empire himself. Later, when Severus had set everything straight and was living an orderly life, he gave generous rewards to the rest of his commanders, but Laetus alone he put to death, as seems reasonable under the circumstances, considering the general's past performances. 5. All this happened at a much later date, however. On this occasion, when Laetus appeared with fresh troops, as has been related above, Severus' soldiers, taking heart, wrapped the emperor in the imperial cloak again and mounted him on his horse. 6. But Albinus' soldiers, thinking that the victory was theirs, now found themselves in disorder when this powerful and as yet uncommitted army suddenly attacked; after a brief resistance they broke and ran. When the rout became general, Severus' soldiers pursued and slaughtered the fugitives until they drove them into Lugdunum. Each contemporary historian has recorded to suit his own purpose the actual number of those killed and captured on each side. 7. The emperor's troops captured Lugdunum and burned it. When they caught Albinus they cut off his head and sent it to Severus [A.D. 197]. The emperor thus won two magnificent victories, one in the East and one in the West. No battles and no victories can be compared to those of Severus, and no army to the size of his army; there are no comparable uprisings among nations, or total number of campaigns, or length and speed of marches.
8. Momentous indeed were the battles of Caesar against Pompey, when Roman fought Roman; equally momentous were the battles fought by Augustus against Antony and the sons of Pompey, and the struggles of Sulla and Marius at an earlier date, in the Roman civil and foreign wars. But here is one |91 man who overthrew three emperors after they were already ruling, and got the upper hand over the praetorians by a trick: he succeeded in killing Julianus, the man in the imperial palace; Niger, who had previously governed the people of the East and was saluted as emperor by the Roman people; and Albinus, who had already been awarded the honor and authority of Caesar. He prevailed over them all by his courage. It is not possible to name another like Severus.
Such was the fate suffered by Albinus, who was stripped of the honor which destroyed him after a brief time.
CHAPTER VIII.
1. THEN the angry emperor took vengeance upon Albinus' friends at Rome. He sent the man's head to the city and ordered that it be displayed. When he reported his victory in dispatches, he added a note stating that he had sent Albinus' head to be put on public view so that the people might know the extent of his anger against them. 2. After settling affairs in Britain, he divided this region into two provinces, each under its own governor.2 When he had also arranged matters in Gaul in what he considered the most advantageous way, he put all the friends of Albinus to death and confiscated their property, indifferent to whether they had supported the man by choice or by necessity. He then took his entire army to Rome in order to inspire the utmost terror there. 3. When he had completed the journey at his usual rapid pace, he entered Rome, raging at Albinus' surviving friends. The citizens, carrying laurel branches, welcomed him with all honor and praise; the senate also came out to greet him, most of them standing before him in abject dread, convinced that he |92 would not spare their lives. Since his malevolence, a natural character trait, was deadly even when he had little provocation, now that he seemed to have every reason to treat them harshly, the members of the senate were terror-stricken.
4. After visiting the temple of Jupiter and offering sacrifices in the rest of the shrines, Severus entered the imperial palace. In honor of all his victories he made generous gifts to the people; distributing large sums of money to the soldiers, he granted them many privileges which they had not previously enjoyed. 5. He was the first emperor to increase their food rations, to allow them to wear gold finger rings, and to permit them to live with their wives; these were indulgences hitherto considered harmful to military discipline and the proper conduct of war. Severus was also the first emperor to make a change in the harsh and healthy diet of the soldiers and to undermine their resolution in the face of severe hardships; moreover, he weakened their strict discipline and respect for their superiors by teaching them to covet money and by introducing them to luxurious living.
6. Having arranged these matters in the way he thought best, Severus went into the senate house and, mounting the imperial throne, launched a bitter attack upon the friends of Albinus, producing secret letters of theirs which he had found among the man's private correspondence. He blamed some for the extravagant gifts they had sent to Albinus, and brought other charges against the rest, complaining about the friendship of the men of the East for Niger and the support of the men of the West for Albinus. 7. Then, without warning, he put to death all the eminent senators of that day, together with those men in the provinces who were noted for ancestry or wealth, pretending that he was avenging himself upon his enemies, when the truth was that he was driven by an insatiable lust for money; no other emperor was ever so greedy for gold. 8. Although in his steadfastness of purpose, |93 his endurance of toil, and his management of military affairs he was inferior to none of the respected emperors, still his love of money acquired unjustly and from murder done without provocation became an obsession with the man. His subjects submitted from fear rather than affection. 9. He did try, however, to do what would please the people; he staged costly spectacles of every kind, killing on numerous occasions hundreds of animals of every species collected from all parts of the empire and from foreign lands as well, in connection with which he distributed lavish gifts. He held triumphal games for which he summoned dramatic actors and skilled athletes from every quarter. 10. In his reign we saw every kind of show exhibited in all the theaters simultaneously, as well as night-long revels celebrated in imitation of the Mysteries.3 The people of that day called them the Secular Games when they learned that they would be held only once every hundred years. Heralds were sent throughout Rome and Italy bidding all to come and see what they had never seen before and would never see again. It was thus made clear that the amount of time which elapsed between one celebration of the Secular Games and the next far exceeded the total span of any man's life.4
CHAPTER IX.
1. SEVERUS now remained in Rome for a long time, during which his sons were partners with him in governing the empire. He was then seized with a desire to win glory for victories not only over fellow countrymen and Roman armies but also barbarians; using as an excuse for his action the friendship shown to Niger by Barsemius, king of the |94 Atrenians, he led his army off to the East. 2. When he arrived there his intention was to invade Armenia also. But the king of the Armenians forestalled him by sending money, gifts, and hostages to support his plea for peace and by promising pacts and good will. After affairs in Armenia had thus turned out to his satisfaction, Severus marched against the Atrenian kingdom. At this time Abgarus, the Osroenian king, fled to Severus and gave him his children as a guaranty of his support; he also brought a great number of archers to fight in the Roman army.
3. After passing through the region between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers and the country of the Adiabenes, Severus hurried on into Arabia Felix, the country which produces the fragrant plants we use in our perfumes and incense. When he had destroyed many towns and villages there and had plundered the countryside, he came into the territory of the Atrenians, where he encamped and laid siege to the city of Hatra. 4. This city, located on top of a lofty mountain, was surrounded by a high, strong wall manned by many bowmen. After making camp, Severus' soldiers pressed the siege with all the power at their command, endeavoring to capture the city. Engines of every type were brought up to the wall, and all the known tactics were tried. 5. The Atrenians fought back bravely; pouring down a steady stream of stones and arrows, they did considerable damage to the army of Severus. Making clay pots, they filled them with winged insects, little poisonous flying creatures. When these were hurled down on the besiegers, the insects fell into the Romans' eyes and on all the unprotected parts of their bodies; digging in before they were noticed, they bit and stung the soldiers. 6. The Romans found the air at Hatra intolerable, stifling from the hot sun; they fell sick and died, and more casualties resulted from disease than from enemy action.
7. When the army, for the reasons mentioned above, had |95 abandoned all hope and the siege was at a stalemate, with the Romans losing instead of gaining ground, Severus led his troops away unsuccessful, fearing that he would lose his entire army.5 The soldiers were unhappy that the siege had not turned out as successfully as they wished; 8. accustomed to victory in all their battles, they believed that failure to win was actually defeat. But Fortune, by furthering his affairs at this time, provided Severus a measure of consolation; he did not return home without some success, and the truth is that he accomplished more than he had expected. 9. The army, sailing in a large number of ships, was not borne to its intended destination on Roman-held shores, but after the current had carried the fleet a great distance, the legions disembarked on Parthian beaches at a spot within a few days' march of the road leading to Ctesiphon, where the royal palace of the Parthians was located. There the king was spending his time peacefully, thinking that the battles between Severus and the Atrenians were no concern of his. 10. But the troops of the emperor, brought by the current to these shores against their will, landed and plundered the region, driving off for food all the cattle they found and burning all the villages as they passed. After proceeding a short distance, they stood at the gates of Ctesiphon, the capital city of the great king Artabanus. 11. The Romans fell upon the unsuspecting barbarians, killing all who opposed them. Taking captive the women and children, they looted the entire city. After the king fled with a few horsemen, the Romans plundered the treasuries, seized the ornaments and jewels, and marched off.
12. Thus, more by luck than good judgment, Severus won the glory of a Parthian victory. And since these affairs turned out more successfully than he had any reason to hope, he sent dispatches to the senate and the people, extolling his exploits, and he had paintings of his battles and victories |96 put on public display. The senate voted him the titles formed from the names of the conquered nations, as well as all the rest of the usual honors.
CHAPTER X.
1. WHEN he had settled affairs in the East, Severus returned to Rome, bringing with him his sons, who were then about eighteen years of age. On the journey he handled provincial problems as each situation demanded, and paid a visit to the troops in Moesia and Pannonia. His trip completed, he was welcomed as "Conqueror" by the Roman people with extravagant praise and adoration. 2. He then staged wild-animal shows for the people and celebrated, with merrymaking, holidays, festivals, and spectacles. After distributing lavish gifts and observing the customary festivities associated with a triumph, Severus remained in Rome for a number of years, presiding regularly in the courts, attending to civil matters, seeing to his sons' education, and keeping the youths under control. 3. But the lads (for they were already young men) were corrupted by the luxury and vice in Rome and by their boundless enthusiasm for shows, dancing, and chariot-driving. The two brothers were contentious from the beginning; as children they had been rivals over quail fights and cockfights, and had had the usual childish quarrels. 4. Now their passion for shows and concerts made them constant competitors. Their followers and companions kept them at odds by fawning upon them and urging them to compete in enjoying youthful pleasures. When he was informed of this, Severus tried to reconcile his sons and keep them in hand.
5. Before his admission to the imperial ruling company, the elder son had the name Bassianus, but when he had the good fortune to receive the honor of a share in the imperial power, |97 Severus called the youth Antoninus,6 wishing him to bear the name of Marcus. He also gave him a wife in the hope that marriage would mature him somewhat; the girl was the daughter of Plautianus, the praetorian prefect. 6. As a youth this Plautianus had been a poor man (some say he was banished after being convicted of treason and many other crimes), but he was a fellow countryman of the emperor (Severus was also from Libya) and, as some say, he was related to the emperor; there are those too who charge him with being something worse, saying that when he was in the prime of youth he was the emperor's beloved. Consequently, Severus raised the man from a position of small and negligible honor to a post of great authority; by giving him the property of condemned men, he made Plautianus enormously wealthy. The emperor in fact shared the rule with no one except this man. 7. Taking advantage of his authority, Plautianus left no act of violence undone and thus became more feared than any of the prefects before him. Severus united the two families by the marriage of his son to the daughter of Plautianus.
8. But Caracalla took no pleasure at all in this union, since he had married by compulsion, not by choice. He was exceedingly hostile to the girl, and to her father too, and refused to sleep or even eat with his wife; the truth is that he loathed her and daily promised to kill her and her father as soon as he became sole ruler of the empire. She reported these threats to her father and aroused his fury by stories of her husband's rancor. |98
CHAPTER XI.
1. OBSERVING that Severus was now old and constantly racked by disease, while Caracalla was a rash and reckless youth, Plautianus, in fear of these threats, elected to act first rather than to delay and suffer at his son-in-law's hands.
2. Moreover, a number of things encouraged him to aspire to control of the empire: more money than anyone had ever seen before, his own personal army,7 honors from the emperor, and his public attire. He wore the toga with the purple border and held rank equal to that of men who had twice served as consul; also he wore a sword. The prefect was the only official whose appearance suggested his importance. 3. He was an object of dread when he appeared in public; not only did no one approach him, but even those who came upon him by chance turned aside to avoid him. The guards who preceded him did not allow anyone to stand near or to stare at him; all were ordered to step aside and keep their eyes fixed on the ground.
Severus was far from pleased when these matters were brought to his attention; he now became stern and harsh with Plautianus and tried to curb his excessive ostentation by depriving him of some of his authority. 4. Plautianus refused to tolerate this reduction of power; bold enough to plot for the empire, he devised the following plan. In the Praetorian Guard was a tribune named Saturninus. This officer was devoted to the prefect; in fact, all his officers were devoted to Plautianus, but he had won the favor of the tribune by treating him with greater affection. Believing that Saturninus was the most trustworthy of the praetorian officers and the only one capable of using discretion and of carrying out secret orders, Plautianus summoned the man to him one |99 evening after the rest had gone to bed. 5. "Now you have an opportunity," he said, "to bring to a proper climax the good will and devotion you have always shown me, and I equally have an opportunity to repay you as you deserve and do you a comparable favor in return. The choice is yours either to become what you now see me to be and to secure this office of authority by succeeding me, or to die here and now, paying the penalty for disobedience. 6. Do not by any means be overawed by the enormity of the deed I propose, and do not be disturbed by the title of emperor. You are the only one who can go into the room where the emperor and his son are sleeping, since you are in charge of the regular rounds of the night unit of the guard. Whatever you intend to do, you will do secretly and without interference; do not wait for me to issue the orders before you obey them. 7. Go immediately to the imperial palace and, pretending to be carrying secret orders from me, go in and kill them. Show your courage by dispatching with ease an old man and a mere boy. And for sharing the risk and the danger, you will also share the highest honors when the deed is successfully done."
8. The tribune was astounded and perplexed by this proposal, but he was a man accustomed to keeping his wits about him (he was a Syrian, and the men from the East are rather more cunning in their thinking); observing the fury which gripped his commanding officer and well aware of his power, he did not oppose him, not wishing to be killed over these matters. Pretending therefore to be hearing things long prayed for and warmly welcomed, the tribune prostrated himself before Plautianus as if he were already emperor and begged him for a written memorandum ordering the murder. 9. If a man were condemned to death without a trial, the tyrants customarily put the order in writing so that the sentence might not be carried out solely on verbal authority. Blinded by his ambition, Plautianus gave the tribune a directive in |100 writing and sent him off to commit the murders. He further ordered Saturninus, after killing the emperor and his son, to summon him, before the deed became known, that he might be in the palace before anyone realized that he was seizing the empire.
CHAPTER XII.
1. AGREEING to those proposals, the tribune made his customary rounds through the entire imperial palace without interference. But knowing that it would be impossible for him to kill two emperors, especially since they were housed in different parts of the palace, Saturninus stood outside the bedroom of Severus and, summoning the imperial household guards, demanded to be taken to the emperor so that he might give him information involving his safety. The guards reported the matter to Severus and were ordered to bring the tribune before him. 2. The tribune approached the emperor and said: "I have come to you, Master, as the man who sent me well knows, to be your assassin and murderer, but I hope and pray that I will be instead your benefactor and savior. Plautianus, scheming to seize the empire, ordered me to murder you and your son, and he issued this order not in words alone but in writing. This memorandum is my witness. I undertook the assignment because I was afraid that if I refused it he would entrust the task to someone else, and I have come here to disclose these matters to you so that his intrigues may not remain undetected." 3. But even though Saturninus made these charges with much weeping, Severus was not immediately convinced. On the contrary, since he had great affection for the prefect, he suspected that the affair was a trick of some sort to deceive him; he believed that his son, in his hatred of the prefect and his daughter, had contrived a slanderous and fatal plot against |101 the man. 4. The emperor therefore sent for his son and reprimanded him for having devised such a scheme against a man kindly disposed toward the emperor and his intimate friend as well. At first Caracalla swore on his honor that he knew nothing about what the tribune was saying; but when the man insisted and produced the memorandum, the young emperor encouraged him, urging him to prove the truth of his charges. Realizing his danger and fearing the emperor's affection for Plautianus, the tribune now knew that if the plot remained confused and unproved, he could expect a death that would not be accidental. 5. "Master," he said, "do you wish stronger proof or clearer evidence of some sort? Then allow me to go to the front of the palace and reveal to one of the men loyal to me that the murder is done. Trusting me, Plautianus will come here in the belief that he is occupying the deserted palace. When he arrives, it will be your task to discover the truth. Order complete silence about the palace so that the plan may not be upset by being previously discovered."
6. After making this proposal, the tribune ordered one of his most trusted men to carry a message to the prefect telling him to come to the palace as quickly as possible. The messenger was to say that both emperors were dead, and it was imperative that the prefect be inside the palace before the news was reported to the people. Then, with the Palatine Hill in his hands and the succession already settled, all the Romans, willingly or unwillingly, would offer allegiance not to an emperor to be chosen but to one already established. 7. Believing this message, and with high hopes, Plautianus, though it was late at night, put on a breastplate beneath his robe for protection, mounted a chariot, and drove to the palace at top speed, accompanied by a few friends who were with him when the messenger came and who thought that he had received an emergency summons from the emperors. 8. Plautianus entered the palace unchallenged, since the guards were unaware of what was taking place. The tribune came forward to meet the prefect and set a trap for him: saluting Plautianus as emperor and taking him by the hand in the customary fashion under the circumstances, Saturninus led him into the bedroom where he said the bodies of the emperors had been thrown. 9. Severus had already alerted some of the younger bodyguards to seize the prefect as he entered the room. Then Plautianus, who had expected a far different reception, was caught and held fast. When he saw both emperors standing before him, he was terror-stricken, and pleaded with them, trying to defend himself and swearing that it was all a mistake, a plot, a conspiracy against him.
10. When Severus reproached him with the many favors he had done him and the many honors he had awarded him, and Plautianus in his turn reminded the emperor of his previous loyalty and good will, Severus was beginning to believe the prefect until his robe fell open and revealed the breastplate beneath it. When he saw the armor, Caracalla, who was bold and quick to act and naturally hated the man, spoke up:
"How would you explain these two facts? 11. First, that you came unordered to your emperors at night, and second, that you came here wearing that breastplate? Who goes to a feast or a revel in full armor?" After saying this, Caracalla ordered the tribune and the other praetorians present to draw their swords and kill this proven enemy. 12. Obeying without delay the young emperor's orders, they killed Plautianus and threw his body into the street, so that the affair might be clear to all and he would be vilified by those who despised him.
Such was the fate of Plautianus, who, maddened by his greed to have everything, was betrayed in the end by a faithless subordinate. |102
CHAPTER XIII.
1. AFTER this time, Severus appointed two praetorian prefects. The emperor passed most of the remainder of his life on the imperial estates near the city and along the coast of Campania, presiding in the courts and attending to imperial affairs. He wished to keep his sons away from the luxury at Rome and wanted them to have the benefits of a wholesome life, especially when he observed that they were taking far more interest in shows than was proper for those of imperial rank. 2. Because of their enthusiasm for these pastimes and the rivalry which kept them at odds and openly hostile, the brothers were in a constant state of turmoil, strife, and enmity. Caracalla became especially intolerable after he had removed Plautianus. Respect for his father and fear of him kept the youth from taking drastic action, but he plotted death in every form for his wife, Plautianus' daughter. 3. Severus, however, sent the girl and her brother to Sicily, providing them with sufficient funds to live in comfort there. In doing this he was following the example of Augustus, who treated Antony's children in this way even though Antony was his enemy. Severus tried constantly to reconcile his sons and persuade them to live in peace and harmony. He kept reminding them of tales and plays of old, telling them time and again of the misfortunes suffered by royal brothers as a result of dissension. 4. He showed them the treasuries and temples, overflowing with riches; he made it clear that they would never have to scheme abroad for money and power; resources at home were so plentiful that they could pay the soldiers with lavish generosity. The garrison at Rome had been quadrupled,8 and the army encamped |103 before the city was so powerful that there remained no foreign army strong enough to rival it in number of troops, in physical prowess, or in the amount of money available for pay.
5. He told them, however, that all these were of no advantage to them as long as they remained hostile to each other and friction continued between them. By saying such things at every opportunity, now pleading, now rebuking, Severus tried to keep his sons under control and bring them into agreement. But the youths paid absolutely no attention to him; they rebelled and spent their time in pursuits even more reprehensible. 6. Since they were vigorous youths and their imperial authority gave them an insatiable appetite for pleasures, each had his own group of loyal followers; these not only gratified the youths' desires and their enthusiasm for disgraceful practices, but they also constantly found new vices to bring pleasure to their favorite and chagrin to his brother. But Severus punished these parasites whenever he caught them performing such services.
CHAPTER XIV.
1. IN THE midst of the emperor's distress at the kind of life his sons were leading and their disgraceful obsession with shows, the governor of Britain informed Severus by dispatches that the barbarians there were in revolt and overrunning the country, looting and destroying virtually everything on the island. He told Severus that he needed either a stronger army for the defense of the province or the presence of the emperor himself. 2. Severus was delighted with this news: glory-loving by nature, he wished to win victories over the Britons to add to the victories and titles of honor he had won in the East and the West. But he wished even more to take his sons away from Rome so that they might settle down in the soldier's life under military discipline, far from the |104 luxuries and pleasures in Rome. And so, although he was now well advanced in years and crippled with arthritis, Severus announced his expedition to Britain, and in his heart he was more enthusiastic than any youth. 3. During the greater part of the journey he was carried in a litter, but he never remained very long in one place and never stopped to rest. He arrived with his sons at the coast sooner than anyone anticipated, outstripping the news of his approach. He crossed the channel and landed in Britain; levying soldiers from all these areas, he raised a powerful army and made preparations for the campaign.
4. Disconcerted by the emperor's sudden arrival, and realizing that this huge army had been assembled to make war upon them, the Britons sent envoys to Severus to discuss terms of peace, anxious to make amends for their previous errors. 5. Seeking to prolong the war so as to avoid a quick return to Rome, and still wishing to gain a victory over the Britons and the title of honor too, Severus dismissed the envoys, refusing their offers, and continued his preparations for the war. He especially saw to it that dikes were provided in the marshy regions so that the soldiers might advance safely by running on these earth causeways and fight on a firm, solid footing. 6. Most of the regions of Britain are marshy, since they are flooded continually by the tides of the ocean; the barbarians are accustomed to swimming or wading through these waist-deep marsh pools; since they go about naked, they are unconcerned about muddying their bodies. 7. Strangers to clothing, the Britons wear ornaments of iron at their waists and throats; considering iron a symbol of wealth, they value this metal as other barbarians value gold. They tattoo their bodies with colored designs and drawings of all kinds of animals; for this reason they do not wear clothes, which would conceal the decorations on their bodies. 8. Extremely savage and warlike, they are armed only with a spear and a |105 narrow shield, plus a sword that hangs suspended by a belt from their otherwise naked bodies. They do not use breastplates or helmets, considering them encumbrances in crossing the marshes. For all these reasons, Severus prepared whatever he thought would be of advantage to the Roman army and whatever would harass the barbarians and hamper their attacks.
9. When it seemed to him that all was in readiness for the campaign, Severus left the younger of his two sons, Geta, in the section of the province under Roman control; he instructed him to administer justice and attend to imperial affairs, leaving with him as advisers his more elderly friends. Then, accompanied by Caracalla, the emperor marched out against the barbarians. 10. After the troops had crossed the rivers and the earthworks which marked the boundary of the Roman empire in this region,9 frequent battles and skirmishes occurred, and in these the Romans were victorious. But it was easy for the Britons to slip away; putting their knowledge of the surrounding area to good use, they disappeared in the woods and marshes. The Romans' unfamiliarity with the terrain prolonged the war.
CHAPTER XV.
1. NOW a more serious illness attacked the aged emperor and forced him to remain in his quarters; he undertook, however, to send his son out to direct the campaign. Caracalla, however, paid little attention to the war, but rather attempted to gain control of the army. Trying to persuade the soldiers to look to him alone for orders, he courted sole rule in every possible way, including slanderous attacks upon his brother. 2. Considering his father, who had been ill for a |106 long time and slow to die, a burdensome nuisance, he tried to persuade the physicians to harm the old man in their treatments so that he would be rid of him more quickly. After a short time, however, Severus died, succumbing chiefly to grief, after having achieved greater glory in military affairs than any of the emperors who had preceded him. 3. No emperor before Severus won such outstanding victories either in civil wars against political rivals or in foreign wars against barbarians. Thus Severus died [A.D. 211] after ruling for eighteen years, and was succeeded by his young sons, to whom he left an invincible army and more money than any emperor had ever left to his successors.
4. After his father's death, Caracalla seized control and immediately began to murder everyone in the court; he killed the physicians who had refused to obey his orders to hasten the old man's death and also murdered those men who had reared his brother and himself because they persisted in urging him to live at peace with Geta. He did not spare any of the men who had attended his father or were held in esteem by him. 5. He undertook secretly to bribe the troop commanders by gifts and lavish promises, to induce them to persuade the army to accept him as sole emperor, and he tried every trick he knew against his brother. He failed to win the backing of the soldiers, however, for they remembered Severus and knew that the youths had been one and the same to him, and had been reared as equals from childhood; consequently they gave each brother the same support and loyalty. 6. When the soldiers refused to uphold him, Caracalla signed a treaty with the barbarians, offering them peace and accepting their pledges of good faith. And now he abandoned this alien land and returned to his brother and mother. When the boys were together again, their mother tried to reconcile them, as did also men of repute and the friends of Severus who were their advisers. 7. Since all these opposed his wishes, Caracalla, |107 from necessity, not from choice, agreed to live with Geta in peace and friendship, but this was pretended, not sincere. Thus, with both of them managing imperial affairs with equal authority, the two youths prepared to sail from Britain and take their father's remains to Rome. After burning his body and putting the ashes, together with perfumes, into an alabaster urn, they accompanied this urn to Rome and placed it in the sacred mausoleum of the emperors.10 8. They now crossed the channel with the army and landed as conquerors on the opposite shore of Gaul.
How Severus came to the end of his life and how his sons succeeded him in the imperial power, I have described in this book.
[Footnotes moved to end]
1. 1 Herodian is in error on all points here. Issus was neither the last nor the most decisive battle in the Persian campaign, and Darius was never captured alive by Alexander.
2. 2 The army of Britain—three legions—was too large to be entrusted safely to the command of one governor. It was Severus' general policy to allow no governor of a province more than two legions.
3. 3 The Eleusinian Mysteries are the most famous of these orgiastic rites celebrated in secret in honor of Demeter and Dionysus.
4. 4The saeculum, the longest span of human life, was fixed for the games of Severus in 204 as one hundred ten years.
5. 5Hatra also successfully withstood a siege by Trajan. Cf. Dio 75.31.1-4.
6. 6 I have regularly substituted the more familiar "Caracalla" for Herodian's "Antoninus."
7. 7 The Praetorian Guard.
8. 8 Almost surely an exaggeration. Severus did not increase the number of praetorian cohorts and added only one urban cohort.
9. 9 The turf wall from the Firth of Forth to the Firth of Clyde built by Antoninus Pius in 142.
10. 10 The tomb of Hadrian beside the Tiber River.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2007. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: herodian_04_book .htm
Herodian of Antioch, History of the Roman Empire (1961) pp.108-134. Book 4.
Herodian of Antioch, History of the Roman Empire (1961) pp.108-134. Book 4.
Chapter I
Chapter II
Chapter III
Chapter IV
Chapter V
Chapter VI
Chapter VII
Chapter VIII
Chapter IX
Chapter X
Chapter XI
Chapter XII
Chapter XIII
Chapter XIV
Chapter XV
BOOK FOUR
CARACALLA
CHAPTER I.
1. THE activities of Severus during his eighteen years as emperor I have recounted in the preceding book. His sons, who were now young men, quarreled continually on the return journey to Rome with their mother. They did not use the same lodgings or even dine together, since they were extremely suspicious of all they ate and drank; each feared that the other would secretly get prior access to the kitchens and bribe the servants to use poison. 2. This fear led the youths to complete the journey with even greater haste; for they believed that they would be safer in Rome where, by dividing the palace between them, each could manage his own affairs as he pleased in the most spacious dwelling in the entire city.
3. When they arrived in Rome, the people welcomed them with laurel branches and the senate, too, came out to greet them. The two youths headed the procession, wearing the imperial purple; the consuls for that year followed, carrying the urn which held the ashes of Severus. Then those who had come out to greet the young emperors passed by the urn |110 and paid their respects to the emperor. 4. The procession escorted the urn to the mausoleum where the remains of Marcus and his imperial predecessors are to be seen. After performing the rites prescribed for new emperors, the youths entered the imperial palace. 5. Each brother now took up residence in his half of the palace. Barricading the inner doors, they used in common only the public outer doors. Caracalla and Geta stationed their own private guards and were never seen together except briefly during their infrequent public appearances. But before doing anything else, the emperors performed the funeral rites for their father.
CHAPTER II.
1. IT IS the Roman custom to elevate to divine status those emperors who at their death leave sons or designated successors; they call this honor deification. To begin with, public mourning, a combination of festive feeling and religious ceremony, is observed throughout the entire city. 2. After a costly funeral, the body of the emperor is interred in the customary fashion. But then a wax image is fashioned in the exact likeness of the corpse and placed on a large, high couch of ivory draped with coverings embroidered with gold. This wax figure lies on the couch like a sick man, pale and wan.
3. During most of the day people sit on each side of the couch; on the left is the entire senate, clad in black; on the right are all the women who, because of their husbands' or their fathers' positions, are entitled to honor and respect. None of these women wear gold ornaments or necklaces; each affects the plain white garments associated with mourning. 4. The various ceremonies mentioned above continue for seven days. Every day the physicians come and visit the couch; after pretending to examine the sick man, they announce daily that his condition is growing steadily worse. When it |111 appears that he is dead, the noblest of the Equestrians and picked young senators lift the couch and carry it along the Sacred Way to the Old Forum,1 where the Roman magistrates give up their authority. 5. Tiers of seats are erected on each side of the couch: on one side sits a chorus of children from the noblest and most distinguished families; on the other, a chorus of women who seem to deserve respect. In honor of the dead man each choral group sings hymns and paeans arranged in solemn and mournful measures. 6. The couch is then carried out of the city to the Campus Martius, where, in the widest part of the plain, a square building has been constructed entirely of huge wooden beams in the shape of a house. 7. The whole interior of this building is filled with firewood; and on the outside it is decorated with gold-embroidered hangings, ivory figures, colored paintings. Upon this structure rests a smaller second story, similar in shape and decoration, with open windows and doors. And there is a third and a fourth story, each smaller than the one beneath it; finally, the smallest story of all tops this structure. 8. The building may be compared in shape to the lighthouses along the coast which by the light of their fires bring to safety ships in distress at night. The common name for such a lighthouse is Pharos.2 They bring the couch to this structure and carry it up to the second story; then they add every kind of perfume and incense the earth provides, together with all the fruits, herbs, and juices that are gathered for their fragrance. 9. Every province, every city, every man of fame and distinction is happy to furnish these last gifts in the emperor's honor. After a huge pile of aromatic material is collected, and the structure is completely filled, a cavalry exhibition is staged around the building; the entire Equestrian cavalry circles around it, following a fixed |112 rotating pattern in the Pyrrhic choruses and maneuvers.3 10. Chariots, too, are driven around the building in similar formations by drivers in purple robes; these chariots carry statues whose faces are those of Romans who fought or ruled in distinguished fashion. When these rites have been completed, the emperor's successor puts a torch to the structure, after which the people set it on fire on all sides. The flames easily and quickly consume the enormous pile of fire-wood and fragrant stuffs. 11. From the topmost and smallest story, as if from a battlement, an eagle flies forth, soaring with the flames into the sky; the Romans believe that this eagle carries the soul of the emperor from the earth up to heaven. Thereafter the emperor is worshiped with the rest of the gods.
CHAPTER III.
1. AFTER completing this ceremony of deification for their father, the youths returned to the palace. Open hostility followed, as they nurtured their hatred and hatched their plots. Each did everything in his power to eliminate his brother and secure the empire for himself alone. 2. The honored and respected men of the city held divided opinions. Each of the youths privately solicited their support in secret letters, trying to win them by lavish promises. The majority favored Geta, who showed some evidence of a reasonable disposition, since he conducted himself mildly and moderately toward those who visited him, and devoted his time to the more serious pursuits. 3. He studied with men respected for their learning and exercised frequently at the wrestling schools and the various gymnasia. Because he was kind and courteous to his associates and had an excellent reputation |113 and good name, he won the friendship and good will of most of the Romans. 4. By contrast, Caracalla was harsh and savage in everything he did, scorning the pursuits mentioned above, and pretending a devotion to the military and martial life. Since he did everything in anger and used threats instead of persuasion, his friends were bound to him by fear, not by affection.
As the brothers were now completely at odds in even the most trivial matters, their mother undertook to effect a reconciliation. 5. And at that time they concluded that it was best to divide the empire, to avoid remaining in Rome and continuing their intrigues. Summoning the advisers appointed by their father, with their mother present too, they decided to partition the empire: Caracalla to have all Europe, and Geta all the lands lying opposite Europe, the region known as Asia. 6. For, they said, the two continents were separated by the Propontic Gulf as if by divine foresight. It was agreed that Caracalla establish his headquarters at Byzantium, with Geta's at Chalcedon in Bithynia; the two stations, on opposite sides of the straits, would guard each empire and prevent any crossings at that point. They decided too that it was best that the European senators remain in Rome, and those from the Asiatic regions accompany Geta. 7. For his capital city, Geta said that either Antioch or Alexandria would be suitable, since, in his opinion, neither city was much inferior in size to Rome. Of the Southern provinces, the lands of the Moroccans, the Numidians, and the adjacent Libyans were given to Caracalla, and the regions east of these peoples were allotted to Geta. 8. While they were engaged in cleaving the empire, all the rest kept their eyes fixed on the ground, but Julia cried out: "Earth and sea, my children, you have found a way to divide, and, as you say, the Propontic Gulf separates the continents. But your mother, how would you parcel her? How am I, unhappy, |114 wretched—how am I to be torn and ripped asunder for the pair of you? Kill me first, and after you have claimed your share, let each one perform the funeral rites for his portion. Thus would I, too, together with earth and sea, be partitioned between you." 9. After saying this, amid tears and lamentations, Julia stretched out her hands and, clasping them both in her arms, tried to reconcile them. And with all pitying her, the meeting adjourned and the project was abandoned. Each youth returned to his half of the imperial palace.
CHAPTER IV.
1. BUT the hatred and dissension between them continued to grow. If it became necessary to appoint a governor or a magistrate, each wished to select a friend for the post. If they sat as judges, they handed down dissenting opinions, often to the ruin of those on trial; for rivalry counted more than justice to these two. Even at the shows the brothers took opposite sides. 2. They tried every sort of intrigue; each, for example, attempted to persuade the other's cooks and cupbearers to administer some deadly poison. It was not easy for either one to succeed in these attempts, however: both were exceedingly careful and took many precautions. Finally, unable to endure the situation any longer and maddened by the desire for sole power, Caracalla decided to act and advance his cause by sword or slaughter or die in a manner befitting his birth. 3. Since his plotting was unsuccessful, he thought he must try some desperate and dangerous scheme; [so he killed his brother in the arms of their mother, and by this act really killed them both],4 his mother dying of grief and his brother from treachery.
Mortally wounded, Geta died, drenching his mother's |115 breast with his blood. Having succeeded in the murder, Caracalla ran from the room and rushed throughout the palace, shouting that he had escaped grave danger and had barely managed to save his life. 4. He ordered the soldiers who guard the imperial palace to protect him and escort him to the praetorian camp, where he could be safely guarded, saying that if he remained in the imperial palace he would be murdered. Unaware of what had happened inside, the soldiers believed him and ran with him as he dashed ahead at full speed. Consternation seized the people when they saw the emperor speeding on foot through the middle of the city in the early evening. 5. Rushing into the camp and into the temple where the standards and decorations of the guard were worshiped, Caracalla threw himself on the ground; in the chapel, he gave thanks and offered sacrifices for his safety. When this was reported to the praetorians, some of whom were in the baths, while others were already asleep, they hurriedly assembled in amazement. 6. When he appeared before them, Caracalla did not immediately reveal what had happened; instead, shouting that he had escaped the deadly plots of an enemy and rival, he identified his assailant as his brother. He cried out that he had with difficulty emerged victorious, after a severe struggle with his enemies; but when he and his brother had put everything at stake, Fortune had chosen him as sole emperor. His motive in thus distorting the facts was his desire to have them hear from him what had happened rather than from someone else. 7. In gratitude for his deliverance and in return for the sole rule, he promised each soldier 2,500 denarii and increased their ration allowance by one-half. He ordered the praetorians to go immediately and take the money from the temple depositories and the treasuries. In a single day he recklessly distributed all the money which Severus had collected and hoarded from the calamities of others over a period of eighteen years. 8. When they heard |116 about this vast amount of money, although they were aware of what had actually occurred, the murder having been made common knowledge by fugitives from the palace, the praetorians at once proclaimed Caracalla emperor and called Geta enemy.
CHAPTER V.
1. THE emperor spent that night in the temple in the praetorian camp; then, growing bold because he had won over the soldiers by gifts, he came from the senate house accompanied by the entire guard, which was more heavily armed that was customary for the imperial escort. After he had gone in and offered sacrifices, Caracalla mounted the imperial throne and addressed the senators as follows: 2. "I am not unaware that every murder of a kinsman, immediately the deed is known, is despised, and that the name 'kinsman-killer' arouses harsh censure as soon as it falls upon the ear. Pity follows for the victims, hatred for the victors. In such cases it appears that the victim is abused, the victor abusing.
3. But if one were to consider the deed with sober judgment and not with sympathy for the fallen, and if he were to evaluate the victor's motive and intent, he would find that sometimes it is both reasonable and necessary for the man about to suffer an injury to defend himself and not stand passively and submit. Censure for cowardice follows when a man succumbs to disaster, but the winner gains, together with his safety, a reputation for courage. 4. As to the rest, all the plots he laid against me, using deadly poisons and every kind of treachery, these you can discover by the use of torture. For this reason I issued orders for Geta's servants to be present here so that you may learn the truth. Several have already been examined, and the results of the examination are available. In his final act of treachery, Geta burst in upon me while |117 I was with my mother, accompanied by swordsmen whom he had obtained for this attempt upon my life. 5. But I grasped the situation with great shrewdness and presence of mind and defended myself against an enemy who no longer displayed the attitude or feelings of a brother. Now to defend oneself against plots is not merely proper; it is a standard practice. Indeed, Romulus, the founder of this city, refused to allow his brother to ridicule what he had done. 6. And I pass over without comment Germanicus, brother of Tiberius; Britannicus, Nero's brother; and Titus, brother of Domitian. Even Marcus himself, who professed to love philosophy and excellence, would not tolerate the arrogance of Lucius, his brother-in-law, and by a plot removed him from the scene. So I too, when poisons were prepared for me and a sword hung over me, defended myself against my enemy, for this is the name which describes his actions. 7. First of all, you must give thanks to the gods for having preserved at least one of your emperors for you; then you must lay aside your differences of opinion in thought and in attitude and lead your lives in security, looking to one emperor alone. Jupiter, as he is himself sole ruler of the gods, thus gives to one ruler sole charge of mankind." After making these statements at the top of his voice, in a towering rage, he glared balefully at his brother's friends and returned to the palace, leaving most of the senators pale and trembling.
CHAPTER VI.
1. GETA'S friends and associates were immediately butchered, together with those who lived in his half of the imperial palace. All his attendants were put to death too; not a single one was spared because of his age, not even the infants. Their bodies, after first being dragged about and subjected to every form of indignity, were placed in carts and |118 taken out of the city; there they were piled up and burned or simply thrown in the ditch. 2. No one who had the slightest acquaintance with Geta was spared: athletes, charioteers, and singers and dancers of every type were killed. Everything that Geta kept around him to delight eye and ear was destroyed. Senators distinguished because of ancestry or wealth were put to death as friends of Geta upon the slightest unsupported charge of an unidentified accuser. 3. He killed Commodus' sister, then an old woman, who as the daughter of Marcus had been treated with honor by all the emperors. Caracalla offered as his reason for murdering her the fact that she had wept with his mother over the death of Geta. His wife, the daughter of Plautianus, who was then in Sicily; his first cousin Severus, the son of Pertinax; the son of Lucilla, Commodus' sister; in fact, anyone who belonged to the imperial family and any senator of distinguished ancestry, all were cut down to the last one. 4. Then, sending his assassins to the provinces, he put to death the governors and procurators friendly to Geta. Each night saw the murder of men in every walk of life. He burned Vestal Virgins alive because they were unchaste. Finally, the emperor did something that had never been done before; while he was watching a chariot race, the crowd insulted the charioteer he favored. Believing this to be a personal attack, Caracalla ordered the Praetorian Guard to attack the crowd and lead off and kill those shouting insults at his driver. 5. The praetorians, given authority to use force and to rob, but no longer able to identify those who had shouted so recklessly (it was impossible to find them in so large a mob, since no one admitted his guilt), took out those they managed to catch and either killed them or, after taking whatever they had as ransom, spared their lives, but reluctantly. |119
CHAPTER VII.
1. AFTER committing such crimes as these, hounded by his conscience and finding life in Rome intolerable, the emperor decided to leave the city to see to matters in the garrison camps and visit the provinces. 2. Leaving Italy, he journeyed to the banks of the Danube, where he concerned himself with the northern part of his empire; at the same time he exercised by driving in chariot races and by fighting at close quarters with wild animals of every kind. Only occasionally did he sit as judge, although he was quick to grasp the essentials of a case in court and quick to pass judgment on the basis of the arguments presented. 3. He grew especially fond of the Germans in those regions; after gaining their friendship, he entered into alliances with them, and selected for his personal bodyguard the strongest and most handsome young men. He frequently put off the Roman cloak and donned German dress, appearing in the short, silver-embroidered cloaks which they customarily wear, augmented by a yellow wig with the locks arranged in the German style. 4. Delighted with the emperor's antics, the barbarians became very fond of him, as did the Roman soldiers also, particularly because of his lavish gifts of money but also because he always played the soldier's part. If a ditch had to be dug anywhere, the emperor was the first man to dig; if it were necessary to bridge a stream or pile up a high rampart, it was the same; in every task involving labor of hand or body, the emperor was first man to the job. 5. He set a frugal table and even went so far as to use wooden dishes at his meals. He ate the bread that was available; grinding with his own hands his personal ration of grain, he made a loaf, baked it in the ashes, and ate it. 6. Scorning luxuries, he used whatever was cheapest and issued to the poorest soldier. He pretended to be delighted when |120 they called him fellow soldier instead of emperor. For the most part he marched with the troops, carrying his own arms and rarely using a chariot or a horse. 7. Occasionally he even placed the standards of the legions on his shoulders and bore them along; these standards, tall and decorated with many gold ornaments, were a heavy burden for even the strongest soldiers. For these actions Caracalla won the affection of the soldiers by his military prowess and gained their admiration by his feats of strength. And it is certainly true that the performance of such strenuous tasks by a man of small stature was worthy of admiration.
CHAPTER VIII.
1. CARACALLA, after attending to matters in the garrison camps along the Danube River, went down into Thrace at the Macedonian border, and immediately he became Alexander the Great. To revive the memory of the Macedonian in every possible way, he ordered statues and paintings of his hero to be put on public display in all cities. He filled the Capitol, the rest of the temples, indeed, all Rome, with statues and paintings designed to suggest that he was a second Alexander. 2. At times we saw ridiculous portraits, statues with one body which had on each side of a single head the faces of Alexander and the emperor. Caracalla himself went about in Macedonian dress, affecting especially the broad sun hat and short boots. He enrolled picked youths in a unit which he labeled his Macedonian phalanx; its officers bore the names of Alexander's generals. 3. He also summoned picked young men from Sparta and formed a unit which he called his Laconian and Pitanate battalion.
After doing this, he arranged matters in the cities in that region to his satisfaction and then proceeded to Pergamum in Asia Minor, to try the healing treatments of Aesculapius. |121 When he arrived in that city he made what use he wished of the dream treatments 5 and continued on to Troy. 4. He visited all the ruins of that city, coming last to the tomb of Achilles; he adorned this tomb lavishly with garlands of flowers, and immediately he became Achilles. Casting about for a Patroclus, he found one ready to hand in Festus, his favorite freedman, keeper of the emperor's daily record book. This Festus died at Troy; some say he was poisoned so that he could be buried as Patroclus, but others say he died of disease. 5. Caracalla ordered a huge pyre of logs to be erected and the body of Festus placed in the center. After sacrificing animals of all kinds, the emperor set fire to the funeral pile; then, taking a bowl and pouring a libation, he offered prayers to the winds. Since he was almost entirely bald, he made himself ridiculous when he wished to place his curls upon the blaze; he did, however, shear off what little hair he had.6 Among generals, Caracalla admired the Roman Sulla and the Carthaginian Hannibal, and set up statues and paintings of these two.
6. The emperor then left Troy and traveled through the rest of Asia, Bithynia, and the remaining provinces. After tending to affairs in these regions, he came to Antioch. Given a warm welcome there, he remained for some time. While in the city he sent letters to Alexandria, pretending to be eager to visit the city founded by Alexander and to pay his respects to the god whom the Alexandrians worship above all other deities.7 7. He pretended that the two compelling reasons for his proposed visit were the worship of the god and the memory of |122 his hero Alexander. He therefore ordered a number of hecatombs of cattle to be prepared, together with offerings of every kind. When these matters were reported to the people of Alexandria, who are by nature carefree and very easily aroused on the slightest provocation, they were overjoyed to learn of the emperor's enthusiastic interest and his great affection for them. 8. They prepared a superlative reception for the emperor. Everywhere bands were performing on all kinds of musical instruments and playing a variety of melodies. Billows of perfume and the smoke of incense spread sweet aromas throughout the city. The emperor was honored with torchlight parades and showers of floral bouquets. 9. When he entered the city, accompanied by his entire army, Caracalla went first into the temple, 8 where he sacrificed many hecatombs of cattle and heaped the altars with frankincense. Leaving the temple for the tomb of Alexander, he removed there his purple robe, his finger rings set with precious gems, together with his belts and anything else of value on his person, and placed them upon the tomb.
CHAPTER IX.
1. WHEN they saw what the emperor was doing, the people rejoiced and celebrated, making merry the whole night long, but they did not know his secret intent. In all his actions Caracalla was playing the hypocrite; his true plan was to destroy most of them. The source of the enmity he was concealing was this. 2. While he was still living in Rome, both during his brother's lifetime and after his murder, it was reported to him that the Alexandrians were making endless jokes about him. The people of that city are by nature fond of jesting at the expense of those in high places. However witty these clever remarks may seem to |123 those who make them, they are very painful to those who are ridiculed. 3. Particularly galling are quips that reveal one's shortcomings. Thus they made many jokes at the emperor's expense about his murdering his brother, calling his aged mother Jocasta,9 and mocking him because, in his insignificance, he imitated the bravest and greatest of heroes, Alexander and Achilles. But although they thought they were merely joking about these matters, in reality they were causing the naturally savage and quick-tempered Caracalla to plot their destruction.
4. The emperor therefore joined the Alexandrians in celebrating and merrymaking. When he observed that the city was overflowing with people who had come in from the surrounding area, he issued a public proclamation directing all the young men to assemble in a broad plain, saying that he wished to organize a phalanx in honor of Alexander similar to his Macedonian and Spartan battalions, this unit to bear the name of the hero. 5. He ordered the youths to form in rows so that he might approach each one and determine whether his age, size of body, and state of health qualified him for military service. Believing him to be sincere, all the youths, quite reasonably hopeful because of the honor he had previously paid the city, assembled with their parents and brothers, who had come to celebrate the youths' expectations. 6. Caracalla now approached them as they were drawn up in groups and passed among them, touching each youth and saying a word of praise to this one and that one until his entire army had surrounded them. The youths did not notice or suspect anything. After he had visited them all, he judged that they were now trapped in the net of steel formed by his soldiers' weapons, and left the field, accompanied by his personal bodyguard. At a given signal the soldiers fell upon the encircled youths, attacking them and any others present. They |124 cut them down, these armed soldiers fighting against unarmed, surrounded boys, butchering them in every conceivable fashion. 7. Some did the killing while others outside the ring dug huge trenches; they dragged those who had fallen to these trenches and threw them in, filling the ditch with bodies. Piling on earth, they quickly raised a huge burial mound. Many were thrown in half-alive, and others were forced in unwounded. 8. A number of soldiers perished there too; for all who were thrust into the trench alive, if they had the strength, clung to their killers and pulled them in with them. So great was the slaughter that the wide mouths of the Nile and the entire shore around the city were stained red by the streams of blood flowing through the plain. After these monstrous deeds, Caracalla left Alexandria and returned to Antioch.
CHAPTER X.
1. NOT long after this, Caracalla, desirous of gaining the title "Parthicus" and of being able to report to the Romans that he had conquered all the Eastern barbarians, even though there was peace everywhere, devised the following plan. He wrote a letter to the king of Parthia (his name was Artabanus) and sent to him an embassy laden with gifts of expensive materials and fine workmanship. 2. He wrote to the king that he wished to marry his daughter; that it was not fitting that he, emperor and son of an emperor, be the son-in-law of a lowly private citizen. His wish was to marry a princess, the daughter of a great king. He pointed out that the Roman and the Parthian empires were the largest in the world; if they were united by marriage, one empire without a rival would result when they were no longer divided by a river. 3. The rest of the barbarian nations now not subject to their authority could easily be reduced, as they were |125 governed by tribes and confederacies. Furthermore, the Roman infantry were invincible in close-quarter combat with spears, and the Parthians had a large force of highly skilled horse-archers. 4. The two forces, he said, complemented each other; by waging war together, they could easily unite the entire inhabited world under a single crown. Since the Parthians produced spices and excellent textiles and the Romans metals and manufactured articles, these products would no longer be scarce and smuggled by merchants; rather, when there was one world under one supreme authority, both peoples would enjoy these goods and share them in common.
5. At first the Parthian king did not approve of the proposals in Caracalla's letters, saying that it was not proper for a barbarian to marry a Roman. What accord could there be when they did not understand each other's language and differed so radically in diet and dress? Surely, the king said, there are many distinguished Romans, one of whose daughters he could marry, just as for him there were the Arsacids;10 it was not fitting that either race be bastardized.
CHAPTER XI.
1. THE Parthian's initial replies were of this type, and he declined Caracalla's offer of an alliance. But when the emperor persisted and with many gifts and oaths swore to his enthusiasm for the marriage and his good will toward the Parthians, Artabanus was won over; addressing Caracalla as his future son-in-law, he promised him his daughter in marriage. When the news was made public, the barbarians prepared for the reception of the emperor of the Romans and rejoiced in the hope of permanent peace. 2. Having crossed the rivers unopposed, Caracalla entered the barbarians' land as if it were already his. Sacrifices were offered to him |126 everywhere; the altars were decked with wreaths, and perfumes and every kind of incense were scattered in his path. Caracalla pretended to be delighted by the barbarians' attentions and continued his advance. He had now completed the greater part of his journey and was approaching the palace of Artabanus. The king did not wait to receive the emperor but came out to meet him in the plain before the city, welcoming his son-in-law, the bridegroom of his daughter. 3. All the Parthians, crowned with the traditional flowers and wearing robes embroidered in gold and various colors, celebrated the occasion, dancing wildly to the music of flutes and the throbbing of drums. They take delight in such orgiastic dancing, especially when they are drunk. 4. Abandoning their horses and laying aside their quivers and bows, the whole populace came together to drink and pour libations. A huge mob of barbarians gathered and stood about casually, wherever they happened to be, eager to see the bridegroom and expecting nothing out of the ordinary. 5. Then the signal was given, and Caracalla ordered his army to attack and massacre the spectators. Astounded by this onslaught, the barbarians turned and fled, wounded and bleeding. Artabanus himself, snatched up and placed on a horse by some of his personal bodyguards, barely escaped with a few companions. 6. The rest of the Parthians, lacking their indispensable horses, were cut down (for they had sent the horses out to graze and were standing about). They were unable to escape by running, either; their long, loose robes, hanging to their feet, tripped them up. 7. Naturally they did not have their quivers and bows with them; what need for weapons at a wedding? After slaughtering a great number of the enemy and taking much booty and many prisoners, Caracalla marched away from the city unopposed. En route he burned the towns and villages and permitted his soldiers to carry off as much as they could of anything they wanted. |127
8. Such was the nature of the disaster which the barbarians suffered when they were not anticipating anything of the kind. After harassing most of the Parthian empire, Caracalla, since his troops were weary by now of looting and killing, went off to Mesopotamia. From there he sent word to the senate and the Roman people that the entire East was subdued and that all the kingdoms in that region had submitted to him. 9. The senators were not unaware of what had actually happened (for it is impossible to conceal an emperor's acts); nevertheless, fear and the desire to flatter led them to vote the emperor all the triumphal honors. Thereafter, Caracalla spent some time in Mesopotamia, where he devoted himself to chariot-driving and to fighting all kinds of wild animals.
CHAPTER XII.
1. CARACALLA had two generals in his army: Adventus, an old man, who had some skill in military matters but was a layman in other fields and unacquainted with civil administration; and Macrinus, experienced in public affairs and especially well trained in law. Caracalla often ridiculed Macrinus publicly, calling him a brave, self-styled warrior, and carrying his sarcasm to the point of shameful abuse. 2. When the emperor learned that Macrinus was overfond of food and scorned the coarse, rough fare which Caracalla the soldier enjoyed, he accused the general of cowardice and effeminacy, and continually threatened to murder him. Unable to endure these insults any longer, the angry Macrinus grew dangerous.
3. This is the way the affair turned out; it was, at long last, time for Caracalla's life to come to an end. The emperor, always excessively curious, wished not only to know everything about the affairs of men but also to meddle in divine |128 matters. Since he suspected everyone of plotting against him, he consulted all the oracles and summoned prophets, astrologers, and entrail-examiners from all over the world; no one who practiced the magic art of prophecy escaped him. 4. But when he began to suspect that these men were not prophesying truthfully but were flattering him, Caracalla wrote a letter to Materianus, to whom he had entrusted control of affairs at Rome. This Materianus he considered the most trustworthy of his friends, the only one with whom he shared the imperial secrets. He ordered Materianus to locate all the most highly skilled prophets and to make use of their magic arts to discover whether anyone was plotting to seize the empire. 5. Materianus obeyed the emperor's orders to the letter, and whether because the spirits actually revealed these things to him or because he was eager to remove Macrinus, he sent Caracalla a dispatch informing him that Macrinus was conspiring to seize control of the empire and must be eliminated.
6. Sealing this letter, he gave it routinely with the other dispatches to the couriers, who did not, of course, know what they were carrying. Completing the journey with their usual speed, the messengers approached Caracalla after he had already donned his racing uniform and was about to climb into the waiting chariot, and gave him the whole bundle of dispatches, including the letter concerning Macrinus. 7. Caracalla, about to drive off, and intent upon the coming race, ordered Macrinus, who was standing nearby alone, to examine the dispatches and, if they contained anything urgent, to inform him. If, however, there was nothing pressing in them, he was to handle them himself in the usual manner, in his capacity as praetorian prefect. The emperor frequently ordered Macrinus to do this. 8. After giving these directions, Caracalla turned to his race. Macrinus withdrew and opened the dispatches in private; when he found the one containing his own death sentence, he saw clearly the danger which |129 threatened him. Knowing the emperor's nature, and realizing that the death sentence contained in the letter would give the emperor legitimate cause for putting him to death, Macrinus removed this letter from the pile and reported that the rest were of the routine sort.
CHAPTER XIII.
1. THE prefect, fearing that Materianus might send this information to the emperor a second time, decided to act now rather than wait and suffer the consequences. This is what he did. In Caracalla's bodyguard was a centurion named Martialis, who was always in the emperor's escort. A few days earlier, Caracalla had executed the centurion's brother on an unproved charge. Moreover, the emperor continually insulted the man, calling him cowardly, effeminate, and Macrinus' darling. 2. Learning that Martialis was exceedingly grieved by his brother's death and could no longer endure the emperor's insults, Macrinus summoned the centurion (in whom he had confidence because the man had served him before, and had received many favors from him). The prefect persuaded Martialis to be on the watch for a suitable opportunity to carry out a plot against the emperor. Won over by Macrinus' promises, Martialis, since he hated the emperor and was eager to avenge his brother, gladly promised to do the deed when the proper occasion arose.
3. Not long after they made this agreement, it happened that Caracalla, who was spending the time at Carrhae in Mesopotamia, conceived a desire to leave the imperial quarters and visit the Temple of the Moon, for Selene is the goddess whom the natives particularly adore. The temple was located some distance from Carrhae, and the journey was a long one. Therefore, to avoid involving the entire army, Caracalla made the trip with a few horsemen, intending to sacrifice |130 to the goddess and then return to the city. 4. At the halfway point he stopped to relieve himself; ordering his escort to ride off, he went apart with a single attendant. All the horsemen turned aside and withdrew for some distance, respecting the emperor's modesty. 5. But when Martialis, who was looking for just such an opportunity, saw Caracalla alone, he ran toward him as if the emperor had summoned him by a gesture to question him or receive some information. Standing over Caracalla after he had uncovered himself, Martialis stabbed the emperor from behind with a dagger he had concealed in his hand. The blow under the shoulder was fatal, and Caracalla died, unsuspecting and undefended.11 6. When the emperor fell, Martialis leaped upon his horse and fled. Those favorites of Caracalla, the German cavalry who served as his bodyguard, were closer to the scene than the rest, and hence were the first to realize what had happened. These horsemen set out in pursuit of Martialis and cut him down.
7. When the rest of the army learned what had occurred, they hurried to the spot, and Macrinus was the first to arrive; standing over the body, he pretended to wail and lament for the emperor. The whole army was grieved and distressed by the affair; they felt they had lost a fellow soldier, a comrade-in-arms, rather than their emperor. And yet they never suspected that it was a plot of Macrinus; they believed that Martialis had done it because of his personal hatred for the emperor. 8. Then the soldiers retired, each to his own tent. After burning the body on a pyre and placing the ashes in an urn, Macrinus sent it for burial to the emperor's mother in Antioch. As a result of these similar disasters which befell her two sons, Julia died, either by her own hand or by the emperor's order. Such was the fate suffered by Caracalla and his mother Julia, who lived in the manner I have described above. Caracalla had served as emperor without his father and brother for eleven years. |131
CHAPTER XIV.
1. AFTER Caracalla's death, the bewildered soldiers were at a loss as to what to do. For two days they were without an emperor while they looked for someone to fill the office. And now it was reported that Artabanus was approaching with a huge army, seeking a legitimate revenge for the Parthians whom Caracalla had murdered under a truce and in time of peace. 2. The army first chose Adventus as their emperor because he was a military man and a praetorian prefect of considerable ability; he declined the honor, however, pleading his advanced age. They then decided upon Macrinus, influenced by their tribunes, who were close friends of the general and were suspected of having been involved in the plot against Caracalla. Later, after Macrinus' death, these tribunes were punished, as we shall relate in the pages to follow. 3. Macrinus thus received the office of emperor not so much because of the soldiers' affection and loyalty as from necessity and the urgency of the impending crisis.
While these events were taking place, Artabanus was marching toward the Romans with a huge army, including a strong cavalry contingent and a powerful unit of archers and those mail-clad soldiers who hurl spears from camels. 4. When the approach of Artabanus was reported, Macrinus called the soldiers together and addressed them as follows: "That all of you regret the passing of such an emperor, or, more accurately, fellow soldier, is hardly surprising. But to endure misfortunes and disasters with equanimity is the part of intelligent men. 5. Truly the memory of Caracalla is locked in our hearts, and to those who come after us will be handed down this memory, which will bring him everlasting fame for his great and noble deeds, his love and affection for you, and his labors and comradeship with you. But now it is time for us, since we have paid the last of the prescribed honors |132 to the memory of the dead and have performed his funeral rites, to look to the present emergency. 6. You see the barbarian with his whole Eastern horde already upon us, and Artabanus seems to have good reason for his enmity. We provoked him by breaking the treaty, and in a time of complete peace we started a war. Now the whole Roman empire depends upon our courage and loyalty. This is no quarrel about boundaries or river beds; everything is at stake in this dispute in which we face a mighty king fighting for his children and kinsmen who, he believes, have been murdered in violation of solemn oaths. 7. Therefore let us take up our arms and our battle stations in the customary Roman good order. In the fighting, the undisciplined mob of barbarians, assembled only for temporary duty, may prove its own worst enemy. Our battle tactics and our stern discipline, together with our combat experience, will insure our safety and their destruction. Therefore, with hopes high, contest the issue as it is fitting and traditional for Romans to do. 8. Thus will you repel the barbarians, and by winning a great and glorious reputation you will make it clear to the Romans and to all men— and you will likewise confirm that previous victory—that you did not deceive the barbarians by fraudulently and treacherously breaking your treaty with them, but that you conquered and won by force of arms."
After this speech the soldiers, recognizing the necessity of the matter, took up battle stations and remained under arms.
CHAPTER XV.
1. ARTABANUS appeared at sunrise with his vast army. When they had saluted the sun, as was their custom, the barbarians, with a deafening cheer, charged the Roman line, firing their arrows and whipping on their horses. The Romans had arranged their divisions carefully to insure a |133 stable front; the cavalry and the Moroccan javelin men were stationed on the wings, and the open spaces were filled with light-armed and mobile troops that could move rapidly from one place to another. And so the Romans received the charge of the Parthians and joined battle. 2. The barbarians inflicted many wounds upon the Romans from above, and did considerable damage by the showers of arrows and the long spears of the mail-clad camel riders. But when the fighting came to close quarters, the Romans easily defeated the barbarians; for when the swarms of Parthian cavalry and hordes of camel riders were mauling them, the Romans pretended to retreat and then they threw down caltrops and other keen-pointed iron devices. Covered by the sand, these were invisible to the horsemen and the camel riders and were fatal to the animals. 3. The horses, and particularly the tender-footed camels, stepped on these devices and, falling, threw their riders. As long as they are mounted on horses and camels, the barbarians in those regions fight bravely, but if they dismount or are thrown, they are very easily captured; they cannot stand up to hand-to-hand fighting. And, if they find it necessary to flee or pursue, the long robes which hang loosely about their feet trip them up.
4. On the first and second days the two armies fought from morning until evening, and when night put an end to the fighting, each side withdrew to its own camp, claiming the victory. On the third day they came again to the same field to do battle; then the barbarians, who were far superior in numbers, tried to surround and trap the Romans. The Romans, however, no longer arranged their divisions to obtain depth; instead, they broadened their front and blocked every attempt at encirclement. 5. So great was the number of slaughtered men and animals that the entire plain was covered with the dead; bodies were piled up in huge mounds, and the camels especially fell in heaps. As a result, the soldiers were |134 hampered in their attacks; they could not see each other for the high and impassable wall of bodies between them. Prevented by this barrier from making contact, each side withdrew to its own camp.
6. Macrinus knew that Artabanus was making so strong a stand and battling so fiercely only because he thought that he was fighting Caracalla; the barbarian always tires of battle quickly and loses heart unless he is immediately victorious. 7. But on this occasion the Parthians resolutely stood their ground and renewed the struggle after they had carried off their dead and buried them, for they were unaware that the cause of their hatred was dead. Macrinus therefore sent an embassy to the Parthian king with a letter telling him that the emperor who had wronged him by breaking his treaties and violating his oaths was dead and had paid a richly deserved penalty for his crimes. Now the Romans, to whom the empire really belonged, had entrusted to Macrinus the management of their realm. 8. He told Artabanus that he did not approve of Caracalla's actions and promised to restore all the money he had lost. Macrinus offered friendship to Artabanus instead of hostility and assured him that he would confirm peace between them by oaths and treaties. When he learned this and was informed by envoys of Caracalla's death, Artabanus believed that the treaty breaker had suffered a suitable punishment; as his own army was riddled with wounds, the king signed a treaty of peace with Macrinus, content to recover the captives and stolen money without further bloodshed. 9. The Parthian then returned to his own country, and Macrinus led his army out of Mesopotamia and hurried on to Antioch.
[Footnotes moved to end]
1. 1 "Old" Forum, in contrast to the several imperial Fora.
2. 2 After the famous third-century B.C. Pharos at Alexandria.
3. 3 The Pyrrhic dance, with an origin in Greek myth, originated as a dance preparatory for war. Introduced into Rome by Julius Caesar, it was frequently performed thereafter.
4. 4 A lacuna here: Dio (78.2.3) says that Caracalla bribed several centurions to kill Geta in his mother's arms.
5. 5 The healing ritual known as incubation, or temple sleep. After the preliminary ritual, the patient lay down to sleep in an open colonnade. During the night, Aesculapius appeared in a dream, gave treatment—even occasionally performed an operation—and the patient left the next morning, cured.
6. 6Cf. Iliad 23.168-185.
7. 7 Serapis (Sarapis) was the chief god in the Egyptian cult of deities under the empire; as Serapis Polieus he was the chief god of Alexandria.
8. 8 The magnificent Serapeum.
9. 9 The mother and wife of Oedipus.
10. 10 The royal dynasty of Parthia.
11. 11 April 8, 217.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2007. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: herodian_05_book .htm
Herodian of Antioch, History of the Roman Empire (1961) pp.135-152. Book 5.
Herodian of Antioch, History of the Roman Empire (1961) pp.135-152. Book 5.
Chapter I
Chapter II
Chapter III
Chapter IV
Chapter V
Chapter VI
Chapter VII
Chapter VIII
BOOK FIVE
MACRINUS, ELAGABALUS
CHAPTER I.
1. CARACALLA'S life and death have been described in the preceding book. While at Antioch, Macrinus wrote a letter to the senate and the Roman people in which he said the following: 2. "You are familiar with the course of my life from its very beginning. You know my inclination toward uprightness of character, and are aware of the moderation with which I previously managed affairs, when my power and authority were little inferior to that of the emperor himself. For that reason, and since the emperor sees fit to put his trust in the praetorian prefects, I do not think it necessary for me to address you at great length. You know that I did not approve of the emperor's actions. Indeed, I frequently risked my life on your behalf when he listened to random charges and attacked you without mercy. 3. He criticized me harshly too, often publicly complaining about my moderation and my restraint in dealing with those under my authority, and ridiculing me for my easygoing ways and mild manner. He delighted in flatterers and men who encouraged him to cruelty and gave him good reason for his |136 savagery by arousing his anger with slanderous charges. These people he considered his loyal friends. I, on the other hand, have from the beginning been mild, moderate, and agreeable. 4. We brought the war against the Parthians to a conclusion, a critical struggle involving the safety of the whole Roman empire. In our courageous opposition to the Parthians we proved in no way inferior to them, and in signing a treaty of peace we made a loyal friend instead of a dangerous enemy of a great king, who had marched against us at the head of a formidable army. Under my rule all men shall live in peace, and senatorial rule shall replace the autocracy. 5. But let no one think me unworthy of my post, and let no one believe that Fortune blundered in raising me to this position, even though I am of the Equestrian order.1 For what advantage is there in nobility of birth unless it be combined with a beneficent and kindly nature? The gifts of Fortune fall upon the undeserving also, but it is the excellence of his own soul which brings every man his measure of personal glory. Nobility of birth, wealth, and the like are presumed to bring happiness, but, since they are bestowed by someone else, they deserve no praise. 6. Virtue and kindness, on the other hand, besides commanding admiration, win a full measure of praise for anyone who succeeds by his own efforts. What, may I ask, did the noble birth of Commodus profit you? Or the fact that Caracalla inherited the throne from his father? Indeed, having received the empire as legal heirs, the two youths abused their high office and conducted themselves insolently, as if the empire were their own personal possession by right of inheritance. But those who receive the empire from your hands are eternally in your debt for the favor, and they undertake to repay those who have done them previous good services. 7. The noble ancestry of the highborn emperors leads them to commit insolent acts out of |137 contempt for their subjects, whom they regard as far below them. By contrast, those who come to the throne as a result of temperate behavior treat the post with respect, since they secured it by toil; they continue to show to those who were formerly their superiors the same deference and esteem they were accustomed to show. 8. I intend to have you senators as my associates and assistants in managing the empire, and I intend to do nothing without your approval. You shall live in freedom and security, enjoying the privileges of which you were deprived by your nobly born emperors and which Marcus, of old, and Pertinax, recently, undertook to restore to you; the latter also are emperors who came to the throne from private circumstances. Surely it is better for a man to provide his descendants with the glorious beginnings of a family line than, having inherited ancestral glory, to disgrace it by outrageous behavior."
CHAPTER II.
1. AFTER they heard this message, the cheering senate voted Macrinus all the imperial honors. The fact is, however, that they rejoiced not so much at Macrinus' succession as at their own deliverance from Caracalla. Every man, but especially those who had any claim to merit or distinction, felt that he had escaped a sword suspended over his head. 2. All informers and all slaves who had betrayed their masters were crucified; the city of Rome and virtually the entire Roman empire were purged of these scoundrels. Some were killed, others exiled; any who managed to escape, prudently laid low. As a result, men lived in complete security and in a semblance of freedom during the single year in which Macrinus was emperor. 3. But he made a great mistake in not immediately disbanding the armies, sending the soldiers back to their regular stations, and hurrying off to a Rome eager |138 to welcome him, where the people were shouting for him on every occasion. Instead, he loitered at Antioch, cultivating his beard. He moved with greater deliberation than was necessary, and to those who approached him he made replies that were very slow, difficult to understand, and often inaudible because of the softness of his voice. 4. In doing all this he was imitating Marcus, but he failed to follow that emperor's example in other respects; he indulged in endless luxuries and devoted his time to dancing shows, recitals of every kind of music, and exhibitions of pantomime, while neglecting the administration of the empire. He appeared in public resplendent in brooches and wearing a stomacher lavishly adorned with gold and precious gems, extravagances of which the Roman soldiers did not approve because such ornaments seemed more appropriate to barbarians and women. 5. The soldiers were not at all pleased by what they saw; they disapproved of his way of life as too dissolute for a military man. When they contrasted it with their recollection of Caracalla's daily routine, which, being soldierly and austere, was the exact opposite, they had only contempt for Macrinus' extravagant behavior. 6. Other circumstances increased their irritation; still living in tents and sometimes short of supplies in a foreign land, even though a state of peace seemed to exist, they longed to return to their regular stations. When they saw Macrinus' luxury and laxity, they rebelled and spoke bitterly about him, praying for even a flimsy excuse to rid themselves of this annoyance.
CHAPTER III.
1. THEREFORE it was inevitable that Macrinus, after ruling for a single year, should lose the empire and his life when Fortune provided the soldiers with a trivial and inadequate excuse for accomplishing their desire. 2. Julia, wife |139 of Severus and mother of Caracalla, had a sister, Maesa, a Phoenician named after the city of Emesa in that country. During her sister's imperial career, the many years that Severus and Caracalla were emperors, this woman lived in the imperial palace. After the assassination of Caracalla and Julia's death, Macrinus ordered Maesa to return to her own estates in Phoenicia, allowing her to live there in full possession of her property. Since Maesa had lived for a long time under imperial protection, she had amassed a huge personal fortune. Thus the old woman now went off to live on her estates. Maesa had two daughters. 3. The elder was called Soaemias; the younger, Mamaea. Each of the girls had an only son: Soaemias' son was named Bassianus; Mamaea's, Alexianus. These boys, who were reared by their mothers and their grandmother, were at that time about fourteen and ten, respectively. 4. They were priests of the sun god, whom their countrymen worship under the Phoenician name Elagabalus.2 A huge temple was erected to this god, lavishly decorated with gold, silver, and costly gems. Not only is this god worshiped by the natives, but all the neighboring rulers and kings send generous and expensive gifts to him each year. 5. No statue made by man in the likeness of the god stands in this temple, as in Greek and Roman temples. The temple does, however, contain a huge black stone with a pointed end and round base in the shape of a cone. The Phoenicians solemnly maintain that this stone came down from Zeus; pointing out certain small figures in relief, they assert that it is an unwrought image of the sun, for naturally this is what they wish to see. 6. Bassianus was the chief priest of this god. (Since he was the elder of the boys, the priesthood had been entrusted to him.) He went about in barbarian dress, wearing long-sleeved purple tunics embroidered with gold which hung to his feet; robes similarly decorated with gold and |140 purple covered his legs from hip to toe, and he wore a crown of varicolored precious gems. 7. Bassianus, in the prime of youth, was the handsomest lad of his time. With physical beauty, bloom of youth, and splendor of attire combining to produce the same effect, the youth might well be compared to the handsome statues of Bacchus.
8. When Bassianus was performing his priestly duties, dancing about the altars in barbarian fashion to the music of flutes, pipes, and every kind of instrument, the natives and the soldiers watched him with more than ordinary curiosity, aware that he belonged to the imperial family. 9. His youthful beauty attracted the eyes of all. At that time a huge army was quartered at Emesa to guard Phoenicia. This army was later transferred from the city, as we shall relate in the pages to follow. The soldiers were therefore frequent visitors in the city and went to the temple on the pretext of worshiping the god; there they delighted in watching Bassianus. 10. Some were deserters and compatriots of Maesa; while they stood admiring the youth, Maesa, either inventing the story or telling the truth, informed them that Bassianus was really the son of Caracalla, although it might appear that he had another father. She claimed that when she was living in the palace with her sister, Caracalla slept with both of her daughters, who were young and beautiful. The men repeated her story to their fellow soldiers, and it soon became common knowledge throughout the army. 11. Maesa was rumored to be enormously wealthy, and it was reported that she would immediately give all her money to the soldiers if they restored the empire to her family. The soldiers agreed that if the family would come secretly to the camp at night, they would open the gates, receive the family inside, and proclaim Bassianus emperor and son of Caracalla. The old woman agreed to the plan, preferring to risk any danger rather than live |141 in obscurity and appear to have been discarded. And so she slipped unnoticed out of the city at night with her daughters and grandsons. 12. Guided by soldiers who had deserted, they came to the wall of the camp and were warmly received inside. Immediately the entire army saluted Bassianus as "Son of Caracalla," and, wrapping him in a purple military cloak, held him inside the camp. Then, bringing in all the supplies from the villages and adjacent fields, together with the women and children, they prepared to endure a siege if it should prove necessary.
CHAPTER IV.
1. THESE matters were reported to Macrinus while he was at Antioch, and the rumor quickly spread through the rest of the armies that the son of Caracalla had been found and that the sister of Julia was handing out money. Believing everything that was said and accepting it as true, the soldiers were deeply stirred. 2. They were moved by hatred of Macrinus and pity for the memory of Caracalla; these considerations persuaded them to support a change of emperors. More than any other factor, however, the hope of money influenced their decision, and many soldiers voluntarily deserted to the new Caracalla. Contemptuously dismissing the affair as the efforts of children, and displaying his usual indolence, Macrinus remained at home, but he did send one of the praetorian prefects to Emesa with a contingent of troops which he considered large enough to crush the rebels with the greatest of ease. 3. When Julianus (for this was the prefect's name) arrived and attacked the walls of the camp, the soldiers inside, mounting the towers and battlements, displayed Bassianus to the besieging army; cheering the son of Caracalla, they waved their full purses to induce the attackers to desert. |142 4. Believing that Bassianus was the son of Caracalla and looked exactly like him (for this is what they wanted to see), the besieging soldiers cut off Julianus' head and sent it back to Macrinus; when the gates were opened, all of them were welcomed into the camp. The troops, thus augmented, were sufficient not only to withstand a siege but also to fight a pitched battle at close quarters. The number of those who deserted each day, though they came in small groups, continued to increase the size of the army in the camp.
5. When he learned of these developments, Macrinus assembled all the available troops and marched out to put under siege those who had deserted him for Elagabalus.3 The soldiers of Elagabalus, however, did not wait for the attack. Finding his troops bold enough to march out confidently to engage Macrinus in battle, the youth led them from the city. 6. When the two armies met on the borders of Phoenicia and Syria, Elagabalus' soldiers fought with spirit, fearing that if they should lose, they would suffer for what they had done. The soldiers of Macrinus, on the other hand, were completely indifferent and deserted to Elagabalus. 7. When Macrinus saw what was happening, he was afraid that, having lost all his troops, he would be captured and shamefully treated. While the battle was still raging, he stripped off his purple cloak and other imperial insignia and secretly left the field with a few centurions whom he believed to be especially loyal to him. To avoid recognition he shaved off his beard, donned a traveling cloak, and kept his head covered. 8. He traveled night and day and thus outdistanced the report of his disaster; the centurions drove the chariots at top speed, as if they had been sent by Macrinus, still emperor, on an urgent mission.
And so Macrinus fled from the battle. Both armies continued the fight; the bodyguards and spearbearers whom |143 they call praetorians fought for Macrinus, these picked men making a courageous stand against the rest of the army; the remainder of the troops fought for Elagabalus. 9. But when those who were fighting for Macrinus saw neither the emperor nor the imperial emblems for some time, they did not know whether he had been killed or had fled the battlefield, nor did they know what course they should follow under the circumstances. They had no desire to fight for a man who was absent, and were ashamed to surrender and, betrayed, become prisoners of war. 10. Informed by deserters of Macrinus' flight, Elagabalus sent heralds to advise the praetorians that they were fighting vainly for a cowardly fugitive; he solemnly promised them security and amnesty, and offered them service as his bodyguard. Convinced, the praetorians switched their allegiance. Elagabalus then sent men in pursuit of Macrinus, who by that time had fled some distance. 11. The fugitive was finally captured at Chalcedon in Bithynia, desperately ill and exhausted by his continuous flight. His pursuers found him hiding in the outskirts of the city and cut off his head. It is said that he was hurrying to Rome, putting his faith in the people's enthusiastic support; but when he attempted to cross over to Europe by the narrow Propontic Gulf and was already close to Byzantium, they say that the wind was against him and carried him back to Asia and his fate. 12. So, by mischance, Macrinus failed to elude his pursuers and met an ignoble end a little later while striving to get to Rome, where he should have gone in the beginning. Thus he owed his downfall equally to bad judgment and bad luck.
Such was the fate of Macrinus; with him perished his son Diadumenianus, who was his Caesar. |144
CHAPTER V.
1. NOW the entire army went over to Elagabalus, proclaiming him emperor, and the youth assumed control of the empire. After affairs in the East had been set in order for him by his grandmother and his advisers (for he was young in years, and lacking in education and administrative experience), he delayed his departure for only a short time, as Maesa was eager to return to her familiar imperial life at Rome. 2. The senate and the Roman people were dismayed at the report of these developments, but submitted through necessity because the army had elected to follow this course. They attributed the affair to the indolence and weakness of Macrinus and said that he alone was responsible for what had happened.
3. Leaving Syria, Elagabalus proceeded to Nicomedia, where he was forced by the season of the year to spend the winter. Immediately he plunged into his mad activities, performing for his native god the fantastic rites in which he had been trained from childhood. He wore the richest clothing, draping himself in purple robes embroidered in gold; to his necklaces and bracelets he added a crown, a tiara glittering with gold and jewels. 4. His dress showed the influence of the sacred robe of the Phoenicians and the luxurious garb of the Medes. He loathed Greek and Roman garments because they were made of wool, in his opinion an inferior material; only the Syrian cloth met with his approval. Accompanied by flutes and drums, he went about performing, as it appeared, orgiastic service to his god.
5. When she saw what Elagabalus was doing, Maesa was greatly disturbed and tried again and again to persuade the youth to wear Roman dress when he entered the city to visit the senate. She was afraid that his appearance, obviously |145 foreign and wholly barbaric, would offend those who saw him; they were not used to such garb and considered his ornaments suitable only for women. 6. But Elagabalus had nothing but contempt for the old woman's warnings, nor did anyone else succeed in convincing him. (He would listen only to those who were like him and flattered his faults.) Since, however, he wished the senate and the Roman people to grow accustomed to seeing him in this costume and wished to test their reaction to this exotic sight, before he returned to Rome he had a full-length portrait painted, showing him performing his priestly duties in public. His native god also appeared in the painting; the emperor was depicted sacrificing to him under favorable auspices. 7. Elagabalus sent this picture to Rome to be hung in the center of the senate house, high above the statue of Victory before which each senator burns frankincense and pours a libation of wine upon entering the chamber. He directed all Roman officials who perform public sacrifices to call upon the new god Elagabalus before all the other gods whom they invoke in their rites. By the time the emperor came to Rome presenting the appearance described above, the Romans saw nothing unusual in it, for the painting had prepared them for what to expect. 8. Elagabalus then made the distribution of money customary at the succession of an emperor and staged lavish and extravagant spectacles of every kind. He erected a huge and magnificent temple to his god and surrounded it with numerous altars. Coming forth early each morning, he sacrificed there hecatombs of bulls and a vast number of sheep. These he placed upon the altars and heaped up spices of every kind; he also set before the altars many jars of the oldest and finest wines, so that the streams of blood mingled with streams of wine. 9. Elagabalus danced around the altars to music played on every kind of instrument; women from his own country accompanied him in these dances, carrying cymbals and drums as they |146 circled the altars. The entire senate and all the knights stood watching, like spectators at the theater. The spices and entrails of the sacrificial animals were not carried by servants or men of low birth; 10. rather, they were borne along in gold vessels held on high by the praetorian prefects and the most important magistrates, who wore long-sleeved robes with a broad purple stripe in the center, robes which hung to their feet in the Phoenician style. On their feet were the linen shoes customarily worn by the Eastern prophets. It was obvious that Elagabalus was paying the highest honor to those associated with him in the performance of the sacred rites.
CHAPTER VI.
1. EVEN though the emperor seemed to be devoting all his attention to dancing and to his priestly duties, still he found time to execute many famous and wealthy men who were charged with ridiculing and censuring his way of life. He married one of the noblest of the Roman ladies and proclaimed her Augusta;4 but he soon divorced her and, after depriving her of the imperial honors, ordered her to return to private life. 2. So that he might seem to be doing something manly, he made love to one of the Vestal Virgins of Rome, priestesses who are bound by sacred vows to be chaste and remain virgin to the end of their lives; taking the maiden away from Vesta and the holy virgins' quarters, he made her his wife. He sent a letter to the senate asking to be forgiven his impious and adolescent transgression, telling them that he was afflicted with a masculine failing—an overwhelming passion for the maiden. He also informed them that the marriage of a priest and a priestess was both proper and sanctioned. But |147 a short time later he divorced this girl and took yet a third wife, a girl who belonged to the family of Commodus.
3. Not content with making a mockery of human marriage, he even sought a wife for the god whose priest he was. He brought into his own bedroom the statue of Pallas which the Romans worship hidden and unseen. Even though this statue had not been moved from the time when it was first brought from Troy, except when the temple of Vesta was destroyed by fire, Elagabalus moved it now and brought it into the palace to be married to his god. 4. But proclaiming that his god was not pleased by a goddess of war wearing full armor, he sent for the statue of Urania which the Carthaginians and Libyans especially venerate. This statue they say Dido the Phoenician set up at the time when she cut the hide into strips and founded the ancient city of Carthage. The Libyans call this goddess Urania, but the Phoenicians worship her as Astroarche, identifying her with the moon. 5. Claiming that he was arranging a marriage of the sun and the moon, Elagabalus sent for the statue and all the gold in the temple and ordered the Carthaginians to provide, in addition, a huge sum of money for the goddess' dowry. When the statue arrived, he set it up with his god and ordered all men in Rome and throughout Italy to celebrate with lavish feasts and festivals, publicly and privately, in honor of the marriage of the deities.
6. In the suburbs of Rome the emperor built a very large and magnificent temple to which every year in midsummer he brought his god. He staged lavish shows and built race tracks and theaters, believing that chariot races, shows, and countless recitals would please the people, who held night-long feasts and celebrations. He placed the sun god in a chariot adorned with gold and jewels and brought him out from the city to the suburbs. 7. A six-horse chariot bore the sun god, the |148 horses huge and flawlessly white, with expensive gold fittings and rich ornaments. No one held the reins, and no one rode in the chariot; the vehicle was escorted as if the sun god himself were the charioteer. Elagabalus ran backward in front of the chariot, facing the god and holding the horses' reins. He made the whole journey in this reverse fashion, looking up into the face of his god. 8. Since he was unable to see where he was going, his route was paved with gold dust to keep him from stumbling and falling, and bodyguards supported him on each side to protect him from injury. The people ran parallel to him, carrying torches and tossing wreaths and flowers. The statues of all the gods, the costly or sacred offerings in the temples, the imperial ornaments, and valuable heirlooms were carried by the cavalry and the entire Praetorian Guard in honor of the sun god. 9. After thus bringing the god out and placing him in the temple, Elagabalus performed the rites and sacrifices described above; then, climbing to the huge, lofty towers which he had erected, he threw down, indiscriminately, cups of gold and silver, clothing, and cloth of every type to the mob below. He also distributed all kinds of tame animals except swine, which, in accordance with Phoenician custom, he shunned. 10. Many lost their lives in the ensuing scramble, impaled on the soldiers' spears or trampled to death; thus the celebration of the emperor brought tragedy to a host of people. Elagabalus was often seen driving a chariot or dancing. He had no desire to sin in secret, but appeared in public with eyes painted and cheeks rouged; these cosmetics marred a face naturally handsome.
CHAPTER VII.
1. OBSERVING his actions, Maesa suspected that the soldiers were outraged by his eccentricities. Fearing that if Elagabalus were killed, she would become a private citizen |149 again, she tried to persuade the youth, who was in every respect an empty-headed young idiot, to adopt as his son and appoint as Caesar his first cousin and her grandson, the child of her other daughter, Mamaea. 2. She told the emperor what it pleased him to hear, that it was clearly necessary for him to have time to attend to the worship and service of his god and to devote himself to the rites and revelries and divine functions, but that there should be another responsible for human affairs, to afford him leisure and freedom from the cares of empire. It was not necessary for him, she said, to look for a stranger or someone not a relative; he should entrust these duties to his own cousin. 3. It was then that the name of Alexianus was changed to Alexander; the name of his grandfather became Alexander the Great, since the Macedonian was very famous and was held in high esteem by the alleged father of them both. Maesa's daughters, and the old woman too, boasted of their adultery with Caracalla, son of Severus, in order to increase the soldiers' love for the youths, who thus appeared to be Caracalla's sons.
4. Alexander was then appointed Caesar and served as consul with Elagabalus himself. Appearing before the senate, Elagabalus confirmed this appointment, and all the senators voted approval of the fantastic and ridiculous situation they were ordered to endorse—that the emperor, who was about sixteen, assume the role of father to Alexander, who was twelve. After adopting Alexander as Caesar, Elagabalus undertook to teach him his own practices; he instructed him in dancing and prancing, and, enrolling him in the priesthood, wanted the lad to imitate his appearance and actions. 5. But his mother Mamaea kept Alexander from taking part in activities so disgraceful and unworthy of an emperor. Privately, she summoned teachers of every subject and had her son trained in the lessons of self-discipline; since he devoted himself to wrestling and to physical exercise as well, he was, by his |150 mother's efforts, educated according to both the Greek and the Roman systems. Elagabalus, much annoyed at this, regretted his decision to make Alexander his son and partner in the empire. 6. He therefore banished Alexander's teachers from the imperial palace; he put to death some of the most distinguished and sent others into exile. The emperor offered the most absurd excuses for doing this, claiming that these men, by teaching Alexander self-control, educating him in human affairs, and refusing to allow him to dance and take part in the frenzied orgies, would corrupt his adopted son. The madness of Elagabalus increased to such a degree that he appointed all the actors from the stage and the public theaters to the most important posts in the empire, selecting as his praetorian prefect a man who had from childhood danced publicly in the Roman theater. 7. He elevated in similar fashion another young actor, putting him in charge of the education and conduct of the Roman youths and of the qualifications of those appointed to membership in the senatorial and Equestrian orders. To charioteers, comedians, and actors of mimes he entrusted the most important and responsible imperial posts. To slaves and freedmen, to men notorious for disgraceful acts, he assigned the proconsular provincial governorships.
CHAPTER VIII.
1. WITH everything that formerly had been held sacred being done in a frenzy of arrogance and madness, all the Romans, especially the praetorians, were angered and disgusted. They were annoyed when they saw the emperor, his face painted more elaborately than that of any modest woman, dancing in luxurious robes and effeminately adorned with gold necklaces. 2. As a result, they were more favorably disposed toward Alexander, for they expected great things of |151 a lad so properly and modestly reared. They kept continual watch upon the youth when they saw that Elagabalus was plotting against him. His mother Mamaea did not allow her son to touch any food or drink sent by the emperor, nor did Alexander use the cupbearers or cooks employed in the palace or those who happened to be in their mutual service; only those chosen by his mother, those who seemed most trustworthy, were allowed to handle Alexander's food. 3. Mamaea secretly distributed money to the praetorians to win their good will for her son; it was to gold that the praetorians were particularly devoted.
When he learned this, Elagabalus plotted against Alexander and his mother in every conceivable way, but Maesa, the grandmother of them both, foiled all his schemes; she was astute in every way and had spent much of her life in the imperial palace. As the sister of Severus' wife Julia, Maesa had always lived with the empress at the court. 4. Therefore, none of Elagabalus' schemes escaped her attention, for the emperor was careless by nature, and his intrigues were always obvious. Since his plots failed, the emperor undertook to strip Alexander of the honor of Caesar, and the youth was no longer to be seen at public addresses or in public processions. 5. But the soldiers called for Alexander and were angry because he had been removed from his imperial post. Elagabalus circulated a rumor that Alexander was dying, to see how the praetorians would react to the news. When they did not see the youth, the praetorians were deeply grieved and enraged by the report; they refused to send the regular contingent of guards to the emperor and remained in the camp, demanding to see Alexander in the temple there. 6. Thoroughly frightened, Elagabalus placed Alexander in the imperial litter, which was richly decorated with gold and precious gems, and set out with him for the praetorian camp. The guards opened the gates and, receiving them inside, brought the two |152 youths to the temple in the camp. 7. They welcomed Alexander with enthusiastic cheers, but ignored the emperor. Fuming at this treatment, although he spent the night in the camp, Elagabalus unleashed the fury of his wrath against the praetorians. He ordered the arrest and punishment of the guards who had cheered Alexander openly and enthusiastically, pretending that these were responsible for the revolt and uproar. 8. The praetorians were enraged by this order; since they had other reasons, also, for hating Elagabalus, they wished now to rid themselves of so disgraceful an emperor, and believed, too, that they should rescue the praetorians under arrest. Considering the occasion ideal and the provocation just, they killed Elagabalus and his mother Soaemias (for she was in the camp as Augusta and as his mother), together with all his attendants who were seized in the camp and who seemed to be his associates and companions in evil.5 9. They gave the bodies of Elagabalus and Soaemias to those who wanted to drag them about and abuse them; when the bodies had been dragged throughout the city, the mutilated corpses were thrown into the public sewer which flows into the Tiber.
10. After having ruled the empire for more than five years, leading the kind of life described above, Elagabalus perished in this manner together with his mother. The praetorians then proclaimed Alexander emperor and conducted him into the palace while he was still a youth and still being given a thorough education by his mother and his grandmother.
[Footnotes moved to end]
1. 1Macrinus was the first emperor who was not of the senatorial order.
2. 2 The Baal of Emesa. The spelling of "Elagabalus" varies.
3. 3 I have regularly substituted for "Antoninus" the more familiar "Elagabalus."
4. 4 After the Flavian era this title was normally conferred upon the wife of the reigning emperor.
5. 5 March 12, 222.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2007. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: herodian_06_book .htm
Herodian of Antioch, History of the Roman Empire (1961) pp.153-171. Book 6.
Herodian of Antioch, History of the Roman Empire (1961) pp.153-171. Book 6.
Chapter I
Chapter II
Chapter III
Chapter IV
Chapter V
Chapter VI
Chapter VII
Chapter VIII
Chapter IX
BOOK SIX
SEVERUS ALEXANDER
CHAPTER I.
1. THE fate which Elagabalus suffered I have described in the preceding pages. When Alexander received the empire, the appearance and the title of emperor were allowed him, but the management and control of imperial affairs were in the hands of his women, and they undertook a more moderate and more equitable administration. 2. First, they chose from the senate, to be the emperor's advisory council, sixteen men who because of their age seemed most dignified and temperate in their conduct. Nothing was said or done unless these men had first considered the matter and given unanimous approval. The fact that the character of the imperial government was changed from an arrogant autocracy to a form of aristocracy pleased the people, the army, and especially the senators. 3. To begin with, the statues of the gods which Elagabalus had moved or transferred were returned to their original positions in the ancient temples and shrines. The unqualified men whom Elagabalus had promoted to positions of trust or honor or who were notorious for their crimes were deprived of what they had received from the |154 emperor and were ordered by the councilors to return to their former occupations. 4. In all government business and matters of state, the emperor's council entrusted political matters and public affairs to those who were competent lawyers and skillful orators, while they put in charge of military affairs experienced men who were skilled in the arts of war.
After the empire had been governed in this manner for some time, Maesa, then an old woman, died; receiving the imperial honors, she became, as the Romans believe, a deity.
5. Now left alone with her son, Mamaea tried to govern and control him in the same fashion. Fearing that his vigorous young manhood might plunge him into the errors of adolescence because his power and position were assured, Mamaea kept the palace under close guard and allowed no one suspected of debauchery to approach the youth. She was afraid that his character would be corrupted if his flatterers aroused his growing appetites to disgraceful desires. 6. She therefore induced him to serve as judge in the courts continually and for most of each day; occupied with important matters and the necessary business of the empire, he would have no opportunity to indulge in scandalous practices. Alexander's deportment was governed by a character naturally mild and civilized, and much inclined to benevolence, as was made clear when the youth grew older. 7. At any rate, he entered the fourteenth year of his reign without bloodshed, and no one could say that the emperor had been responsible for anyone's murder. Even though men were convicted of serious crimes, he nevertheless granted them pardons to avoid putting them to death, and not readily did any emperor of our time, after the reign of Marcus, act in this way or display so much concern for human life. Indeed, over a period of many years, no one could recall that any man had been condemned to death by Alexander without a trial.
8. Alexander blamed his mother for her excessive love of |155 money and was annoyed by her relentless pursuit of gold. For a time she pretended to be gathering funds to enable Alexander to gratify the praetorians readily and generously, but in truth she was hoarding it for herself. And her miserliness in some measure reflected discredit upon his reign, even though he personally opposed it and was angry when she confiscated anyone's property and inheritance illegally.
9. Mamaea secured for Alexander a wife from the aristocracy. Although he loved the girl and lived with her, she was afterward banished from the palace by his mother, who, in her egotistic desire to be sole empress, envied the girl her title. So excessively arrogant did Mamaea become that the girl's father, though Alexander esteemed him highly, could no longer endure the woman's insolence toward him and his daughter; consequently, he took refuge in the praetorian camp, fully aware of the debt of gratitude he owed Alexander for the honors he had received from him, but complaining bitterly about Mamaea's insults. 10. Enraged, Mamaea ordered him to be killed and at the same time drove the girl from the palace to exile in Libya. She did this against Alexander's wishes and in spite of his displeasure, but the emperor was dominated by his mother and obeyed her every command. One might bring this single charge against Alexander, that his excessive amiability and abnormal filial devotion led him to bow to his mother in matters he personally disapproved.
And so for thirteen years he ruled the empire in blameless fashion so far as he personally was concerned.
CHAPTER II.
1. IN THE fourteenth year, however, unexpected dispatches from the governors of Syria and Mesopotamia revealed that Artaxerxes, the Persian king, had conquered the |156 Parthians and seized their Eastern empire, killing Artabanus, who was formerly called the Great King and wore the double diadem. Artaxerxes then subdued all the barbarians on his borders and forced them to pay tribute. He did not remain quiet, however, nor stay on his side of the Tigris River, but, after scaling its banks and crossing the borders of the Roman empire, he overran Mesopotamia and threatened Syria. 2. The entire continent opposite Europe, separated from it by the Aegean Sea and the Propontic Gulf, and the region called Asia he wished to recover for the Persian empire. Believing these regions to be his by inheritance, he declared that all the countries in that area, including Ionia and Caria, had been ruled by Persian governors, beginning with Cyrus, who first made the Median empire Persian, and ending with Darius, the last of the Persian monarchs, whose kingdom was seized by Alexander the Great. He asserted that it was therefore proper for him to recover for the Persians the kingdom which they had formerly possessed. 3. When the Eastern governors revealed these developments in their dispatches, Alexander was greatly disturbed by these unanticipated tidings, particularly since, raised from childhood in an age of peace, he had spent his entire life in urban ease and comfort. Before doing anything else, he thought it best, after consulting his advisers, to send an embassy to the king and by his letters halt the invasion and disappoint the barbarian's hopes. 4. In these letters he told Artaxerxes that he must remain within his own borders and not initiate any action; let him not, deluded by vain hopes, stir up a great war, but rather let each of them be content with what was already his. Artaxerxes would find fighting against the Romans not the same thing as fighting with his barbarian kinsmen and neighbors. Alexander further reminded the Persian king of the victories won over them by Augustus, Trajan, Verus, and Severus. By writing letters of this kind, Alexander thought that he would |157 persuade the barbarian to remain quiet or frighten him to the same course. 5. But Artaxerxes ignored Alexander's efforts; believing that the matter would be settled by arms, not by words, he took the field, pillaging and looting all the Roman provinces. He overran and plundered Mesopotamia, trampling it under the hoofs of his horses. He laid siege to the Roman garrison camps on the banks of the rivers, the camps which defended the empire. Rash by nature and elated by successes beyond his expectations, Artaxerxes was convinced that he could surmount every obstacle in his path. 6. The considerations which led him to wish for an expanded empire were not small. He was the first Persian to dare to launch an attack on the Parthian empire and the first to succeed in winning back that empire for the Persians. Indeed, after Darius had been deprived of his kingdom by Alexander of Macedon, the Macedonians and Alexander's successors divided up the territory by countries and ruled the nations of the East and all Asia for many years. 7. When these governors quarreled and the power of the Macedonians was weakened by continual wars, they say that Arsaces the Parthian was the first to persuade the barbarians in those regions to revolt from the Macedonians. Invested with the crown by the willing Parthians and the neighboring barbarians, Arsaces ruled as king. For a long time the empire remained in his own family, down to Artabanus in our time; then Artaxerxes killed Artabanus and took possession of his kingdom for the Persians. After easily subduing the neighboring barbarian nations, the king began to plot against the Roman empire.
CHAPTER III.
1. WHEN the bold actions of this Eastern barbarian were disclosed to Alexander while he was passing the time in Rome, he found these affronts unendurable. Though the |158 undertaking distressed him and was contrary to his inclinations, since his governors there were calling for him, he made preparations for departure. He assembled for army service picked men from Italy and from all the Roman provinces, enrolling those whose age and physical condition qualified them for military service. 2. The gathering of an army equal in size to the reported strength of the attacking barbarians caused the greatest upheaval throughout the Roman world. When these troops were gathered in Rome, Alexander ordered them to assemble on the usual plain. There he mounted a platform and addressed them as follows:
3. "I wished, fellow soldiers, to make the customary speech to you, the speech from which I, speaking to the popular taste, receive approval, and you, when you hear it, receive encouragement. Since you have now enjoyed many years of peace, you may be startled to hear something unusual or contrary to your anticipations. 4. Brave and intelligent men should pray for things to turn out for the best, but they should also endure whatever befalls. It is true that the enjoyment of things done for pleasure brings gratification, but good repute results from the manliness involved in setting matters straight when necessity demands. To initiate unjust actions is not proof of good intentions, but it is a courageous deed to rid oneself of those who are troublesome if it is done with good conscience; one may expect good results if he has done nothing unjust but has avoided injustice. 5. The Persian Artaxerxes has slain his master Artabanus, and the Parthian empire is now Persian. Despising our arms and contemptuous of the Roman reputation, Artaxerxes is attempting to overrun and destroy our imperial possessions. I first endeavored by letters and persuasion to check his mad greed and his lust for the property of others. But the king, with barbarian arrogance, is unwilling to remain within his own boundaries and challenges us to battle. 6. Let us not hesitate to accept his |159 challenge. You veterans remind yourselves of the victories which you often won over the barbarians under the leadership of Severus and my father, Caracalla. You recruits, thirsting for glory and honor, make it clear that you know how to live at peace mildly and with propriety, but make it equally clear that you turn with courage to the tasks of war when necessity demands. 7. The barbarian is bold against the hesitant and the cowardly, but he does not stand up in like fashion to those who fight back; it is not in close-quarter combat that they battle the enemy with hope of success. Rather, they believe that whatever success they win is the result of plundering after a feigned retreat and flight. Discipline and organized battle tactics favor us, together with the fact that we have always been taught to conquer the barbarian."
CHAPTER IV.
1. WHEN Alexander finished speaking, the cheering army promised its wholehearted support for the war. After a lavish distribution of money to the soldiers, the emperor ordered preparations for his departure from the city. He then went before the senate and made a speech similar to the one recorded above; following this, he publicly announced his plans to march out. 2. On the appointed day, after he had performed the sacrifices prescribed for departures, Alexander left Rome, weeping and repeatedly looking back at the city. The senate and all the people escorted him, and everyone wept, for he was held in great affection by the people of Rome, among whom he had been reared and whom he had ruled with moderation for many years. 3. Traveling rapidly, he came to Antioch, after visiting the provinces and the garrison camps in Illyricum; from that region he collected a huge force of troops. While in Antioch he continued |160 his preparations for the war, giving the soldiers military training under field conditions.
4. He thought it best to send another embassy to the Persian king to discuss the possibility of peace and friendship, hoping to persuade him or to intimidate him by his presence. The barbarian, however, sent the envoys back to the emperor unsuccessful. Then Artaxerxes chose four hundred very tall Persians, outfitted them with fine clothes and gold ornaments, and equipped them with horses and bows; he sent these men to Alexander as envoys, thinking that their appearance would dazzle the Romans. 5. The envoys said that the great king Artaxerxes ordered the Romans and their emperor to withdraw from all Syria and from that part of Asia opposite Europe; they were to permit the Persians to rule as far as Ionia and Caria and to govern all the nations separated by the Aegean Sea and the Propontic Gulf, inasmuch as these were the Persians' by right of inheritance. 6. When the Persian envoys delivered these demands, Alexander ordered the entire four hundred to be arrested; stripping off their finery, he sent the group to Phrygia, where villages and farm land were assigned to them, but he gave orders that they were not to be allowed to return to their native country. He treated them in this fashion because he thought it dishonorable and cowardly to put them to death, since they were not fighting but simply carrying out their master's orders.
7. This is the way the affair turned out. While Alexander was preparing to cross the Tigris and Euphrates rivers and lead his army into barbarian territory, several mutinies broke out among his troops, especially among the soldiers from Egypt; but revolts occurred also in Syria, where the soldiers attempted to proclaim a new emperor. These defections were quickly discovered and suppressed. At this time Alexander transferred to other stations those field armies which seemed better able to check the barbarian invasions. |161
CHAPTER V.
1. AFTER thus setting matters in order, Alexander, considering that the huge army he had assembled was now nearly equal in power and numbers to the barbarians, consulted his advisers and then divided his force into three separate armies. One army he ordered to overrun the land of the Medes after marching north and passing through Armenia, which seemed to favor the Roman cause. 2. He sent the second army to the eastern sector of the barbarian territory, where, it is said, the Tigris and Euphrates rivers at their confluence empty into very dense marshes; these are the only rivers whose mouths cannot be clearly determined. The third and most powerful army he kept himself, promising to lead it against the barbarians in the central sector. He thought that in this way he would attack them from different directions when they were unprepared and not anticipating such strategy, and he believed that the Persian horde, constantly split up to face their attackers on several fronts, would be weaker and less unified for battle. 3. The barbarians, it may be noted, do not hire mercenary soldiers as the Romans do, nor do they maintain trained standing armies. Rather, all the available men, and sometimes the women too, mobilize at the king's order. At the end of the war each man returns to his regular occupation, taking as his pay whatever falls to his lot from the general booty. 4. They use the bow and the horse in war, as the Romans do, but the barbarians are reared with these from childhood, and live by hunting; they never lay aside their quivers or dismount from their horses, but employ them constantly for war and the chase.
Alexander therefore devised what he believed to be the best possible plan of action, only to have Fortune defeat his design. 5. The army sent through Armenia had an agonizing |162 passage over the high, steep mountains of that country. (As it was still summer, however, they were able to complete the crossing.) Then, plunging down into the land of the Medes, the Roman soldiers devastated the countryside, burning many villages and carrying off much loot. Informed of this, the Persian king led his army to the aid of the Medes, but met with little success in his efforts to halt the Roman advance. 6. This is rough country; while it provided firm footing and easy passage for the infantry, the rugged mountain terrain hampered the movements of the barbarian cavalry and prevented their riding down the Romans or even making contact with them. Then men came and reported to the Persian king that another Roman army had appeared in eastern Parthia and was overrunning the plains there. 7. Fearing that the Romans, after ravaging Parthia unopposed, might advance into Persia, Artaxerxes left behind a force which he thought strong enough to defend Media, and hurried with his entire army into the eastern sector. The Romans were advancing much too carelessly because they had met no opposition and, in addition, they believed that Alexander and his army, the largest and most formidable of the three, had already attacked the barbarians in the central sector. They thought, too, that their own advance would be easier and less hazardous when the barbarians were constantly being drawn off elsewhere to meet the threat of the emperor's army. 8. All three Roman armies had been ordered to invade the enemy's territory, and a final rendezvous had been selected to which they were to bring their booty and prisoners. But Alexander failed them: he did not bring his army or come himself into barbarian territory, either because he was afraid to risk his life for the Roman empire or because his mother's feminine fears or excessive mother love restrained him. 9. She blocked his efforts at courage by persuading him that he should let others risk their lives for him, but that |163 he should not personally fight in battle. It was this reluctance of his which led to the destruction of the advancing Roman army. The king attacked it unexpectedly with his entire force and trapped the Romans like fish in a net; firing their arrows from all sides at the encircled soldiers, the Persians massacred the whole army. The outnumbered Romans were unable to stem the attack of the Persian horde; they used their shields to protect those parts of their bodies exposed to the Persian arrows. 10. Content merely to protect themselves, they offered no resistance. As a result, all the Romans were driven into one spot, where they made a wall of their shields and fought like an army under siege. Hit and wounded from every side, they held out bravely as long as they could, but in the end all were killed. The Romans suffered a staggering disaster; it is not easy to recall another like it, one in which a great army was destroyed, an army inferior in strength and determination to none of the armies of old. The successful outcome of these important events encouraged the Persian king to anticipate better things in the future.
CHAPTER VI.
1. WHEN the disaster was reported to Alexander, who was seriously ill either from despondency or the unfamiliar air, he fell into despair. The rest of the army angrily denounced the emperor because the invading army had been destroyed as a result of his failure to carry out the plans faithfully agreed upon. 2. And now Alexander refused to endure his indisposition and the stifling air any longer. The entire army was sick and the troops from Illyricum especially were seriously ill and dying, being accustomed to moist, cool air and to more food than they were being issued. Eager to set out for Antioch, Alexander ordered the army in Media to proceed to that city. 3. This army, in its advance, was almost |164 totally destroyed in the mountains; a great many soldiers suffered mutilation in the frigid country, and only a handful of the large number of troops who started the march managed to reach Antioch. The emperor led his own large force to that city, and many of them perished too; so the affair brought the greatest discontent to the army and the greatest dishonor to Alexander, who was betrayed by bad luck and bad judgment. Of the three armies into which he had divided his total force, the greater part was lost by various misfortunes—disease, war, and cold.
4. In Antioch, Alexander was quickly revived by the cool air and good water of that city after the acrid drought in Mesopotamia, and the soldiers too recovered there. The emperor tried to console them for their sufferings by a lavish distribution of money, in the belief that this was the only way he could regain their good will. He assembled an army and prepared to march against the Persians again if they should give trouble and not remain quiet. 5. But it was reported that Artaxerxes had disbanded his army and sent each soldier back to his own country. Though the barbarians seemed to have conquered because of their superior strength, they were exhausted by the numerous skirmishes in Media and by the battle in Parthia, where they lost many killed and many wounded. The Romans were not defeated because they were cowards; indeed, they did the enemy much damage and lost only because they were outnumbered. 6. Since the total number of troops which fell on both sides was virtually identical, the surviving barbarians appeared to have won, but by superior numbers, not by superior power. It is no little proof of how much the barbarians suffered that for three or four years after this they remained quiet and did not take up arms. All this the emperor learned while he was at Antioch. Relieved of anxiety about the war, he grew more |165 cheerful and less apprehensive and devoted himself to enjoying the pleasures which the city offered.
CHAPTER VII.
1. ALEXANDER did not believe that Persian affairs would remain permanently quiet and peaceful, but he did think that the barbarian had provided him with a temporary respite from campaigning. The barbarian army, once disbanded, was not easily remustered, as it was not organized on a permanent basis. More a mob than a regular army, the soldiers had only those supplies which each man brought for himself when he reported for duty. Moreover, the Persians are reluctant to leave their wives, children, and homeland. 2. Now unexpected messages and dispatches upset Alexander and caused him even greater anxiety: the governors in Illyria reported that the Germans had crossed the Rhine and the Danube rivers, were plundering the Roman empire, and with a huge force were overrunning the garrison camps on the banks of these rivers, as well as the cities and villages there. They reported also that the provinces of Illyricum bordering on and close to Italy were in danger. 3. The governors informed the emperor that it was absolutely necessary that he and his entire army come to them. The revelation of these developments terrified Alexander and aroused great concern among the soldiers from Illyricum, who seemed to have suffered a double disaster; the men who had undergone many hardships in the Persian expedition now learned that their families had been slaughtered by the Germans. They were naturally enraged at this, and blamed Alexander for their misfortunes because he had betrayed affairs in the East by his cowardice and carelessness and was hesitant and dilatory about the situation in the North. 4. Alexander and his |166 advisers, too, feared for the safety of Italy itself. They did not consider the Persian threat at all similar to the German. The fact is that those who live in the East, separated from the West by a great continent and a broad sea, scarcely ever hear of Italy, whereas the provinces of Illyricum, since they are narrow and very little of their territory is under Roman control, make the Germans actually neighbors of the Italians; the two peoples thus share common borders. 5. Although he loathed the idea, Alexander glumly announced his departure for Illyria. Necessity compelled him to go, however; and so, leaving behind a force which he considered strong enough to defend the Roman frontiers, after he had seen to the forts and the walls of the camps with greater care and had assigned to each fort its normal complement of troops, the emperor marched out against the Germans with the rest of his army.
6. Completing the journey quickly, he encamped on the banks of the Rhine and made preparations for the German campaign. Alexander spanned the river with boats lashed together to form a bridge, thinking that this would provide an easy means of crossing for his soldiers. The Rhine in Germany and the Danube in Pannonia are the largest of the northern rivers. In summer their depth and width make them easily navigable, but in the cold winters they freeze over and appear like a level plain which can be crossed on horseback. 7. The river becomes so firm and solid in that season that it supports horses and men. Then those who want drinking water do not come to the river with pitchers and bowls; they bring axes and mattocks and, when they have finished chopping, take up water without using bowls and carry it in chunks as hard as rock.
8. Such is the nature of these rivers. Alexander had brought with him many Moroccan javelin men and a huge force of archers from the East and from the Osroenian country, together with Parthian deserters and mercenaries who had |167 offered their help; with these he prepared to battle the Germans. The missile men were especially troublesome to the Germans: the Moroccans hurl their javelins from a distance and attack and retreat nimbly, while the archers, far removed from their targets, easily fire their arrows into the bare heads and huge bodies of the Germans; but when the Germans attacked at full speed and fought hand to hand, they were often the equal of the Romans.
9. Alexander was thus occupied with these matters. He thought it wise, however, to send an embassy to the Germans to discuss the possibilities of a peaceful settlement. He promised to give them everything they asked and to hand over a large amount of money. The avaricious Germans are susceptible to bribes and are always ready to sell peace to the Romans for gold. Consequently, Alexander undertook to buy a truce rather than risk the hazards of war. 10. The soldiers, however, were not pleased by his action, for the time was passing without profit to them, and Alexander was doing nothing courageous or energetic about the war; on the contrary, when it was essential that he march out and punish the Germans for their insults, he spent the time in chariot racing and luxurious living.
CHAPTER VIII.
1. THERE was in the Roman army a man named Maximinus whose half-barbarian family lived in a village in the most remote section of Thrace. They say that as a boy he was a shepherd, but that in his youthful prime he was drafted into the cavalry because of his size and strength. After a short time, favored by Fortune, he advanced through all the military ranks, rising eventually to the command of armies and the governing of provinces. 2. Because of his military experience, which I have noted above, Alexander put |168 Maximinus in charge of training recruits for the entire army; his task was to instruct them in military duties and prepare them for service in war. By carrying out his assignments thoroughly and diligently, Maximinus won the affection of the soldiers. He not only taught them their duties; he also demonstrated personally to each man what he was to do. As a result, the recruits imitated his manliness and were both his pupils and his admirers. 3. He won their devotion by giving them all kinds of gifts and rewards. Consequently, the recruits, who included an especially large number of Pannonians, praised the masculinity of Maximinus and despised Alexander as a mother's boy. Their contempt for the emperor was increased by the fact that the empire was being managed by a woman's authority and a woman's judgment, and by the fact that Alexander had directed the campaigns carelessly and timidly. They reminded each other of the defeats in the East which had resulted from the emperor's negligence and of his failure to do anything courageous or vigorous when he faced the Germans. 4. The soldiers were therefore ready for a change of emperors. They had additional reasons for discontent: they considered the current reign burdensome because of its long duration; they thought it profitless for them now that all rivalry had been eliminated; and they hoped that the reign which they intended to institute would be advantageous to them and that the empire would be much coveted and highly valued by a man who received it unexpectedly. They plotted now to kill Alexander and proclaim Maximinus emperor and Augustus, since he was their fellow soldier and messmate and seemed, because of his experience and courage, to be the right man to take charge of the present war. 5. They therefore assembled on the drill field for their regular training; when Maximinus took his position before them, either unaware of what was happening or having secretly made prior preparations for the event, the |169 soldiers robed him in the imperial purple and proclaimed him emperor. 6. At first he refused the honor and threw off the purple, but when they pressed him and, waving their swords, threatened to kill him, he preferred the future risk to the present danger and accepted the empire; often before, he said, dreams and prophecies had predicted this good fortune. He told the soldiers, however, that he accepted the honor unwillingly; he did not really want it and was simply obeying their wish in the matter. 7. He then directed the soldiers to put their thoughts into action, to take up arms and hurry off to attack Alexander while he was still unaware of what had happened. By reaching the emperor before the news of their approach came, they would surprise his soldiers and his bodyguards too. They would either persuade Alexander's forces to join them, or would overcome them with no difficulty, since the imperial forces would be unprepared and anticipating nothing of this nature. 8. After arousing great enthusiasm and good will among the troops, Maximinus doubled their rations, promised them lavish gifts, and revoked all sentences and punishments. He then marched out, for his camp was not far from the headquarters of Alexander and his companions.
CHAPTER IX.
1. WHEN these developments were reported, Alexander, panic-stricken by the incredible nature of the message, was in complete confusion. Bursting from the imperial headquarters as if possessed, weeping and trembling, he denounced Maximinus for his disloyalty and ingratitude, and listed all the favors he had done the man. 2. He castigated the recruits for their recklessness and promised to give them everything they asked and to set straight anything that displeased them. The soldiers guarding the emperor on that |170 day cheered his words; forming an escort, they promised to defend him to the death. 3. When the night had passed, men came at dawn to report that Maximinus was approaching; they said that a cloud of dust could be seen in the distance, and the shouting of a huge throng was audible. Then Alexander came again to the drill field, summoned his troops, and begged them to fight to preserve the life of a man whom they had reared and under whose rule they had lived well content for fourteen years. After this effort to move the soldiers to compassion, Alexander ordered them to take up arms and go forth to battle. 4. At first the soldiers obeyed him, but they soon left the field and refused to fight. Some demanded for execution the commanding general of the army and Alexander's associates, pretending that they were responsible for the revolt. Others condemned the emperor's greedy mother for cutting off their money, and despised Alexander for his pettiness and stinginess in the matter of gifts. 5. For a time they did nothing but shout this barrage of charges. When the army of Maximinus came into view, the clamoring recruits called upon Alexander's soldiers to desert the miserly woman and the timid, mother-dominated youth; at the same time they urged his soldiers to join them in supporting a brave and intelligent man, a fellow soldier who was always under arms and busy with military matters. Convinced, Alexander's troops deserted him for Maximinus, who was then proclaimed emperor by all. 6. Trembling with fear, Alexander was scarcely able to retire to his quarters. Clinging to his mother and, as they say, complaining and lamenting that she was to blame for his death, he awaited his executioner. After being saluted as emperor by the entire army, Maximinus sent a tribune and several centurions to kill Alexander and his mother, together with any of his followers who opposed them. 7. When these men came to the emperor's quarters, they rushed in and killed him with his mother; they |171 also cut down those whom he had honored or who appeared to be his friends. Some, however, managed to flee or to hide for the moment, but Maximinus soon rounded up these fugitives and put them to death.
8. Such was the fate suffered by Alexander and his mother [A.D. 235] after he had ruled fourteen years without blame or bloodshed so far as it affected his subjects. A stranger to savagery, murder, and illegality, he was noted for his benevolence and good deeds. It is therefore entirely possible that the reign of Alexander might have won renown for its perfection had not his mother's petty avarice brought disgrace upon him.
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Herodian of Antioch, History of the Roman Empire (1961) pp.172-196. Book 7.
Herodian of Antioch, History of the Roman Empire (1961) pp.172-196. Book 7.
Chapter I
Chapter II
Chapter III
Chapter IV
Chapter V
Chapter VI
Chapter VII
Chapter VIII
Chapter IX
Chapter X
Chapter XI
Chapter XII
BOOK SEVEN
MAXIMINUS AND THE GORDIANS
CHAPTER I.
1. THE kind of life which Alexander led and the fate which overtook him after fourteen years as emperor we have described in the preceding book. When he assumed control of the empire, Maximinus reversed the situation, using his power savagely to inspire great fear. He undertook to substitute for a mild and moderate rule an autocracy in every way barbarous, well aware of the hostility directed toward him because he was the first man to rise from a lowly station to the post of highest honor. 2. His character was naturally barbaric, as his race was barbarian. He had inherited the brutal disposition of his countrymen, and he intended to make his imperial position secure by acts of cruelty, fearing that he would become an object of contempt to the senate and the people, who might be more conscious of his lowly origin than impressed by the honor he had won. Everyone knew and spread the story that when he was a shepherd in the mountains of Thrace, he enlisted in a local auxiliary cohort |173 because of his huge size and great strength, and by luck became the emperor of the Romans. 3. He therefore immediately disposed of Alexander's friends and associates, together with his senatorial advisers. Some he returned to Rome; others he dismissed for administrative reasons, in order to gain sole command of the army. He wanted no one around him who was superior to him in birth, desiring to act the tyrant as if from a lofty height, with no one near to whom he must defer. 4. He banished from the imperial palace the entire band of attendants who had served Alexander for many years; he put most of them to death, suspecting that they were plotting against him, for he knew that they were still grieving over Alexander's assassination.
Maximinus was aroused to even greater fury by a plot allegedly formed by many centurions and all the senators. 5. A man of the nobility and consular rank named Magnus was accused of organizing a conspiracy against the emperor and persuading some of the soldiers to transfer the empire to his charge. The plot was said to be something like this. Maximinus had bridged the Rhine River and was about to cross over and attack the Germans; 6. for, as soon as he got control of the empire, he immediately began military operations. Since it appeared that he had been chosen emperor because of his great size, military prowess, and experience in war, he undertook to confirm by action the good reputation and high esteem he enjoyed among the soldiers. In this way, too, he tried to demonstrate that the charges of vacillation and timidity in military matters they brought against Alexander were well founded. Therefore he did not halt the soldiers' training and exercises, and remained under arms himself, spurring the army to action. 7. Now, with the bridge completed, he was about to cross over to attack the Germans. Magnus, however, was said to have persuaded a few prominent soldiers, particularly those assigned to guard and |174 maintain the bridge, to destroy the structure after Maximinus had crossed, and to betray the emperor to the barbarians by cutting off his only return route. After the bridge had been destroyed, the great river, very wide and deep, would be impassable, as no boats were available on the enemy's side. 8. Such was the report of the plot, but whether it was actually true or whether it was fabricated by Maximinus it is not easy to say, because the matter was not investigated. Maximinus did not bring the conspirators to trial or allow them an opportunity to defend themselves; he arrested without warning all who were suspected and executed them without mercy.
9. There was now unrest among the Osroenian archers. These troops were much grieved by Alexander's death, and when they chanced to discover one of the emperor's friends, a former consul (a man named Quartinus, whom Maximinus had dismissed from the army), they seized him unexpectedly and made him their unwilling general; then, conferring upon him the purple and the processional fire, fatal honors, they brought to the imperial throne a most reluctant occupant. 10. While Quartinus was asleep in his tent, a plot was formed against him, and he was assassinated during the night by a companion and presumed friend, a former commander of the Osroenians (his name was Macedon); yet this same Macedon had been a ringleader in the elevation of Quartinus to the throne and in the revolt against Maximinus; in both actions he had the full support of the Osroenians. Although he had no reason for enmity or hatred, Macedon killed the man whom he himself had chosen and persuaded to accept the empire. Thinking that this act would win him great favor with Maximinus, Macedon cut off Quartinus' head and brought it to the emperor. 11. When he learned of the deed, Maximinus, though he believed that he had been freed from a dangerous enemy, nevertheless had Macedon killed, when the man had every reason to hope and believe |175 that he would receive a generous reward. Macedon was not only the instigator of the revolt and the assassin of the man whom he had persuaded to accept the throne against his better judgment, but he was also a traitor to his friend.
12. For these reasons Maximinus was aroused to greater cruelty and more savage acts, and he was by nature inclined to such behavior. The emperor's appearance was frightening and his body was huge; not easily would any of the skilled Greek athletes or the best-trained warriors among the barbarians prove his equal.
CHAPTER II.
1. HAVING settled affairs in the manner described above, Maximinus led out his entire army and crossed the bridge fearlessly, eager to do battle with the Germans. Under his command was a vast number of men, virtually the entire Roman military force, together with many Moroccan javelin men and Osroenian and Armenian archers; some were subject peoples, others friends and allies, and included, too, were a number of Parthian mercenaries and slaves captured by the Romans. 2. This enormous force was originally assembled by Alexander, but it was increased in size and trained for service by Maximinus. The javelin men and archers seemed to be especially effective against the Germans, taking them by surprise, attacking with agility and then retreating without difficulty. 3. Though he was in enemy territory, Maximinus advanced for a considerable distance because all the barbarians had fled and he met no opposition. He therefore laid waste the whole country, taking particular care to destroy the ripening grain, and burned the villages after allowing the army to plunder them. Fire destroys the German towns and houses very quickly. 4. Although there is a scarcity of stone and fired brick in Germany, the forests are |176 dense, and timber is so abundant that they build their houses of wood, fitting and joining the squared beams. Maximinus advanced deep into German territory, carrying off booty and turning over to the army all the herds they encountered. 5. The Germans had left the plains and treeless areas and were hiding in the forests; they remained in the woods and marshes so that the battle would have to take place where the thick screen of trees made the missiles and javelins of their enemies ineffectual and where the depths of the marshes were dangerous to the Romans because of their unfamiliarity with the region. The Germans, on the contrary, were well acquainted with the terrain and knew which places provided firm footing and which were impassable. They moved rapidly and easily through the marshes, in water only knee-deep. 6. The Germans, who do all their bathing in the rivers, are expert swimmers.
As a result, most of the skirmishing occurred in those regions, and it was there that the emperor personally and very boldly joined battle. When the Germans rushed into a vast swamp in an effort to escape and the Romans hesitated to leap in after them in pursuit, Maximinus plunged into the marsh, though the water was deeper than his horse's belly; there he cut down the barbarians who opposed him. 7. Then the rest of the army, ashamed to betray their emperor who was doing their fighting for them, took courage and leaped into the marsh behind him. A large number of men fell on both sides, but, while many Romans were killed, virtually the entire barbarian force was annihilated, and the emperor was the foremost man on the field. The swamp pool was choked with bodies, and the marsh ran red with blood; this land battle had all the appearance of a naval encounter. 8. This engagement and his own bravery Maximinus reported in dispatches to the senate and Roman people; moreover, he ordered the scene to be painted on huge canvases to be set |177 up in front of the senate house, so that the Romans might not only hear about the battle but also be able to see what happened there. Later the senate removed this picture together with the rest of his emblems of honor. Other battles took place in which Maximinus won praise for his personal participation, for fighting with his own hands, and for being in every conflict the best man on the field. 9. After taking many German prisoners and seizing much booty, the emperor, since winter had already begun, went to Pannonia and spent his time at Sirmium, the largest city in that country; there he made preparations for his spring offensive. He threatened (and was determined) to defeat and subjugate the German nations as far as the ocean.
CHAPTER III.
1. THIS is the kind of military man the emperor was, and his actions would have added to his reputation if he had not been much too ruthless and severe toward his associates and subjects. What profit was there in killing barbarians when greater slaughter occurred in Rome and the provinces? Or in carrying off booty captured from the enemy when he robbed his fellow countrymen of all their property? 2. Complete indulgence—encouragement, I should say—was granted to informers to threaten and insult, and to reopen any known crimes committed by a man's ancestors which were hitherto unexposed and undetected. Anyone who was merely summoned into court by an informer was immediately judged guilty, and left with all his property confiscated. 3. It was thus possible every day to see men who yesterday had been rich, today reduced to paupers, so great was the avarice of the tyrant, who pretended to be insuring a continuous supply of money for the soldiers. The emperor's ears were always open to slanderous charges, and he spared neither age nor position. |178 He arrested on slight and trivial charges many men who had governed provinces and commanded armies, who had won the honor of a consulship, or had gained fame by military victories. 4. He ordered these men to be brought in chariots to Pannonia, where he was then passing the time; they were to travel day and night, without an escort, from the east, the west, and the south, wherever they happened to be. After insulting and torturing these prisoners, he condemned them to exile or death.
As long as his actions affected only individuals and the calamities suffered were wholly private, the people of the cities and provinces were not particularly concerned with what the emperor was doing. 5. Unpleasant things which happen to those who seem to be fortunate or wealthy are not only a matter of indifference to the mob, but they often bring pleasure to mean and malicious men, who envy the powerful and the prosperous. After Maximinus had impoverished most of the distinguished men and confiscated their estates, which he considered small and insignificant and not sufficient for his purposes, he turned to the public treasuries; all the funds which had been collected for the citizens' welfare or for gifts, all the funds being held in reserve for shows or festivals, he transferred to his own personal fortune. The offerings which belonged to the temples, the statues of the gods, the tokens of honor of the heroes, the decorations on public buildings, the adornments of the city, in short, any material suitable for making coins, he handed over to the mints. 6. But what especially irked the people and aroused public indignation was the fact that, although no fighting was going on and no enemy was under arms anywhere, Rome appeared to be a city under siege. Some citizens, with angry shaking of fists, set guards around the temples, preferring to die before the altars than to stand by and see their country ravaged. From that time on, particularly in the cities |179 and the provinces, the hearts of the people were filled with rage. The soldiers too were disgusted with his activities, for their relatives and fellow citizens complained that Maximinus was acting solely for the benefit of the military.
CHAPTER IV.
1. FOR these reasons, and justifiably, the people were aroused to hatred and thoughts of revolt. Prayers were offered by all, and the outraged gods were invoked, but no one dared to start anything until, after Maximinus had completed three years as emperor, the people of Africa first took up arms and touched off a serious revolt for one of those trivial reasons which often prove fatal to a tyrant. The uprising occurred in this manner. 2. The procurator of Africa was a man who performed his duties with excessive severity; he handed down extremely harsh decisions and extorted money to win the emperor's favor. Maximinus always appointed men who subscribed to his way of thinking. The treasury officials at that time, even if they happened to be honest, which was rarely the case, since they foresaw their own risks and knew the emperor's avarice, acted as dishonestly as the rest, even if they did so against their will. 3. Then the procurator of Africa, who acted the tyrant with everyone, involved in lawsuits some young men of the wealthiest and most aristocratic local families and undertook to extort money from them and rob them of their inheritances. Angered by this, the youths promised to pay him the money, but requested a delay of a few days. Calling a meeting, they won the support of all who were known to have suffered an injury or feared that they might suffer one. They ordered the field laborers to come into the city at night armed with clubs and axes. 4. Obeying their masters' orders, the workmen entered the city in a body before daybreak, carrying arms for |180 hand-to-hand fighting hidden under their clothes. A large number assembled; for Africa, which is a heavily populated province, has many farmers. 5. When dawn was approaching, the youths appeared and ordered the mob of workmen to follow them as if they were simply part of the crowd; they directed the workmen to take their assigned positions and, keeping their weapons hidden, to resist bravely if any of the soldiers or the people should attack them to avenge the deed they were plotting. 6. Carrying daggers under their robes, the youths approached the procurator as if to discuss the payment of the money; then, attacking him suddenly, they stabbed and killed him. When his bodyguards drew their swords in retaliation, the workmen from the fields pulled out their clubs and axes and, fighting for their masters, easily routed their opponents.
CHAPTER V.
1. THE success of their plan immediately put the youths in a desperate situation; they realized that a single avenue of safety lay open to them: to add to their bold act deeds even bolder and, enlisting the governor of the province as a partner in their peril, to rouse the whole province to revolt. They knew that the governor, who hated Maximinus, had long prayed for this, but was afraid to act. 2. As it was now noon, the entire group went to the house of the proconsul. The governor, whose name was Gordian, had received the African post by lot when he was about eighty years old, after he had previously governed many provinces and served in the highest public offices. For this reason the youths believed that he would accept with pleasure the office of emperor as the crowning achievement in his career in public office; they thought that the senate and the Roman people would be glad to accept as emperor a man from the |181 aristocracy who had risen to the high office after many governorships as if in a regular cursus. 3. It happened that on the day these events occurred Gordian was at home resting, enjoying a brief respite from his labors and duties. Accompanied by the entire band with drawn swords, the youths overpowered the guards on duty at the gates and burst into the house, where they found Gordian resting on a couch. Standing around him, they draped him in a purple cloak and greeted him with the imperial honors. 4. Astounded by this unexpected turn of events, and thinking it was an act of treachery or part of a plot against him, Gordian threw himself to the floor, begging them to spare the life of an old man who had never harmed them and to continue to display their loyalty and good will toward the emperor. But the youths were insistent and drew their swords. Gordian, alarmed and unaware of what had occurred, did not understand the situation. One of the youths, a talented speaker of distinguished family, asked for quiet and ordered the rest to remain silent. 5. Then, sword in hand, he addressed Gordian as follows: "With two dangers threatening you, the one present, the other future, the one already obvious, the other a remote possibility, you must make your choice whether to enjoy safety with us and have faith in greater things to come, in which indeed we have all placed our trust, or to die at our hands this very moment. If you elect to accept the present situation, there are many factors which augur well for the future: Maximums' hatred of everyone; the people's longing for deliverance from a cruel tyrant; their approval of your conduct in your former offices; and the fact that among the senate and the Roman people you enjoy a distinguished reputation and are held in high esteem. 6. But death awaits you this very day if you decide against us and refuse to join us, and we shall die ourselves, if need be, after we have killed you. We have done a deed which calls for even more desperate measures. |182 The tyrant's procurator is dead, having paid the penalty for his savagery—death at our hands. If you join us and share our peril you will enjoy the honor of being emperor, and the deed which we have done will be praised, not punished."
7. After the young man had finished speaking, the rest of the band cast aside all restraint. The entire populace of the city quickly assembled when the news was known, and the youths proclaimed Gordian Augustus. He begged to be excused, protesting that he was too old. But otherwise he was eager for fame, and did not enter into the office without some personal satisfaction, choosing to risk the future rather than the present danger, and thinking that it was not so terrible a thing to die, if need be, amidst the imperial honors.
8. Immediately the whole province of Africa was aroused; the people there pulled down Maximinus' emblems of honor and decorated their cities with paintings and statues of Gordian; they added "Africanus" to his imperial titles, giving him their own name, for the Libyans are called Africans in Latin.
CHAPTER VI.
1. THESE events occurred at Thystrum, where Gordian was staying at the time. After a few days, however, he left that city, having assumed the title and appearance of emperor, and proceeded to Carthage, which he knew to be a large and heavily populated city where he might do everything just as if he were in Rome. The city of Carthage, in size, wealth, and population, is surpassed only by Rome and contends with Alexandria in Egypt for second place in the empire. 2. Gordian was accompanied by the entire imperial escort, the soldiers on duty there, and the tallest of the city's youths, who preceded him in the manner of the praetorians at Rome. The fasces were wreathed with laurel; it is the laurel which distinguishes the fasces of the emperor from |183 those of other officials. The sacred fire was carried before him, and for a brief period Carthage was Rome in appearance and prosperity.
3. Gordian wrote letters to all the prominent men in Rome, including the leading senators, most of whom were his friends and relatives. He sent open letters to the senate and the Roman people in which he revealed his union with the Africans and attacked the savagery of Maximinus, knowing that this trait of the emperor's character was most violently hated. 4. He promised the Romans moderation in all things: he would banish informers, provide new trials for the unjustly condemned, and return exiles to their own lands. To the praetorians he promised more money than anyone had given them before, and he announced gifts for the people. Arrangements were made for the early execution of the commandant of the Praetorian Guard in Rome, a man named Vitalianus. Gordian knew that the prefect committed the most savage and cruel acts and that he was an intimate and devoted friend of Maximinus. 5. Gordian suspected that Vitalianus would strenuously resist what he was trying to do, and he further suspected that the Romans' fear of the prefect would keep them from assisting him. Consequently, he sent to Rome the quaestor of the province, a bold and physically powerful man who, in the prime of youth, was eager to risk any danger for his emperor. Gordian assigned several centurions and a contingent of soldiers to the quaestor and gave him sealed dispatches written on the folding tablets by which secret messages were sent to the emperors. 6. He ordered these men to enter Rome before dawn and approach Vitalianus while he was still hearing cases, after he had withdrawn into the little office in the courtroom where, alone, he opened and read the private messages which seemed to bear upon the emperor's safety. Gordian further told them to inform the prefect that they were carrying secret messages which |184 concerned Maximinus and that he had sent them on a matter involving the emperor's safety. 7. He ordered these men to pretend that they wished to speak with Vitalianus privately and deliver their report; while he was examining the seals on the dispatches, they were to ask him some question and kill him with the swords concealed beneath their robes. It all happened precisely as Gordian had ordered. Since Vitalianus was accustomed to appear before daybreak, the messengers came to him privately while it was still dark and only a few people were with him. 8. Some visitors had not yet arrived; others had greeted him before dawn and had already left. All was quiet, with only a few people outside his door. When the messengers from Gordian revealed to the prefect what has been described above, they were readily admitted. Handing him the dispatches, they drew their daggers while he was examining the seals and stabbed him to death; then, holding their daggers ready for action, they sprang from the house.
9. Those who were present drew back in astonishment, thinking that Maximinus had ordered the murder, for he often did this sort of thing even to those who seemed to be his most intimate friends. Hurrying down the Sacred Way, the assassins displayed the letters of Gordian to the people and handed over his directives to the consuls and other officials. And now the rumor spread that Maximinus had been assassinated.
CHAPTER VII.
1. WHEN these reports became known, the people milled about as if possessed. The fact is that all peoples are eager for a change of government, but the Roman mob, because of its tremendous size and diverse elements, is unusually prone to instability and vacillation. 2. Therefore the statues, paintings, and all of Maximinus' emblems of honor were destroyed, and the hatred which fear had hitherto |185 suppressed now poured forth without hindrance, freely and fearlessly. The senators met before they received accurate information concerning Maximinus and, placing their trust for the future in the present situation, proclaimed Gordian Augustus, together with his son, and destroyed Maximinus' emblems of honor. 3. Informers and men who were bringing lawsuits either fled or were killed by those against whom they had brought unjust charges; officials and judges who had been the instruments of his savagery were dragged about the city by the mob and were then thrown into the sewers. There was great slaughter of those innocent of wrongdoing: without warning, men broke into the houses of their creditors and their opponents in lawsuits, indeed into the house of anyone they hated for some trivial reason; after threatening and abusing them as informers, their attackers robbed and killed them. 4. Acts of civil war were committed in the name of freedom and peace and security; for example, the man who had been appointed prefect of the city after having held many consular offices (his name was Sabinus) was struck on the head by a stone and killed while he was trying to prevent what was happening in the city.
This is what the people did, but the senate, once it recognized the danger, did everything in its power to induce the provinces to revolt against Maximinus. 5. Embassies composed of senators and distinguished Equestrians were sent to all the governors with letters which clearly revealed the attitude of the senate and the Roman people. These letters requested the governors to aid the common fatherland and the senate with their counsel, and urged the provinces to remain loyal to Rome, where the power and authority from the beginning had been in the hands of the people, whose friends and subjects the provinces were from the time of their ancestors. 6. The majority of the governors welcomed the embassies and had no difficulty in arousing the provinces to revolt because |186 of the general hatred of Maximinus. After killing the provincial officials who favored Maximinus, the governors came to the support of the Romans. A few of the governors, however, killed the envoys who came to them or sent them to Maximinus under guard; these, upon their arrival, he tortured to death in savage fashion.
CHAPTER VIII.
1. THIS was the situation with respect to the city and the attitude of the Romans. When these events were reported to Maximinus, he was enraged, but, although he was seriously concerned, he pretended to ignore the matter. On the first and second days he remained quietly in his headquarters, consulting with his friends about a plan of action. 2. The whole army there with him and all the civilians in that region knew of the developments at Rome, and were amazed at the spirit of bold insubordination revealed by these acts; no one talked about the affair, however, each man pretending to be ignorant of what was occurring. So great was Maximinus' apprehension that he allowed nothing to escape his notice; he kept close watch on all, concerned not only with what they said but even with their facial expressions. 3. Then, summoning the entire army to the plain in front of the city, the emperor came forth on the third day, carrying the speech which some of his friends had written for him:1
4. "I know that what I am going to say to you will sound strange and incredible, and I believe that you will find my remarks ridiculous and amusing, rather than awe-inspiring. It is not the Germans who are taking up arms to oppose you and your valor, those men whom we have conquered so often, nor the Sarmatians, who daily plead with us for peace. The Persians, who not long ago were overrunning |187 Mesopotamia, are now subdued, happy to enjoy what they have, kept in check by the repute of your great skill in arms, and by the trial which they made of my military talents, of which they got a thorough knowledge when I commanded the armies on the riverbank. 5. But the fact is (and you will have to laugh when you hear it) that the Carthaginians have taken leave of their senses and have either persuaded or compelled a miserable old man, doddering in advanced senility, to accept the throne, making sport of the empire as if in deliberate mockery. In what army do they trust, these men among whom lictors are sufficient to protect the proconsul? What kind of weapons do they carry, these men who have no arms except the spears they use in single combat with animals? Dancing, sarcastic quips, and rhythmic posturing are their methods of training for war. 6. Let no one be frightened by the report of what has happened at Rome. Taken unaware by deceit and treachery, Vitalianus was murdered, but you know the unstable and capricious nature of the Roman mob, and you know that it is bold only as long as nothing is involved except shouting. But if that rabble sees only two or three armed men of the legions, each person is terrified at the thought of his own individual danger. Crowding together and trampling their neighbors, the rabble are indifferent to the common danger. 7. If anyone has informed you of the senate's action, do not be surprised if our mild way of life seems irksome to the people and they prefer the undisciplined activities of Gordian; and do not wonder that they call manly and moderate acts fear-inspiring, and believe that unrestrained frenzy is civilized because it provides pleasure. They are, as a result, unfavorably disposed toward my rule because it is disciplined and well ordered, but they are delighted to hear the name of Gordian, whose reprehensible way of life is not unknown to you. 8. It is with these and men like them that you will wage war, if anyone is willing to |188 dignify it by that name. I believe that the majority, indeed, nearly everyone, will extend olive branches and hold out their children to us as soon as we set foot in Italy. They will throw themselves prostrate at our feet, while the rest will flee, in fear and trembling, and all their property will fall into my hands for distribution to you, and it will be your privilege to receive it and enjoy it in security."
9. After speaking thus, Maximinus attacked the senate and the Roman people with incoherent abuse, threatening gestures, and savage grimaces, as if he were enraged at his audience; he then publicly announced his departure for Rome. He made a lavish distribution of money to the soldiers, and delayed only a single day before beginning his march at the head of a huge force which included all the Roman armies.
10. A not inconsiderable force of Germans followed him; these he had either conquered by arms or had persuaded to join him in friendly alliance. He had engines of war and military machines, in fact everything he ordinarily took with him when he marched against the barbarians, and he slowed his progress further by collecting supplies and wagons from all sides. 11. As his journey to Rome was sudden and unexpected —not the usual sort but the result of hasty action—he gathered together whatever the army needed. He thought it best, under the circumstances, to send the Pannonians ahead; he had special confidence in these troops who had been first to proclaim him emperor and who wished and promised to risk their lives on his behalf. He ordered these soldiers to precede the rest of his force and seize the regions of Italy before his arrival.
CHAPTER IX.
1. SO THE troops with Maximinus continued their march. Meanwhile, in Carthage, his affairs had prospered in a way he had not anticipated. A man of senatorial rank named |189 Capelianus was at that time governor of the Moroccans under Roman rule, the ones called Numidians. This province was defended by garrison camps so located as to prevent marauding raids by the large number of Moroccan barbarians surrounding it. 2. Capelianus thus had a formidable military force under his command. Gordian was hostile to Capelianus because they had earlier been involved in a lawsuit. When he assumed the title of emperor, Gordian sent a man to replace Capelianus and ordered the governor to leave the province. 3. Angered by this, and devoted to Maximinus, who had appointed him governor, Capelianus assembled his entire army. Persuading his troops to remain loyal to Maximinus and faithful to their oath, the governor marched toward Carthage at the head of a huge army of young, vigorous men equipped with every type of weapon and trained for battle by military experience gained in fighting the barbarians.
4. When the report of this army's approach reached the city, Gordian was terrified; the Carthaginians, however, aroused by the news and thinking that their hope of victory lay in the size of a mob rather than in the discipline of an army, went forth in a body to oppose Capelianus. Then the elder Gordian, some say, was in despair because Capelianus was attacking Carthage; when he considered the size of Maximinus' army and reflected that there were no forces in Africa strong enough to match it, he hanged himself. 5. His death was kept secret, however, and his son was chosen to command the crowd of civilians. When the battle was joined, the Carthaginians were superior in numbers, but they were an undisciplined mob, without military training; for they had grown up in a time of complete peace and indulged themselves constantly in feasts and festivals. To make it worse, they were without arms and proper equipment. 6. Each man brought from home a dagger, an ax, or a hunting spear; those who found hides cut out circles of leather, arranged |190 pieces of wood as a frame, and fashioned shields as best they could. The Numidians, by contrast, were excellent javelin men and superb horsemen. Scorning a bridle they used only a stick to guide their mounts. 7. They easily routed the huge Carthaginian mob; without waiting for the Numidians' charge, the Carthaginians threw down their arms and fled. Crowding and trampling one another underfoot, more Carthaginians were killed in the crush than fell by enemy action. There the son of Gordian died, together with all his companions, and the number of dead was so great that it was impossible to gather them for burial. The body of the young Gordian was never found. 8. A few of the many who rushed into Carthage and found a place to hide managed to save themselves; they scattered throughout the city, which is huge and densely populated. The rest of the mob crowded before the gates of the city, trying to force their way in; attacked by the cavalry and legionary troops, they were cut down to the last man. 9. Loud wailing of women and children was heard everywhere in the city when they saw their loved ones slaughtered before their eyes. Others say that when these events were reported to the elder Gordian, who had remained behind because of his advanced age, and he was informed that Capelianus was marching into Carthage, in complete despair he went into his bedroom alone as if to rest; there he used the sash from his waist to hang himself.
10. Such was the fate of Gordian, whose life in the beginning was favored by Fortune and who died at least presenting the appearance of an emperor. When Capelianus entered Carthage, he put to death all the prominent men who survived the battle, plundered the temples, and seized the public and private funds. 11. Continuing to the rest of the cities which had destroyed Maximinus' emblems of honor, Capelianus killed the most important men, exiling the rest. He turned the farms and villages over to the soldiers to plunder and burn, |191 pretending to be avenging Maximinus; the truth was, however, that he was scheming to win the good will of the soldiers so that if Maximinus should be killed he would have a loyal army and might thus lay claim to the empire.
CHAPTER X.
1. THIS is what was happening in Africa. When the death of the elder Gordian was reported at Rome, the people and the senate particularly were completely bewildered, dumfounded to learn that Gordian, in whom they had placed their hope, was dead. They knew that Maximinus, who was naturally hostile and antagonistic toward them, would spare no one. Now that he had good reason for hatred, he would as a matter of course vent his rage upon them as upon acknowledged enemies. 2. The senate therefore thought it best to meet and consider what should be done. Since they had already cast the die, they voted to issue a declaration of war and choose two men from their own ranks to be joint emperors, dividing the imperial authority so that the power might not be in one man's hands and thus plunge them again into autocracy. They did not meet as usual in the senate house but in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, the god whom the Romans worship on the Capitoline Hill. 3. They shut themselves up alone in this temple, as if to have Jupiter as their witness, fellow council member, and overseer of their actions. Choosing the men most distinguished for their age and merit, they approved them by ballot. Other senators received votes, but on the final count Maximus and Balbinus were elected joint emperors by majority opinion. 4. Maximus had held many army commands; appointed prefect of Rome, he administered the office with diligence and enjoyed among the people a good reputation for his understanding nature, his intelligence, and his moderate way of life. Balbinus, an aristocrat |192 who had twice served as consul and had governed provinces without complaint, had a more open and frank nature. 5. After their election, the two men were proclaimed Augusti, and the senate awarded them by decree all the imperial honors.
While these actions were being taken on the Capitoline Hill, the people, whether they were informed by Gordian's friends and fellow countrymen or whether they learned it by rumor, filled the entire street leading up to the Capitol. The huge mob was armed with stones and clubs, for they objected to the senate's action and particularly disapproved of Maximus. 6. The prefect ruled the city too strictly for the popular taste, and was very harsh in his dealings with the criminal and reckless elements of the mob. In their fear and dislike of Maximus, they kept shouting threats to kill both emperors, determined that the emperor be chosen from the family of Gordian and that the title remain in that house and under that name. 7. Balbinus and Maximus surrounded themselves with an escort of swordsmen from the young Equestrians and the discharged soldiers living in Rome, and tried to force their way from the Capitol. The mob, armed with stones and clubs, prevented this until, at someone's suggestion, the people were deceived. There was in Rome at that time a little child, the son of Gordian's daughter, who bore his grandfather's name. 8. The two emperors ordered some of their men to bring the child to the Capitol. Finding the lad playing at home, they lifted him to their shoulders and brought him to the Capitol through the midst of the crowd. Showing the boy to the people and telling them that he was the son of Gordian, they called him "Gordian," while the mob cheered the boy and scattered leaves in his path. 9. The senate appointed him Caesar, since he was not old enough to be emperor. The mob, placated, allowed the imperial party to proceed to the palace. |193
CHAPTER XI.
1. AT THIS same time a fatal blunder was made in Rome, one which originated in the rashness of two senators. The people of Rome were in the habit of coming to the senate house to find out what the senate was doing. 2. When the praetorians whom Maximinus had left behind in the camp at Rome learned of this practice (they were discharged veterans who had remained at home because of their age), they came unarmed and in civilian dress to the door of the senate house to find out what was happening and stood there with the rest of the crowd. 3. The other spectators remained outside, but two or three praetorians who were more curious than the rest, wishing to hear what was being planned, entered the council chamber, pushing past the base of the statue of Victory. Then a senator of the Carthaginian race named Gallicanus, who had recently been consul, and another senator named Maecenas, a man of praetorian rank, attacked the soldiers as they stood with their hands under their cloaks, and stabbed them to the heart with daggers hidden under their robes. 4. As a result of the recent revolt and disorder, all the senators were armed with daggers, openly or secretly, claiming that they were carrying them for protection against possible enemy plots. The praetorians who were struck down on this occasion, having no opportunity to defend themselves because the attack was wholly unexpected, lay dead at the base of the statue of Victory. 5. When the other praetorians saw this, they were terrified by the fate of their comrades. Unarmed and fearing the size of the mob, they turned and fled. Gallicanus ran out of the senate house into the crowd, displaying the dagger in his bloody hand, and ordered the mob to pursue and kill the enemies of the senate and the Roman people, the friends and |194 supporters of Maximinus. 6. The mob, easily persuaded, cheered Gallicanus and set out after the praetorians, hurling stones. The soldiers, few in number and wounded as well, fled before their pursuers; running into the praetorian camp, they shut the gates, took up arms, and posted guards on the walls. Gallicanus, by his reckless crime, brought civil war and widespread destruction upon the city. 7. He persuaded the people to break into the public arsenals, where armor used in parades rather than in battle was stored, each man to protect himself as best he could. He then threw open the gladiatorial schools and led out the gladiators armed with their regular weapons; finally, he collected all the spears, swords, and axes from the houses and shops. 8. The people, as if possessed, seized any tools they could find, made of suitable material, and fashioned weapons. They assembled and went out to the praetorian camp, where they attacked the gates and walls as if they were actually organizing a siege. The praetorians, with their vast combat experience, protected themselves behind their shields and the battlements; wounding their attackers with arrows and long spears, they kept them from the walls and drove them back. 9. With evening approaching, the besiegers decided to retire, since the civilians were exhausted and most of the gladiators were wounded. The people retreated in disorder, thinking that the few praetorians would not dare to pursue so large a mob. But the praetorians now threw open the gates and gave chase. They slaughtered the gladiators, and the greater part of the mob also perished, crushed in the confusion. After following the mob for a short distance, the praetorians returned and remained inside the walls of the camp. |195
CHAPTER XII.
1. THIS debacle increased the fury of the mob and the senate. Generals were chosen and picked men were called up for service from all parts of Italy. The young men were assembled and armed with whatever weapons were at hand. Maximus led most of these soldiers out to attack Maximinus; the rest remained behind to guard and defend the city. 2. Daily attacks were launched against the walls of the praetorian camp, but these assaults accomplished nothing, as the soldiers put up a stout resistance from their higher position. Struck and wounded, the attackers suffered heavily in the fighting. Balbinus, who had remained in Rome, issued an edict in which he pleaded with the people to effect a truce and promised amnesty to the soldiers, offering them pardon for all their offenses. 3. But he failed in his efforts to persuade either side: so huge a mob thought it disgraceful to be defied by a mere handful of men, and the praetorians were enraged to be suffering these barbaric indignities at the hands of Romans. Finally, when the attacks on the walls made no progress, the generals decided that it would be good strategy to block off all the streams flowing into the praetorian camp and thus overcome the soldiers by cutting off their water supply. 4. They therefore stopped the flow of water into the camp and diverted it into other channels, damming up the beds of the streams which flowed under the walls. Recognizing the danger, the despairing praetorians opened the gate and rushed forth to the attack. A sharp skirmish resulted and, when the mob fled, the guards pursued and drove them into all parts of the city. 5. Bested in the hand-to-hand fighting, the people climbed to the housetops and rained down upon the praetorians tiles, stones, and clay pots. In this way they inflicted severe injuries upon the soldiers, who, being unfamiliar with |196 the houses, did not dare to climb after them, and, of course, the doors of the shops and houses were barred. The soldiers did, however, set fire to houses that had wooden balconies (and there were many of this type in the city). 6. Because a great number of houses were made chiefly of wood, the fire spread very rapidly and without a break throughout most of the city. Many men who lost their vast and magnificent properties, valuable for the large incomes they produced and for their expensive decorations, were reduced from wealth to poverty. 7. A great many people died in the fire, unable to escape because the exits had been blocked by the flames. All the property of the wealthy was looted when the criminal and worthless elements in the city joined with the soldiers in plundering. And the part of Rome destroyed by fire was greater in extent than the largest intact city in the empire.
8. This was the situation at Rome. In the meantime, having completed his march, Maximinus was poised on the borders of Italy; after offering sacrifices at all the boundary altars, he advanced into Italy, ordering the troops to march under arms in battle formation.
9. We have now described in detail the revolt in the province of Africa, the civil war in Rome, the actions of Maximinus, and his advance into Italy; the events which followed will be related in the succeeding book.
[Footnotes moved to end]
1. 1A nice touch, to account for the elegant speech of the nonliterary emperor.
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Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: herodian_08_book .htm
Herodian of Antioch, History of the Roman Empire (1961) pp.197-213. Book 8.
Herodian of Antioch, History of the Roman Empire (1961) pp.197-213. Book 8.
Chapter I
Chapter II
Chapter III
Chapter IV
Chapter V
Chapter VI
Chapter VII
Chapter VIII
BOOK EIGHT
MAXIMUS AND BALBINUS
CHAPTER I.
1. MAXIMINUS' actions after the death of Gordian and his advance into Italy have been described in the preceding book, together with the revolt in Africa and the dissension which arose at Rome between the praetorians and the people. Halting at the borders, Maximinus sent scouts ahead to find out whether any soldiers lay in ambush in the valleys, thickets, or mountain forests. 2. Leading his army down into level country, Maximinus drew up the legions in a broad, shallow rectangle in order to occupy most of the plain; he placed all the heavy baggage, supplies, and wagons in the center of the formation and, taking command of the rear guard, followed with his troops. 3. On each flank marched the squadrons of armed cavalry, the Moroccan javelin men, and the archers from the East. The emperor also brought along a large number of German auxiliaries; he assigned these to the van to bear the initial assaults of the enemy. These men are savage and bold in the opening phases of battle; and if any risk were involved, the barbarian Germans were readily expendable. 4. When the troops had crossed the plain in good |198 order and strict discipline, they came to the first city in Italy, the one called Ema by the natives. Ema is situated on an elevated plateau at the foot of the Alps. From there advance guards and army scouts returned to report to Maximinus that the city was deserted. The inhabitants had fled in a body after setting fire to the doors of the temples and houses. As they had burned or carried off everything in the cities and fields, no food was left for men or animals. 5. Maximinus was gratified by the immediate flight of these Italians, and now anticipated that all the people of Italy would flee at his approach. But the army was by no means pleased to find itself suffering from famine at the very outset. Therefore, after spending the night at Ema, some in the city in houses already stripped of doors and everything else, others in the fields around the city, at sunrise they pressed on to the Alps. The Alps are very tall mountains which nature has erected as a defensive wall for Italy; rising high above the clouds, they extend a great distance and encompass Italy from the Tyrrhenian Sea on the west to the Ionian Sea on the east. 6. The mountains are covered with limitless dense forests, and the passes are narrow because of the towering cliffs or rough, broken rocks. These narrow passes are man-made, fashioned with much labor by the ancient Italians. The army advanced through these gaps with great anxiety, expecting the heights to be occupied and the paths blocked against their passage. Judging by the nature of the region, they were justified in their apprehensions.
CHAPTER II.
1. WHEN no opposition was offered, they crossed the Alps without hindrance; coming down to level country, they grew bolder and sang songs of thanksgiving. As the Italians had not taken advantage of the rough terrain to |199 hide and protect themselves, Maximinus expected everything to turn out successfully for him without the slightest difficulty. The Italians had not launched treacherous attacks from ambush or fought from the heights, taking advantage of the superior position. 2. While the army was in the plain, the scouts reported that Aquileia, the largest city in that part of Italy, had closed its gates and that the Pannonian legions which had been sent ahead had launched a vigorous attack upon the walls of this city. In spite of frequent assaults, they were completely unsuccessful. Finally, showered with stones, spears, and a rain of arrows, the Pannonians gave up and withdrew. Enraged at the Pannonian generals for fighting too feebly, Maximinus hurried to the city with his army, expecting to capture it with no difficulty.
3. Before these events occurred, Aquileia was already a huge city, with a large permanent population. Situated on the sea and with all the provinces of Illyricum behind it, Aquileia served as a port of entry for Italy. The city thus made it possible for goods transported from the interior by land or by the rivers to be traded to the merchant mariners and also for the necessities brought by sea to the mainland, goods not produced there because of the cold climate, to be sent to the upland areas. Since the inland people farm a region that produces much wine, they export this in quantity to those who do not cultivate grapes. 4. A huge number of people lived permanently in Aquileia, not only the native residents but also foreigners and merchants. At this time the city was even more crowded than usual; all the people from the surrounding area had left the small towns and villages and sought refuge there. They put their hope of safety in the city's great size and its defensive wall; this ancient wall, however, had for the most part collapsed. Under Roman rule the cities of Italy no longer had need of walls or arms; they had substituted permanent peace for war and had also gained a |200 participating share in the Roman government. 5. Now, however, necessity forced the Aquileians to repair the wall, rebuild the fallen sections, and erect towers and battlements. After fortifying the city with a rampart as quickly as possible, they closed the gates and remained together on the wall day and night, beating off their assailants. Two senators named Crispinus and Meniphilus, former consuls, were appointed generals. 6. These two had seen to everything with careful attention. With great foresight they had brought into the city supplies of every kind in quantities sufficient to enable it to withstand a long siege. An ample supply of water was available from the many wells in the city, and, a river flowing at the foot of the city wall provided both a defensive moat and an abundance of water.
CHAPTER III.
1. THESE are the preparations which had been made in the city. When it was reported to Maximinus that Aquileia was well defended and tightly shut, he thought it wise to send envoys to discuss the situation with the townspeople from the foot of the wall and try to persuade them to open the gates. There was in the besieging army a tribune who was a native of Aquileia, and whose wife, children, and relatives were inside the city. 2. Maximinus sent this man to the wall accompanied by several centurions, expecting their fellow citizen to win them over easily. The envoys told the Aquileians that Maximinus, their mutual emperor, ordered them to lay down their arms in peace, to receive him as a friend, not as an enemy, and to turn from killing to libations and sacrifices. Their emperor directed them not to overlook the fact that their native city was in danger of being razed to its very foundations, whereas it was in their power to save themselves and to preserve their city when their merciful |201 emperor pardoned them for their offenses. Others, not they, were the guilty ones. 3. The envoys shouted their message from the foot of the wall so that those above might understand it. Most of the city's population was on the walls and in the towers; only those standing guard at other posts were absent. They all listened quietly to what the envoys were saying. 4. Fearing that the people, convinced by these lying promises, might choose peace instead of war and throw open the gates, Crispinus ran along the parapet, pleading with the Aquileians to hold out bravely and offer stout resistance; he begged them not to break faith with the senate and the Roman people, but to win a place in history as the saviors and defenders of all Italy. He warned them not to trust the promises of a tyrant, a liar, and a hypocrite, and not to surrender to certain destruction, lulled by soft words, when they could put their trust in the always unpredictable outcome of war. 5. Often, he continued, few have prevailed over many and those who appeared to be weaker have overcome those assumed to be stronger. Nor should they be frightened by the size of the besieging army. "Those who fight on another's behalf," he said, "well aware that the benefits, if any should result, will be not theirs but his, are less eager to do battle, knowing that while they share the risks, another will reap the greatest prizes of the victory. 6. But those who fight for their native land can look for greater favor from the gods because they do not pray for help in seizing the property of others, but ask only to be allowed to retain in safety what is already theirs. They show an enthusiasm for battle which results not from the orders of another but from their own inner compulsion, since all the fruits of victory belong to them and them alone." 7. By saying such things as these, Crispinus, who was venerable by nature and highly skilled in speaking Latin, and had governed the Aquileians moderately, succeeded in persuading them to remain at their assigned posts; he ordered the envoys |202 to return unsuccessful to Maximinus. He is said to have persevered in his prosecution of the war because the many men in the city who were skilled at auguries and the taking of auspices reported that the omens favored the townspeople. The Italians place particular reliance upon the taking of auguries. 8. Oracles, too, revealed to them that their native god promised them victory. They call this god Belis, and worship him with special devotion, identifying him with Apollo, whose image, some of Maximinus' soldiers said, often appeared in the sky over the city, fighting for the Aquileians.
9. Whether the god actually appeared to some of the besiegers, or whether they simply said that he did because they were ashamed that so large an army was unable to overcome a mob of civilians, and it would thus seem that they had been beaten by gods, not by men, I am unable to say, but the strangeness of the whole affair makes everything about it credible.
CHAPTER IV.
1. WHEN the envoys returned unsuccessful, Maximinus, in a towering rage, pressed on toward the city with increased speed. But when he came to a large river sixteen miles from Aquileia, he found it flowing very wide and very deep. 2. The warmth at that season of the year had melted the mountain snow that had been frozen all winter, and a vast, snow-swollen flood had resulted. It was impossible for Maximinus' army to cross this river because the Aquileians had destroyed the bridge, a huge structure of imposing proportions built, by earlier emperors, of squared stones and supported on tapering piers. Since neither bridges nor boats were available, the army halted in confusion. 3. Some of the Germans, unfamiliar with the swift, violent rivers of Italy and thinking that these flowed down to the plains as lazily as |203 their own streams (it is the slow current of the German rivers which causes them to freeze over), entered the river with their horses, which are trained to swim, and were carried away and drowned.
4. After a ditch had been dug around the camp to prevent attacks, Maximinus halted for two or three days beside the river, considering how it might be bridged. Timber was scarce, and there were no boats which could be fastened together to span the river. Some of his engineers, however, called attention to the many empty wooden kegs scattered about the deserted fields, the barrels which the natives use to ship wine safely to those forced to import it. The kegs are hollow, like boats; when fastened together and anchored to the shore by cables, they float like pontoons, and the current cannot carry them off. Planks are laid on top of these pontoons, and with great skill and speed a bank of earth is piled up evenly on the platform thus fashioned. 5. After the bridge had been completed, the army crossed over and marched to Aquileia, where they found the buildings on the outskirts deserted. The soldiers cut down all the trees and grapevines and burned them, and destroyed the crops which had already begun to appear in those regions. Since the trees were planted in even rows and the interwoven vines linked them together everywhere, the countryside had a festive air; one might even say that it wore a garland of green. All these trees and vines Maximinus' soldiers cut down to the very roots before they hurried up to the walls of Aquileia. 6. The army was exhausted, however, and it seemed wiser not to launch an immediate attack. The soldiers therefore remained out of range of the arrows and took up stations around the entire circuit of the wall by cohorts and legions, each unit investing the section it was ordered to hold. After a single day's rest, the soldiers kept the city under continuous siege for the remaining time.
They brought up every type of siege machinery and |204 attacked the wall with all the power they could muster, leaving untried nothing of the art of siege warfare. 7. They launched numerous assaults virtually every day, and the entire army held the city encircled as if in a net, but the Aquileians fought back determinedly, showing real enthusiasm for war. They had closed their houses and temples and were fighting in a body, together with the women and children, from their advantageous position on the parapet and in the towers. In this way they held off their attackers, and no one was too young or too old to take part in the battle to preserve his native city.
8. All the buildings in the suburbs and outside the city gates were demolished by Maximinus' men, and the wood from the houses was used to build the siege engines. The soldiers made every effort to destroy a part of the wall, so that the army might break in, seize everything, and, after leveling the city, leave the area a deserted pasture land. The journey to Rome would not be fittingly glorious if Maximinus failed to capture the first city in Italy to oppose him. 9. By pleading and promising gifts, Maximinus and his son, whom he had appointed his Caesar, spurred the army to action; they rode about on horseback, encouraging the soldiers to fight with resolution. The Aquileians hurled down stones on the besiegers; combining pitch and olive oil with asphalt and brimstone, they ignited this mixture and poured it over their attackers from hollow vessels fitted with long handles. Bringing the flaming liquid to the walls, they scattered it over the soldiers like a heavy downpour of rain. 10. Carried along with the other ingredients, the pitch oozed onto the unprotected parts of the soldiers' bodies and spread everywhere. Then the soldiers ripped off their blazing corselets and the rest of their armor too, for the iron grew red hot, and the leather and wooden parts caught fire and burned. As a result, soldiers were seen everywhere stripping themselves, and the discarded armor appeared like the spoils of war, but these were |205 taken by cunning and treachery, not by courage on the field of battle. In this tragedy, most of the soldiers suffered scarred and disfigured faces and lost eyes and hands, while every unprotected part of the body was severely injured. The Aquileians hurled down torches on the siege engines which had been dragged up to the walls. These torches, sharpened at the end like a javelin, were soaked in pitch and resin and then ignited; the firebrands, still blazing, stuck fast in the machines, which easily caught fire and were consumed by the flames.
CHAPTER V.
1. DURING the opening days, then, the fortunes of war were almost equal. As time passed, however, the army of Maximinus grew depressed and, cheated in its expectations, fell into despair when the soldiers found that those whom they had not expected to hold out against a single assault were not only offering stout resistance but were even beating them back. 2. The Aquileians, on the other hand, were greatly encouraged and highly enthusiastic, and, as the battle continued, their skill and daring increased. Contemptuous of the soldiers now, they hurled taunts at them. As Maximinus rode about, they shouted insults and indecent blasphemies at him and his son. The emperor became increasingly angry because he was powerless to retaliate. 3. Unable to vent his wrath upon the enemy, he was enraged at most of his troop commanders because they were pressing the siege in cowardly and halfhearted fashion. Consequently, the hatred of his supporters increased, and his enemies grew more contemptuous of him each day.
As it happened, the Aquileians had everything they needed in abundant quantities. With great foresight they had stored in the city all the food and drink required for men and |206 animals. The soldiers of the emperor, by contrast, lacked every necessity, since they had cut down the fruit trees and devastated the countryside. 4. Some of the soldiers had built temporary huts, but the majority were living in the open air, exposed to sun and rain. And now many died of starvation; no food was brought in from the outside, as the Romans had blocked all the roads of Italy by erecting walls provided with narrow gates. 5. The senate dispatched former consuls and picked men from all Italy to guard the beaches and harbors and prevent anyone from sailing. Their intent was to keep Maximinus in ignorance of what was happening at Rome; thus the main roads and all the bypaths were closely watched to prevent anyone's passing. The result was that the army which appeared to be maintaining the siege was itself under siege, for it was unable to capture Aquileia or leave the city and proceed to Rome; all the boats and wagons had been hidden, and no vehicles of any kind were available to the soldiers. 6. Exaggerated rumors were circulated, based only on suspicion, to the effect that the entire Roman people were under arms; that all Italy was united; that the provinces of Illyricum and the barbarian nations in the East and South had gathered an army; and that everywhere men were solidly united in hatred of Maximinus. The emperor's soldiers were in despair and in need of everything. There was scarcely even sufficient water for them. 7. The only source of water was the nearby river, which was fouled by blood and bodies. Lacking any means of burying those who died in the city, the Aquileians threw the bodies into the river; both those who fell in the fighting and those who died of disease were dropped into the stream, as the city had no facilities for burial.
8. And so the completely confused army was in the depths of despair. Then one day, during a lull in the fighting, when most of the soldiers had gone to their quarters or their stations, Maximinus was resting in his tent. Without warning, |207 the soldiers whose camp was near Rome at the foot of Mount Alba,1 where they had left their wives and children, decided that the best solution was to kill Maximinus and end the interminable siege. They resolved no longer to ravage Italy for an emperor they now knew to be a despicable tyrant. 9. Taking courage, therefore, the conspirators went to Maximinus' tent about noon. The imperial bodyguard, which was involved in the plot, ripped Maximinus' pictures from the standards; when he came out of his tent with his son to talk to them, they refused to listen and killed them both [A.D. 238]. They killed the army's commanding general also, and the emperor's close friends. Their bodies were handed over to those who wished to trample and mutilate them, after which the corpses were exposed to the birds and dogs. The heads of Maximinus and his son were sent to Rome. Such was the fate suffered by Maximinus and his son, who paid the penalty for their savage rule.
CHAPTER VI.
1. WHEN the soldiers were informed of what had happened, they were to a man dumfounded, but by no means all the troops were pleased about the assassination. The Pannonians and the barbarians from Thrace were especially angered, for these were the men who had actually placed the empire in Maximinus' hands. Since the deed was accomplished, they tolerated it, but unwillingly; they had no choice but to be hypocritical and pretend to be pleased with all that had happened. 2. Then, laying down their arms, the soldiers came to the walls of Aquileia, this time in peace, and reported the assassination of Maximinus, expecting the Aquileians to throw open the gates and welcome as friends yesterday's enemies. The Aquileian generals, however, did not |208 allow the gates to be opened to them; bringing forward the statues of Maximus and Balbinus and Gordian Caesar, they cheered these rulers themselves and thought it appropriate that Maximinus' soldiers also acknowledge them and shout their approval of the emperors chosen by the senate and the Roman people. 3. They informed the soldiers that the other two Gordians had gone to join Jupiter in heaven. And now the Aquileians set up a market on the walls, offering for sale a huge quantity of goods of all kinds, including ample supplies of food, drink, clothing, and shoes—in short, everything that a prosperous and flourishing city could provide for human consumption. 4. At this the soldiers were even more amazed; they now realized that the Aquileians had enough of everything they needed even if the siege were prolonged, whereas they lacked all the necessities and would have perished to the last man before they captured a city so abundantly supplied. The army continued to remain in position around the city, while the soldiers purchased what they needed from the walls, each man buying as much as he chose. In the meantime, they discussed the situation among themselves. A state of peace and amity actually existed, even though the surrounded city appeared still under siege, with the army encamped on all sides.
5. This was the situation at Aquileia. The horsemen carrying the head of Maximinus to Rome made the journey at top speed; the gates of all the cities on their route were thrown open to receive them, and the people welcomed them with laurel branches. When they had crossed the marshes and shallows between Altinum and Ravenna, they found the emperor Maximus in Ravenna levying picked men from Rome and Italy. 6. The Germans sent to Maximus a large number of auxiliary troops; their good will toward the man was of long standing and resulted from his moderate governorship of their country. While he was preparing for war against |209 Maximinus, the horsemen arrived with the heads of the emperor and his son and reported the victory. They informed Maximus that the army was in agreement with the Romans about the emperors and had sworn allegiance to the men elected by the senate. 7. When these unexpected developments were announced, sacrifices were led to the altars, and all joined in celebrating a victory won without striking a blow. Finding the omens favorable, Maximus sent the horsemen on to Rome to report to the people what had happened and to display the heads of the two men. When the messengers arrived, they rushed into the city and raised on high the heads of their enemies impaled on a spear for all to see. No words can describe the rejoicing in the city on that day. 8. Men of all ages rushed headlong to the altars and temples; no one remained at home, but, like men possessed, the people congratulated each other and poured into the Circus Maximus as if a public assembly were being held there. Balbinus sacrificed a hecatomb, and all the magistrates and the entire senate shouted with joy, each feeling that he had escaped an ax suspended over his head. Messengers and heralds with laurel branches were sent around to the provinces.
CHAPTER VII.
1. THUS was holiday kept at Rome. Meanwhile, Maximus left Ravenna and proceeded to Aquileia, crossing on his way the shallows fed by the Eridanus River and the surrounding marshes; these shallows empty into the sea through seven outlets, and for this reason the natives call the marsh, in their own language, the "Seven Seas." 2. The Aquileians immediately opened their gates and welcomed Maximus into the city. Now all the cities of Italy sent embassies to him of their most distinguished citizens, clad in white and carrying laurel branches. Each group brought the statues of its |210 ancestral gods and the gold crowns among the votive offerings. These men cheered Maximus and scattered leaves in his path. The soldiers who were besieging Aquileia now came forward, carrying the laurel branches symbolic of peaceful intent, not because this represented their true feelings but because the presence of the emperor forced them to pretend respect and good will. 3. The truth is that most of the soldiers were secretly angered and grieved to see their chosen emperor killed and the emperors elected by the senate in full command. In Aquileia, Maximus attended to the sacrifices on the first and second days; on the third day, however, he summoned the entire army to the plain and from a platform erected for his use addressed them as follows:
4. "How much it has profited you to change your minds and support the actions of the Romans you have learned from recent experience. Now you are at peace instead of at war. You are enjoying the protection of the gods by whom you swore. And you are keeping your soldier's oath, that sacred rite of the Roman empire. All good things are yours to enjoy from this time on, for you have confirmed your pledges to the senate and the Roman people and to us, your emperors, chosen by the senate and the people for our nobility of birth, the many positions of authority we have held, and the long succession of offices which made it appear that we had risen to the throne by a regular cursus. 5. The empire is the personal property of no man. It is from of old the common possession of the people of Rome, the seat of your empire's fortune. To us and to you have been entrusted the administration and management of that empire. With good discipline and proper behavior, with respect and honor for those who command you, a prosperous life, full of every good thing, will be yours. For all other men in the provinces and the cities, peace will result, and obedience to their governors. You will be able to live as you like among your kinsmen; you will not suffer |211 injury in some foreign land. 6. As to the matter of keeping the barbarian nations quiet, that will be our concern. As two emperors invested with equal power, we shall manage affairs at Rome jointly. Should any difficulty arise abroad, one of us can easily be present wherever and whenever the occasion demands. Let no one of you think that we shall remember what has occurred, either what you did (for you were simply obeying orders) or what the Romans and the other provincials did, for they rebelled because they were unjustly treated. But rather let us proclaim an amnesty for all offenses, and let there be pacts of lasting friendship and pledges of eternal good will and good conduct."
7. After this speech, Maximus promised the soldiers lavish gifts of money; then, remaining in Aquileia only a few days longer, he arranged to return to Rome. He sent the rest of the army to the provinces and to duty in their own local garrisons, while he went to Rome with the praetorians, the guards of the imperial palace, and the troops enrolled by Balbinus. 8. The auxiliaries from Germany also accompanied him to Rome; he put great faith in their loyalty, relying on the fact that before he became emperor he had governed the province of Germany in moderate fashion. Balbinus came out to meet his co-emperor on the outskirts of Rome, bringing with him Gordian Caesar. The senate and the people welcomed Maximus with cheers, as if he were celebrating a triumph.
CHAPTER VIII.
1. FOR the rest of the time the two emperors governed in an orderly and well-regulated manner, winning approval on every hand both privately and publicly. The people honored and respected them as patriotic and admirable rulers of the empire. The praetorians, however, were privately disgruntled, not at all pleased that the people had demonstrated |212 their approval of the emperors. The noble birth of the two men was an affront to the praetorians, and they were indignant also because the emperors had received the imperial office from the senate. 2. The praetorians feared that the German troops with Maximus in Rome would oppose them if they should instigate a revolt. They suspected that the Germans were lying in wait for them; if the praetorians were discharged from service by trickery, the Germans would be at hand to replace them as the imperial bodyguard. They recalled the example of Severus, who dismissed the praetorians who had killed Pertinax.
3. When the Capitoline Games were drawing to an end and all the people were occupied with festivals and shows, the praetorians suddenly brought their hidden resentments into the open. Making no attempt to control their anger, they launched an unreasoning assault; rushing into the palace with one purpose, they approached the aged emperors. 4. It so happened that the two men were not in complete accord: so great is the desire for sole rule and so contrary to the usual practice is it for the sovereignty to be shared that each undertook to secure the imperial power for himself alone. Balbinus considered himself the more worthy because of his noble birth and his two terms as consul; Maximus felt that he deserved first place because he had served as prefect of Rome and had won a good reputation by his administrative efforts. Both men were led to covet the sole rule because of their distinguished birth, aristocratic lineage, and the size of their families. 5. This rivalry was the basis of their downfall. When Maximus learned that the Praetorian Guard was coming to kill them, he wished to summon a sufficient number of the German auxiliaries who were in Rome to resist the conspirators. But Balbinus, thinking that this was a ruse intended to deceive him (he knew that the Germans were devoted to Maximus), refused to allow Maximus to issue the order, believing that the Germans were coming not to put down a |213 praetorian uprising but to secure the empire for Maximus alone. 6. While the two men were arguing, the praetorians rushed in with a single purpose. When the guards at the palace gates deserted the emperors, the praetorians seized the old men and ripped off the plain robes they were wearing because they were at home. Dragging the two men naked from the palace, they inflicted every insult and indignity upon them. Jeering at these emperors elected by the senate, they beat and tortured them, pulling their beards and eyebrows and doing them every kind of physical outrage. They then brought the emperors through the middle of the city to the praetorian camp, unwilling to kill them in the palace; they preferred to torture them first, so that they might suffer longer. 7. When the Germans learned what was happening, they snatched up their arms and hastened to the rescue. As soon as the praetorians were informed of their approach, they killed the mutilated emperors. Leaving the corpses exposed in the street, the praetorians took up Gordian Caesar and proclaimed him emperor, since at the moment they could find no other candidate for the office. Proclaiming that they had only killed the men whom the people did not want to rule them in the first place, they chose as emperor this Gordian who was descended from the Gordian whom the Romans themselves had forced to accept the rule. Keeping their emperor Gordian with them, they went off to the praetorian camp, where they shut the gates and remained quiet. Learning that the men they were hurrying to rescue had been killed and their bodies exposed, the Germans returned to their quarters, unwilling to fight fruitlessly for men already dead.
8. Such was the undeserved and impious fate suffered by these two respected and distinguished elder statesmen, nobly born men deservedly elevated to the imperial throne. Gordian, at the age of about thirteen, was designated emperor and assumed the burden of the Roman empire [A.D. 238].
[Footnotes moved to end]
1. 1 Legio II Parthica, stationed near Rome by Severus to protect the city.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2007. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: porphyry_works.htm
Kenneth Sylvan Guthrie. The works of Porphyry
Kenneth Sylvan Guthrie. The works of Porphyry
* = extant works
(?) = questionable attribution
THE WORKS OF PORPHYRY
Philosophical Commentaries
A. On Aristotle
*1. Isagoge of Porphyry the Phoenician, the Pupil of Plotinus the Lycopolitan (sometimes entitled Concerning Five Sounds).
*2. Question and Answer to the Aristotelian Categories.
3. On the Aristotelian Categories "in Seven Books... Dedicated to Gedaleios."
4. On Aristotle's Book On Interpretation.
5. Introduction to the Categories of Syllogism.
6. Commentary on The Physics.
7. Commentary on Volume 30 of The Metaphysics.
8. Commentary on The Ethics.
9. (Explanation of the Theology of Aristotle.)
B. On Theophrastus (?)
10. Commentary on Concerning Affirmation and Negation.
C. On Plato
11. Commentary on The Cratylus.
12. Commentary on The Sophist.
(?) 13. Commentary on The Parmenides.
14. Commentary on The Timaeus.
15. Commentary on The Philebus.
16. Concerning Love in The Symposium.
17. Commentary on The Phaedo.
18. Commentary on The Republic.
19. A Study on a Writing of Eubulus On Some Platonic Questions.
D. On Plotinus
20. Commentary on The Enneads.
History and Biographies
21. History of Philosophy in Four Books.
*22. Life of Pythagoras (an extract from the first volume of the History of Philosophy).
*23. Concerning the Life of Plotinus and the Order of his Books.
Metaphysical
24. That the Object of Thought Exists Outside the Intellect (and a response to the refutation of this by Amelius).
25. Against Dividing the Intelligible Object from the Intellect
*26. Launching Points to the Realm of Mind. (Entrance to the Realm of Mind in Codex V).
27. Two Books Concerning Principles.
28. One Book Entitled Elements.
29. On Incorporeals.
30. 200 Books On Matter.
31. Concerning the Difference between Plato and Aristotle (To Chrusaorius).
32. Seven Books Concerning that the Philosophical System of Plato and Aristotle is One. (Some believe that this work is different from the one above.)
Psychological
33. Against Aristotle, Concerning that the Soul is a Complete Reality.
34. Five Books Concerning the Soul, Against Boethos.
35. Concerning the Powers of the Soul. (?)
36. Concerning Sleep and Wakefulness.
37. Concerning Sense-Perception.
*38. To Gauros Concerning the Way in which foetuses are Animated.
Moral
39. Concerning that which is Above Us (To Chrusacrius).
40. Four Books Concerning the Phrase "Know thyself" (To Iamblichus).
*41. Four Books Concerning Abstinence from Animal Food.
*42. Letter to Marcella.
43. The Argument Against Nemertios.
44. On the Return of the Soul.
45. Ten Books Concerning the Aid for Kings from Homer.
Philosophical Interpretation of Myths and Cults.
Various Tracts on Religious Philosophy.
46. Concerning Philosophy from Oracles.
47. Concerning Cult Images.
48. One Book Concerning Divine Names.
*49. A letter of Porphyry to Anebo.
50. To the Followers of Julian the Chaldean.
51. Concerning the Philosophy of Homer.
*52. Concerning the Cave of the Nymphs in the Odyssey.
53. Concerning the River Styx.
54. Fifteen Arguments Against the Christians.
55. Against an Alleged Book of Zoroaster.
Rhetorical and Grammatical
56. Five Books on the History of Philology.
57. A Philological Lecture.
58. Homeric Questions.
59. Concerning the Names Having Been Omitted by the Poet.
60. Grammatical Questions.
61. Concerning the Sources of the Nile According to Pindar.
62. In Regard to the Introduction of Thucydides.
63. Seven Books to Aristides. 64. On the Skill of Minoukianos.
65. A Treatise Concerning Positions.
66. A Collection of Rhetorical Questions.
*67. Concerning Prosody (modulation in pitch).
Various Scientific Tracts; Poems and Letters
68. Annals: From the Sack of Troy to Claudius II.
*69. On the Harmonics of Ptolemy.
*70. An Introduction to The Astronomy of Ptolemy.
71. An Introduction to Astronomy, in Three Books.
72. How Multiplicity Depends on Number:..
73. Seven Books of Miscellaneous Questions,
74. The Holy Marriage (a poem given on the celebration of the birth of Plato).
75. A Letter to Longinus.
76. The Sun.
77. Concerning that which Hinders Writers on the Art of Rhetoric.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2007. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: porphyry_against_christians_02_fragments.htm
Porphyry, Against the Christians (2004). Fragments.
Porphyry, Against the Christians (2004). Fragments.
The Fragments
The order is that of Harnack.
Probably from the Foreword
1. Eusebius of Caesarea, Preparation for the Gospel, I.2. ff:
For in the first place any one might naturally want to know who we are that have come forward to write. Are we Greeks or Barbarians? Or what can there be intermediate to these? And what do we claim to be, not in regard to the name, because this is manifest to all, but in the manner and purpose of our life? For they would see that we agree neither with the opinions of the Greeks, nor with the customs of the Barbarians.
Preparation I.5.10:
But to understand the sum of the first and greatest benefit of the word of salvation, you must take into consideration the superstitious delusion of the ancient idolatry, whereby the whole human race in times long past was ground down by the constraint of daemons: but from that most gloomy darkness, as it were, the word by its divine power delivered both Greeks and Barbarians alike, and translated them all into the bright intellectual daylight of the true worship of God the universal King.
But why need I spend time in endeavouring to show that we have not devoted ourselves to an unreasoning faith, but to wise and profitable doctrines which contain the way of true religion? As the present work is to be a complete treatise on this very subject, we exhort and beseech those who are fitly qualified to follow demonstrative arguments, that they give heed to sound sense, and receive the proofs of our doctrines more reasonably, and 'be ready to give an answer to every man that asketh us the reason of the hope that is in us.'
But since all are not so qualified, and the word is kind and benevolent, and rejects no one at all, but heals every man by remedies suitable to him, and invites the unlearned and simple to the amendment of their ways, naturally in the introductory teaching of those who are beginning with the simpler elements, women and children and the common herd, we lead them on gently to the religious life, and adopt the sound faith to serve as a remedy, and ractic into them right opinions of God's providence, and the immortality of the soul, and the life of virtue.
Is it not in this way that we also see men scientifically curing those who are suffering from bodily diseases, the physicians themselves having by much practice and education acquired the doctrines of the healing art, and conducting all their operations according to reason, while those who come to them to be cured give themselves up to faith and the hope of better health, though they understand not accurately any of the scientific theories, but depend only on their good hope and faith?
And when the best of the physicians has come upon the scene, he prescribes with full knowledge both what must be avoided and what must be done, just like a ruler and master; and the patient obeys him as a king and lawgiver, believing that what has been prescribed will be beneficial to him.
Thus scholars also accept the words of instruction from their teachers, because they believe that the lesson will be good for them: philosophy, moreover, a man would not touch before he is persuaded that the profession of it will be useful to him: and so one man straightway chooses the doctrines of Epicurus, and another emulates the Cynic mode of life, another follows the philosophy of Plato, another that of Aristotle, and yet another prefers the Stoic philosophy to all, each of them having embraced his opinion with a better hope and faith that it will be beneficial to him.
Thus also men pursue the ordinary professions, and some adopt the military and others the mercantile life, having: assumed again by faith that the pursuit will supply them with a living. In marriages also the first approaches and unions formed in the hope of begetting children had their beginnings from a good faith.
Again, a man sails forth on an uncertain voyage, without having cast out any other anchor of safety for himself than faith and good hope alone: and, again, another takes to husbandry, and after casting his seed into the earth sits waiting for the turn of the season, believing that what decayed upon the ground, and was hidden by floods of rains, will spring up again as it were from the dead to life: and, again, any one setting out from his own land on a long journey in a foreign country takes with him as good guides his hope and his faith.
And when you cannot but perceive that man's whole life depends on these two things—hope and faith—why do you wonder if also the things that are better for the soul are imparted by faith to some, who have not leisure to be taught the particulars in a more logical way, while others have opportunity to pursue the actual arguments, and to learn the proofs of the doctrines advocated? But now that we have made this short introduction, which will not be without advantage, let us go back to the first indictment, and give an answer to those who inquire who we are and whence we come. Well then, that being Greeks by race, and Greeks by sentiment, and gathered out of all sorts of nations, like the chosen men of a newly enlisted army, we have become deserters from the superstition of our ancestors,—this even we ourselves should never deny. But also that, though adhering to the Jewish books and collecting out of their prophecies the greater part of our doctrine, we no longer think it agreeable to live in like manner with those of the Circumcision,—this too we should at once acknowledge.
It is time, therefore, to submit our explanation of these matters. In what other way then can it appear that we have done well in forsaking the customs of our forefathers, except by first setting them forth publicly and bringing them under the view of our readers? For in this way the divine power of the demonstration of the Gospel will become manifest, if it be plainly shown to all men what are the evils that it promises to cure, and of what kind they are. And how can the reasonableness of our pursuing the study of the Jewish Scriptures appear, unless their excellence also be proved? It will be right also to state fully for what reason, though gladly accepting their Scriptures, we decline to follow their mode of life: and, in conclusion, to state what is our own account of the Gospel argument, and what Christianity should properly be called, since it is neither Hellenism nor Judaism, but a new and true kind of divine philosophy, bringing evidence of its novelty from its very name.
First of all then let us carefully survey the most ancient theologies, and especially those of our own forefathers, celebrated even till now in every city, and the solemn decisions of noble philosophers concerning the constitution of the world and concerning the gods, that we may learn whether we did right or not in departing from them.
And in the clear statement of what is to be proved I shall not set down my own words, but those of the very persons who have taken the deepest interest in the worship of those whom they call gods, that so the argument may stand clear of all suspicion of being invented by us."
I. Attacks on the characters and intelligence of the Evangelists and Apostle as a pretext to attack Christianity
2. Jerome, Epistle 57:8-9:
I refer to these [passages], not to convict the evangelists of falsification---a charge worthy only of impious men like Celsus, Porphyry, and Julian....
3. Jerome, Commentary on Matthew (on 21:21):
The pagan dogs bark against us in their volumes, which they left behind them in memory of their own impiety, asserting that the apostles did not have faith, since they weren't able to move mountains.
4. Jerome, Tract on Psalm 81:
Paul conquered the whole world, from the Ocean to the Red Sea. Let some say, "He did it all for money"; for this Porphyry says, "(They were) poor and country-dwelling men, seeing that they used to have nothing; certain wonders were worked with magical arts. Not that it is unusual however to do wonders; for the magicians in Egypt also did wonders against Moses, Apollonius also did them, Apuleius also did them, and any number have done wonders." I concede, Porphyry, that they did wonders by magical arts, "so that they might receive riches from rich and impressionable women, whom they had led astray." For you say this --- (yet) why were they killed? why were they crucified?
5. Jerome, Commentary on Joel (on 2:28ff):
(The apostles) sifted whatever was useful to those who heard them, and did not rebuff those present, (whom) they reinforced with testimonies of other times, so that they did not abuse the simplicity and inexperience of those listening, as the impious Porphyry misrepresents.
6. Jerome, Commentary on Matthew (on 9:9):
Porphyry and the emperor Julian argue in this place that (this shows) either the inexperience of the lying historians or the stupidity of those who immediately followed the saviour, as if they had followed irrationally any man calling.
7. Eusebius, Demonstratio Evangelica, III, 5, 95ff:
TBA
8. Cod. Lawr. [Athos] 184. B. 64. saec. X. fol. 17r. (Scholion on Act. 15, 20).
TBA
9. Jerome, On the beginning of Mark.
This passage that impious man Porphyry, who wrote against us and vomited out his madness in many books, discusses in his 14th book and says: 'The evangelists were such unskilled men, not only in worldly matters, but also in the divine scriptures, that they attributed the testimony, which had been written elsewhere, to the wrong prophet.' This he jeers at.
Jerome, Commentary on Matthew (on 3:3):
Porphyry highlights this passage at the start of the evangelist Mark, in which is written, 'The beginning of the gospel of Jesus Christ... Make his paths straight.' For since the testimony of Malachi and Isaiah has been intertwined, he asks, in what way can we imagine that the example has been taken from Isaiah only. To which men of the church have responded very fully.
10. Jerome, Tract on Psalm LXXVII
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11. Jerome, Commentary on Daniel (on 1:1):
And it is for this reason that in the Gospel according to Matthew there seems to be a generation missing, because the second group of fourteen, (A) extending to the time of Jehoiakim, ends with a son of Josiah, and the third group begins with Jehoiachin, son of Jehoiakim. Being ignorant of this factor, Porphyry formulated a slander against the Church which only revealed his own ignorance, as he tried to prove the evangelist Matthew guilty of error.
12. Epiphanius, Panarion (Against Heresies) 51:8:
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13. Macarius, Apocriticus IV:3:
We must mention also that saying which Matthew gave us, in the spirit of a slave who is made to bend himself in a mill-house, when he said, "And the gospel of the kingdom shall be preached in all the world, and then shall the end come." For lo, every quarter of the inhabited world has experience of the Gospel, and all the bounds and ends of the earth possess it complete, and nowhere is there an end, nor will it ever come. So let this saying only be spoken in a corner!
14. Jerome, Commentary on Matthew 27:45:
Those that wrote against the gospels suspect that an eclipse of the sun, which regularly happens at certain times and places, was interpreted by the disciples on account of their unworldliness as the resurrection of the Lord.
15. Macarius, Apocriticus II:12:
But he with bitterness, and with very grim look, bent forward and declared to us yet more savagely that the Evangelists were inventors and not historians of the events concerning Jesus. For each of them wrote an account of the Passion which was not harmonious but as contradictory as could be. For one records that, when he was crucified, a certain man filled a sponge with vinegar and brought it to him (Mark xv. 36). But another says in a different way, "When they had come to the place Golgotha, they gave him to drink wine mingled with gall, and when he had tasted it, he would not drink" (Matt. Xxvii. 33). And a little further, "And about the ninth hour Jesus cried with a loud voice saying, Eloim, Eloim, lama sabachthani? That is, My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me?" This is Matthew(v. 46). And another says, "Now there was set a vessel full of vinegar. Having therefore bound a vessel full of the vinegar with a reed, they offered it to his mouth. When therefore he had taken the vinegar, Jesus said, It is finished, and having bowed his head, he gave up the ghost" (John xix. 29). But another says, "And he cried out with a loud voice and said, Father, into thy hands I will commend my spirit." This happens to be Luke (Luke xxiii. 46). From this out-of-date and contradictory record, one can receive it as the statement of the suffering, not of one man, but of many. For if one says "Into thy hands I will commend my spirit," and another " It is finished," and another "My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me?" and another " My God, my God, why didst thou reproach me?" it is plain that this is a discordant invention, and either points to many who were crucified, or one who died hard and did not give a clear view of his passion to those who were present. But if these men were not able to tell the manner of his death in a truthful way, and simply repeated it by rote, neither did they leave any clear record concerning the rest of the narrative.
16. Macarius, Apocriticus, II:13:
It will be proved from another passage that the accounts of his death were all a matter of guess-work. For John writes: "But when they came to Jesus, when they saw that he was dead already, they brake not his legs; but one of the soldiers with a spear pierced his side, and forthwith came there out blood and water." For only John has said this, and none of the others. Wherefore he is desirous of bearing witness to himself when he says: "And he that saw it hath borne witness, and his witness is true" (v. 35). This is haply, as it seems to me, the statement of a simpleton. For how is the witness true when its object has no existence? For a man witnesses to something real; but how can witness be spoken of concerning a thing which is not real?
17. (Lost fragment)
In a manuscript in Paris, in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Coislin collection, shelfmark Graecus 205, on folio 41r, there is a half-lost marginal scholion on 12 lines on Acts 1 with the heading "From Macarius Magnetes on Judas". This seems to be a fragment from the lost portion of Macarius Magnes, and it therefore suggests that the Apocriticus did contain an attack on the story of the death of Judas (recorded differently in Acts 1 and Matth. 27:3).
18. Macarius, Apocriticus, lost fragments from Book V.
Turrianus had the complete text of the Apocriticus. In his work attacking the Magdeburg Centuries, (Florence, 1572, p. 144 ff.), he writes as follows about book 5 of the Apocriticus. "He adds to this exemplar of the evangelists, books 2 and 5 of the ancient ecclesiastical writer who wrongly in the opinion of some, but otherwise generally is known as Magnetes, which he wrote against the pagan Theosthenes who jeered at the discrepancies of the gospels and other things in our gospel." This indicates the book 5 also contained material which belongs with the other quotations.
19. Jerome, Commentary on Galatians 1:1:
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20. Jerome, Commentary on Galatians 1:16:
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21. Jerome, Commentary on Galatians, Prologue (on the stay of Peter and Paul in Antioch):
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Jerome, Epistle 112 to Augustine, 6:11:
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Jerome, Commentary on Galatians 2:11ff:
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Jerome, Commentary on Isaiah XV:54:
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22. Jerome, Commentary on Galatians 5:10:
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23. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 19:
It is only natural that there is much that is unseemly in all this long-winded talk thus poured out. The words, one might say, provoke a battle of inconsistency against each other. How would some man in the street be inclined to explain that Gospel saying, which Jesus addresses to Peter when He says, "Get thee behind me, Satan, thou art an offence unto me, for thou mindest not the things that be of God, but the things that be of men" (Matt. 16:23), and then in another place, "Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, and I will give to thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven"? For if He so condemned Peter as to call him Satan, and thought of him as cast behind Him, and an offence, and one who had received no thought of what was divine in his mind; and if He so rejected him as having committed mortal sin, that He was not prepared to have him in His sight any more, but thrust him behind Him into the throng of the outcast and vanished; how is it right to find this sentence of exclusion against the leader and "chief of the disciples? At any rate, if any one who is in his sober senses ruminates over this, and then hears Christ say (as though He had forgotten the words He had uttered against Peter), " Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church," and " To thee I will give the keys of the kingdom of heaven,"--- will he not laugh aloud till he nearly bursts his mouth? Will he not open it wide as he might from his seat in the theatre? Will he not speak with a sneer and hiss loudly? Will he not cry aloud to those who are near him? Either when He called Peter Satan He was drunk and overcome with wine, and He spoke as though in a fit; or else, when He gave this same disciple the keys of the kingdom of heaven, He was painting dreams, in the imagination of His sleep. For pray how was Peter able to support the foundation of the Church, seeing that thousands of times he was readily shaken from his judgment? What sort of firm reasoning can be detected in him, or where did he show any unshaken mental power, seeing that, though he heard what Jesus had said to him, he was terribly frightened because of a sorry maidservant, and three times foreswore himself, although no great necessity was laid upon him? We conclude then that, if He was right in taking him up and calling him Satan, as having failed of the very essence of godliness, He was inconsistent, as though not knowing what He had done, in giving him the authority of leadership.
24. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 20:
It is also plain that Peter is condemned of many falls, from the statement in that passage where Jesus said to him, "I say not unto thee until seven times, but until seventy times seven shalt thou forgive the sin of him that does wrong." But though he received this commandment and injunction, he cut off the ear of the high-priest's servant who had done no wrong, and did him harm although he had not sinned at all. For how did he sin, if he went at the command of his master to the attack which was then made on Christ?
25. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 21:
"This Peter is convicted of doing wrong in other cases also. For in the case of a certain man called Ananias, and his wife Sapphira, because they did not deposit the whole price of their land, but kept back a little for their own necessary use, Peter put them to death, although they had done no wrong. For how did they do wrong, if they did not wish to make a present of all that was their own? But even if he did consider their act to be one of wrongdoing, he ought to have remembered the commands of Jesus, who had taught him to endure as many as four hundred and ninety sins against him; he would then at least have pardoned one, if indeed what had occurred could really in any sense be called a sin. And there is another thing which he ought to have borne in mind in dealing with others---namely, how he himself, by swearing that he did not know Jesus, had not only told a lie, but had foresworn himself, in contempt of the judgment and resurrection to come.
Jerome, Epistle 130:14:
In fact the apostle Peter by no means called down death upon them as Porphyry foolishly says.
26. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 22:
This man who stood first in the band of the disciples, taught as he had been by God to despise death, but escaping when seized by Herod, became a cause of punishment to those who guarded him. For after he had escaped during the night, when day came there was a stir among the soldiers as to how Peter had got out. And Herod, when he had sought for him and failed to find him, examined the guards, and ordered them to be "led away," that is to say, put to death. So it is astonishing how Jesus gave the keys of heaven to Peter, if he were a man such as this; and how to one who was disturbed with such agitation and overcome by such experiences did He say "Feed my lambs"? For I suppose the sheep are the faithful who have advanced to the mystery of perfection, while the lambs stand for the throng of those who are still catechumens, fed so far on the gentle milk of teaching. Nevertheless, Peter is recorded to have been crucified after feeding the lambs not even for a few months, although Jesus had said that the gates of Hades should not prevail against him. Again, Paul condemned Peter when he said, "For before certain came from James, he ate with the Gentiles, but when they came he separated himself, fearing those of the circumcision; and many Jews joined with him in his hypocrisy" (Gal. ii. 12). In this likewise there is abundant and important condemnation, that a man who had become interpreter of the divine mouth should live in hypocrisy, and behave himself with a view to pleasing men. Moreover, the same is true of his taking about a wife, for this is what Paul says: " Have we not power to take about a sister, a wife, as also the rest of the apostles, and Peter?" (1 Cor. ix. 5). And then he adds (2 Cor. xi. 13), "For such are false apostles, deceitful workers." If then Peter is related to have been involved in so many base things, is it not enough to make one shudder to imagine that he holds the keys of heaven, and looses and binds, although he is fast bound, so to speak, in countless inconsistencies.
27. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 30:
He remained a little while in deep and solemn thought, and then said: "You seem to me very much like inexperienced captains, who, while still afloat on the voyage that lies before them, look on themselves as afloat on another sea. Even thus are you seeking for other passages to be laid down by us, although you have not completed the vital points in the questions which you still have on hand."
If you are really filled with boldness about the questions, and the points of difficulty have become clear to you, tell us how it was that Paul said, "Being free, I made myself the slave of all, in order that I might gain all" (1 Cor. ix. 19), and how, although he called circumcision "concision," he himself circumcised a certain Timothy, as we are taught in the Acts of the Apostles (Acts xvi. 3). Oh, the downright stupidity of it all! It is such a stage as this that the scenes in the theatre portray, as a means of raising laughter. Such indeed is the exhibition which jugglers give. For how could the man be free who is a slave of all? And how can the man gain all who apes all? For if he is without law to those who are without law, as he himself says, and he went with the Jews as a Jew and with others in like manner, truly he was the slave of manifold baseness, and a stranger to freedom and an alien from it; truly he is a servant and minister of other people's wrong doings, and a notable zealot for unseemly things, if he spends his time on each occasion in the baseness of those without law, and appropriates their doings to himself.
These things cannot be the teachings of a sound mind, nor the setting forth of reasoning that is free. But the words imply some one who is somewhat crippled in mind, and weak in his reasoning. For if he lives with those who are without law, and also in his writings accepts the Jews' religion gladly, having a share in each, he is confused with each, mingling with the falls of those who are base, and subscribing himself as their companion. For he who draws such a line through circumcision as to remove those who wish to fulfil it, and then performs circumcision himself, stands as the weightiest of all accusers of himself when he says: "If I build again those things which I loosed, I establish myself as a transgressor."
28. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 31:
This same Paul, who often when he speaks seems to forget his own words, tells the chief captain that he is not a Jew but a Roman, although he had previously said, "I am a Jew, born in Tarsus of Cilicia, and brought up at the feet of Gamaliel, instructed according to the exact teaching of the law of my fathers." But he who said, "I am a Jew," and "I am a Roman," is neither thing, although he attaches himself to both. For he who plays the hypocrite and speaks of what he is not, lays the foundation of his deeds in guile, and by putting round him a mask of deceit, he cheats the clear issue and steals the truth, laying siege in different ways to the soul's understanding, and enslaving by the juggler's art those who are easily influenced. The man who welcomes in his life such a principle as this, differs not at all from an implacable and bitter foe, who enslaving by his hypocrisy the minds of those beyond his own borders, takes them all captive in inhuman fashion. So if Paul is in pretence at one time a Jew, at another a Roman, at one time without law, and at another a Greek, and whenever he wishes is a stranger and an enemy to each thing, by stealing into each, he has made each useless, robbing each of its scope by his flattery.
We conclude then that he is a liar and manifestly brought up in an atmosphere of lying. And it is beside the point for him to say: "I speak the truth in Christ, I lie not" (Rom. ix. 1). For the man who has just now conformed to the law, and to-day to the Gospel, is rightly regarded as knavish and hollow both in private and in public life.
29. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 32:
That he dissembles the Gospel for the sake of vainglory, and the law for the sake of covetousness, is plain from his words, "Who ever goeth to war at his own charges? Who shepherdeth the flock and doth not eat of the milk of the flock?" (1 Cor. ix. 7). And, in his desire to get hold of these things, he calls in the law as a supporter of his covetousness, saying, "Or doth not the law say these things? For in the law of Moses it is written, Thou shall not muzzle an ox that is treading out the corn " (v. 9). Then he adds a statement which is obscure and full of nonsense, by way of cutting off the divine forethought from the brute beasts, saying, "Doth God take care of the oxen, or doth he say it on our account? On our account it was written" (v. 10). It seems to me that in saying this he is mocking the wisdom of the Creator, as if it contained no forethought for the things that had long ago been brought into being. For if God does not take care of oxen, pray, why is it written, "He hath subjected all things, sheep and oxen and beasts and birds and the fishes" (Ps. viii. 8-9)? If He takes account of fishes, much more of oxen which plough and labour. Wherefore I am amazed at such an impostor, who pays such solemn respect to the law because he is insatiable, for the sake of getting a sufficient contribution from those who are subject to him.
30. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 33:
Then he suddenly turns like a man who jumps up from sleep scared by a dream, with the cry, "I Paul bear witness that if any man do one thing of the law, he is a debtor to do the whole law" (Gal. v. 3). This is instead of saying simply that it is not right to give heed to those things that are spoken by the law. This fine fellow, sound in mind and understanding, instructed in the accuracy of the law of his fathers, who had so often cleverly recalled Moses to mind, appears to be soaked with wine and drunkenness; for he makes an assertion which removes the ordinance of the law, saying to the Galatians, "Who bewitched you that ye should not obey the truth," that is, the Gospel? (Gal. iii. 1). Then, exaggerating, and making it horrible for a man to obey the law, he says, "As many as are under the law are under a curse" (Gal. iii. 10). The man who writes to the Romans "The law is spiritual" (vii. 14), and again, "The law is holy and the commandment holy and just," places under a curse those who obey that which is holy! Then, completely confusing the nature of the question, he confounds the whole matter and makes it obscure, so that he who listens to him almost grows dizzy, and dashes against the two things as though in the darkness of the night, stumbling over the law, and knocking against the Gospel in confusion, owing to the ignorance of the man who leads him by the hand.
31. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 34:
"For see here, look at this clever fellow's record. After countless utterances which he took from the law in order to get support from it, he made void the judgment of his own words by saying, "For the law entered that the offence might abound"; and before these words, "The goad of death is sin, and the strength of sin is the law" (1 Cor. xv. 56). He practically sharpens his own tongue like a sword, and cuts the law to pieces without mercy limb by limb. And this is the man who in many ways inclines to obey the law, and says it is praiseworthy to live according to it. And by taking hold of this ignorant opinion, which he does as though by habit, he has overthrown his own judgments on all other occasions."
32. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 35:
"When he speaks again of the eating of things sacrificed to idols, he simply teaches that these matters are indifferent, telling them not to be inquisitive nor to ask questions, but to eat things even though they be sacrificed to idols, provided only that no one speaks to them in warning. Wherein he is represented as saying, " The things which they sacrifice, they sacrifice to demons, but I would not that you should have fellowship with demons" (1 Cor. x. 20).
Thus he speaks and writes: and again he writes with indifference about such eating, "We know that an idol is nothing in the world, and that there is none other God but one" (1 Cor. viii. 4), and a little after this, "Meat will not commend us to God, neither, if we eat, are we the better, neither, if we eat not, are we the worse" (v. 8). Then, after all this prating of quackery, he ruminated, like a man lying in bed, and said, "Eat all that is sold in the shambles, asking no questions for conscience' sake, for the earth is the Lord's and the fulness thereof" (1 Cor. x. 25-26). Oh, what a stage farce, got from no one! Oh, the monstrous inconsistency of his utterance! A saying which destroys itself with its own sword! Oh, novel kind of archery, which turns against him who drew the bow, and strikes him!"
33. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 36:
In his epistles we find another saying like these, where he praises virginity, and then turns round and writes, "In the latter times some shall depart from the faith, giving heed to seducing spirits, forbidding to marry and commanding to abstain from meats" (1 Tim. iv. 1 and 3). And in the Epistle to the Corinthians he says, "But concerning virgins I have no commandment of the Lord" (1 Cor. vii. 25). Therefore he that remains single does not do well, nor will he that refrains from marriage as from an evil thing lead the way in obedience, since they have not a command from Jesus concerning virginity. And how is it that certain people boast of their virginity as if it were some great thing, and say that they are filled with the Holy Ghost similarly to her who was the mother of Jesus?
But we will now cease our attack on Paul, knowing what a battle of the giants he arms against him by his language. But if you are possessed of any resources for replying to these questions, answer without delay.
34. Macarius, Apocriticus IV: 1:
What does Paul mean by saying that the fashion of the world passes away? And how is it possible for them that have to be as though they had not, and they that rejoice as though they rejoiced not, and how can the other old-wives' talk be credible? For how is it possible for him that has to become as though he had not? And how is it credible that he who rejoices should be as though he rejoiced not? Or how can the fashion of this world pass away? What is it that passes away, and why does it do so? For if the Creator were to make it pass away He would incur the charge of moving and altering that which was securely founded. Even if He were to change the fashion into something better, in this again He stands condemned, as not having realised at the time of creation a fitting and suitable fashion for the world, but having created it incomplete, and lacking the better arrangement. In any case, how is one to know that it is into what is good that the world would change if it came to an end late in time? And what benefit is there in the order of phenomena being changed? And if the condition of the visible world is gloomy and a cause for grief, in this, too, the Creator hears the sound of protest, being reduced to silence by the sound of reasonable charges against Him, in that He contrived the parts of the earth in grievous fashion, and in violation of the reasonableness of nature, and afterwards repented, and decided to change the whole. Perchance Paul by this saying teaches him that has, to be minded as though he had not, in the sense that the Creator, having the world, makes the fashion of it pass away, as though He had it not. And he says that he that rejoices does not rejoice, in the sense that the Creator is not pleased when He looks upon the fair and beautiful thing He has created, but, as being much grieved over it, He formed the plan of transferring and altering it. So then let us pass over this trivial saying with mild laughter.
35. Macarius, Apocriticus IV: 2:
Let us consider another wise remark of his, astounding and perverted, wherein he says, "We which are alive and remain, shall not go before them that are asleep unto the coming of the Lord, for the Lord himself shall descend from heaven with a shout, with the voice of the archangel, and with the trump of God; and the dead in Christ shall rise first: then we which are alive shall be caught up together with them in a cloud, to meet the Lord in the air: and so shall we ever be with the Lord" (1 Thess. iv. 15-17). Here is a thing that indeed rises in the air and shoots up to heaven, an enormous and far-reaching lie. This, when recited to the beasts without understanding, causes even them to bellow and croak out their sounding din in reply, when they hear of men in the flesh flying like birds in the air, or carried on a cloud. For this boast is a mighty piece of quackery, that living things, pressed down by the burden of physical bulk, should receive the nature of winged birds, and cross the wide air like some sea, using the cloud as a chariot. Even if such a thing is possible, it is monstrous, and apart from all that is suitable. For nature which created all things from the beginning appointed places befitting the things which were brought into being, and ordained that each should have its proper sphere, the sea for the water creatures, the land for those of the dry ground, the air for winged creatures, and the higher atmosphere for heavenly bodies. If one of these were moved from its proper abode, it would disappear on arrival in a strange condition and abode. For instance, if you wanted to take a creature of the water and force it to live on the dry land, it is readily destroyed and dies. Again, if you throw a land animal of a dry kind into the water, it will be drowned. And if you cut off a bird from the air, it will not endure it, and if you remove a heavenly body from the upper atmosphere, it will not stand it. Neither has the divine and active Word of God done this, nor ever will do it, although He is able to change the lot of the things that come into being. For He does not do and purpose anything according to His own ability, but according to its suitability He preserves things, and keeps the law of good order. So, even if He is able to do so, He does not make the earth to be sailed over, nor again does He make the sea to be ploughed or tilled; nor does He use His power in making virtue into wickedness nor wickedness into virtue, nor does He adapt a man to become a winged creature, nor does He place the stars below and the earth above.
Wherefore we may reasonably declare that it is full of twaddle to say that men will ever be caught up into the air.
And Paul's lie becomes very plain when he says, "We which are alive." For it is three hundred years since he said this, and no body has anywhere been caught up, either Paul's or any one else's. So it is time this saying of Paul became silent, for it is driven away in confusion.
36. Macarius, Apocriticus IV: 4:
Let us look at what was said to Paul, "The Lord spoke to Paul in the night by a vision, Be not afraid, but speak, for I am with thee, and no man shall set on thee to hurt thee" (Acts xviii. 9-10). And yet no sooner was he seized in Rome than this fine fellow, who said that we should judge angels, had his head cut off. And Peter again, who received authority to feed the lambs, was nailed to a cross and impaled on it. And countless others, who held opinions like theirs, were either burnt, or put to death by receiving some kind of punishment or maltreatment. This is not worthy of the will of God, nor even of a godly man, that a multitude of men should be cruelly punished through their relation to His own grace and faith, while the expected resurrection and coming remains unknown.
37. Jerome, Commentary on Galatians 5:12:
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II. Attacks on the Old Testament
38. Theodoret, Graec. Affect. Cur. VII, 36:
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39. Eusebius, History of the Church, VI, 19:1-12:
The Greek philosophers of his age are witnesses to his proficiency in these subjects. We find frequent mention of him in their writings. Sometimes they dedicated their own works to him; again, they submitted their labors to him as a teacher for his judgment. Why need we say these things when even Porphyry, who lived in Sicily in our own times and wrote books against us, attempting to traduce the Divine Scriptures by them, mentions those who have interpreted them; and being unable in any way to find a base accusation against the doctrines, for lack of arguments turns to reviling and calumniating their interpreters, attempting especially to slander Origen, whom he says he knew in his youth. But truly, without knowing it, he commends the man; telling the truth about him in some cases where he could not do otherwise; but uttering falsehoods where he thinks he will not be detected. Sometimes he accuses him as a Christian; again he describes his proficiency in philosophic learning. But hear his own words:
"Some persons, desiring to find a solution of the baseness of the Jewish Scriptures rather than abandon them, have had recourse to explanations inconsistent and incongruous with the words written, which explanations, instead of supplying a defense of the foreigners, contain rather approval and praise of themselves. For they boast that the plain words of Moses are enigmas, and regard them as oracles full of hidden mysteries; and having bewildered the mental judgment by folly, they make their explanations."
Farther on he says:
"As an example of this absurdity take a man whom I met when I was young, and who was then greatly celebrated and still is, on account of the writings which he has left. I refer to Origen, who is highly honored by the teachers of these doctrines. For this man, having been a hearer of Ammonius, who had attained the greatest proficiency in philosophy of any in our day, derived much benefit from his teacher in the knowledge of the sciences; but as to the correct choice of life, he pursued a course opposite to his. For Ammonius, being a Christian, and brought up by Christian parents, when he gave himself to study and to philosophy straightway conformed to the life required by the laws. But Origen, having been educated as a Greek in Greek literature, went over to the barbarian recklessness. And carrying over the learning which he had obtained, he hawked it about, in his life conducting himself as a Christian and contrary to the laws, but in his opinions of material things and of the Deity being like a Greek, and mingling Grecian teachings with foreign fables. For he was continually studying Plato, and he busied himself with the writings of Numenius and Cronius, Apollophanes, Longinus, Moderatus, and Nicomachus, and those famous among the Pythagoreans. And he used the books of Chaeremon the Stoic, and of Cornutus. Becoming acquainted through them with the figurative interpretation of the Grecian mysteries, he applied it to the Jewish Scriptures."
These things are said by Porphyry in the third book of his work against the Christians. He speaks truly of the industry and learning of the man, but plainly utters a falsehood (for what will not an opposer of Christians do?) when he says that he went over from the Greeks, and that Ammonius fell from a life of piety into heathen customs. For the doctrine of Christ was taught to Origen by his parents, as we have shown above. And Ammonius held the divine philosophy unshaken and unadulterated to the end of his life. His works yet extant show this, as he is celebrated among many for the writings which he has left.
Jerome, On Illustrious Men 55:
Porphyry falsely accused him [Ammonius] of having become a heathen again, after being a Christian, but it is certain that he continued a Christian until the very end of his life.
40. Eusebius, Chronicle, Preface by Jerome:
Indeed from among the pagans, that impious man Porphyry in the fourth book of his work which he with pointless labour concocted against us, affirms that Semiramis, who reigned over the Assyrians 150 years before Inachus, lived after Moses. And so, according to him, Moses is discovered to be older than the Trojan War by almost 850 years.
41. Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, I: 9: 20ff:
In fact the polytheistic error of all the nations is only seen long ages afterwards, having taken its beginning from the Phoenicians and Egyptians, and passed over from them to the other nations, and even to the Greeks themselves. For this again is affirmed by the history of the earliest ages; which history itself it is now time for us to review, beginning from the Phoenician records.
Now the historian of this subject is Sanchuniathon, an author of great antiquity, and older, as they say, than the Trojan times, one whom they testify to have been approved for the accuracy and truth of his Phoenician History. Philo of Byblos, not the Hebrew, translated his whole work from the Phoenician language into the Greek, and published it. The author in our own day of the compilation against us mentions these things in the fourth book of his treatise Against the Christians, where he bears the following testimony to Sanchuniathon, word for word:
[PORPHYRY] 'Of the affairs of the Jews the truest history, because the most in accordance with their places and names, is that of Sanchuniathon of Berytus, who received the records from Hierombalus the priest of the god Ieuo; he dedicated his history to Abibalus king of Berytus, and was approved by him and by the investigators of truth in his time. Now the times of these men fall even before the date of the Trojan war, and approach nearly to the times of Moses, as is shown by the successions of the kings of Phoenicia. And Sanchuniathon, who made a complete collection of ancient history from the records in the various cities and from the registers in the temples, and wrote in the Phoenician language with a love of truth, lived in the reign of Semiramis, the queen of the Assyrians, who is recorded to have lived before the Trojan war or in those very times. And the works of Sanchuniathon were translated into the Greek tongue by Philo of Byblos.'
So wrote the author before mentioned, bearing witness at once to the truthfulness and antiquity of the so-called theologian. But he, as he goes forward, treats as divine not the God who is over all, nor yet the gods in the heaven, but mortal men and women, not even refined in character, such as it would be right to approve for their virtue, or emulate for their love of wisdom, but involved in the dishonour of every kind of vileness and wickedness.
He testifies also that these are the very same who are still regarded as gods by all both in the cities and in country districts. But let me give you the proofs of this out of his writings."
42. Severianus Gabal., de Mundi Creatione, Orat. VI (PG 56, col. 487):
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43. Jerome, Commentary on Daniel:
A. (Prologue) Porphyry wrote his twelfth book against the prophecy of Daniel, denying that it was composed by the person to whom it is ascribed in its title, but rather by some individual living in Judaea at the time of the Antiochus who was surnamed Epiphanes. He furthermore alleged that "Daniel" did not foretell the future so much as he related the past, and lastly that whatever he spoke of up till the time of Antiochus contained authentic history, whereas anything he may have conjectured beyond that point was false, inasmuch as he would not have foreknown the future. Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea, made a most able reply to these allegations in three volumes, that is, the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth. Appollinarius did likewise, in a single large book, namely his twenty-sixth. Prior to these authors Methodius made a partial reply. But inasmuch as it is not our purpose to make answer to the false accusations of an adversary, a task requiring lengthy discussion,... And because Porphyry saw that all these things [the prophecies about Christ, kings and years] had been fulfilled and could not deny that they had taken place, he overcame this evidence of historical accuracy by taking refuge in this evasion, contending that whatever is foretold concerning Antichrist at the end of the world was actually fulfilled in the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes, because of certain similarities to things which took place at his time. But this very attack testifies to Daniel's accuracy. For so striking was the reliability of what the prophet foretold, that he could not appear to unbelievers as a predicter of the future, but rather a narrator of things already past. And so wherever occasion arises in the course of explaining this volume, I shall attempt briefly to answer his malicious charge, and to controvert by simple explanation the philosophical skill, or rather the worldly malice, by which he strives to subvert the truth and by specious legerdemain to remove that which is so apparent to our eyes.
B. (Prologue) But among other things we should recognize that Porphyry makes this objection to us concerning the Book of Daniel, that it is clearly a forgery not to be considered as belonging to the Hebrew Scriptures but an invention composed in Greek. This he deduces from the fact that in the story of Susanna, where Daniel is speaking to the elders, we find the expressions, "To split from the mastic tree" (apo tou skhinou skhisai) and to saw from the evergreen oak (kai apo tou prinou prisai), a wordplay appropriate to Greek rather than to Hebrew. But both Eusebius and Apollinarius have answered him after the same tenor, that the stories of Susanna and of Bel and the Dragon are not contained in the Hebrew, but rather they constitute a part of the prophecy of Habakkuk, the son of Jesus of the tribe of Levi.... After all, both Origen, Eusebius and Apollinarius, and other outstanding churchmen and teachers of Greece acknowledge that, as I have said, these visions are not found amongst the Hebrews, and that therefore they are not obliged to answer to Porphyry for these portions which exhibit no authority as Holy Scripture. (Cf. Jerome, Comm. in Libr. Daniel. et Susan.)
C. (Prologue) And yet to understand the final portions of Daniel a detailed investigation of Greek history is necessary, that is to say, such authorities as Sutorius, Callinicus, Diodorus, Hieronymus, Polybius, Posidonius, Claudius, Theon, and Andronycus surnamed Alipius, historians whom Porphyry claims to have followed, Josephus also and those whom he cites, and especially our own historian, Livy, and Pompeius Trogus, and Justinus. All these men narrate the history involved in Daniel's final vision...
D. (On 2.40) "...He became a great mountain and filled the whole earth." This last the Jews and the impious Porphyry apply to the people of Israel, who they insist will be the strongest power at the end of the ages, and will crush all realms and will rule forever.
E. (On 2.46) Porphyry falsely impugns this passage on the ground that a very proud king would never worship a mere captive...
F. (On 2.48) In this matter also the slanderous critic of the Church has ventured to castigate the prophet because he did not reject the gifts and because he willingly accepted honor of the Babylonians.
G. (On 3.98) The epistle of Nebuchadnezzar was inserted in the volume of the prophet, in order that the book might not afterwards be thought to have been manufactured by some other author, as the accuser falsely asserts, but the product of Daniel himself.
H. (On 5:1) [The genealogical chronology is taken by Jerome from Josephus: it is very likely that Porphyry wrote something against this].
J. (On 5:10) 'Queen' -- Josephus says she was Belshazzar's grandmother, whereas Origen says she was his mother. She therefore knew about previous events of which the king was ignorant. So much for Porphyry's far-fetched objection [lit.: "Therefore let Porphyry stay awake nights"----evigilet], who fancies that she was the king's wife, and makes fun of the fact that she knows more than her husband does.
K. (On 7:5) [The details about Persian kings comes from Porphyry]
L. (On 7:7) Porphyry assigned the last two beasts, that of the Macedonians and that of the Romans, to the one realm of the Macedonians and divided them up as follows. He claimed that the leopard was Alexander himself, and that the beast which was dissimilar to the others represented the four successors of Alexander, and then he enumerates ten kings up to the time of Antiochus, surnamed Epiphanes, and who were very cruel. And he did not assign the kings themselves to separate kingdoms, for example Macedon, Syria, Asia, or Egypt, but rather he made out the various kingdoms a single realm consisting of a series. This he did of course in order that the words which were written: "...a mouth uttering overweening boasts" might be considered as spoken about Antiochus instead of about Antichrist.
M. (On 7, 8.14) Porphyry vainly surmises that the little horn which rose up after the ten horns is Antiochus Epiphanes, and that the three uprooted horns out of the ten are Ptolemy VI surnamed Philometer, Ptolemy VII Euergetes, and Artaraxias, King of Armenia. The first two of these kings died long before Antiochus was born.... Let Porphyry answer the query of whom out of all mankind this language might apply to, or who this person might be who was so powerful as to break and smash to pieces the little horn, whom he interprets to be Antiochus? If he replies that the princes of Antiochus were defeated by Judas Maccabaeus, then he must explain how Judas could be said to come with the clouds of heaven like unto the Son of man, and to be brought unto the Ancient of days, and how it could be said that authority and royal power was bestowed upon him, and that all peoples and tribes and language-groups served him, and that his power is eternal and not terminated by any conclusion.
N. (On 9:1) This is the Darius who in cooperation with Cyrus conquered the Chaldeans and Babylonians. We are not to think of that other Darius in the second year of whose reign the Temple was built, as Porphyry supposes in making out a late date for Daniel; nor are we to think of the Darius who was vanquished by Alexander, the king of the Macedonians.
O. (On 11, 20) The reference is to the Seleucus surnamed Philopator, the son of Antiochus the Great, who during his reign performed no deeds worthy of Syria or of his father, but perished ingloriously without fighting a single battle. Porphyry, however, claims that it was not this Seleucus who is referred to, but rather Ptolemy Epiphanes, who contrived a plot against Seleucus and prepared an army to fight against him, with the result that Seleucus was poisoned by his own generals. They did this because when someone asked Seleucus where he was going to get the financial resources for the great enterprises he was planning, he answered that his financial resources consisted in his friends. When this remark was publicly noised abroad, the generals became apprehensive that he would deprive them of their property and for that reason did him to death by nefarious means. Yet how could Ptolemy be said to rise up in the place of Antiochus the Great, since he did nothing of the sort?
P. (On 11, 21 f.) Up to this point the historical order has been followed, and there has been no point of controversy between Porphyry and those of our side (variant: and us). But the rest of the text from here on to the end of the book he interprets as applying to the person of the Antiochus who was surnamed Epiphanes, the brother of Seleucus and the son of Antiochus the Great. He reigned in Syria for eleven years after Seleucus, and he seized Judaea, and it is under his reign that the persecution of God's Law is related, and also the wars of the Maccabees. But those of our persuasion believe...
Q. (On 11, 21 f.) Our opponents say that the one who was to "stand up in the place of" Seleucus was his brother, Antiochus Epiphanes. The party in Syria who favored Ptolemy would not at first grant him the kingly honor, but he later secured the rule of Syria by a pretense of clemency. And as Ptolemy fought and laid everything waste, his arms were overcome and broken before the face of Antiochus. Now the word arms implies the idea of strength, and therefore also the host of any army is known as a hand [i.e. manus, "hand," may also signify a "band of armed men"]. And not only does the text say that he conquered Ptolemy by fraud, but also the prince of the covenant he overcame by treachery, that is, Judas Maccabaeus. Or else this is what is referred to, that after he had secured peace with Ptolemy and he had become the prince of the covenant, he afterwards devised a plot against him. Now the Ptolemy meant here was not Epiphanes, who was the fifth Ptolemy to reign in Egypt, but Ptolemy Philometor, the son of Antiochus' sister, Cleopatra; and so Antiochus was his maternal uncle. And when after Cleopatra's death Egypt was ruled by Eulaius, the eunuch who was Philometor's tutor, and by Leneus, and they were attempting to regain Syria, which Antiochus had fraudulently seized, warfare broke out between the boy Ptolemy and his uncle. And when they joined battle between Pelusium and Mt. Casius, Ptolemy's generals were defeated. But then Antiochus showed leniency towards the boy, and making a pretense of friendship, he went up to Memphis and there received the crown after the Egyptian manner. Declaring that he was looking out for the lad's interests, he subjected all Egypt to himself with only a small force of men, and he entered into rich and prosperous cities. And so he did things which his father had never done, nor his fathers' fathers. For none of the kings of Syria had ever laid Egypt waste after this fashion and scattered all their wealth. Moreover he was so shrewd that he even overcame by his deceit the well-laid plans of those who were the boy-king's generals. This is the line of interpretation which Porphyry followed, pursuing the lead of Sutorius with much redundancy, discoursing of matters which we have summarized within a brief compass.
R. (On 11, 25 f.) Porphyry interprets this as applying to Antiochus, who set forth with a great army on a campaign against his sister's son. But the king of the South, that is the generals of Ptolemy, were also roused to war with many and very powerful auxiliary forces, but they could not stand against the fraudulent schemes of Antiochus. For he pretended to be at peace with his sister's son and ate bread with him, and afterwards he took possession of Egypt.
S. (On 11, 27 f.) There is no doubt but what Antiochus did conclude a peace with Ptolemy and ate at the same table with him and devised plots against him, and yet without attaining any success thereby, since he did not obtain his kingdom but was driven out by Ptolemy's soldiers.
T. (On 11, 29 f.) Both the Greek and the Roman historians relate that after Antiochus had been expelled from Egypt and had gone back once more, he came to Judaea, that is, against the holy covenant, and that he despoiled the Temple and removed a huge amount of gold; and then, having stationed a garrison in the citadel, he returned to his own land. And then two years later he gathered an army against Ptolemy and came to the South. And while he was besieging his two nephews, the brothers of Ptolemy and sons of Cleopatra, at Alexandria, some Roman envoys arrived on the scene, one of whom was Marcus Popilius Laenas. And when he had found Antiochus standing on the shore and had conveyed the senatorial decree to him by which he was ordered to withdraw from those who were friends of the Roman people and to content himself with his own domain, then Antiochus delayed his reply in order to consult with his friends. But Laenas is said to have made a circle in the sand with the staff which he held in his hand, and to have drawn it around the king, saying, "The senate and people of Rome give order for you to make answer in this very spot as to what your decision is." At these words Antiochus was greatly alarmed and said, "If this is the good pleasure of the senate and people of Rome, then I must withdraw." And so he immediately set his army in motion. But he is said to have been dealt a heavy blow, not that he was killed but that he lost all of his proud prestige.... We read of these matters at greater length in the exploits of the Maccabees [I Macc. 1], where we learn that after the Romans expelled him from Egypt, he came in anger against the covenant of the sanctuary and was welcomed by those who had forsaken the law of God and taken part in the religious rites of the Gentiles.
U. (On 11, 31-43) But those of the other viewpoint claim that the persons mentioned are those who were sent by Antiochus two years after he had plundered the Temple in order to exact tribute from the Jews, and also to eliminate the worship of God, setting up an image of Jupiter Olympius in the Temple at Jerusalem, and also statues of Antiochus himself. These are described as the abomination of desolation, having been set up when the burnt offering and continual sacrifice were taken away.
(32) And in Maccabees we read that there were some who, to be sure, pretended that they were custodians of God's law, and later they came to terms with the Gentiles; yet the others adhered to their religion.
(33) The books of Maccabees relate the great sufferings the Jews endured at the hands of Antiochus and they stand as a testimony of their triumph; for they endured fire and sword, slavery and rapine, and even the ultimate penalty of death itself for the sake of guarding the law of God.
(34 f.) Porphyry thinks that the "little help" was Mattathias of the village of (variant: mountain of) Modin, for he rebelled against the generals of Antiochus and attempted to preserve the worship of the true God [I Macc. 2]. He says he is called a little help because Mattathias was slain in battle; and later on his son Judas, who was called Maccabaeus, also fell in the struggle; and the rest of his brothers were likewise taken in by the deceit of their adversaries.
(36) Porphyry and the others who follow his lead suppose the reference to be to Antiochus Epiphanes, pointing out that he did raise himself up against the worship of God, and pushed his arrogance so far as to command his own statue to be set up in the Temple in Jerusalem. And as for the subsequent statement, "And he shall manage successfully until the wrath be accomplished, for the consummation shall be in him," they understand it to mean that his power will endure until such time as God becomes angry at him and orders him to be killed. For indeed Polybius and Diodorus, who composed the histories of the Bibliothecae (Libraries), relate that Antiochus not only took measures against the God of Judaea, but also was impelled by an all-consuming avarice to attempt the plunder of the temple of Diana in Elymais, because it was so wealthy. But he was so beset by the temple guard and the neighboring populace, and also by certain fearful apparitions, that he became demented and finally died of illness. And the historians record that this befell him because he had attempted to plunder the temple of Diana.
(37 ff.) But if we read it in this fashion: "And occupied with lust for women," understanding, "...he shall be," then it is more appropriate to the character of Antiochus. For he is said to have been an egregious voluptuary, and to have become such a disgrace to the dignity of kingship through his lewdness and seductions, that he publicly had intercourse with actresses and harlots, and satisfied his sexual passions in the presence of the people. As for the god Maozim, Porphyry has offered an absurd explanation, asserting that Antiochus's generals set up a statue of Jupiter in the village of Modin, from which came Mattathias and his sons; moreover they compelled the Jews to offer blood-sacrifices to it, that is, to the god of Modin.... ('garrisons') Porphyry explained this as meaning that the man is going to fortify the citadel in Jerusalem and will station garrisons in the rest of the cities, and will instruct the Jews to worship a strange god, which doubtless means Jupiter. And displaying the idol to them, he will persuade them that they should worship it. Then he will bestow upon the deluded both honor and very great glory, and he shall deal with the rest who have borne rule in Judaea, and apportion estates unto them in return for their falsehood, and shall distribute gifts.
(40 f.) This too is referred by Porphyry to Antiochus, on the ground that in the eleventh year of his reign he warred for a second time against his nephew, Ptolemy Philometor. For when the latter heard that Antiochus had come, he gathered many thousands of soldiery. But Antiochus invaded many lands like a mighty tempest, with his chariots and horsemen and large navy, and laid everything waste as he passed through. And he came to the glorious land, that is, Judaea,... And Antiochus used the ruins of the wall of the city to fortify the citadel, and thus he continued on his way to Egypt.... They say that in his haste to fight Ptolemy, the king of the South, Antiochus left untouched the Idumaeans, Moabites, and Ammonites, who dwelt to the side of Judaea, lest he should make Ptolemy the stronger by engaging in some other campaign.
V. (On 11:44-45) Even for this passage Porphyry has some nebulous application to Antiochus, asserting that in his conflict with the Egyptians, Libyans, and Ethiopians, passing through them he was to hear of wars which had been stirred up against him in the North and the East. Thence he was to turn back and overcome the resistance of the Aradians, and lay waste the entire province along the coastline of Phoenicia. And then he was to proceed without delay against Artaxias, the king of Armenia, who was moving down from the regions of the East, and having slain a large number of his troops, he would pitch his tent in the place called Apedno which is located between the two broadest rivers, the Tigris and the Euphrates. But it is impossible to state upon what famous and holy mountain he took his seat, after he had proceeded to that point. After all, it cannot be shown that he took up his seat between two seas, and it would be foolish to interpret the two seas as being the two rivers of Mesopotamia. But Porphyry gets around this famous mountain by following the rendering of Theodotion, who said: "...upon the sacred Mount Saba between the two seas." And even though he supposes that Saba was the name of a mountain in Armenia or Mesopotamia, he cannot explain why it was holy. To be sure, if we assume the right of making things up, we can add the detail which Porphyry fails to mention, that the mountain, forsooth, was called holy, because it was consecrated to idols in conformity with the superstition of the Armenians. The account then says: "And he shall come even unto the summit of that same mountain," ----supposedly in the province of Elam, which is the easternmost Persian area. And there when he purposed to plunder the temple of Diana, which contained countless sums of money, he was routed by the barbarians, for they honored that shrine with a remarkable veneration. And Antiochus, being overcome with grief, died in Tabes, a town in Persia. By use of a most artificial line of argument Porphyry has concocted these details as an affront to us; but even though he were able to prove that these statements applied to Antiochus instead of the Antichrist, what does that matter to us? For do we not on the basis of all the passages of Scripture prove the coming of Christ and the falsehood of the Antichrist?... Porphyry ignores these things which are so very clear and maintains that the prophecy refers to the Jews, although we are well aware that they are to this very day in a state of bondage. And he claims that the person who composed the book under the name of Daniel made it all up in order to revive the hopes of his countrymen. Not that he was able to foreknow all of future history, but rather he records events that had already taken place. Thus Porphyry confines himself to false claims in regard to the final vision, substituting rivers for the sea, and positing a famous and holy mountain, Apedno even though he is unable to furnish any historical source in which he has read about it.
W. (On 12, 1 ff.) Up until this point Porphyry somehow managed to maintain his position and impose upon the credulity of the naive among our adherents as well as the poorly educated among his own. But what can he say of this chapter, in which is described the resurrection of the dead, with one group being revived for eternal life and the other group for eternal disgrace? He cannot even specify who the people were under Antiochus who shone like the brightness of the firmament, and those others who shone like the stars for all eternity. But what will pigheadedness not resort to? Like some bruised serpent, he lifts up his head as he is about to die, and pours forth his venom upon those who are themselves at the point of death. This too, he declares, was written with reference to Antiochus, for after he had invaded Persia, he left his army with Lysias, who was in charge of Antioch and Phoenicia, for the purpose of warring against the Jews and destroying their city of Jerusalem. All these details are related by Josephus, the author of the history of the Hebrews. Porphyry contends that the tribulation was such as had never previously occurred, and that a time came along such as had never been from the time that races began to exist even unto that time. But when victory was bestowed upon them, and the generals of Antiochus had been slain, and Antiochus himself had died in Persia, the people of Israel experienced salvation, even all who had been written down in the book of God, that is, those who defended the law with great bravery. Contrasted with them were those who proved to be transgressors of the Law and sided with the party of Antiochus. Then it was, he asserts, that these guardians of the Law, who had been, as it were, slumbering in the dust of the earth and were cumbered with a load of afflictions, and even hidden away, as it were, in the tombs of wretchedness, rose up once more from the dust of the earth to a victory unhoped for, and lifted up their heads, rising up to everlasting life, even as the transgressors rose up to everlasting disgrace. But those masters and teachers who possessed a knowledge of the Law shall shine like the heaven, and those who have exhorted the more backward peoples to observe the rites of God shall blaze forth after the fashion of the stars for all eternity. He also adduces the historical account concerning the Maccabees, in which it is said that many Jews under the leadership of Mattathias and Judas Maccabaeus fled to the desert and hid in caves and holes in the rocks, and came forth again after the victory. [I Macc. 2.] These things, then, were foretold in metaphorical language as if it concerned a resurrection of the dead.
(5 f.) Porphyry, of course, assigns this time to the period of Antiochus, after his usual fashion...
(7) Porphyry interprets a time and times and half a time to mean three and a half years; and we for our part do not deny that this accords with the idiom of Sacred Scripture.... If therefore the earlier references which were plainly written concerning the Antichrist are assigned by Porphyry to Antiochus and to the three and a half years during which he asserts the Temple was deserted, then he is under obligation to prove that the next statement, "His kingdom is eternal, and all kings shall serve and obey him," likewise pertains to Antiochus, or else, as he himself conjectures, to the people of the Jews.... When it is stated that the people of God shall have been scattered ---- either under the persecution of Antiochus, as Porphyry claims, or of Antichrist, which we deem to be closer to fact ---- at that time shall all these things be fulfilled.
(11) Porphyry asserts that these one thousand two hundred and ninety days were fulfilled in the desolation of the Temple in the time of Antiochus...
(12) Porphyry explains this passage in the following way, that the forty-five days beyond the one thousand two hundred and ninety signify the interval of victory over the generals of Antiochus, or the period when Judas Maccabaeus fought with bravery and cleansed the Temple and broke the idol to pieces, offering blood-sacrifices in the Temple of God.
(13) And it is vain for Porphyry to claim that all these things which were spoken concerning the Antichrist under the type of Antiochus actually refer to Antiochus alone. As we have already mentioned, these false claims have been answered at greater length by Eusebius of Caesarea, Apollinarius of Laodicea, and partially also by that very able writer, the martyr Methodius; and anyone who knows of these things can look them up in their writings.
X. (Jerome, Commentary on Isaiah IX, 30)
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44. Jerome, Commentary on Matthew 24: 16ff:
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45. Jerome, Commentary on Hosea, 1:2:
Now if some mischief-maker, and especially a pagan, refuses to accept that it was said figuratively, and jeers at a prophet in bed with a whore, we oppose to him...
Jerome, Commentary on Hosea, 1: ff:
Now if some mischief-making interpreter refuses to accept the one which we have said, but understood it to mean that a prostitute named Gomer daughter of Deblaim, gave birth firstly and thirdly to male children, secondly, in the middle, to a female child, here wishing the scripture say what is read [literally], let him respond in this way...
46. Augustine, Epistle 102: 30 (To Deogratias; 6 questions against the pagans):
Question VI. The last question proposed is concerning Jonah, and it is put as if it were not from Porphyry, but as being a standing subject of ridicule among the Pagans; for his words are: "In the next place, what are we to believe concerning Jonah, who is said to have been three days in a whale's belly? The thing is utterly improbable and incredible, that a man swallowed with his clothes on should have existed in the inside of a fish. If, however, the story is figurative, be pleased to explain it. Again, what is meant by the story that a gourd sprang up above the head of Jonah after he was vomited by the fish? What was the cause of this gourd's growth?" Questions such as these I have seen discussed by Pagans amidst loud laughter, and with great scorn.
Jerome, Commentary on Jonah 2: ff:
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47. Eusebius, Demonstratio, VI: 18: 11: from
Now if any one supposes that this was fulfilled in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, let him inquire if the rest of the prophecy can be referred to the times of Antiochus ---- I mean the captivity undergone by the people, the standing of the Lord's feet on the Mount of Olives, and whether the Lord became King of all the earth in that day, and whether the name of the Lord encircled the whole earth and the desert during the reign of Antiochus.....
III. Attacks on the works and sayings of Jesus
48. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 18:
Come now, let us here mention another saying to you. Why is it that when the tempter tells Jesus "Cast thyself down from the temple,", He does not do it, but says to him, "Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God," whereby it seems to me that He spoke in fear of the danger from the fall? For if, as you declare, He not only did various other miracles, but even raised up dead men by His word alone, He ought to have shown forthwith that He was capable of delivering others from danger by hurling Himself down from the height, and not receiving any bodily harm thereby. And the more so, because there is a passage of Scripture somewhere which says with regard to Him, "In their hands they shall bear thee up, lest thou dash thy foot against a stone." So the really fair thing to do, was to demonstrate to those who were present in the temple that He was God's Son, and was able to deliver from danger both Himself and those who were His.
49. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 4:
And if we would speak of this record likewise, it will appear to be really a piece of knavish nonsense, since Matthew says that two demons from the tombs met with Christ, and then that in fear of Him they went into the swine, and many were killed. But Mark did not shrink from making up an enormous number of swine, for he puts it thus: "He said unto him, Go forth, thou unclean spirit, from the man. And he asked him, What is thy name? And he answered, Many. And he besought him that he would not cast him out of the country. And there was there a herd of swine feeding. And the demons besought him that he would suffer them to depart into the swine. And when they had departed into the swine, they rushed down the steep into the sea, about two thousand, and were choked; and they that fed them fled!" (Mark v. 8, etc.). What a myth! What humbug! What flat mockery! A herd of two thousand swine ran into the sea, and were choked and perished!
And when one hears how the demons besought Him that they might not be sent into the abyss, and how Christ was prevailed on and did not do so, but sent them into the swine, will not one say: "Alas, what ignorance! Alas, what foolish knavery, that He should take account of murderous spirits, which were working much harm in the world, and that He should grant them what they wished." What the demons wished was to dance through life, and make the world a perpetual plaything. They wanted to stir up the sea, and fill the world's whole theatre with sorrow. They wanted to trouble the elements by their disturbance, and to crush the whole creation by their hurtfulness. So at all events it was not right that, instead of casting these originators of evil, who had treated mankind so ill, into that region of the abyss which they prayed to be delivered from, He should be softened by their entreaty and suffer them to work another calamity.
If the incident is really true, and not a fiction (as we explain it), Christ's saying convicts Him of much baseness, that He should drive the demons from one man, and send them into helpless swine; also that He should terrify with panic those who kept them, making them fly breathless and excited, and agitate the city with the disturbance which resulted. For was it not just to heal the harm not merely of one man or two or three or thirteen, but of everybody, especially as it was for this purpose that He was testified to have come into this life? But to merely loose one man from bonds which were invisible, and to inflict similar bonds upon others; to free certain men happily from their fears, but to surround others with fears without reason---this should rightfully be called not right action but rascality.
And again, in taking account of enemies and allowing them to take up their abode in another place and dwell there, He is acting like a king who ruins the region that is subject to him. For the latter, being unable to drive the barbarians out of every country, sends them from one place to another to abide, delivering one country from the evil and handing another over to it. If therefore Christ in like manner, unable to drive the demon from His borders, sent him into the herd of swine, he does indeed work something racticed which cau catch the ear, but it is also full of the suspicion of baseness. For when a right-thinking man hears this, he passes a judgment at once, forms his opinion on the narrative, and gives his vote in accordance with the matter. This is the way he will speak: "If he does not free from hurt everything beneath the sun, but pursues those that do the harm into different countries, and if he takes care of some, but has no heed of others, it is not safe to flee to this man and be saved. For he who is saved spoils the condition of him who is not, while he who is not saved becomes the accuser of him who is. Wherefore, according to my judgment, the record contained in this narrative is a fiction."
Once more, if you regard it as not fiction, but bearing some relation to truth, there is really plenty to laugh at for those who like to open their mouths. For come now, here is a point we must carefully inquire into: how was it that so large a herd of swine was being kept at that time in the land of Judsea, seeing that they were to the Jews from the beginning the most unclean and hated form of beast? And, again, how were all those swine choked, when it was a lake and not a deep sea? It may be left to babes to make a decision about all this."
Jerome, Against Vigilantius, 10:
You will hardly follow the heathen and impious Porphyry and Eunomius, and pretend that these are the tricks of the demons, and that they do not really cry out, but feign their torments.
50. Macarius, Apocriticus, Book I.
Nicephorus in the Antirhetica quotes from the lost book 1 of this work. (TBA)
51. Macarius, Apocriticus II: 7:
The text contains only the words of Macarius, but an objection must have existed here. (TBA)
52. Macarius, Apocriticus IV: 9:
If indeed it was necessary to express that other utterance, as Jesus says, "I thank thee, Father, Lord of heaven and earth, because thou hast hid these things from the wise and prudent, and hast revealed them unto babes," and as it is written in Deuteronomy [xxix. 29], "The hidden things for the Lord our God, and the manifest things for us," therefore the things that are written for the babes and the ignorant ought to be clearer and not wrapped in riddles. For if the mysteries have been hidden from the wise, and unreasonably poured out to babes and those that give suck, it is better to be desirous of senselessness and ignorance, and this is the great achievement of the wisdom of Him who came to earth, to hide the rays of knowledge from the wise, and to reveal them to fools and babes.
53. Macarius, Apocriticus II: 8:
The text contains only the words of Macarius, but an objection must have existed here. (TBA)
54. Macarius, Apocriticus IV: 8:
Let us touch on another piece of teaching even more fabulous than this, and obscure as night, contained in the words, "The kingdom of heaven is like unto a grain of mustard seed"; and again, "The kingdom of heaven is like unto leaven"; and once more, "It is like unto a merchant seeking goodly pearls." These imaginings do not come from (real) men, nor even from women who put their trust in dreams. For when any one has a message to give concerning great and divine matters, he is obliged to make use of common things which pertain to men, in order to make his meaning clear, but not such degraded and unintelligible things as these. These sayings, besides being base and unsuitable to such matters, have in themselves no intelligent meaning or clearness. And yet it was fitting that they should be very clear indeed, because they were not written for the wise or understanding, but for babes.
55. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 6:
Come, let us unfold for you another saying from the Gospel which is absurdly written without any credibility, and has a still more absurd narrative attached to it. It was when Jesus, after sending on the disciples to cross the sea after a feast, Himself came upon them at the fourth watch of the night when they were terribly troubled by the surging of the storm, for they were toiling all night against the force of the waves.
Now the fourth watch is the tenth hour of the night, after which three further hours are left. But those who relate the truth about that locality say that there is not a sea there, but a small lake coming from a river under the hill in the country of Galilee, beside the city of Tiberias; this is easy for small boats to sail across in not more than two hours, nor can it admit of either wave or storm. So Mark goes very wide of the truth when he very absurdly gives the fabulous record that, when nine hours of the night had passed, Jesus proceeded at the tenth, namely the fourth watch of the night, and found the disciples sailing on the pond. Then he calls it a sea, and not merely that, but a stormy sea, and a terribly angry one, causing them fear with the tossing of the waves. He does this in order that he may thereupon introduce Christ as working some mighty miracle in having caused a great and fearful storm to cease, and saved the disciples in their danger from the deep, and from the sea. From such childish records we know the Gospel to be a sort of cunningly woven curtain. Wherefore we investigate each point the more carefully.
Jerome, Quaest. In Genesim. 1:10:
It must be noted that every gathering together of waters, whether salt or sweet, according to the idiom of the Hebrew language is called 'sea'. In vain, therefore, does Porphyry calumniate the evangelists as making up a miracle for the ignorant, the one when the Lord walked on the sea, saying 'sea' for lake Genezareth, when every lake and gathering of waters is called a sea.
56. Jerome, Commentary on Matthew 15: 17ff:
TBA
57. Macarius, Apocriticus II: 10: (once again it seems that the words of the objection are lost, this is Macarius' answer)
Answer to an objection based on S. Matt, xvii. 15: "Have pity on my son, for he is lunatic," although it was not the effect of the moon, but of a demon.
[In answering this question, we will also consider the apparently uncalled-for rebuke which Christ adds to the multitude, in the words "O faithless generation, how long shall I be with you? "
The dragon or demon was cunning enough to attack the boy at the changes of the moon, so that men might think that his sufferings were due to its influence. Thus by one act he accomplished two objects, for he both tortured the boy's body, and suggested blasphemy to the minds of those who saw it, for if they ascribed it to the moon's action, they would naturally blame Him who created the moon.
Christ perceives that they likewise have been affected by the demon, and so calls them a "faithless generation," because of their ideas about the moon. By expelling the demon, He shows them their error.
S. Matthew does not prove, by saying that "a lunatic boy" was brought to Christ, that he really was under the moon's influence. Like a good historian, he recorded things as he heard them, not as they actually were.]
58. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 5:
Let us examine another saying even more baffling than these, when He says, "It is easier for a camel to go through a needle, than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven."
If it be indeed the case that any one who is rich is not brought into the so-called kingdom of heaven though he have kept himself from the sins of life, such as murder, theft, adultery, cheating, impious oaths, body-snatching, and the wickedness of sacrilege, of what use is just dealing to righteous men, if they happen to be rich? And what harm is there for poor men in doing every unholy deed of baseness? For it is not virtue that takes a man up to heaven, but lack of possessions. For if his wealth shuts out the rich man from heaven, by way of contrast his poverty brings a poor man into it. And so it becomes lawful, when a man has learnt this lesson, to pay no regard to virtue, but without let or hindrance to cling to poverty alone, and the things that are most base. This follows from poverty being able to save the poor man, while riches shut out the rich man from the undefiled abode.
Wherefore it seems to me that these cannot be the words of Christ, if indeed He handed down the rule of truth, but of some poor men who wished, as a result of such vain talking, to deprive the rich of their substance. At any rate, no longer ago than yesterday, reading these words to women of noble birth, "Sell what thou hast, and give to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven," they persuaded them to distribute to poor men all the substance and possession which they had, and, themselves entering into a state of want, to gather by begging, turning from a position of freedom to unseemly asking, and from prosperity to a pitiable character, and in the end, being compelled to go to the houses of the rich (which is the first thing, or rather the last thing, in disgrace and misfortune), and thus to lose their own belongings under the pretext of godliness, and to covet those of others under the force of want.
Accordingly, it seems to me that these are the words of some woman in distress.
59. Macarius, Apocriticus II: 9: (the objection of the pagan is lost)
[An objection based on S. Mark x. 18 and S. Matt. xii. 35. Come now, let us also make clear the question of those two sayings: "None is good save God," and "The good man out of the good treasure of his heart bringeth forth that which is good."]
60. Macarius, Apocriticus IV: 5:
And there is another dubious little saying which one may manifestly take hold of, when Christ says: "Take heed that no man deceive you; for many shall come in my name, saying, I am Christ, and shall deceive many." And behold! Three hundred years have passed by, and even more, and no one of the kind has anywhere appeared. Unless indeed you are going to adduce Apollonius of Tyana, a man who was adorned with all philosophy. But you would not find another. Yet it is not concerning one but concerning many that He says that such shall arise.
61. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 7:
Moreover, as we have found another inconsequent little utterance spoken by Christ to His disciples, we have decided not to remain silent about this either. It is where He says, "The poor ye have always, but me ye have not always." The reason for this statement is as follows: A certain woman brought an alabaster box of ointment and poured it on His head. And when they saw it, and complained of the unseasonableness of the action, He said, "Why do ye trouble the woman? She hath wrought a good work on me. The poor ye have always, but me ye have not always." For they raised no small murmuring, that the ointment was not rather sold for a great price, and given to the poor for expenditure on their hunger. Apparently as the result of this inopportune conversation, He uttered this nonsensical saying, declaring that He was not always with them, although elsewhere He confidently affirmed and said to them, "I shall be with you until the end of the world" [Matt, xxviii. 20]. But when He was disturbed about the ointment, He denied that He was always with them.
62. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 2:
Moreover, there is another saying which is full of obscurity and full of stupidity, which was spoken by |58 Jesus to His disciples. He said, "Fear not them that kill the body," and yet He Himself being in an agony and keeping watch in the expectation of terrible things, besought in prayer that His passion should pass from Him, and said to His intimate friends, "Watch and pray, that the temptation may not pass by you." For these sayings are not worthy of God's Son, nor even of a wise man who despises death.
63. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 1:
Why did not Christ utter anything worthy of one who was wise and divine, when brought either before the high-priest or before the governor? He might have given instruction to His judge and those who stood by and made them better men. But He endured to be smitten with a reed and spat on and crowned with thorns, unlike Apollonius, who, after speaking boldly to the Emperor Domitian, disappeared from the royal court, and after not many hours was plainly seen in the city then called Dicaearchia, but now Puteoli. But even if Christ had to suffer according to God's commands, and was obliged to endure punishment, yet at least He should have endured His Passion with some boldness, and uttered words of force and wisdom to Pilate His judge, instead of being mocked like any gutter-snipe.
64. Macarius, Apocriticus II: 14:
There is also another argument whereby this corrupt opinion can be refuted. I mean the argument about that Resurrection of His which is such common talk everywhere, as to why Jesus, after His suffering and rising again (according to your story), did not appear to Pilate who punished Him and said He had done nothing worthy of death, or to Herod King of the Jews, or to the High-priest of the Jewish race, or to many men at the same time and to such as were worthy of credit, and more particularly among Romans both in the Senate and among the people. The purpose would be that, by their wonder at "the things concerning Him, they might not pass a vote of death against Him by common consent, which implied the impiety of those who were obedient to Him. But He appeared to Mary Magdalene, a coarse woman who came from some wretched little village, and had once been possessed by seven demons, and with her another utterly obscure Mary, who was herself a peasant woman, and a few other people who were not at all well known. And that, although He said: "Henceforth shall ye see the Son of man sitting on the right hand of power, and coming with the clouds." For if He had shown Himself to men of note, all would believe through them,and no judge would punish them as fabricating monstrous stories. For surely it is neither pleasing to God nor to anysensible man that many should be subjected on His account to punishments of the gravest kind.
65. Anastasius Sinaita, Hodegos 13: (PG 89, col. 233)
TBA
66. Fragment from Julian the Apostate, Against the Galileans, (cited by Arethas of Casarea):
TBA
67. Macarius, Apocriticus II: 11: (the actual objection of the pagan is lost, this is Macarius' answer)
Answer to an objection based on S. John v. 31: How is it that Christ said, "If I bear witness to myself, my witness is not true," and yet He did bear witness to Himself, as He was accused of doing when He said, "I am the light of the world"? (John viii. 12, 13).
[Such witness is not true in man's case, but it is in God's. The Jews thought Christ was only man, but it would have been a sad thing for the world if He had accepted their judgment and sought man's witness for His divine acts.
So He speaks as man when He does not bear witness to Himself, but seeks it from God. But it is as God that He says He is the Light, the Truth, etc., disdaining witness from his inferiors. He therefore simply allows that if, in their erroneous judgment, He is merely man, His witness is not true. Thus He contradicts, not His own statement, but their opinion about Him.]
68. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 3:
Again the following saying appears to be full of stupidity: "If ye believed Moses, ye would have believed me, for he wrote concerning me." He said it, but all the same nothing which Moses wrote has been preserved. For all his writings are said to have been burnt along with the temple. All that bears the name of Moses was written 1180 years afterwards, by Ezra and those of his time. And even if one were to concede that the writing is that of Moses, it cannot be shown that Christ was anywhere called God, or God the Word, or Creator. And pray who has spoken of Christ as crucified?
69. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 15:
But he, with a smile on his face, made reply in a fresh attack on us, saying: You are like the more audacious among those who run in a race, and proclaim their victory until the contest comes, challenging many to run in the course; for you have taken up the same attitude, in your desire to bring in another inquiry from the starting-point, as one might say. Speak to us therefore, my friend, beginning from the following point:---
That saying of the Teacher is a far-famed one, which says, "Except ye eat my flesh and drink my blood, ye have no life in yourselves." Truly this saying is not merely beast-like and absurd, but is more absurd than any absurdity, and more beast-like than any fashion of a beast, that a man should taste human flesh, and drink the blood of members of the same tribe and race, and that by doing this he should have eternal life. For, tell, me, if you do this, what excess of savagery do you introduce into life? Rumour does not record---I do not say, this action, but even the mention of this strange and novel deed of impiety. The phantoms of the Furies never revealed this to those who lived in strange ways, nor would the Potidasans have accepted it unless they had been reduced by a savage hunger. Once the banquet of Thyestes became such, owing to a sister's grief, and the Thracian Tereus took his fill of such food unwillingly. Harpagus was deceived by Astyages when he feasted on the flesh of his dearest, and it was against their desire that all these underwent such a pollution. But no one living in a state of peace prepared such a table in his life; no one learnt from a teacher any knowledge so foul. If you look up Scythia in the records, and go through the Macrobian Ethiopians, and if you career through the ocean girdle round about, you will find men who eat, live, and devour roots; you will hear of men who eat reptiles and feed on mice, but they refrain altogether from human flesh.
What then does this saying mean? [Even if there is a mystical meaning hidden in it, yet that does not pardon the outward significance, which places men lower than the beasts. Men have made up strange tales, but nothing so pernicious as this, with which to gull the simple.]
Wherefore it seems to me that neither Mark nor Luke nor even Matthew recorded this, because they regarded the saying as not a comely one, but strange and discordant, and far removed from practiced life. Even you yourself could scarcely be pleased at reading it, and far less any man who has had the advantage of a liberal education.
70. Jerome, Dialogue Against the Pelagians II: 17:
TBA
71. Macarius, Apocriticus II: 16:
Come now, let us listen to that shadowy saying also which was directed against the Jews, when He said, "Ye cannot hear my word, because ye are of your father the devil (Slanderer), and ye wish to do the lusts of your father," Explain to us then who the Slanderer is, who is the father of the Jews. For those who do the lusts of their father, do so fittingly, as yielding to the desire of their father, and out of respect for him. And if the father is evil, the charge of evil must not be fastened on the children. Who then is that father, by doing whose lusts they did not hearken to Christ? For when the Jews said, "We have one father, even |49 God," He sets aside this statement by saying, "Ye are of your father the Slanderer" (that is, Ye are of the Slanderer). Who then is that Slanderer, and where does he chance to be? And by slandering whom did he obtain this epithet? For he does not seem to have this name as an original one, but as the result of something that happened. (Whatever we learn, we shall understand as we ought.) For if it is from a slander that he is called Slanderer, among whom did he appear and work the forbidden action? Even in this, it is he who accepts the slander who will appear unscrupulous, while he that is slandered is most wronged. And it will be seen that it was not the Slanderer himself who did any wrong, but he who showed him the excuse for the slander. It is the man who places a stake on the road at night who is responsible, and not the man who walks along and stumbles over it. It is the man who fixed it there who receives the blame. Just so, it is he who places an occasion of slander in the way who does the greater wrong, not he who takes hold of it or he who receives it.
And tell me another thing. Is the Slanderer subject to human affections or not? If he is not, he would never have slandered. But if he is subject, he ought to meet with forgiveness; for no one who is troubled by bodily ailments is judged as a wrongdoer, but receives pity from all as being sorely tried.
72. Macarius, Apocriticus II: 15:
Any one will feel quite sure that the records are mere fairy tales, if he reads another piece of clap-trap that is written in the Gospel, where Christ says: "Now is the judgment of the world, now the ruler of this world shall be cast outside" (John xii. 31). For tell me, in the name of God, what is this judgment which then takes place, and who is the ruler of the world who is cast outside? If indeed you intend to say it is the Emperor, I answer that there is no sole ruler (for many rule the world), nor was he cast down. But if you mean some one who is abstract and incorporeal, he cannot be cast outside. For where should he be cast, to whom it fell to be the ruler of the world? If you are going to reply that there exists another world somewhere, into which the ruler will be cast, pray tell us this from a record which can convince us. But if there is not another (and it is impossible that two worlds should exist) where should the ruler be cast, if it be not in that world in which he happens to be already? And how is a man cast down in that world in which he is? Unless it is like the case of an earthenware vessel, which, if it and its contents are broken, a man causes to be cast outside, not into the void, but into another body of air or earth, or perhaps of something else. If then in like manner, when the world is broken (which is impossible), he that is in it will be cast outside, what sort of place is there outside into which he will be cast? And what is there peculiar in that place in the way of quantity and quality, height and depth, length or breadth? For if it is possessed of these things, then it follows that it is a world. And what is the cause of the ruler of the world being cast out, as if he were a stranger to the world? If he be a stranger, how did he rule it? And how is he cast out? By his own will, or against it? Clearly against it. That is plain from the language, for that which is "cast out," is cast out unwillingly. But the wrong-doer is not he that endures force, but he that uses it.
All this obscure nonsense in the Gospels ought to be offered to silly women, not to men. For if we were prepared to investigate such points more closely, we should discover thousands of obscure stories which do not contain a single word worth finding.
IV. Theological objections
73. Eusebius, Demonstration of the Gospel I: 1: 8-11: (Harnack says it is I: 1: 12, but that is not in chapter one, I have changed it to chapter 1, 8-11, since that seems to be more about the Demonstration (or Proof) being against Gentile accusations, which probably would have included Porphyry).
TBA
Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel I: 3: 1:
TBA
74. Macarius, Apocriticus Book V fragment:
[Fragment of Macarius quoted in Greek by F. Turrianus (De la Torre), Dogmaticus de Justificatione, ad Germanos adversus Luteranos, Romae, 1557, p. 37. On Rom. 4:3]
75. Macarius, Apocriticus IV: 20:
But let us make a thorough investigation concerning the single rule 291 of the only God and the manifold rule of those who are worshipped as gods. You do not know how to expound the doctrine even of the single rule. For a monarch is not one who is alone in his existence, but who is alone in his rule. Clearly he rules over those who are his fellow-tribesmen, men like himself, just as the Emperor Hadrian was a monarch, not because he existed alone, nor because he ruled over oxen and sheep (over which herdsmen or shepherds rule), but because he ruled over men who shared his race and possessed the same nature. Likewise God would not properly be called a monarch, unless He ruled over other gods; for this would befit His divine greatness and His heavenly and abundant honour.
76. Macarius, Apocriticus IV: 21:
At any rate, if you say that angels stand before God, who are not subject to feeling and death, and immortal in their nature, whom we ourselves speak of as gods, because they are close to the Godhead, why do we dispute about a name? And are we to consider it only a difference of nomenclature? For she who is called by the Greeks Athene is called by the Romans Minerva; and the Egyptians, Syrians, and Thracians address her by some other name. But I suppose nothing in the invocation of the goddess is changed or lost by the difference of the names. The difference therefore is not great, whether a man calls them gods or angels, since their divine nature bears witness to them, as when Matthew writes thus: "And Jesus answered and said, Ye do err, not knowing the scriptures, nor the power of God; for in the resurrection they neither marry nor are given in marriage, but are as the angels in heaven" (Matt. xxii. 29-30). Since therefore He confesses that the angels have a share in the divine nature, those who make a suitable object of reverence for the gods, do not think that the god is in the wood or stone or bronze from which the image is manufactured, nor do they consider that, if any part of the statue is cut off, it detracts from the power of the god. For the images of living creatures and the temples were set up by the ancients for the sake of remembrance, in order that those who approach thither might come to the knowledge of the god when they go; or, that, as they observe a special time and purify themselves generally, they may make use of prayers and supplications, asking from them the things of which each has need. For if a man makes an image of a friend, of course he does not think that the friend is in it, or that the limbs of his body are included in the various parts of the representation; but honour is shown towards the friend by means of the image. But in the case of the sacrifices that are brought to the gods, these are hot so much a bringing of honour to them as a proof of the inclination of the worshippers, to show that they are not without a sense of gratitude. It is reasonable that the form of the statues should be the fashion of a man, since man is reckoned to be the fairest of living creatures and an image of God. It is possible to get hold of this doctrine from another saying, which asserts positively that God has fingers, with which He writes, saying, "And he gave to Moses the two tables which were written by the finger of God" (Exod. xxxi. 18). Moreover, the Christians also, imitating the erection of the temples, build very large houses, into which they go together and pray, although there is nothing to prevent them from doing this in their own houses, since the Lord certainly hears from every place.
77. Macarius, Apocriticus IV: 22:
But even supposing any one of the Greeks were so light-minded as to think that the gods dwell within the statues, his idea would be a much purer one than that of the man who believes that the Divine entered into the womb of the Virgin Mary, and became her unborn child, before being born and swaddled in due course, for it is a place full of blood and gall, and things more unseemly still.
78. Macarius, Apocriticus IV: 23:
I could also give proof to you of that insidious name of "gods" from the law, when it cries out and admonishes the hearer with much reverence, "Thou, shalt not revile gods, and thou shalt not speak evil of the ruler of thy people." For it does not speak to us of other gods than those already within our reckoning, from what we know in the words, "Thou shalt not go after gods" (Jer. vii. 6); and again, "If ye go and worship other gods" (Deut. xii. 28). It is not men, but the gods who are held in honour by us, that are meant, not only by Moses, but by his successor Joshua. For he says to the people, "And now fear him and serve him alone, and put away the gods whom your fathers served" (Josh. xxiv. 14). And it is not concerning men, but incorporeal beings that Paul says, "For though there be that are called gods, whether on earth or in heaven, yet to us there is but one God and Father, of whom are all things" (1 Cor. viii. 5). Therefore you make a great mistake in thinking that God is angry if any other is called a god, and obtains the same title as Himself. For even rulers do not object to the title from their subjects, nor masters from slaves. And it is not right to think that God is more petty-minded than men. Enough then about the fact that gods exist, and ought to receive honour.
79. Augustine, Epistle 102: 16 (to Deogratias, 6 questions against the pagans):
Question III. Let us now look to the question which comes next in order. "They find fault," he says, "with the sacred ceremonies, the sacrificial victims, the burning of incense, and all the other parts of worship in our temples; and yet the same kind of worship had its origin in antiquity with themselves, or from the God whom they worship, for He is represented by them as having been in need of the first-fruits."
80. Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel V: 1: 9ff:
But with regard to the fact that the evil daemons no longer have any power to prevail since our Saviour's advent among men, the very same author who is the advocate of the daemons in our time, in his compilation against us, bears witness by speaking in the following manner:
[PORPHYRY] 'And now they wonder that for so many years the plague has attacked the city, Asclepius and the other gods being no longer resident among us. For since Jesus began to be honoured, no one ever heard of any public assistance from the gods.'
81. Augustine, Epistle 102: 8 (to Deogratias, 6 questions against the pagans):
Question II. Concerning the epoch of the Christian religion, they have advanced, moreover, some other things, which they might call a selection of the more weighty arguments of Porphyry against the Christians: "If Christ," they say, "declares Himself to be the Way of salvation, the Grace and the Truth, and affirms that in Him alone, and only to souls believing in Him, is the way of return to God, what has become of men who lived in the many centuries before Christ came? To pass over the time," he adds, "which preceded the rounding of the kingdom of Latium, let us take the beginning of that power as if it were the beginning of the human race. In Latium itself gods were worshipped before Alba was built; in Alba, also, religious rites and forms of worship in the temples were maintained. Rome itself was for a period of not less duration, even for a long succession of centuries, unacquainted with Christian doctrine. What, then, has become of such an innumerable multitude of souls, who were in no wise blameworthy, seeing that He in whom alone saving faith can be exercised had not yet favoured men with His advent? The whole world, moreover, was not less zealous than Rome itself in the worship racticed in the temples of the gods. Why, then," he asks, "did He who is called the Saviour withhold Himself for so many centuries of the world? And let it not be said," he adds, "that provision had been made for the human race by the old Jewish law. It was only after a long time that the Jewish law appeared and flourished within the narrow limits of Syria, and after that, it gradually crept onwards to the coasts of Italy; but this was not earlier than the end of the reign of Caius, or, at the earliest, while he was on the throne. What, then, became of the souls of men in Rome and Latium who lived before the time of the Caesars, and were destitute of the grace of Christ, because He had not then come?"
82. Jerome, Epistle 133: 9 (To Ctesiph.):
Or lastly make your own the favorite cavil of your associate Porphyry, and ask how God can be described as pitiful and of great mercy when from Adam to Moses and from Moses to the coming of Christ He has suffered all nations to die in ignorance of the Law and of His commandments. For Britain, that province so fertile in despots, the Scottish tribes, and all the barbarians round about as far as the ocean were alike without knowledge of Moses and the prophets. Why should Christ's coming have been delayed to the last times? Why should He not have come before so vast a number had perished?
83. Fragment from Methodius, Against Porphyry:
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84. Another fragment from Methodius, Against Porphyry:
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85. Augustine, Epistle 102: 28: (to Deogratias, 6 questions against the pagans):
Question V. The objector who has brought forward these questions from Porphyry has added this one in the next place: Will you have the goodness to instruct me as to whether Solomon said truly or not that God has no Son?
86. Theophylakt, Enarr. In Joh.: (PG 123, col. 1141)
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87. Macarius, Apocriticus IV: 10:
It is right to examine another matter of a much more reasonable kind (I say this by way of contrast), "They that are whole need not a physician, but they that are sick." Christ unravels these things to the multitude about His own coming to earth. If then it was on account of those who are weak, as He Himself says, that He faced sins, were not our forefathers weak, and were not Our ancestors diseased with sin? And if indeed those who are whole need not a physician, and He came not to call the righteous but sinners to repentance, so that Paul speaks thus: "Jesus Christ came into the world to save sinners, of whom I am chief" (1 Tim. I. 15); if then this is so, and he that has gone astray is called, and he that is diseased is healed, and the unrighteous is called, but the righteous is not, it follows that he who was neither called nor in need of the healing of the Christians would be a righteous man who had not gone astray. For he who has no need of healing is the man who turns away from the word which is among the faithful, and the more he turns away from it, the more righteous and whole he is, and the less he goes astray.
88. Macarius, Apocriticus IV: 19:
He, as though roused from some condition of detachment from the earth, directed against us a saying from Homer, speaking thus with no little laughter: "Rightly did Homer order the manly Greeks to be silent, as they had been trained: he published abroad the wavering sentiment of Hector, addressing the Greeks in measured language, saying, 'Stay, ye Argives; smite not, ye Achaean youths; for Hector of the waving plume is resolved to speak a word.'" Even so we now all sit in quietness here; for the interpreter of the Christian doctrines promises us and surely affirms that he will unravel the dark passages of the Scriptures.
Tell therefore, my good sir, to us who are following what you have to say, what the Apostle means when he says, "But such were some of you" (plainly something base), "but ye were washed, but ye were sanctified, but ye were justified in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ, and in the Spirit of our God" (1 Cor. vi. 11). For we are surprised and truly perplexed in mind at such things, if a man, when once he is washed from so many defilements and pollutions, shows himself to be pure; if by wiping off the stains of so much weakness in his life, fornication, adultery, drunkenness, theft, unnatural vice, poisoning, and countless base and disgusting things, and simply by being baptised and calling on the name of Christ, he is quite easily freed from them, and puts off the whole of his guilt just as a snake puts off his old slough. Who is there who would not, on the strength of these, venture on evil deeds, some mentionable and others not, and do such things as are neither to be uttered in speech nor endured in deeds, in the knowledge that he will receive remission from so many criminal actions only by believing and being baptised, and in the hope that he will after this receive pardon from Him who is about to judge the quick and the dead? These things incline the man who hears them to commit sin, and in each particular he is thus taught to practise what is unlawful. These things have the power to set aside the training of the law, and cause righteousness itself to be of no avail against the unrighteous. They introduce into the world a form of society which is without law, and teach men to have no fear of ungodliness; when a man sets aside a pile of countless wrongdoings simply by being baptised. Such then is the boastful fiction of the saying.
89. Macarius, Apocriticus IV: 6:
By way of giving plenty of such sayings, let me quote also what was said in the Apocalypse of Peter. He thus introduces the statement that the heaven will be judged together with the earth. "The earth shall present all men to God in the day of judgment, itself too being about to be judged, together with the heaven which contains it." No one is so uneducated or so stupid as not to know that the things which have to do with earth are subject to disturbance, and are not naturally such as to preserve their order, but are uneven; whereas the things in heaven have an order which remains perpetually alike, and always goes on in the same way, and never suffers alteration, nor indeed will it ever do so. For it stands as God's most exact piece of workmanship. Wherefore it is impossible that the things should be undone which are worthy of a better fate, as being fixed by a divine ordinance which cannot be touched.
And why will heaven be judged? Will it some day be shown to have committed some sin, though it preserves the order which from the beginning was approved by God, and abides in sameness always? Unless indeed some one will address the Creator, slanderously asserting that heaven is deserving of judgment, as having allowed the judge to speak any portents against it which are so wondrous and so great.
90a. Macarius, Apocriticus IV: 7:
And it makes this statement again, which is full of impiety, saying: "And all the might of heaven shall be dissolved, and the heaven shall be rolled together as a scroll, and all the stars shall fall as leaves from a vine, and as leaves fall from a fig tree." And another boast is made in portentous falsehood and monstrous quackery: "Heaven and earth shall pass away, but my words shall not pass away " (Matt. xxiv. 35). For, pray, how could any one say that the words of Jesus would stand, if heaven and earth no longer existed? Moreover, if Christ were to do this and bring heaven down, He would be imitating the most impious of men, even those who destroy their own children. For it is acknowledged by the Son that God is Father of heaven and earth when He says: "Father, Lord of heaven and earth" (Matt. xi. 25). And John the Baptist magnifies heaven and declares that the divine gifts of grace are sent from it, when he says: "A man can do nothing, except it be given him from heaven" (John iii. 27). And the prophets say that neaven is the holy habitation of God, in the words: "look down from thy holy habitation, and bless thy people Israel" (Deut. xxvi. 15).
If heaven, which is so great and of such importance in the witness borne to it, shall pass away, what shall be the seat thereafter of Him who rules over it? And if the element of earth perishes, what shall be the footstool of Him who sits there, for He says: "The heaven is my throne, and the earth is the footstool of my feet." So much for the passing away of heaven and earth.
90b. Nemesius, De Natura hom. 38:
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91. Augustine, Epistle 102: 22: (to Deogratias, 6 questions against the pagans):
Question IV. Let us, in the next place, consider what he has laid down concerning the proportion between sin and punishment when, misrepresenting the gospel, he says: "Christ threatens eternal punishment to those who do not believe in Him;" and yet He says in another place, "With what measure ye mete, it shall be measured to you again." "Here," he remarks, "is something sufficiently absurd and contradictory; for if He is to award punishment according to measure, and all measure is limited by the end of time, what mean these threats of eternal punishment?
92. Augustine, Epistle 102: 2: (to Deogratias, 6 questions against the pagans):
Question I. Concerning the resurrection. This question perplexes some, and they ask, Which of two kinds of resurrection corresponds to that which is promised to us? Is it that of Christ, or that of Lazarus? They say, "If the former, how can this correspond with the resurrection of those who have been born by ordinary generations, seeing that He was not thus born? If, on the other hand, the resurrection of Lazarus is said to correspond to ours, here also there seems to be a discrepancy, since the resurrection of Lazarus was accomplished in the case of a body not yet dissolved, but the same body in which he was known by the name of Lazarus; whereas ours is to be rescued after many centuries from the mass in which it has ceased to be distinguishable from other things. Again, if our state after the resurrection is one of blessedness, in which the body shall be exempt from every kind of wound, and from the pain of hunger, what is meant by the statement that Christ took food, and showed his wounds after His resurrection? For if He did it to convince the doubting, when the wounds were not real, He racticed on them a deception; whereas, if He showed them what was real, it follows that wounds received by the body shall remain in the state which is to ensue after resurrection.
93. Pseudo-Justin Martyr (possibly Diodorus of Tarsus, or Theodoret of Cyr) Quaestiones XIV and XV Gentilium ad Christianos:
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94. Macarius, Apocriticus IV: 24:
Let us once again discuss the question of the resurrection of the dead. For what is the reason that God should act thus, and upset in this random way the succession of events that has held good until now, whereby He ordained that races should be preserved and not come to an end, though from the beginning He has laid down these laws and framed things thus? The things which have once been determined by God, and preserved through such long ages, ought to be everlasting, and ought not to be condemned by Him who wrought them, and destroyed as if they had been made by some mere man, and arranged as mortal things by one who is himself a mortal. Wherefore it is ridiculous if, when the whole is destroyed, the resurrection shall follow, and if He shall raise---shall we say?---the man who died three years before the resurrection, and along with him Priam and Nestor who died a thousand years before, and others who lived before them from the beginning of the human race. And if any one is prepared to grasp even this, he will find that the question of the resurrection is one full of silliness. For many have often perished in the sea, and their bodies have been consumed by fishes, while many have been eaten by wild beasts and birds. How then is it possible for their bodies to rise up? Come then, and let us put to the test this statement which is so lightly made. Let us take an example. A man was shipwrecked, the mullets devoured his body, next these were caught and eaten by some fishermen, who were killed and devoured by dogs; when the dogs died ravens and vultures feasted on them and entirely consumed them. How then will the body of the shipwrecked man be brought together, seeing that it was absorbed by so many creatures? Again, suppose another body to have been consumed by fire, and another to have come in the end to the worms, how is it possible for it to return to the essence which was there from the beginning?
You will tell me that this is possible with God, but this is not true. For all things are not possible with Him; He simply cannot bring it about that Homer should not have become a poet, or that Troy should not be taken. Nor indeed can He make twice two, which make the number four, to be reckoned as a hundred, even though this may seem good to Him. Nor can God ever become evil, even though He wishes; nor would He be able to sin, as being good by nature. If then He is unable to sin or to become evil, this does not befall Him through His weakness. In the case of those who have a disposition and fitness for a certain thing, and then are prevented from doing it, it is clear that it is by their weakness that they are prevented. But God is by nature good, and is not prevented from being evil; nevertheless, even though He is not prevented, he cannot become bad.
And pray consider a further point. How unreasonable it is if the Creator shall stand by and see the heaven melting, though no one ever conceived anything more wonderful than its beauty, and the stars falling, and the earth perishing; and yet He will raise up the rotten and corrupt bodies of men, some of them, it is true, belonging to admirable men, but others without charm or symmetry before they died, and affording a most unpleasant sight. Again, even if He could easily make them rise in a comely form, it would be impossible for the earth to hold all those who had died from the beginning of the world, if they were to rise again.
V. On Christian belief
95. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 17:
Look at a similar saying,which is naturally suggested by it, "If ye have faith as a grain of mustard seed, verily I say unto you, ye shall say to this mountain, Be thou removed and be thou cast into the sea, and it shall not be impossible for you."
It is obvious therefore that any one who is unable to remove a mountain in accordance with this bidding, is not worthy to be reckoned one of the family of the faithful. So you are plainly refuted, for not only are the rest of Christians not reckoned among the faithful, but not even are any of your bishops or priests worthy of this saying.
96. Macarius, Apocriticus III: 16:
Again, consider in detail that other passage, where He says, "Such signs shall follow them that believe: they shall lay hands upon sick folk, and they shall recover, and if they drink any deadly drug, it shall in no wise hurt them." So the right thing would be for those selected for the priesthood, and particularly those who lay claim to the episcopate or presidency, to make use of this form of test. The deadly drug should be set before them in order that the man who received no harm from the drinking of it might be given precedence of the rest. And if they are not bold enough to accept this sort of test, they ought to confess that they do not believe in the things Jesus said. For if it is a peculiarity of the faith to overcome the evil of a poison and to remove the pain of a sick man, the believer who does not do these things either has not become a genuine |86 believer, or else, though his belief is genuine, the thing that he believes in is not potent but feeble.
97. Jerome, Comm. in Isaiah. 3: 2:
Let us -- ourselves -- therefore also take care lest we be tax-collectors from the people; lest -- as the impious Porphyry says -- matrons and women be our senate, ruling in the churches and where the favour of women decides the steps [of promotion] of the priesthood.
This text was compiled by David Braunsberg, 2004, and modified by Roger Pearse 2006. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: porphyry_sententiae_01_intro.htm
Porphyry, Sententiae or Aphormai (2007) Preface to the online edition
Porphyry, Sententiae or Aphormai (2007) Preface to the online edition
The Sententiae ad intelligibilia ducentes of Porphyry are among the most difficult works transmitted to us by the Greek philosophical tradition. The 44 sentences cover a great number of the major metaphysical questions posed by Neo-Platonism in a condensed form. The text also presupposes the positions adopted by Plotinus, so much so that the work is almost an epitome of the teaching of the Enneads, but also containing new ideas. It can only be understood with reference to authors earlier and later, such as Iamblichus and Proclus.
The translation given here was transcribed from a modern reprint of the translation made by the English Platonist Thomas Taylor (1758-1835) in Select Works of Porphyry (1823) under the title of Auxiliaries to the Perception of Intelligible Natures, and often reprinted since. He translated from the edition of Holstenius; probably the 1655 Cambridge reprint. It is an accurate translation. He made use of various conjectures proposed in the circle of scholars to which he belonged.
Other English translations exist. Thomas Davidson published The Sentences of Porphyry the Philosopher in the Journal of Speculative Philosophy 3 (1869), p. 46-73. This was based on the 1855 Paris edition of Creuzer, substantially a reprint of Holstenius, but with the sentences reordered to that of the ideas as they occur in the Enneads. Lamberz (p. lxiv) considers it accurate, but more elegant than that of Taylor.
In 1918 Kenneth Sylvan Guthrie (1871-1940) published his version as Porphyry's Launching Points to the realm of Mind, also based on Creuzer and ordered accordingly. He also added titles to each section to explicitly link them to the Enneads. This was reprinted with a new introduction in 1988 by Phanes Press. Reviews of this exist in AncPhil 12, 1992, p.240-242 J. Bregman | CPhR 10, 1990, pp.24-31 J. Novak | CW 83, 1989-90, p. 540-41 Miller. Guthrie was accused for other works of merely translating from the French of M.-N. Bouillet. The latter printed a very literal French translation of this work also in 1857, and a comparison might be interesting.
A translation also was given in English in Brisson (q.v.).
The title of the work is not quite certain. As given by Lamberz, it reads Ἀφορμαὶ πρὸς τὰ νοητά. This comes from that given in manuscript U, Πορφυρίου τῶνπρὸς τὰ νοητά Ἀφορμῶν. The presence of the genitive is a slip, and probably βιβλίον should be read on the end. However a scholion on Plotinus Enn. VI, 9,8 3-5 (published by P. Henry, Études plotiniennes, I: Les États du texte de Plotin, Paris/Brussels 1938, p. 373), which quotes sentence 44, attributes it to "book 1 of the aphormai on the intelligibles"). But Stobaeus does not mention any book in his quotations, and he habitually references which book of a work he quotes from; and there is no other evidence that originally the work was longer.
The term aphormai, indicating philosophical reflections, appears on other philosophical works, from Thrasymachus on. It tends to indicate 'points of departure', and was rendered by Guthrie as Launching points.
The text is preserved in a number of manuscript copies:
Siglum
Location
Shelfmark & Notes
Date /
Century
W
Venice, Marcianus Marcianus Graecus 519 (colloc. 773), ff. 123r-133v. Discovered by Heseler in 1909. Contains 29 sentences. 15 (middle)
U
Rome, Vatican Vaticanus Graecus 237 (once 171), ff. 56r-75r. This manuscript and its descendants contain 34 or 28 sentences. Has a great number of corrections, all of which are found in its descendants. Most of the corrections are by several early humanists. 14 (end)
N
Naples Neapolitanus Burbonicus Graecus III E 19. ff. 186r-194r. Discovered by Lamperz. Very close to U, but not a copy of it. 15 (middle)
v
Rome, Vatican Vaticanus Graecus 1737. A copy of W. 16
c
Venice, Marcianus Marcianus Graecus 263. Direct copy of U. 32 sentences. 14 (end)
m
Münich Monacensis Graecus 91. Direct copy of U. 1525
q
Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale Parisinus suppl. Graecus 450. Direct copy of U. 15 (start)
γ
(gamma)
(lost) This was a direct copy of U, and contained 28 sentences.
b
Oxford, Bodleian Bodleianus miscellaneous 105. Direct or indirect copy of γ.
l
Florence, Mediceo-Laurenziana Laurentianus 80.15. Direct or indirect copy of γ.
n
Münich Monacensis Gr. 171. Direct or indirect copy of γ.
d
Mutinensis Gr. 144. Direct or indirect copy of γ.
e
Madrid, Escorial Scorialensis y.I.10. Direct or indirect copy of γ.
f
Rome, Vatican Vaticanus Barb. Gr. 252. Direct or indirect copy of γ.
There are thus three independent manuscripts, W, U and N. U and N descend from a common parent; both that parent and W descend from a common ancestor. The work was first printed in 1497 in Florence, in a Latin translation by Marsilio Ficino at the orders of Lorenzo the Magnificent, by Aldus Manutius, two years after Ficino's death. The text is one of those derived from γ. The complete collection of 44 sentences was first assembled by Holstenius (Lucas Holste, 1596-1661) in 1630.
However none of these manuscripts contain all the sentences, which can also be found quoted in the Anthologium of John Stobaeus ( th century A.D.), a vast anthology of classical texts. This shows that Stobaeus had access to a manuscript different to the ultimate ancestor of all the manuscripts now known. Quotations can also be found in the 12th century Byzantine writer Michael Psellus.
The following are the principal manuscripts of Stobaeus:
Siglum
Location
Shelfmark & Notes
Date /
Century
F
Naples Neapolitanus III D 15. Contain books 1 and 2 14
P
Paris, BNF Parisinus Graecus 2129. Contain books 1 and 2 15
Aug.
Munich Codex Augustanus, now Monacensis Graecus 396. Contain books 1 and 2 15
S
Vienna Vindobonensis phil. Graecus 67. Contain books 3 and 4 10
M
Madrid, Escorial Scorialensis T. II. 14 (Graecus 94). Contain books 3 and 4 11-12
A
Paris, BNF Parisinus Graecus 1984. Contain books 3 and 4 13
B
Brussels, Royal Library Bruxellensis 11360. Contain books 3 and 4 14 (start)
Bibliography
E. Lamperz, Porphyrii Sententiae ad intelligibilia ducentes. Lipsiae, 1975.
Luc Brisson et al., Porphyre: Sentences. Paris (2005). The source for most of the content of this page, containing a series of studies on all these points.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2007. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: porphyry_sententiae_02_trans.htm
Porphyry, Sententiae: Auxiliaries to the perception of intelligible nature. Select works of Porphyry (1823) pp.169-199.
Porphyry, Sententiae: Auxiliaries to the perception of intelligible nature. Select works of Porphyry (1823) pp.169-199.
Auxiliaries to the Perception of Intelligible Natures
[Translated by Thomas Taylor]
SECTION ONE
1. Every body is in place; but nothing essentially incorporeal, or any thing of this kind, has any locality.
2. Things essentially incorporeal, because they are more excellent than all body and place, are every where, not with interval, but impartibly.
3. Things essentially incorporeal are not locally present with bodies but are present with them when they please; by verging towards them so far as they are naturally adapted so to verge. They are not, however, present with them locally, but through habitude, proximity, and alliance.
4. Things essentially incorporeal, are not present with bodies, by hypostasis and essence; for they are not mingled with bodies. But they impart a certain power which is proximate to bodies, through verging towards them. For tendency constitutes a certain secondary power proximate to bodies.
5. Soul, indeed, is a certain medium between an impartible essence, and an essence which is divisible about bodies. But intellect is an impartible essence alone. And qualities and material forms are divisible about bodies.
6. Not everything 1 which acts on another, effects that which it does effect by approximation and contact; but those natures which effect any thing by approximation and contact, use approximation accidentally. |170
7. The soul is bound to the body by a conversion to the corporeal passions; and again liberated by becoming impassive to the body.
8. That which nature binds, nature also dissolves: and that which the soul binds, the soul likewise dissolves. Nature, indeed, bound the body to the soul; but the soul binds herself to the body. Nature, therefore, liberates the body from the soul; but the soul liberates herself from the body.
9. Hence there is a twofold death; the one, indeed, universally known, in which the body is liberated from the soul; but the other peculiar to philosophers, in which the soul is liberated from the body. Nor does the one 2 entirely follow the other.
10. We do not understand similarly in all things, but in a manner adapted to the essence of each. For intellectual objects we understand intellectually; but those that pertain to soul rationally. We apprehend plants spermatically; but bodies idolically (i.e., as images); and that which is above all these, super-intellectually and super-essentially. 3
11. Incorporeal hypostases, in descending, are distributed into parts, and multiplied about individuals with a diminution of power; but when they ascend by their energies beyond bodies, they become united, and proceed into a simultaneous subsistence, through exuberance of power. |171
12. The homonymous is not in bodies only, but life also is among the number of things which have a multifarious subsistence. For the life of a plant is different from that of an animated being; the life of an intellectual essence differs from that of the nature which is beyond intellect; and the psychical differs from the intellectual life. For these natures live, though nothing which proceeds from them possesses a life similar to them.
13. Everything which generates by its very essence, generates that which is inferior to itself 4; and every thing generated is naturally converted to its generator. Of generating natures, however, some are not at all converted to the beings which they generate; but others are partly converted to them, and partly not; and others are only converted to their progeny, but are not converted to themselves.
14. Everything generated, possesses from that which is different from itself the cause of its generation, since nothing is produced without a cause. Such generated natures, however, as have their existence through composition, these are on this account corruptible. But such as, being simple and incomposite, possess their existence in a simplicity of hypostasis, these being indissoluble, are indeed, incorruptible; yet they are said to be generated, not as if they were composites, but as being suspended from a certain cause. Bodies, therefore, are in a twofold respect generated; as being suspended from a certain producing cause; and as being composites. But soul and intellect are only generated as being suspended from a cause, and not as composites. Hence bodies are generated, dissoluble and corruptible; but soul and intellect are unbegotten, as being without composition, and on this account indissoluble and incorruptible; yet they are generated so far as they are suspended from a cause.
15. Intellect is not the principle of all things; for intellect is many things; but, prior to the many, it is necessary that there should be The One. It is evident, however, that intellect is many things. For it always understands its conceptions, which are not one, but many; and which are not any thing else than itself. If, therefore, it is the same with its conceptions, but they are many, intellect also will be many things. But |172 that it is the same with intelligibles (or the objects of its intellection), may thus be demonstrated. For, if there is any thing which intellect surveys, it will either survey this thing as contained in itself, or as placed in something else. And that intellect, indeed, contemplates or surveys, is evident. For in conjunction with intellection, or intellectual perception, it will be intellect; but if you deprive it of intellection, you will destroy its essence. It is necessary, therefore, that, directing our attention to the properties of knowledge, we should investigate the perception of intellect. All the gnostic powers, then, which we contain, are universally sense, imagination, and intellect.5 The power, however, which employs sense, surveys by projecting itself to externals, not being united to the objects which it surveys, but only receiving an impression of them by exerting its energies upon them. When, therefore, the eye sees a visible object, it is impossible that it should become the same with that which it perceives: for it would not see if there was not an interval between it and the object of its perception. And, after the same manner, that which is touched, if it was the same with that by which it is touched, would perish. From which it is evident that sense, and that which employs sense, must always tend to an external object, in order to apprehend something sensible. In like manner also, the phantasy, or imagination, always tends to something external, and by this extension of itself, gives subsistence to, or prepares an image; its extension to what is external, indicating that the object of its perception is a resemblance of something external. And such, indeed, is the apprehension of these two powers; neither of which verging to, and being collected into itself, perceives either a sensible or insensible form.
In intellect, however, the apprehension of its objects does not subsist after this manner, but is effected by converging to, and surveying itself. For by departing from itself, in order to survey its own energies and become the eye of them, and the sight of essences, it will not understand any thing. Hence, as sense is to that which is sensible, so is intellect to that which is intelligible. Sense, however, by extending itself to |173 externals, finds that which is sensible situated in matter; but intellect surveys the intelligible, by being collected into itself, and not extended outwardly.6 On this account some are of the opinion that the hypostasis of intellect differs from that of phantasy only in name. For the phantasy, in the rational animal, appeared to them to be intelligence. As these men, however, suspended all things from matter and a corporeal nature, it follows that they should also suspend from these intellect. But our intellect surveys both bodies and other essences. Hence it apprehends them situated somewhere. But as the proper objects of intellect have a subsistence out of matter, they will be no where [locally.]7 It is evident, therefore, that intellectual natures are to be conjoined with intelligence. But if intellectual natures are in intellect, it follows that intellect, when it understands intelligibles, surveys both the intelligible and itself; and that proceeding into itself, it perceives intellectually, because it proceeds into intelligibles. If, however, intellect understands many things, and not one thing only, intellect also will necessarily be many. But The One subsists prior to the many; so that it is necessary that The One should be prior to intellect.
16. Memory is not the conservation of imaginations, but the power of calling forth de novo those conceptions which had previously occupied the attention of the mind.8
17. Soul, indeed, contains the reasons (or forms) of all things, but energizes according to them, either being called forth to this energy by something else, or converting itself to them inwardly. And when called forth by something else, it introduces, as it were, the senses to externals, but when it enters into itself, it becomes occupied with intellectual |174 conceptions. Hence some one may say, that neither the senses, nor intellectual perceptions, are without the phantasy; so that, as in the animal, the senses are not without the passive affection of the sensitive organs, in like manner intellections are not without the phantasy. Perhaps, however, it may be said, in answer to this, that, as an impression in the sensitive organ is the concomitant of the sensitive animal, so analogously a phantasm is the concomitant of the intellection of the soul in man, considered as an animal.9
18. Soul is an essence without magnitude, immaterial, incorruptible, possessing its existence in life, and having life from itself.
19. The passivity of bodies is different from that of incorporeal natures. For the passivity of bodies is attended with mutation; but the adaptations and passions of the soul are energies; yet they are by no means similar to the calefactions and frigefactions of bodies. Hence, if the passivity of bodies is accompanied by mutation, it must be said that all incorporeal natures are impassive. For the essences which are separated from matter and bodies, are what they are in energy. But those things which approximate to matter and bodies, are themselves, indeed, impassive; but the natures in which they are surveyed are passive. For when the animal perceives sensibly, the soul (i.e. the rational soul) appears to be similar to separate harmony,10 of itself |175 moving the chords adapted to harmony; but the body is similar to the inseparable harmony in the chords (i.e. to the harmony which cannot exist separate from the chords). But the animal is the cause of the motion because it is an animated being. It is, however, analogous to a musician, because it is harmonic; but the bodies which are struck through sensitive passion, are analogous to the harmonized chords of a musical instrument. For in this instance also, separate harmony is not passively affected, but the chords. And the musician, indeed, moves according to the harmony which is in him; yet the chords would not be musically moved, even though the musician wished that they should, unless harmony ordered this to take place.
20. Incorporeal natures are not denominated like bodies, according to a participation in common of one and the same genus; but they derive their appellation from a mere privation with respect to bodies. Hence, nothing hinders some of them from having a subsistence as beings, but others as non-beings; some of them, from being prior to, and others posterior to bodies; some, from being separate, and others inseparable from bodies; some, from having a subsistence by themselves, but others from being indigent of things different from themselves, to their existence; some, from being the same through energies and self-motive lives, but others from subsisting together with lives, and energies of a certain quality. For they subsist according to a negation of the things which they are not, and not according to the affirmation of the things which they are.
21. The properties of matter, according to the ancients, are the following: It is incorporeal; for it is different from bodies. It is without life; for it is neither intellect nor soul, nor vital from itself (i.e. essentially). It is also formless, variable, infinite, and powerless. Hence, it is neither being, nor yet non-being; that is, it is not non-being like motion, but it is true non-being, the image and phantasm of bulk, because it is that which bulk primarily contains. It is likewise powerless, and the desire of subsistence, has stability, but not in permanency, and always appears in itself to be contrary. Hence, it is both small and great, more and less, deficient and exceeding. It is always becoming to be, or rising into existence; abides not, and yet is unable to |176 fly away; and is the defect of all being. Hence in whatever it announces itself to be, it deceives; and though it should appear to be great, it is nevertheless small. For it resembles a flying mockery, eluding all pursuit, and vanishing into non-entity. For its flight is not in place, but is effected by its desertion of real being. Hence, also, the images which are in it are in an image more unreal than themselves; just as in a mirror, where the thing represented is in one place and the representation of it in another. It likewise appears to be full, yet contains nothing, though it seems to possess all things.11
22. All passions subsist about the same thing as that about which corruption subsists; for the reception of passion is the path to corruption. And the thing that is the subject of passivity, is also the subject of corruption. Nothing incorporeal, however, is corrupted. But some of them either exist, or do not exist; so that they are not at all passive. For that which is passive, ought not to be a thing of this kind, but such as may be changed in quality, and corrupted by the properties of the things that enter into it, and cause it to be passive. For the change in quality of that which is inherent, is not causally effected. Neither, therefore, does matter suffer; for it is of itself without quality. Nor do the forms which enter into and depart from it, suffer; but the passion subsists about the composite from matter and form, the very being of which consists in the union of the two. For this, in the contrary powers and qualities of the things which enter and produce passion, is seen to be the subject of them. On which account, also, those things, the life of which is externally derived, and does not subsist from themselves, are capable of suffering both the participation and the privation of life. But those beings whose existence consists in an impassive life, must necessarily possess a permanent life; just as a privation of life, so far as it is a privation of it, is attended with impassivity. As, therefore, to be changed and to suffer pertain to the composite from matter and form, and this is body, but matter is exempt from this; thus also, to live and to die, and to suffer through the participation of life and death, is beheld in the composite from soul and body. Nevertheless, this does not happen to the soul, because it is not a thing which consists of life and the privation of life, but consists of life alone. And it possesses this, because its essence is simple, and the reason (or form) of the soul is self-motive.12 |177
23. An intellectual Essence is so similar in its parts, that the same 13 things exist both in a partial and an all-perfect intellect. In a universal intellect, however, partial natures subsist universally; but in a partial intellect, both universals and particulars subsist partially.
24. Of that essence, the existence of which is in life, and the passions of which are lives, the death also consists in a certain life, and not in a total privation of life; because, neither is the deprivation of life in this essence a passion, or a path which entirely leads to a non-vital subsistence.
25. In incorporeal lives, the progressions are effected while the lives themselves remain firm and stable, nothing pertaining to them being corrupted, or changed into the hypostasis of things subordinate to them. Hence, neither are the things to which they give subsistence produced with a certain corruption or mutation. Nor do these incorporeal lives subsist like generation, which participates of corruption and mutation. Hence, they are unbegotten and incorruptible, and on this account are unfolded into light without generation and incorruptibly.
26. Of that nature which is beyond intellect, many things are asserted through intellection, but it is surveyed by a cessation of intellectual energy better than with it 14; just as with respect to one who is asleep, many things are asserted of him while he is in that state by those who are awake; but the proper knowledge and apprehension of his dormant condition, is only to be obtained through sleep. For the similar is known by the similar; because all knowledge is an assimilation to the object of knowledge.
27. With respect to that which is non-being, we either produce it, being ourselves separated from real being, or we have a preconception of it, as adhering to being. Hence, if we are separated from being, we have not an antecedent conception of the non-being which is above being, but our knowledge in this case is only that of a false passion, such as that which |178 happens to a man when he departs from himself. For as a man may himself, and through himself, be truly elevated to the non-being which is above being, so, by departing from being, he is led to the non-being which is a falling off from being.
28. The hypostasis of body is no impediment whatever to that which is essentially incorporeal, so as to prevent it from being where, and in such a way, as it wishes to be. For as that which is without bulk is incomprehensible by body, and does not at all pertain to it, so that which has bulk cannot impede or obscure an incorporeal nature, but lies before it like a non-entity. Nor does that which is incorporeal pervade locally when it wishes to pass from one thing to another; for place is consubsistent with bulk. Nor is it compressed by bodies. For that which in any way whatever is connected with bulk, may be compressed, and effect a transition locally; but that which is entirely without bulk and without magnitude, cannot be restrained by that which has bulk, and does not participate of local motion. Hence, by a certain disposition, it is found to be there, where it is inclined to be, being with respect to place every where and yet no where.15 By a certain disposition, therefore, it is either above the heavens, or is contained in a certain part of the world. When, however, it is contained in a certain part of the world, it is not visible to the eyes, but the presence of it becomes manifest from its works.
29. It is necessary that an incorporeal nature, if it is contained in body, should not be enclosed in it like a wild beast in a den; (for no body is able thus to enclose and comprehend it), nor is it contained in body in the same way as a bladder contains something liquid, or wind; but it is requisite that it should give subsistence to certain powers which verge to what is external, through its union with body; by which powers, when it descends, it becomes complicated with body. Its conjunction, therefore, with body, is effected through an ineffable extension. Hence, nothing else binds it, but itself binds itself to body. Neither, therefore, is it liberated from the body, when the body is (mortally) wounded and corrupted, but it liberates itself, by turning itself from an adhering affection to the body. |179
30. None of the hypostases which rank as wholes, and are perfect, is converted to its own progeny; but all perfect hypostases are elevated to their generators as far as to the mundane body (or the body of the world). For this body, being perfect, is elevated to its soul, which is intellectual: and on this account it is moved in a circle. But the soul of this body is elevated to intellect; and intellect to the first principle of all things. All beings, therefore, proceed to this principle as much as possible, beginning from the last of things. The elevation, however, to that which is first, is either proximate or remote. Hence, these natures may not only be said to aspire after the highest God, but also to enjoy him to the utmost of their power. But in partial 16 hypostases, and which are able to verge to many things, there is also a desire of being converted to their progeny. Hence, likewise, in these there is error, in these there is reprehensible incredulity. These, therefore, matter injures, because they are capable of being converted to it, being at the same time able to be converted to divinity. Hence, perfection gives subsistence to secondary from primary natures, preserving them converted to the first of things; but imperfection converts primary 17 to posterior natures, and causes them to love the beings which have departed from Divinity prior to themselves.
31. God is every where because he is no where: and this is also true of intellect and soul: for each of these is every where because each is no where. But God indeed is every where and no where, and no where with respect to all things which are posterior to him; and he 18 alone is such as he is, and such as he wills himself to be. intellect is in God, but is every where and no where, with respect to the natures posterior to it. And soul is in God and intellect, and is every where and no where, in |180 (or with respect to) body.19 But body is in soul, and in intellect,20 and in God. And as all beings and non-beings are from and in God, hence, he is neither beings nor non-beings, nor subsists in them. For if, indeed, he was alone every where, he would be all things and in all, but since he is also no where, all things are produced through him, and are contained in him because he is every where. They are, however, different from him because he is no where. Thus, likewise, intellect being every where and no where is the cause of souls, and of the natures posterior to souls; yet intellect is not soul, nor the natures posterior to soul, nor subsists in them; because it is not only every where, but is also no where, with respect to the natures posterior to it. And soul is neither body, nor in body, but is the cause of body; because being every where, it is also no where with respect to body. And this progression of things in the universe extends as far as to that which is neither able to be at once every where, nor at once no where, but partially participates of each of these.21
32. The soul does not exist on the earth (when it is conversant with terrene natures), in the same manner as bodies accede to the earth; but a subsistence of the soul on the earth, signifies its presiding over terrene bodies. Thus, also, the soul is said to be in Hades, when it presides over its image,22 which is naturally adapted to be in place, but possesses its hypostasis in darkness. So that if Hades is a subterranean dark place, the soul, though not divulsed from being, will exist in Hades, by attracting to itself its image. For when the soul departs from the solid body, the spirit accompanies it which it had collected from the starry spheres. But as from its adhering affection to the body, it exerts a partial reason, through which it possesses an habitude to a body of a certain quality, in |181 performing the energies of life; - hence, from this adhesion to body, the form of the phantasy is impressed in the spirit, and thus the image is attracted by the soul. The soul, however, is said to be in Hades, because the spirit obtains a formless and obscure nature. And as a heavy and moist spirit pervades as far as to subterranean places, hence the soul is said to proceed under the earth. Not that this essence of the soul changes one place for another, and subsists in place, but it receives the habitudes of bodies which are naturally adapted to change their places, and to be allotted a subsistence in place; such-like bodies receiving it according to aptitudes, from being disposed after a certain manner towards it. For the soul, conformably to the manner in which it is disposed, finds an appropriate body. Hence, when it is disposed in a purer manner, it has a connascent body which approximates to an etherial nature, and this is an etherial body. But when it proceeds from reason to the energies of the phantasy, then its connascent body is of a solar-form nature. And when it becomes effeminate and vehemently excited by corporeal form, then it is connected with a lunar-form body. When, however, it falls into bodies which consist of humid vapours, then a perfect ignorance of real being follows, together with darkness and infancy.
Moreover, in its egress from the body, if it still possesses a spirit turbid from humid exhalations, it then attracts to itself a shadow, and becomes heavy; a spirit of this kind naturally striving to penetrate into the recesses of the earth, unless a certain other cause draws it in a contrary direction. As, therefore, the soul, when surrounded with this testaceous and terrene vestment, necessarily lives on the earth; so likewise when it attracts a moist spirit, it is necessarily surrounded with the image. But it attracts moisture when it continually endeavours to associate with nature, whose operations are effected in moisture, and which are rather under than upon the earth. When, however, the soul earnestly endeavours to depart from nature, then she becomes a dry splendour, without a shadow and without a cloud, or mist. For moisture gives subsistence to a mist in the air; but dryness constitutes a dry splendour from exhalation.
33. The things which are truly predicated of a sensible and material nature, are these: that it has, in every respect, a diffused and dispersed subsistence; that it is mutable; that it has existence in difference; that it is a composite; that it subsists by itself (as the subject or recipient of other things); that it is beheld in place, and in bulk: and other properties similar to these are asserted of it. But the following particulars are predicated of truly existing Being, and which |182 itself subsists from itself; viz. that it is always established in itself; that it has an existence perpetually similar and the same; that it is essen-tialized in sameness; that it is immutable according to essence, is uncompounded, is neither dissoluble, nor in place, nor is dispersed into bulk; and is neither generated, nor capable of being destroyed: and other properties are asserted of it similar to these. To which predications adhering, we should neither ourselves assert any thing repugnant to them, concerning the different nature of sensible and truly-existing beings, nor assent to those who do. |183
SECTION TWO
34. There is one kind of virtues pertaining to the political character, and another to the man who tends to contemplation, and who on this account is called theoretic, and is now a beholder (of intellectual and intelligible natures). And there are also other virtues pertaining to intellect, so far as it is intellect, and separate from soul. The virtues indeed of the political character, and which consist in the moderation of the passions, are characterized by following and being obedient to the reasoning about that which is becoming in actions. Hence, looking to an innoxious converse with neighbours, these virtues are denominated, from the aggregation of fellowship, political. And here prudence indeed subsists about the reasoning part; fortitude about the irascible part; temperance in the consent and symphony of the epithymetic 23 with the reasoning part; and justice, in each of these performing its proper employment with respect to governing and being governed. But the virtues of him who proceeds to the contemplative life, consist in a departure from terrestrial concerns. Hence, also, they are called purifications, being surveyed in the refraining from corporeal actions, and avoiding sympathies with the body. For these are the virtues of the soul elevating itself to true being. The political virtues therefore adorn the mortal man, and are the forerunners of purifications. For it is necessary that he who is adorned by the cathartic virtues, should abstain from doing any thing precedaneously in conjunction with body. Hence, in these purifications, not to opine with body, but to energize alone, gives subsistence to prudence; which derives its perfection through energizing intellectually with purity. But not to be similarly passive with the body, constitutes temperance. Not to fear a departure from body, as into something void, and non-entity, gives subsistence to fortitude. But when reason and intellect are the leaders, and there is no resistance (from the irrational part), justice is produced. The disposition therefore, according to the political virtues, is surveyed in the moderation of the passions; having for its end to live as man conformable to nature. But the disposition, according to the theoretic virtues, is beheld in apathy,24 the end of which is a similitude to God. |184
Since, however, of purification, one kind consists in purifying, but another pertains to those that are purified, the cathartic virtues are surveyed according to both these significations of purification. For the end of purification is to become pure. But since purification, and the being purified are an ablation of everything foreign, the good resulting from them will be different from that which purifies; so, that if that which is purified was good prior to the impurity with which it is defiled, purification is sufficient. That, however, which remains after purification, is good, and not purification. The nature of the soul also was not good (prior to purification), but is that which is able to partake of good, and is boniform. For if this were not the case, it would not have become situated in evil. The good, therefore of the soul consists in being united to its generator, but its evil in an association with things subordinate to itself. Its evil also is twofold; the one arising from an association with terrestrial natures, but the other from doing this with an excess of the passions. Hence, all the political virtues which liberate the soul from one evil may be denominated virtues, and are honourable. But the cathartic are more honourable, and liberate it from evil, so far as it is soul. It is necessary, therefore, that the soul, when purified, should associate with its generator. Hence, the virtue of it, after its conversion, consists in a scientific knowledge of (true) being; but this will not be the case, unless conversion precedes.
There is, therefore, another genus of virtues after the cathartic and political, and which are the virtues of the soul energizing intellectually. And here, indeed, wisdom and prudence consist in the contemplation of those things which intellect possesses. But justice consists in performing what is appropriate in conformity to, and energizing according to intellect. Temperance is an inward conversion of the soul to intellect. And fortitude is apathy, according to a similitude of that to which the soul looks, and which is naturally impassive. These virtues also, in the same manner as the others, alternately follow each other.
The fourth species of the virtues is that of the paradigms subsisting in intellect: which are more excellent than the psychical virtues, and exist as the paradigms of these; the virtues of the soul being the similitudes of them. And intellect indeed is that in which all things subsist at once as paradigms. Here, therefore, prudence is science; but intellect that knows (all things) is wisdom. Temperance is that which is converted to itself. The proper work of intellect, is the performance of its appropriate duty |185 (and this is justice)25. But fortitude is sameness and the abiding with purity in itself, through an abundance of power. There are therefore four genera of virtues; of which, indeed, some pertain to intellect, concur with the essence of it, and are paradigmatic. Others pertain to soul now looking to intellect, and being filled from it. Others belong to the soul of man, purifying itself, and becoming purified from the body and the irrational passions. And others are the virtues of the soul of man, adorning the man, through giving measure and bound to the irrational nature, and producing moderation in the passions. And he indeed who has the greater virtues, has also necessarily the less; but the contrary is not true, that he who has the less, has also the greater virtues. Nor will he who possesses the greater, energize precedaneously according to the less, but only so far as the necessities of the mortal nature require. The scope also, of the virtues is as we have said, generically different in the different virtues. For the scope of the political virtues, is to give measure to the passions in their practical energies according to nature. But the scope of the cathartic virtues, is entirely to obliterate the remembrance of the passions; and the scope of the rest subsists analogously to what has been before said. Hence he who energizes according to the practical virtues, is a worthy man; but he who energizes according to the cathartic virtues, is an angelic man, or is also a good daemon. He who energizes according to the intellectual virtues alone, is a God; but he who energizes according to the paradigmatic virtues, is the father of the Gods. We, therefore, ought especially to pay attention to the cathartic virtues, since we may obtain these in the present life. But through these, the ascent is to the more honourable virtues. Hence, it is requisite to survey to what degree purification may be extended; for it is a separation from body, and from the passive motion of the irrational part. But how this may be effected, and to what extent, must now be unfolded.
In the first place, indeed, it is necessary that he who intends to acquire this purification, should, as the foundation and basis of it, know himself to be a soul bound in a foreign thing, and in a different essence. In the second place, as that which is raised from this foundation, he should collect himself from the body, and as it were from different places, so as to be disposed in a manner perfectly impassive with respect to the |186 body. For he who energizes uninterruptedly according to sense, though he may not do this with an adhering affection and the enjoyment resulting from pleasure, yet, at the same time, his attention is dissipated about the body, in consequence of becoming through sense 26 in contact with it. But we are addicted to the pleasures or pains of sensibles; in conjunction with a promptitude, and converging sympathy; from which disposition it is requisite to be purified. This, however, will he effected by admitting necessary pleasures, and the sensations of them, merely as remedies, or as a liberation from pain,27 in order that (the rational part) may not be impeded (in its energies). Pain also must be taken away. But if this is not possible, it must be mildly diminished. And it will be diminished, if the soul is not co-passive with it. Anger, likewise, must as much as possible be taken away; and must by no means be premeditated. But if it cannot be entirely removed, deliberate choice must not be mingled with it, but the unpremeditated motion must be the impulse of the irrational part. That however which is unpremeditated is imbecile and small. All fear likewise must be expelled. For he who is adapted to this purification will fear nothing. Here, however, if it should take place, it will be unpremeditated. Anger therefore and fear must be used for the purpose of admonition. But the desire of everything base must be exterminated. Such a one also, so far as he is a cathartic philosopher, will not desire meats and drinks (except so far as they are necessary). Neither must there be the unpremeditated in natural venereal connexions; but if this should take place, it must only be as far as to that precipitate imagination which energizes in sleep. In short, the intellectual soul itself of the purified man must be liberated from all these (corporeal propensities). He must likewise endeavour, that what is moved to the irrational nature of corporeal passions, may be moved without sympathy, and without animadversion; so that the motions themselves may be immediately dissolved through their vicinity to the reasoning power. This, however, will not take place while the purification is proceeding to its perfection; but will happen to those in whom reason rules without opposition. Hence, in these, the inferior part will so venerate reason that it will be indignant if it is at all moved, in consequence of not being quiet when its master is present, and will |187 reprove itself for its imbecility. These, however, are yet only moderations of the passions, but at length terminate in apathy. For when co-passivity is entirely exterminated, then apathy is present with him who is purified from this passivity. For passion becomes moved when reason imparts excitation, through verging (to the irrational nature).
35. Everything which is situated somewhere, is there situated according to its own nature, and not preternaturally. For body, therefore, which subsists in matter and bulk, to be somewhere is to be in place. Hence, for the body of the world, which is material and has bulk, to be every where is to be extended with interval, and to subsist in the place of interval. But a subsistence in place is not at all present with the intelligible world, nor, in short, with that which is immaterial, and essentially incorporeal, because it is without bulk, and without interval; so that the ubiquity of an incorporeal nature is not local. Hence, neither will one part of it be here, but another there; for if this were the case, it would not be out of place, nor without interval; but wherever it is, the whole of it is there. Nor is it indeed in this, but not in another place; for thus it would be comprehended by one place, but separated from another. Nor is it remote from this thing, but near to that; in the same manner as remoteness and nearness are asserted of things which are adapted to be in place, according to the measures of intervals. Hence, the sensible is present, indeed, with the intelligible world, according to interval, but (a truly) incorporeal nature is present with the world impartibly, and unaccompanied by interval. The impartible, likewise, when it is in that which has interval, is wholly in every part of it, being one and the same in number (in every part of it). That which is impartible, therefore, and without multitude, becomes extended into magnitude, and multiplied, when intimately connected with that which is naturally multitudinous, and endued with magnitude; and thus the latter receives the former in such a way as it is adapted to receive it, and not such as the former truly is. But that which is partible and multitudinous, is received by that which is naturally impartible and without multitude, impartibly and non-multitudinously, and after this manner is present with it; i.e., the impartible is present impartibly, without plurality, and without a subsistence in place, conformably to its own nature, with that which is partible, and which is naturally multitudinous, and exists in place. But that which is partible, multiplied, and in place, is present with the impartible essence, partibly, multitudinously, and locally. Hence, it is necessary, in the survey of these natures, to preserve and not confound the peculiarities of each; |188 or rather, we should not imagine or opine of that which is incorporeal, such properties as pertain to bodies, or any thing of the like kind. For no one would ascribe to bodies the peculiarities of a genuinely incorporeal essence. For all of us are familiar with bodies; but the knowledge of incorporeal natures is attainable by us with great difficulty; because, through not being able to behold them intuitively, we are involved in doubt about their nature; and this takes place as long as we are under the dominion of imagination.
Thus, therefore, you should say, - if that which is in place, is out of, or has departed from itself, through having proceeded into bulk, that which is intelligible is not in place, and is in itself, because it has not proceeded into corporeal extension. Hence, if the former is an image, the latter is an archetype. And the former, indeed, derives its being through the intelligible; but the latter subsists in (and through) itself. For every (physical) image is the image of intellect. It is also requisite that, calling to mind the peculiarities of both these, we should not wonder at the discrepance which takes place in their congress with each other; if, in short, it is proper on this occasion to use the word congress. For we are not now surveying the congress of bodies, but of things which are entirely distinct from each other, according to peculiarity of hypostasis. Hence, also, this congress is different from everything which is usually surveyed in things essentially the same. Neither, therefore, is it temperament, or mixture, or conjunction, or apposition, but subsists in a way different from all these; appearing, indeed, in all the mutual participations of consubstantial natures, in whatever way this may be effected; but transcending everything that falls under the apprehension of sense. Hence, an intelligible essence is wholly present without interval, with all the parts of that which has interval, though they should happen to be infinite in number. Nor is it present distributed into parts, giving a part to a part; nor being multiplied, does it multitudinously impart itself to multitude; but it is wholly present with the parts of that which is extended into bulk, and with each individual of the multitude, and all the bulk impartibly, and without plurality, and as numerically one. But it pertains to those natures to enjoy it partibly, and in a distributed manner, whose power is dissipated into different parts. And to these it frequently happens, that through a defect of their own nature, they counterfeit an intelligible essence; so that doubts arise respecting that essence, which appears to have passed from its own nature into theirs.
36. Truly-existing being is neither great nor small, for magnitude and parvitude are properly the peculiarities of bulk. But true being |189 transcends both magnitude and parvitude; and is above the greatest, and above the least; and is numerically one and the same, though it is found to be simultaneously participated by everything that is greatest, and everything that is least. You must not, therefore, conceive of it as something which is greatest; as you will then be dubious how, being that which is greatest, it is present with the smallest masses without being diminished or contracted. Nor must you conceive of it as something which is least; since you will thus again be dubious how, being that which is least, it is present with the greatest masses without being multiplied or increased, or without receiving addition. But at one and the same time receiving into the greatest magnitude that which transcends the greatest bulk, and into the least magnitude that which transcends the least,28 you will be able to conceive how the same thing, abiding in itself, may be simultaneously seen in any causal magnitude, and in infinite multitudes and corporeal masses. For according to its own peculiarity, it is present with the magnitude of the world impartibly and without magnitude. It also antecedes the bulk of the world, and comprehends every part of it in its own impartibility; just as, vice versa, the world, by its multitude of parts, is multifariously present, as far as it is able, with truly existing being, yet cannot comprehend it, neither with the whole of its bulk, nor the whole of its power; but meets with it in all its parts as that which is infinite, and cannot be passed beyond; and this both in other respects, and because truly-existing being is entirely free from all corporeal extension.
37. That which is greater in bulk, is less in power when compared, not with things of a similar kind, but with those that are of a different species, or of a different essence. For bulk is, as it were, the departure of a thing from itself, and a division of power into the smallest parts. Hence, that which transcends in power, is foreign from all bulk. For power proceeding into itself, is filled with itself, and, by corroborating itself, obtains its proper strength; on which account, body proceeding into bulk through a diminution of power, is as much remote from truly |190 incorporeal being, as that which truly exists is from being exhausted by bulk; for the latter abides in the magnitude of the same power, through an exemption from bulk. As, therefore, truly existing being is, with reference to a corporeal mass, without magnitude and without bulk; thus also, that which is corporeal is, with reference to truly-existing being, imbecile and powerless. For that which is greatest by magnitude of power, is exempt from all bulk; so that the world existing every where, and, as it is said, meeting with real being which is truly every where, is not able to comprehend the magnitude of its power. It meets, however, with true being, which is not partibly present with it, but is present without magnitude, and without any definite limitation. The presence, therefore, of truly-existing being with the world, is not local, but assimilative, so far as it is possible for body to be assimilated to that which is incorporeal, and for that which is incorporeal to be surveyed in a body assimilated to it. Hence, an incorporeal nature is not present with body so far as it is not possible for that which is material to be assimilated to a perfectly immaterial nature; and it is present, so far as a corporeal can be assimilated to an incorporeal essence. Nevertheless, this is not effected through reception; since, if it were, each would be corrupted. For the material, indeed, in receiving the immaterial nature, would be corrupted, through being changed into it; and the immaterial essence would become material. Assimilations, therefore, and participations of powers, and the deficiency of power, proceed from things which are thus different in essence from each other, into each other. The world, therefore, is very far from possessing the power of real being; and real being is very remote from the imbecility of a material nature. But that which subsists between these, assimilating and being assimilated, and conjoining the extremes to each other, becomes the cause of deception about the extremes, in consequence of applying, through the assimilation, the one to the other.
38. Truly-existing being is said to be many things, not by a subsistence in different places, nor in the measures of bulk, nor by coacervation, nor by the circumscriptions or comprehensions 29 of divisible parts, but by a difference which is immaterial, without bulk, and without plurality, and which is divided according to multitude. Hence, also, it is one; not as one body, nor as one place; nor as one bulk; nor as one which is in |191 many things; because it is different so far as it is one, and its difference is both divided and united. For its difference is not externally acquired, nor adscititious, nor obtained through the participation of something else, but it is many things from itself. For, remaining one, it energizes with all energies, because, through sameness, it constitutes all difference; not being surveyed in the difference of one thing with respect to another, as is the case in bodies. For, on the contrary, in these, unity subsists in difference; because diversity has in them a precedaneous existence; but the unity which they contain is externally and adscititiously derived. For in truly-existing being, indeed, unity, and sameness precede; but difference is generated from this unity, being energetic. Hence, true being is multiplied in impartiality; but body is united in multitude and bulk. The former also is established in itself subsisting in itself according to unity; but the latter is never in itself, because it receives its hypostasis in an extension of existence. The former, therefore, is an all-energetic one; but the latter is a united multitude. Hence, it is requisite to explore how the former is one and different; and again, how the latter is multitude and one. Nor must we transfer the peculiarities of the one to those which pertain to the other.
39. It is not proper to think that the multitude of souls was generated on account of the multitude of bodies; but it is necessary to admit that, prior to bodies, there were many souls, and one soul (the cause of the many). Nor does the one and whole soul prevent the subsistence in it of many souls; nor do the multitude of souls distribute by division the one soul into themselves. For they are distinct from, but are not abscinded from the soul, which ranks as a whole; nor do they distribute into minute parts this whole soul into themselves. They are also present with each other without confusion; nor do they produce the whole soul by coacervation. For they are not separated from each other by any boundaries; nor, again, are they confused with each other; just as neither are many sciences confused in one soul (by which they are possessed). For these sciences do not subsist in the soul like bodies, as things of a different essence from it; but they are certain energies of the soul. For the nature of soul possesses an infinite power. Everything also that occurs in it is soul; and all souls are (in a certain respect) one; and again, the soul which ranks as a whole is different from all the rest. For as bodies, though divided to infinity, do not end in that which is incorporeal, but alone receive a difference of segments according to bulk; thus also soul, being a vital form, may be conceived to consist of forms ad infinitum. For it possesses specific differences, and the whole of it subsists together with or without these. For if there is in the soul that |192 which is, as it were, a part divided from the rest of the parts, yet, at the same time that there is difference, the sameness remains. If, however, in bodies, in which difference predominates over sameness, nothing incorporeal when it accedes cuts off the union, but all the parts remain essentially united, and are divided by qualities and other forms; what ought we to assert and conceive of a specific incorporeal life, in which sameness is more prevalent than difference; to which nothing foreign to form is subjected, and from which the union of bodies is derived? Nor does body, when it becomes connected with soul, cut off its union, though it is an impediment to its energies in many respects. But the sameness of soul produces and discovers all things through itself, through its specific energy, which proceeds to infinity; since any part of it whatever is capable of effecting all things, when it is liberated and purified from a conjunction with bodies; just as any part of seed possesses the power of the whole seed. As, however, seed, when it is united with matter, predominates over it, according to each of the productive principles which the seeds contain; and all the seed, its power being collected into one, possesses the whole of its power in each of the parts; thus also, in the immaterial soul, that which may be conceived as a part, has the power of the whole soul. But that part of it which verges to matter is vanquished, indeed, by the form to which it verges, and yet is adapted to associate with immaterial form, though it is connected with matter, when withdrawing itself from a material nature, it is converted to itself. Since, however, through verging to matter, it becomes in want of all things, and suffers an emptiness of its proper power; but when it is elevated to intellect, is found to possess a plenitude of all its powers; hence those who first obtained a knowledge of this plenitude of the soul, very properly indicated its emptiness by calling it poverty, and its fullness by denominating it satiety. |193
SECTION THREE
40. The ancients, wishing to exhibit to us the peculiarity of incorporeal being, so far as this can be effected by words, when they assert that it is one, immediately add, that it is likewise all things; by which they signified that it is not some one 30 of the things which are known by the senses. Since, however, we suspect that this incorporeal one is different from sensibles, in consequence of not perceiving this total one, which is all things according to one, in a sensible nature, and which is so because this one is all things; - hence the ancients added, that it is one so far as one; in order that we might understand that what is all things in truly existing being, is something uncompounded, and that we might withdraw ourselves from the conception of a coacervation. When likewise they say that it is every where, they add that it is no where. When also they assert that it is in all things, they add, that it is no where in everything. Thus, too, when they say, that it is in all things, and in every divisible nature which is adapted to receive it, they add, that it is a whole in a whole. And, in short, they render it manifest to us, through contrary peculiarities; at one and the same time assuming these, in order that we may exterminate from the apprehension of it, the fictitious conceptions which are derived from bodies, and which obscure the cognoscible peculiarities of real being.
41. When you have assumed an eternal essence, infinite in itself according to power, and begin to perceive intellectually an hypostasis unwearied, untamed, and never-failing, but transcending in the most pure and genuine life, and full from itself; and which is likewise established in itself, satisfied with, and seeking nothing but itself: - to this essence, if you add a subsistence in place, or a relation to a certain thing, at the same time that you (appear to) diminish it, by ascribing to it, an indigence of place, or a relative condition of being, you do not (in reality) diminish this essence, but you separate yourself from the perception of it, by receiving as a veil the phantasy which runs under your conjectural apprehension of it. For you cannot pass beyond, or |194 stop, or render more perfect, or effect the least change in a thing of this kind, because it is impossible for it to be in the smallest degree deficient. For it is much more never-failing than any perpetually flowing fountain can be conceived to be. If, however, you are unable to keep pace with it, and to become assimilated to the intelligible All, you should not investigate any thing pertaining to real being; or, if you do, you will deviate from the path that leads to it, and will look to something else. But if you investigate nothing else, being established in yourself and your own essence, you will be assimilated to the intelligible Universe, and will not adhere to any thing posterior to it. Neither, therefore, should you say, I am of a great magnitude. For omitting this greatness, you will become universal; though you were universal prior to this. But, together with the universal, something else was present with you, and you became less by the addition; because the addition was not from truly-existing being. For to that you cannot add any thing. When, therefore, any thing is added from non-being, a place is afforded to Poverty as an associate, accompanied by an indigence of all things. Hence, dismissing non-being, you will then become sufficient to yourself.31 For he will not return properly to himself who does not dismiss things of a more vile and abject nature, and who opines himself to be something naturally small, and not to be such as he truly is. For thus he, at one and the same time, departs both from himself, and from truly-existing being. When, also, any one is present with that which is present in himself, then he is present with true being, which is every where. But when you withdraw from yourself, then, likewise, you recede from real being; - of such great consequence is it for a man to be present with that which is present with himself, (i.e., with his rational part), and to be absent from that which is external to him.
If, however, true being is present with us, but non-being is absent, and real being is not present with us in conjunction with other things (of a nature foreign to it); it does not accede in order that it may be present, but we depart from it, when it is not present (with things of a different nature). And why should this be considered as wonderful? For you when present are not absent from yourself, and yet you are not present with yourself, though present. And you are both present with and absent from yourself when you survey other things, and omit to behold yourself. If, therefore, you are thus present, and yet not (in reality) |195 present with yourself, and on this account are ignorant of yourself, and in a greater degree discover all things, though remote from your essence, than yourself, with which you are naturally present, why should you wonder if that which is not present is remote from you who are remote from it, because you have become remote from yourself? For, by how much the more you are (truly) present with yourself, though it is present, and inseparably conjoined with you, by so much the more will you be present with real being, which is so essentially united to you, that it is as impossible for it to be divulsed from you, as for you to be separated from yourself. So that it is universally possible to know what is present with real being, and what is absent from it, though it is every where present, and again is also no where. For those who are able to proceed into their own essence intellectually, and to obtain a knowledge of it, will, in the knowledge itself, and the Science accompanying this knowledge, be able to recover or regain themselves, through the union of that which knows with that which is known. And with those, who are present with themselves, truly-existing being will also be present. But from such as abandon the proper being of themselves to other things, - from these, as they are absent from themselves, true being will also be absent. If, however, we are naturally adapted to be established in the same essence, to be rich from ourselves, and not to descend to that which we are not; in so doing becoming in want of ourselves, and thus again associating with Poverty, though Porus 32 or Plenty is present:-and if we are cut off from real being, from which we are not separated either by place, or essence, nor by any thing else, through our conversion to non-being, we suffer as a just punishment of our abandonment of true being, a departure from, and ignorance of ourselves. And again, by a proper attention to we recover ourselves, and become united to Divinity. It is, therefore, rightly said, that the soul is confined in body as in a prison, and is there detained in chains like a fugitive slave.33 We should, however, (earnestly) endeavour to be liberated from our bonds. For, through being converted to these |196 sensible objects, we desert ourselves, though we are of a divine origin, and are, as Empedocles says,
"Heaven's exiles, straying from the orb of light."
So that every depraved life is full of servitude; and on this account is without from God and unjust, the spirit in it being full of impiety, and consequently of injustice. And thus again, it is rightly said, that justice is to be found in the performance of that which is the province of him who performs it. The image also of true justice consists in distributing to each of those with whom we live, that which is due to the desert of each.
42. That which possesses its existence in another (i.e., in something different from itself), and is not essentialized in itself, separably from another, if it should be converted to itself, in order to know itself, without that in which it is essentialized, withdrawing itself from it, would be corrupted by this knowledge, in consequence of separating itself from its essence. But that which is able to know itself without the subject in which it exists, and is able to withdraw itself from this subject without the destruction of itself, cannot be essentialized in that, from which it is capable of converting itself to itself without being corrupted, and of knowing itself by its own energies. Hence, if sight, and every sensitive power, neither perceives itself, nor apprehends or preserves itself by separating itself from body; but intellect, when it separates itself from body, then especially perceives intellectually, is converted to itself, and is not corrupted; - it is evident that the sensitive powers obtain the power of energizing through the body; but that intellect possesses its energies and its essence not in body, but in itself.
43. Incorporeal natures are properly denominated and conceived to be what they are, according to a privation of body; just as, according to the ancients, matter, and the form which is in matter, and also natures and (physical) powers, are apprehended by an abstraction from matter. And after the same manner, place, time, and the boundaries of things are apprehended. For all such things are denominated according to a privation of body. There are likewise other things which are said to be incorporeal improperly, not according to a privation of body, but, in |197 short, because they are not naturally adapted to generate body.34 Hence those of the former signification subsist in bodies; but those of the second are perfectly separated from bodies, and from those incorporeal natures which subsist about bodies. For bodies, indeed, are in place, and boundaries are in body. But intellect, and intellectual reason, neither subsist in place nor in body; nor proximately give existence to bodies, nor subsist together with bodies, or with those incorporeal natures which are denominated according to a privation of bodies. Neither, therefore, if a certain incorporeal vacuum should be conceived to exist, would it be possible for intellect to be in a vacuum. For a vacuum may be the recipient of body; but it is impossible that it should be the recipient of Intellect, and afford a place for its energy. Since, however, the genus of an incorporeal nature appears to be twofold, one of these the followers of Zeno do not at all admit, but they adopt the other; and perceiving that the former is not such as the latter, they entirely subvert it, though they ought rather to conceive that it is of another genus, and not to fancy that, because it is not the latter, it has no existence.
44. Intellect and the intelligible are one thing, and sense and that which is sensible another. And the intelligible, indeed, is conjoined with intellect, but that which is sensible with sense. Neither, however, can sense by itself apprehend itself. * * * But the intelligible, which is conjoined with intellect, and intellect, which is conjoined with the intelligible, by no means fall under the perception of sense. Intellect, however, is intelligible to intellect. But if intellect is the intelligible object of intellect, intellect will be its own intelligible object. If, therefore, intellect is an intellectual and not a sensible object, it will be intelligible. But if it is intelligible to intellect and not to sense, it will also be intelligent. The same thing, therefore, will be that which is intelligent, or intellectually perceives, and which is intellectually perceived, or is intelligible; and this will be true of the whole with respect to the whole; but not as he who rubs, and he who is rubbed. |198 Intellect, therefore, does not intellectually perceive by one part, and is intellectually perceived by another: for it is impartible, and the whole is an intelligible object of the whole. It is likewise wholly intellect, having nothing in itself which can be conceived to be deprived of intelligence. Hence one part of it does not intellectually perceive, but not another part of it.35 For so far as it does not intellectually perceive, it will be unintelligent. Neither, therefore, departing from this thing, does it pass on to that. For of that from which it departs, it has no intellectual perception. But if there is no transition in its intellections, it intellectually perceives all things at once.
If, therefore, it understands all things at once, and not this thing now but, another afterwards, it understands all things instantaneously and always. * * * 36
Hence, if all things are instantaneously perceived by it, its perceptions have nothing to do with the past and the future, but subsist in an indivisible untemporal now; so that the simultaneous, both according to multitude, and according to temporal interval, is present with intellect. Hence, too, all things subsist in it according to one, and in one, without interval, and without time. But if this be the case, there is nothing discursive or transitive in its intellections, and consequently they are without motion. Hence, they are energies according to one, subsisting in one, and without increase or mutation, or any transition. If, however, the multitude subsists according to one, and the energy is collected together at once, and without time, an essence of this kind must necessarily always subsist in (an intelligible) one. But this is eternity. Hence, eternity is present with intellect. That nature, however, which does not perceive intellectually according to one, and in one, but transitively, and with motion, so that in understanding it leaves one thing and apprehends another, divides and proceeds discursively, - this nature (which is soul) subsists in conjunction with time. For with a motion of this kind, the future and the past are consubsistent. But soul, changing its conceptions, passes from one thing to another; not that the prior conceptions depart, and the posterior |199 accede in their place, but there is, as it were, a transition of the former, though they remain in the soul, and the latter accede, as if from some other place. They do not, however, accede in reality from another place; but they appear to do so in consequence of the self-motion of the soul, and through her eye being directed to a survey of the different forms which she contains, and which have the relation of parts to her whole essence. For she resembles a fountain not flowing outwardly, but circularly scattering its streams into itself. With the motion, therefore, of soul, time is consubsistent; but eternity is consubsistent with the permanency of intellect in itself.37 It is not, however, divided from intellect in the same manner as time is from soul; because in intellect the consubsistent essences are united. But that which is perpetually moved is the source of a false opinion of eternity, through the immeasurable extent of its motion producing a conception of eternity. And that which abides (in one) is falsely conceived to be the same with that which is (perpetually) moved. For that which is perpetually moved, evolves the time of itself in the same manner as the now of itself, and multiplies it, according to a temporal progression. Hence, some have apprehended that time is to be surveyed in permanency no less than in motion; and that eternity, as we have said, is infinite time; just as if each of these imparted its own properties to the other; time, which is always moved, adumbrating eternity by the perpetuity of itself, and the sameness of its motion; and eternity, through being established in sameness of energy, becoming similar to time, by the permanency of itself arising from energy. In sensibles, however, the time of one thing is distinct from that of another. Thus, for instance, there is one time of the sun, and another of the moon, one time of the morning star, and another of each of the planets. Hence, also, there is a different year of different planets. The year, likewise, which comprehends these times, terminates as in a summit in the motion of the soul (of the universe,) according to the imitation of which the celestial orbs are moved. The motion of this soul, however, being of a different nature from that of the planets, the time of the former also is different from that of the latter. For the latter subsists with interval, and is distinguished from the former by local motions and transitions.
[Footnotes moved to the end and numbered]
1. * In the original Ου το ποιουν εις αλλο, πελασει και αφῃ ποιει, α ποιει, κ.τ.λ. But it is evident from the sense of the whole passage, that, for Ου το ποιουν we should read Ου παν το ποιουν, κ.τ.λ.
2. * The article ο is wanting here in the original before ετερος.
3. + Knowledge subsists conformably to the nature by which it is possessed, and not conformably to the thing known. Hence it is either better than, or co-ordinate with, or inferior to the object of knowledge. Thus the rational soul has a knowledge of sensibles, which is superior to sensibles; but it knows itself with a co-ordinate knowledge; and its knowledge of Divinity is inferior to the object of knowledge. Porphyry, therefore, is not correct in what he here says. This dogma respecting the conformity of knowledge to that which knows, rather than to the thing known, originated from the divine Iamblichus, as we are informed by Ammonius in his commentary on Aristotle's treatise De Interpretatione, and is adopted by Proclus (In Parmenid.). Boetius likewise employs it in his reasoning in lib. V about the prescience of Divinity. None of his commentators, however, have noticed the source from whence it was derived.
4. * Because here the generator is that primarily which the thing generated is secondarily. See my translation of Proclus' Theological Elements.
5. * Porphyry here summarily comprehends the rational gnostic powers of the soul in intellect, because, being rational, they are expansions of intellect properly so called. But these powers, beginning from the lowest, are opinion, dianoia, and the summit of dianoia, which summit is the intellect of the human soul, and is that power, by the light of which we perceive the truth of axioms, it being intuitive perception. Dianoia is the discursive energy of reason; or it is that power which reasons scientifically, deriving the principles of its reasoning from intellect. And opinion is that power which knows that a thing is, but is ignorant of the cause of it, or why it is.
6. * In the original, ει δε μη εζω εκτεινομενος but for ει δε μη, it appears to me to be obviously necessary to read ουδε μη.
7. + In the original, εζω δε οντων υλης, ουδαμον αν ειν ταυτα; which Holstenius, wholly mistaking the meaning, most erroneously translates: "At si extra materiam sint, neutiquam id fieri poterit." Farther on, Porphyry asserts that God, intellect, and soul, are nowhere, according to corporeal locality.
8. § In the original, η μνημη ουκ εστι φαντασιων σωτηρια, αλλα των μελετηθεντων προβαλλεσθαι εκ νεας προβληματα. But for προβληματα, I read προλημματα. This power, by which Porphyry characterizes memory, is of a stable nature. And hence memory is stability of knowledge, in the same manner as immortality is stability of life and eternity stability of being.
9. * See the notes on the rd book of my translation of Aristotle's treatise on the soul, and also my translation of Plotinus on Felicity. "The phantasy," says Olympiodorus (in Platonis Phaed.), "is an impediment to our intellectual conceptions; and hence, when we are agitated by the inspiring influence of divinity, if the phantasy intervenes, the enthusiastic energy ceases: for enthusiasm and the phantasy are contrary to each other. Should it be asked, whether the soul is able to energize without the phantasy? We reply that its perception of universals proves that it is able. It has perceptions, therefore, independent of the phantasy; at the same time, however, the phantasy attends it in its energies, just as a storm pursues him who sails on the sea."
10. + The analogy of the soul to harmony, is more accurately unfolded as follows, by Olympiodorus, in his commentary on the Phaedo of Plato, than it is in this place by Porphyry: "Harmony has a triple subsistence. For it is either harmony itself, or it is that which is first harmonized, and which is such according to the whole of itself; or it is that which is secondarily harmonized, and which partially participates of harmony. The first of these must be assigned to intellect, the second to soul, and the third to body. This last, too, is corruptible, because it subsists in a subject; but the other two are incorruptible, because they are neither composites, nor dependent on a subject. Hence the rational soul is analogous to a musician, but the animated body to harmonized chords; for the former has a subsistence separate, but the latter inseparable from the musical instrument."
11. * What Porphyry here says about matter is derived from the treatise of Plotinus On the Impassivity of Incorporeal Natures, to my translation of which I refer the reader.
12. + See my translation of the before mentioned treatise of Plotinus.
13. * For τα οντα here, I read τα αυτα.
14. + Hence it is beautifully said in the Clavis of Hermes Trismegistus, "that the knowledge of the good (or the supreme principle of things), is a divine silence, and the quiescence of all the senses." See also on this subject, a most admirable extract from Damascius, περι αρχων, at the end of the third volume of my Plato.
15. * For that which is truly incorporeal, is every where virtually, i.e., in power and efficacy, but is no where locally.
16. * For μερισταις here, I read μερικαις. For Porphyry is here speaking of essences which are opposed to such as rank as wholes, as is evident from the whole of this paragraph.
17. + The primary natures of which Porphyry is now speaking, are rational partial souls, such as ours; for the natures superior to these, are never converted to beings posterior to themselves.
18. § For αυτου, isthic, I read, αυτος.
19. * In the original, και ψυχη εν νῳ τε και θεῳ πανταχου, και ουδαμον εν σωματι, but it appears to be necessary to read, και ψυχη εν νῳ τε και θεῳ, και πανταχου ουδαμον εν σοματι.
20. + και εν νῳ is omitted in the original, but ought to be inserted, as is evident from the version of Holstenius.
21. § Sect. 31. The irrational life is a thing of this kind, which is partly separable and partly inseparable from body. Hence, so far as it is inseparable from body, it partakes of the every where; but, so far as it is separable, of the no where.
22. ¶ i.e.: The animal spirit, or pneumatic soul, in which the rational soul suffers her punishments in Hades.
23. * i.e. That part of the Soul which is the source of all-various desires.
24. + This philosophic apathy is not, as is stupidly supposed by most of the present day, insensibility, but a perfect subjugation of the passions to reason.
25. * The words και δικαιοσυνη are omitted in the original. But it is evident from the treatise of Plotinus On the Virtues, that they ought to be inserted. For what Porphyry says in this Section about the virtues, is derived from that treatise.
26. * Instead of κατ̕ αυτην, here, it is necessary to read κατ αισθησιν.
27. + Conformably to this, as we have before observed, Aristotle says in the th Book of his Nicomachean Ethics, "that corporeal pleasures are remedies against pain, and that they fill up the indigence of nature, but perfect no energy of the rational soul."
28. * In the original, αλλα το εχβεβηκος τον μεγιστον ογκον, εις το μεγιστον, και τον ελαχιστον εις το ελαχιστον, αμα λαβων, κ.τ.λ. This Holstenius most erroneously translates, "verum id quod maximam molem intervallo maximo, et minimam minimo excedit simul sumens, &c." For a truly incorporeal nature, such as that of which Porphyry is now speaking, has nothing to do with interval, and therefore does not by interval surpass either the greatest or the least corporeal mass; but is received transcendently by the greatest and the least magnitude.
29. * For διαληψεσιν, here, I read καταληψεσιν, and Holstenius also has in this place comprehensionibus.
30. * In the original, καθο εν τι των κατ̕ αισθησιν συνεγνωσμενων; but it appears to me to be necessary after καθο, to insert the words ουκ εστιν. For incorporeal being is not like some one of the things which are known by the senses, because no one of these is one, and, at the same time, all things. Holstenius did not perceive the necessity of this emendation, as is evident from his version of the passage.
31. * Immediately after this something is wanting in the original (as is from the asterisks), which, as it appears to me, no conjecture can appropriately supply.
32. * In the original και δια τουτων παλιν τῃ πενιᾳ συνειναι καιπερ παροντος αυτου. But for αυτου, I read πορον; as it appears to me that Porphyry is here alluding to what is said by Diotima in the Banquet of Plato concerning the parents of Love, viz., that they are Poverty and Porus or plenty.
33. + See the Phaedo of Plato. But something is here wanting in the original, as is evident not only from the asterisks, but from the want of connection in the words themselves.
34. * i.e.: - They are not adapted to be the immediate causes of body, because they are perfectly separated from it. The original is ηδη δε ην αλλα καταχρησ ικως λεγομευα ασωματα, ουκατα σ ερησιν σωματος, κατα δε ολως μη πεφυκεναι γεννᾳν σωμα. Holstenius, not understanding what is here said by Porphyry, translates the words κατα δε ολως μη πεφυκεναι γεννᾳν σωμα "sed quod nullum omnino corpus generare possunt." For Porphyry, as is evident from what immediately follows, is here speaking of natures which are perfectly separated from bodies and which are therefore not naturally adapted to be the immediate generators of them, not through any deficiency, but through transcendency of power.
35. * In the original διο ουχι τοδε μεν εαυτου νοει, τοδε δε ου νοει which Holstenius erroneously translates "Ideoque non quidem unam sui partem intelligit, alteram vero non intelligit." For Porphyry is not here speaking of intellect surveying its parts, but of its being wholly intellective. This is evident from what immediately follows.
36. + The asterisks in the original denote something is wanting. Nevertheless, what immediately follows them, is evidently connected with what immediately precedes.
37. * See the fourth book of my translation of Proclus, on the Timaeus of Plato, in which the nature of time and eternity is most admirably unfolded. See also my translation of Plotinus on Eternity and Time. In these works, what both these divine men have said of eternity, and what the former has said of time, contains, as it appears to me, the ne plus ultra of philosophical investigation on these most abstruse subjects.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2007. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts
SOURCE SECTION: porphyry_isagogue_01_intro.htm
Porphyry, Introduction (or Isagoge) to the logical Categories of Aristotle. Preface to the online edition
Porphyry, Introduction (or Isagoge) to the logical Categories of Aristotle. Preface to the online edition
Greek manuscripts
Latin manuscripts
Oriental manuscripts
The Isagoge was composed by Porphyry in Sicily during the years 268-270, and sent to Chrysaorium, according to all the ancient commentators Ammonius, Elias, and David. Porphyry was in Sicily recovering from the suicidal depression into which he fell while living with Plotinus in Rome. It contains a short introduction to the logical categories (Organon) of Aristotle; how abstract ideas are to be classified.
The work was very popular in the middle ages, and the Arbor Porphyrianae of Aquinas was derived from it. Its authority grew down the centuries, and it was still in use in textbooks in the Orient at the end of the 19th century.
The exact title of the work is not clear. Three titles come down to us:
In the most recent manuscripts it is given as αἱ πέντε φωναι, or περὶ πέντε πωνῶν.
In the Suda, among the list of works by Porphyry, it is entitled Περὶ Γένους καὶ Εἴδους καὶ Διαφορᾶς καὶ Ἰδίου καὶ Σομβεβηκότος.
Doxopater says καὶ λέγομεν, ὅτι ὥσπερ πέντε φωνὰς τοῦ Πορφυρίου ἐν τῇ Εἰσαγογῇ διδάσκοντος γένος διαφορὰν εἰδος ἴδιον σομβεβηκός, σκοπὸν ἕνα τοῦ τοιύτου βιβλίου οἰ ἐξηγούμενοι αὐτὸ ἀποδεδώκθασιν....
So popular a work is extant in a large number of manuscripts, and in several languages. All the Greek manuscripts derive from a single copy, written after the work was translated by Boethius. One copyist changed in his copy every reference to θεὸς (god) to ἄγγελος (angel).
Greek Manuscripts
There are 25 manuscripts of the Greek text. The manuscripts fall into two families, one better and one less so. A, B, L, M form the better family; C is the best of the inferior family, which ultimately was used for the Aldine printed text.
Siglum
Location
Shelfmark & Notes
Date /
Century
A
Urbinas 35. Parchment, large quarto, 440 folios. Written by Arethas of Caesarea in a distinctive hand. Very clearly written. Fol. 1-20 contain the Isagoge. Excellent very clear marginalia. 9(end) - 10 (start)
B Paris, BNF. Coislin 387. Parchment, quarto. 10th century according to the catalogue, but Bruns thought 11th. Brought from Mt. Athos. 241 folios. 42r-54r contain the Isagoge. Preceded by preface and commentary of Elias. Followed f.54v-108 by another commentary. Some scholia. The iota subscript is everywhere omitted. 10 (catalogue), or 11
C Paris, BNF. Coislin 330. Parchment, quarto. 305 folios. f. r-17r contain the Isagoge, the remainder is the Organon of Aristotle, to which it is the introduction. No scholia. 11
D Munich Monacensis 222. Bombycine, quarto. 242 folios. f.1- r contain Ammonius preface to the Isagoge. Ff. v-32r contain the Isagoge with scholia from Ammonius and Photius filling margins and some whole pages. Ff. 33-240 contain the Organon of Aristotle. ff. 241-2 contain a brief text entitled Porphyry on the 10 categories but which is probably Byzantine. The text is in Busse. The manuscript is derived from a copy of the inferior family of the text. There are corrections. 13 or 14
E Munich Monacensis Aug. 475. Bombycine, quarto. 304 folios, containing Isagoge and Organon. ff.1-3 and 10-22 contain the Isagoge. First folio is of parchment, added later. ff.4-9 were added later. r- r are excerpts from David; v-9v are another copy of the start of the Isagoge from some other codex. The codex is very carefully written, with few instances of homoeoteleuton. Many corrections in a second hand; additional 'corrections' in a third hand from an inferior manuscript. Belongs to the better family of mss. No scholia on the Isagoge. 13, more likely 14.
F Florence Florentinus Badiae 193. Bombycine, containing the Isagoge and the Organon. Isagoge 1.1-3.18 written by a later hand from an inferior manuscript. Belongs to the better family of mss. Carelessly written. Corrections in the scribe's hand and in a second hand in the margins and above the line. 14
G Paris, BNF. Parisinus Graecus 1971. Parchment, 32x23 cms. Most of it was written by various hands in the 13th century, but f.2 and ff.127-136 are 14th century. The Isagoge is ff.1-10. Followed by the Organon. Belongs to the lesser family, except f.2 which belongs to the good family. Seems to be the manuscript used to 'correct' E by the third hand. 13, some written in 14
H Paris, BNF. Parisinus Graecus 1972. Bombycine, large. Contains Isagoge and Organon, with scholia by Leo Magentinus. Isagoge ff. v-33v. 13
N Paris, BNF. Coislin 157. Parchment. Mutilated at the start. Isagoge and Organon. 13 or 14
J Paris, BNF Parisinus Graecus 1843. Bombycine, quarto. Belongs to the lesser family, with many corruptions. 14, perhaps 13.
K Paris, BNF Parisinus Graecus 1973. Bombycine, 28x22cms. The Isagoge is on ff. r-9v. Some good readings, but generally belongs to the inferior family, with many corruptions. 14, possibly 15.
L Florence, Mediceo-Laurentian Florentinus Laurentianus 72,5. Parchment, large. The Isagoge is on ff. 7-21. Many ornate scholia in three hands in the margin. The oldest scholia (saec. XI) agree with material in the commentary of Elias in B. Other scholia are later. 11
M Milan, Ambrosian Ambrosianus L. 93 sup. Parchment. Contains Isagoge, then a life of Aristotle, then the Organon. No scholia on the Isagoge. Same family as O and V. 10
O Paris, BNF. Parisinus Graecus 2051. Bombycine, 24x16cms. The Isagoge is on ff.51r-66r, following the commentary of Ammonius on the Isagoge. Same family as M and V. Seems to be a copy of V, since marginal corrections in V appear on the line in the text. 14
V Vienna Vindobonensis Graecus 139. Paper, quarto. Folios 1-4 preface of Ammonius, Isagoge begins on f. r. Same family as M and O. Some good readings, but much interpolated. 14
P Paris, BNF. Parisinus Graecus 2086. Bombycine. 24x18cms. Torn and damaged by damp. Some letters have disappeared and been inked over by a later hand. Isagoge on ff.1-16, but ff.8-9 are later replacements, from a good family but much 'corrected' with corruptions. No scholia, corrections written above the line. 15 (might be 14).
Venice, Marcianus Marcianus 201. Parchment, small folio. Date given by subscriptio. 183 ff. Mostly logical works of Aristotle. Isagoge on ff. r-9r. On folio 1 the first part has been erased and rewritten omitting various corruptions, sometime in the 14-15th century. Related to A but cannot be a copy, as has readings in common with B and L. Corrected from an inferior ms. Used as the basis for the Aldine printed text. November 955 AD.
RI Venice, Marcianus Marcianus 202. Paper, small. Mostly written in the 14th century, but the Isagoge written in the 15th. The Isagoge begins on f.92r. 15
RII Paris, BNF. Parisinus Graecus 1928. Paper, 27x21cms. Isagoge begins f. 34v. Also contains commentary of Ammonius. 15
RIII Paris, BNF. Parisinus Graecus 1974. Paper, 29x20cms. Isagoge is ff.20r-37r, after preface of Ammonius. 15
RIV Paris, BNF. Parisinus Graecus 1975. Paper, 29x22cms. Isagoge is ff. r-12v. 16
RV Paris, BNF. Parisinus Graecus 2085. Paper, 22x16cms. Isagoge begins f. r. 16 (end of)
RVI Paris, BNF. Parisinus Graecus 2120. Paper, 165x115cms. Badly written. 16
RVII Paris, BNF. Parisinus Graecus 2511. Paper. Isagoge starts f.298r. Grammatical scholia in margin. 15 or 16
Munich. Monacensis 493. Paper, quarto. Copied from the Aldine printed edition. 15
The Aldine edition was printed at Venice in November 1495, and contained the Isagoge followed by the Organon.
Latin Manuscripts
The oldest translation was made by Marius Victorinus, to which Boethius refers. However in many places Victorinus did not understand the text and paraphrased. Nothing of this has come down to us, except as in Boethius' version. All the manuscripts are of the latter version.
Siglum
Location
Shelfmark & Notes
Date /
Century
A
Paris, BNF. Parisinus Latinus 11129 (previously Suppl. lat. 1331 D). Parchment, quarto. The Isagoge begins on f. 92r, with the title Anicii malii severini boecii in ysagogas porphirii a se translatae editionis secundae liber primus incipit. 11, perhaps 10
B Munich Monacensis 4621. Parchment, quarto. Isagoge begins on f. 80v. 11 & 12
C Munich Monacensis 6403. Parchment, quarto. 11
D Paris, BNF. Parisinus Latinus 6400. Paper. 15
E Paris, BNF. Parisinus Latinus 6288 (once Colbertinus). Parchment. 10
L Florence, Mediceo-Laurenziana Laurentianus 89 sup. 80. Parchment, quarto. Ff. 1-13 contain the Isagoge, ff.14-72 the commentary on it of Boethius in three books. 11
P Florence, bibl. S. Crucis Ms. 11. sin. 5. Parchment, quarto. Isagoge on f. 1-6 without a title. 13
Q Florence, Mediceo-Laurenziana Laurentianus 89 sup. 76. Parchment, quarto. Isagoge on f.4-10 without a title. 13
M Florence, bibl. S. Crucis Ms. 11. sin. 1. Parchment, quarto. f.1-11, Isagoge without a title. Related to L. 13
N Florence, bibl. S. Crucis Ms. 11. sin. 2. Parchment, quarto. f.1-8, Isagoge without a title. Derived from M. Careless copying. 13
O Florence, bibl. S. Crucis Ms. 11. sin. 3. Parchment, quarto. f.1-10, Isagoge without a title. Derived from M. Related to S, possibly to Q. 13
S Florence, bibl. S. Crucis Ms. 11. sin. 7. Parchment, quarto. f.1-5, Isagoge without a title. Derived from M. Related to O, possibly to Q. 13 (end)
T Florence, Mediceo-Laurenziana Laurentianus 71,14. Parchment, quarto. ff.44-51, Isagoge without a title. A poor quality text. 15
Oriental Manuscripts
Three Syriac translations of the Isagoge are known.
The first was made from the Greek by Athanasius of Balad. He was a pupil of Severus Sebokht at the monastery of Kinnesrin (ancient Chalcis), where he made the translation, then went to the convent of Malchus, and eventually became the monophysite patriarch. A copy is extant written in 645 AD according to the manuscript, Ms. Vaticanus Syr. 158. This has the title:ܐܝܣܓܘ ܓܝ ܕܦܪܦܪܝܘܣ ܥܠ ܚܡܫ ܒܢܬ ܩܠܐ i.e. Isagoge of Porphyry on five terms. Following it is a treatise on the same subject.
A second translation was made from Greek by Hunain ibn Ishaq. Copies are found in the Medicean library in Florence, in the Palatine collection, codices 176, 183 and 196. A third translation with no translator specified exists in Paris, BNF Syr. 161, and in the Escorial library in Madrid, cod. 652.
NOTE (7/4/17): I have received an email from Daniel King at Cardiff University, with corrections to this information. It seems that there are in fact only two Syriac versions:
- an anonymous version made probably in the th century, fully extant only in BL Add.14658 and partly in BL Add.14618
- a revision made by Athanasius of Balad (details as per yr website)
The item on the website about a version by Hunayn is probably false. The ancient catalogues of those Florence mss claimed the author was Hunayn but this is very unlikely. The ms Florence Laur. 176 (these days the Florence mss have a different numbering system, by the way) is actually a copy of part of Bar Hebraeus' Cream of Wisdom, which was his summary/commentary on Aristotelian logic. The other 2 Florence mss mentioned are both copies of Athanasius of Balad's translation.
Also the mss mentioned for you 'third translation' are just more copies of Athanasius' version.
An Arabic translation was made by Bar-Hebraeus. His own copy of this, together with the categories of Aristotle, and other works and the Book of the eye is in the Vatican library. Another copy of this translation is in Paris. Or. 908. Another translation, by an unnamed author, exists in Vienna in the Palatine collection, Ms. 69. There are many Arabic commentaries on the work, listed by Wenrich.
NOTE: Dr King comments:
The first Arabic version appears to be that of Al-Dimashqi. Now this must have been made from a Syriac since Dimashqi did not read Greek, but whether it was based on Athanasius' would require further research.
I am not sure what is meant by BarHebraeus' "translation" mentioned on the website info, but I suspect that arose as a misunderstanding from a catalogue entry. He certainly wrote about it but not, I think, a translation. By his day, there were already multiple Arabic versions in circulation.
An Armenian translation exists, with the commentary of David, and two copies are in Paris, BNF., Ms. Armen. 105 and 106.
Bibliography
A. BUSSE, Porphyrii Isagoge et in Aristoteles Categorias Commentarium. Berlin (1887). The main source used for manuscript information on this page.
H. WENRICH, De auctorum Graecorum versionibus et commentariis Syriacis, Arabicis, Armeniacis, Persisque commentatio. Lipsiae (1842), pp.280-286.
This text was written or translated by Roger Pearse, 2007. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using unicode. Syriac is also in unicode, using the Serto Jerusalem font from Beth Mardutho.
Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts